Philosophy of art assignment
1
Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?
by LINDA NOCHLIN
While the recent upsurge of feminist activity in this country has indeed been a
liberating one, its force has been chiefly emotional--personal, psychological, and
subjective--centered, like the other radical movements to which it is related, on the
present and its immediate needs, rather than on historical analysis of the basic intellectual issues which the feminist attack on the status quo automatically raises.
Like any revolution. however, the feminist one ultimately must come to grips with the
intellectual and ideological basis of the various intellectual or scholarly disciplines--
history, philosophy, sociology, psychology, etc.--in the same way that it questions the
ideologies of present social institutions. If, as John Stuart Mill suggested, we tend to
accept whatever is as natural, this is just as true in the realm of academic investigation
as it is in our social arrangements. In the former, too, "natural" assumptions must be
questioned and the mythic basis of much so-called fact brought to light. And it is here
that the very position of woman as an acknowledged outsider, the maverick "she"
instead of the presumably neutral "one"--in reality the white-male-position-accepted-
as-natural, or the hidden "he" as the subject of all scholarly predicates--is a decided advantage, rather than merely a hindrance or a subjective distortion.
In the field of art history, the white Western male viewpoint, unconsciously accepted
as the viewpoint of the art historian, may--and does--prove to be inadequate not
merely on moral and ethical grounds, or because it is elitist, but on purely intellectual
ones. In revealing the failure of much academic art history, and a great deal of history
in general, to take account of the unacknowledged value system, the very presence of
an intruding subject in historical investigation, the feminist critique at the same time
lays bare its conceptual smugness, its meta-historical naivete. At a moment when all
disciplines are becoming more self-conscious, more aware of the nature of their
presuppositions as exhibited in the very languages and structures of the various fields
of scholarship, such uncritical acceptance of "what is" as "natural" may be
intellectually fatal. Just as Mill saw male domination as one of a long series of social
injustices that had to be overcome if a truly just social order were to be created, so we
may see the unstated domination of white male subjectivity as one in a series of
2
intellectual distortions which must be corrected in order to achieve a more adequate and accurate view of historical situations.
It is the engaged feminist intellect (like John Stuart Mill's) that can pierce through the
cultural-ideological limitations of the time and its specific "professionalism" to reveal
biases and inadequacies not merely in dealing with the question of women, but in the
very way of formulating the crucial questions of the discipline as a whole. Thus, the
so-called woman question, far from being a minor, peripheral, and laughably
provincial sub-issue grafted on to a serious, established discipline, can become a
catalyst, an intellectual instrument, probing basic and "natural' assumptions, providing
a paradigm for other kinds of internal questioning, and in turn providing links with
paradigms established by radical approaches in other fields. Even a simple question
like "Why have there been no great women artists?" can, if answered adequately,
create a sort of chain reaction, expanding not merely to encompass the accepted
assumptions of the single field, but outward to embrace history and the social
sciences, or even psychology and literature, and thereby, from the outset, can
challenge the assumption, that the traditional divisions of intellectual inquiry are still
adequate to deal with the meaningful questions of our time, rather than the merely convenient or self-generated ones.
Let us, for example, examine the implications of that perennial question (one can, of
course, substitute almost any field of human endeavor, with appropriate changes in
phrasing): "Well, if women really are equal to men, why have there never been any
great women artists (or composers, or mathematicians, or philosophers, or so few of the same)?
"Why have there been no great women artists?" The question tolls reproachfully in the
background of most discussions of the so-called woman problem. But like so many
other so-called questions involved in the feminist "controversy," it falsifies the nature
of the issue at the same time that it insidiously supplies its own answer: "There have been no great women artists because women are incapable of greatness."
The assumptions behind such a question are varied in range and sophistication,
running anywhere from "scientifically proven" demonstrations of the inability of
human beings with wombs rather than penises to create anything significant, to
relatively open-minded wonderment that women, despite so many years of near-
equality--and after all, a lot of men have had their disadvantages too-have still not
achieved anything of exceptional significance in the visual arts. The feminist's first
reaction is to swallow the bait, hook, line and sinker, and to attempt to answer the
question as it is put: that is, to dig up examples of worthy or insufficiently appreciated
women artists throughout history; to rehabilitate rather modest, if interesting and
productive careers; to "rediscover" forgotten flower painters or David followers and
3
make out a case for them; to demonstrate that Berthe Morisot was really less
dependent upon Manet than one had been led to think-in other words, to engage in the
normal activity of the specialist scholar who makes a case for the importance of his
very own neglected or minor master. Such attempts, whether undertaken from a
feminist point of view, like the ambitious article on women artists which appeared in
the 1858 Westminster Review, or more recent scholarly studies on such artists as
Angelica Kauffmann and Artemisia Gentileschi, are certainly worth the effort, both in
adding to our knowledge of women's achievement and of art history generally. But
they do nothing to question the assumptions lying behind the question "Why have
there been no great women artists?" On the contrary, by attempting to answer it, they
tacitly reinforce its negative implications.
Another attempt to answer the question involves shifting the ground slightly and
asserting, as some contemporary feminists do, that there is a different kind of
"greatness" for women's art than for men's, thereby postulating the existence of a
distinctive and recognizable fermnine style, different both in its formal and its
expressive qualities and based on the special character of women's situation and experience.
This, on the surface of it, seems reasonable enough: in general, women's experience
and situation in society, and hence as artists, is different from men's, and certainly the
art produced by a group of consciously united and purposefully articulate women
intent on bodying forth a group consciousness of feminine experience might indeed be
stylistically identifiable as feminist, if not feminine, art. Unfortunately, though this
remains within the realm of possibility it has so far not occurred. While the members
of the Danube School, the followers of Caravaggio, the painters gathered around
Gauguin at Pont-Aven, the Blue Rider, or the Cubists may be recognized by certain
clearly defined stylistic or expressive qualities, no such common qualities of
"femininity" would seem to link the styles of women artists generally, any more than
such qualities can be said to link women writers, a case brilliantly argued, against the
most devastating, and mutually contradictory, masculine critical clich6s, by Mary
Ellmann in her Thinking AboutWomen. No subtle essence of femininity would seem to
link the work of Artemisia Gentileschi, Mme. Vigee-Lebrun, Angelica Kauffmann,
Rosa Bonheur, Berthe Morlsot, Suzanne Valadon, Kathe Kollwitz, Barbara Hepworth,
Georgia O'Keeffe, Sophle Taeuber-Arp, Helen Frankenthaler, Bridget Riley, Lee
Bontecou, or Loulse Nevelson. any more than that of Sappho, Marle de France, Jane
Austen, Emily Bronte, George Sand, George Eliot, Virginia Woolf, Gertrude Stein,
Anais Nin, Emily Dickinson, Sylvia Plath, and Susan Sontag. In every instance,
women artists and writers would seem to be closer to other artists and writers of their own period and outlook than they are to each other.
4
Women artists are more inward-looking, more delicate and nuanced in their treatment
of their medium, it may be asserted. But which of the women artists cited above is
more inward-turning then Redon, more subtle and nuanced in the handling of pigment
than Corot? Is Fragonard more or less feminine than Mme. Vigee-Lebrun? Or is it not
more a question of the whole Rococo style of eighteenth-century France being
"feminine," if judged in terms of a binary scale of "masculinity" versus "femininity"?
Certainly, if daintiness, delicacy, and preciousness are to be counted as earmarks of a
feminine style, there is nothing fragile about Rosa Bonheur's Horse Fair, nor dainty
and introverted about Helen Frankenthaler's giant canvases. If women have turned to
scenes of domestic life, or of children. so did Jan Steen, Chardin, and the
Impressionists--Renoir and Monet as well as Morisot and Cassatt. In any case, the
mere choice of a certain realm of subject matter, or the restriction to certain subjects,
is not to be equated with a style, much less with some sort of quintessentially feminine style.
The problem lies not so much with some feminists' concept of what femininity is, but
rather with their misconception--shared with the public at large--of what art is: with
the naive idea that art is direct, personal expression of individual emotional
experience, a translation of personal life into visual terms. Art is almost never that,
great art never is. The making of art involves a self-consistent language of form, more
or less dependent upon, or free from, given temporally defined conventions, schemata,
or systems of notation, which have to be learned or worked out, either through
teaching, apprenticeship, or a long period of individual experimentation. The language
of art is, more materially, embodied in paint and line on canvas or paper, in stone or
clay or plastic or metal-it is neither a sob story nor a confidential whisper.
The fact of the matter is that there have been no supremely great women artists, as far
as we know, although there have been many interesting and very good ones, who
remain insufficiently investigated or appreciated; nor have there been any great
Lithuanian jazz pianists, nor Eskimo tennis players, no matter how much we might
wish there had been. That this should be the case is regrettable, but no amount of
manipulating the historical or critical evidence will alter the situation; nor will
accusations of male-chauvinist distortion of history. There are no women equivalents
for Michelangelo or Rembrandt, Delacroix or Cezanne, Picasso or Matisse, or even, in
very recent times, for de Kooning or Warhol, any more than there are black American
equivalents for the same. If there actually were large numbers of "hidden" great
women artists, or if there really should be different standards for women's art as
opposed to men's--and one can't have it both ways--then what are feminists fighting
for? If women have in fact achieved the same status as men in the arts, then the status quo is fine as it is.
5
But in actuality, as we all know, things as they are and as they have been, in the arts as
in a hundred other areas, are stultifying, oppressive, and discouraging to all those,
women among them, who did not have the good fortune to be born white, preferably
middle c1ass, and above all, male. The fault lies not in our stars, our hormones, our
menstrual cycles, or our empty internal spaces, but in our institutions and our
education--education understood to include everything that happens to us from the
moment we enter this world of meaningful symbols, signs, and signals. The miracle
is, in fact, that given the overwhelming against women, or blacks, that so many of
both have managed to achieve so much sheer excellence, in those bailiwicks of white masculine prerogative like science, politics, or the arts.
It is when one really starts thinking about the implications of "Why have there been
no great women artists?" that one begins to realize to what extent our consciousness
of how things are in the world has been conditioned--and often falsified--by the way
the most important questions are posed. We tend to take it for granted that there really
is an East Asian Problem, a Poverty Problem, a Black Problem--and a Woman
Problem. But first we must ask ourselves who is formulating these "questions," and
then, what purposes such formulations may serve. (We may, of course, refresh our
memories with the connotations of the Nazis' "Jewish Problem.") Indeed, in our time
of instant communication, "problems" are rapidly formulated to rationalize the bad
conscience of those with power: thus, the problem posed by Americans in Vietnam
and Cambodia is referred to by Americans as the "East Asian Problem, " whereas East
Asians may view it, more realistically, as the "American Problem"; the so-called
Poverty Problem might more directly be viewed as the "Wealth Problem" by denizens
of urban ghettos or rural wastelands; the same irony twists the White Problem into its
opposite, a Black Problem; and the same inverse logic turns up in the formulation of our present state of affairs as the "Woman Problem. "
Now, the "Woman Problem," like all human problems, so-called (and the very idea of
calling anything to do with human beings a "problem" is, of course, a fairly recent
one), is not amenable to "solution" at all, since what human problems involve is
reinterpretation of the nature of the situation, or a radical alteration of stance or
program on the part of the "problems" themselves. Thus, women and their situation in
the arts, as in other realms of endeavor, are not a "problem" to be viewed through the
eyes of the dominant male power elite. Instead, women must conceive of themselves
as potentially, if not actually, equal subjects, and must be willing to look the facts of
their situation full in the face, without self-pity, or cop-outs; at the same time they
must view their situation with that high degree of emotional and intellectual
commitment necessary to create a world in which equal achievement will be not only made possible but actively encouraged by social institutions.
6
It is certainly not realistic to hope that a majority of men, in the arts or in any other
field, will soon see the light and find that it is in their own self-interest to grant
complete equality to women, as some feminists optimistically assert, or to maintain
that men themselves will soon realize that they are diminished by denying themselves
access to traditionally "feminine" realms and emotional reactions. After all, there are
few areas that are really "denied" to men, if the level of operations demanded be
transcendent, responsible, or rewarding enough: men who have a need for "feminine"
involvement with babies or children gain status as pediatricians or child psychologists,
with a nurse (female) to do the more routine work; those who feel the urge for kitchen
creativity may gain fame as master chefs; and of course, men who yearn to fulfill
themselves through what are often termed "feminine" artistic interests can find
themselves as painters or sculptors, rather than as volunteer museum aides or part-
time ceramists, as their female counterparts so often end up doing; as far as
scholarship is concerned, how many men would be willing to change their jobs as
teachers and researchers for those of unpaid, part-time research assistants and typists as well as full-time nannies and domestic workers?
Those who have privileges inevitably hold on to them, and hold tight, no matter how
marginal the advantage involved, until compelled to bow to superior power of one sort or another.
Thus, the question of women's equality--in art as in any other realm--devolves not
upon the relative benevolence or ill-will of individual men, nor the self-confidence or
abjectness of individual women, but rather on the very nature of our institutional
structures themselves and the view of reality which they impose on the human beings
who are part of them. As John Stuart Mill pointed out more than a century ago:
"Everything which is usual appears natural. The subjection of wom en to men being a
universal custom, any departure from it quite naturally appears unnatural." Most men,
despite lip service to equality, are reluctant to give up this "natural" order of things in
which their advantages are so great; for women, the case is further complicated by the
fact that, as Mill astutely pointed out, unlike any other oppressed groups or castes,
men demand of them not only submission but unqualified affection as well; thus,
women are often weakened by the internalized demands of the male-dominated
society itself, as well as by a plethora of material goods and comforts: the middle-
class woman has a great deal more to lose than her chains.
The question "Why have there been no great women artists?" is ismply the top tenth
of an iceberg of misinterpretation and misconception; beneath lies a vast dark bulk of
shaky idees recues about the nature of art and its situational concomitants, about the
nature of human abilities in general and of human excellence in particular, and the
role that the social order plays in all of this. While the "woman problem" as such may
be a pseudo-issue, the misconceptions involved in the question "Why have there been
7
no great women artists?" points to major areas of intellectual obfuscation beyond the
specific political and ideological issues involved in the subjection of women. Basic to
the question are many naive, distorted, uncritical assumptions about the making of art
in general, as well as the making of great art. These assumptions, conscious or
unconscious, link such unlikely superstars as Michelangelo and van Gogh, Raphael
and Jackson Pollock under the rubric of "Great"--an honorific--attested to by the
number of scholarly monographs devoted to the artist in question--and the Great Artist
is, of course, conceived of as one who has "Genius"; Genius, in turn, is thought of as
an atemporal and mysterious power somehow embedded in the person of the Great
Artist. Such ideas are related to unquestioned, often unconscious, meta-historical
premises that make Hippolyte Taine's race-milieu-moment formulation of the
dimensions of historical thought seem a model of sophistication. But these
assumptions are intrinsic to a great deal of art-historical writing. It is no accident that
the crucial question of the conditions generally productive of great art has so rarely
been investigated, or that attempts to investigate such general problems have, until
fairly recently, been dismissed as unscholarly, too broad, or the province of some
other discipline, like sociology. To encourage a dispassionate, impersonal,
sociological, and institutionally oriented approach would reveal the entire romantic,
elitist, individual-glorifying, and monograph-producing substructure upon which the
profession of art history is based, and which has only recently been called into question by a group of younger dissidents.
Underlying the question about woman as artist, then, we find the myth of the Great
Artist--subject of a hundred monographs, unique, godlike--bearing within his person
since birth a mysterious essence, rather like the golden nugget in Mrs. Grass's chicken
soup, called Genius or Talent, which, like murder, must always out, no matter how unlikely or unpromising the circumstances.
The magical aura surrounding the representational arts and their creators has, of
course, given birth to myths since the earliest times. Interestingly enough, the same
magical abilities attributed by Pliny to the Greek sculptor Lysippos in antiquity--the
mysterious inner call in early youth, the lack of any teacher but Nature herself--is
repeated as late as the 19th century by Max Buchon In his biography of Courbet. The
supernatural powers of the artist as Imitator, his control of strong, possibly dangerous
powers, have functioned historically to set him off from others as a godlike creator,
one who creates Being out of nothing. The fairy tale of the discovery by an older artist
or discerning patron of the Boy Wonder, usually in the guise of a lowly shepherd boy,
has been stock-in-trade of artistic mythology ever since Vasari immortaized the young
Glotto, discovered by the great Cimabue while the lad was guarding his flocks,
drawing sheep on a stone; Cimabue, overcome admiration for the realism of the
drawing, immediately invited the humble youth to be his pupil. Through some
8
mysterious coincidence, later artists including Beccafumi, Andrea Sansovino, Andrea
del Castagno, Mantegna, Zurbarfin, and Goya were all discovered in similar pastoral
circumstances. Even when the young Great Artist was fortunate enough to come
equipped with a flock of sheep, his talent always seems to have manifested itself very
early, and independent of external encouragement: Filippo Lippi and Poussin, Courbet
and Monet are all reported to have drawn caricatures in the margins of their
schoolbooks instead of studying the required subjects--we never, course, hear about
the youths who neglected their studies and scribbled in the margins of their notebooks
without ever becoming anything more elevated than department-store clerks or shoe
salesmen. The great Michelangelo himself, according to his biographer and pupil,
Vasari, did more drawing than studying as a child. So pronounced was his talent,
reports Vasari, that when his master, Ghirlandaio, absented himself momentarily from
his work in Santa Maria Novella, and the young art student took the opportunity to
draw "the scaffolding, trestles, pots of paint, brushes and the apprentices at their
tasks" in this brief absence, he did it so skillfully that upon his return the master aimed: "This boy knows more than I do."
As is so often the case, such stories, which probably have some Even when based on
fact, these myths about the early manifestations of genius are misleading. It is no
doubt true, for example, that the young Picasso passed all the examinations for
entrance to the Barcelona and later to the Madrid, Academy of Art at the age of fifteen
in a single day, a feat of such difficulty that most candidates required a month of
preparation. But one would like to find out more about similar precocious qualifiers
for art academies who then went on to achieve nothing but mediocrity or failure--in
whom, of course, art historians are uninterested--or to study in greater detail the role played by Picasso's art professor father in the pictorial precocity of his son.
What if Picasso had been born a girl? Would Senor Ruiz have paid as much attention or stimulated as much ambition for achievement in a little Pablita?
What is stressed in all these stories is the apparently miraculous, nondetermined, and
asocial nature of artistic achievement; this semi-religious conception of the artist's role
is elevated to hagiography in the 19th century, when art historians, critics, and, not
least, some of making of the artists themselves tended to elevate the making of art into
a substitute religion, the last bulwark of higher values in a materialistic world. The
artists in the 19 t- century Saints' Legend, struggles against the most determined
parental and social opposition, suffering the slings and arrows of social opprobrium
like any Christian martyr, and ultimately succeeds against all odds-generally, alas,
after his death-because from deep within himself radiates that mysterious, holy
effulgence: Genius. Here we have the mad van Gogh, spinning out sunflowers despite
epileptic seizures and near-starvation; Cezanne, braving paternal rejection and public
scorn in order to revolutionize painting; Gauguin, throwing away respectability and
9
financial security with a single existential gesture to pursue his calling in the tropics;
or Toulouse-Lautrec, dwarfed, crippled, and alcoholic, sacrificing his aristocratic
birthright in favor of the squalid surroundings that provided him with inspiration.
Now, no serious contemporary art historian takes such obvious fairy tales at their face
value. Yet it is this sort of mythology about artistic achievement and its concomitants
which forms the unconscious or unquestioned assumptions of scholars, no matter how
many crumbs are thrown to social influences, ideas of the times, economic crises, and
so on. Behind the most sophisticated investigations of great artists--more specifically,
the art-historical monograph, which accepts the notion of the great artist as primary,
and the social and institutional structures within which he lived and worked as mere
secondary "influences" or "background"--lurks the golden-nugget theory of genius
and the free-enterprise conception of individual achievement. On this basis, women's
lack of major achievement in art may be formulated as a syllogism: If women had the
golden nugget of artistic genius, then it would reveal itself. But it has never revealed
itself. Q.E.D. Women do not have the golden nugget of artistic genius. If Giotto, the
obscure shepherd boy, and van Gogh with his fits could make it, why not women?
Yet as soon as one leaves behind the world of fairy tale and self-fulfilling prophecy
and, instead, casts a dispassionate eye on the actual situations in which important art
production has existed, in the total range of its social and institutional structures
throughout history, one finds that the very questions which are fruitful or relevant for
the historian to ask shape up rather differently. One would like to ask, for instance,
from what social classes artists were most likely to come at different periods of art
history, from what castes and subgroup. What proportion of painters and sculptors, or
more specifically, of major painters and sculptors, came from families in which their
fathers or other close relatives were painters and sculptors or engaged in related
professions? As Nikolaus Pevsner points out in his discussion of the French Academy
in the 17th and 18th centuries, the transmission of the artistic profession from father to
son was considered a matter of course (as it was with the Coypels, the Coustous, the
Van Loos, etc.); indeed, sons of academicians were exempted from the customary fees
for lessons. Despite the noteworthy and dramatically satisfying cases of the great
father-rejecting revoltes of the 19th century, one might be forced to admit that a large
proportion of artists, great and not-so-great, in the days when was normal for sons to
follow their fathers' footsteps, had artist fathers. In the rank of major artists, the names
of Holbein and Durer, Raphael and Bernini, immediately spring to mind; even in our
own times, one can cite the names of Picasso, Calder, Giacometti, and Wyeth as
members of artist-families.
As far as the relationship of artistic occupation and social class is concerned, an
interesting paradigm for the question "Why have there been no great women artists?"
might well be provided by trying to answer the question "Why have there been no
10
great artists from the aristocracy?" One can scarcely think, before the anti-traditional
19th century at least, of any artist who sprang from the ranks of any more elevated
class than the upper bourgeoisie; even in the 19th century, Degas came from the lower
nobility-more like the haute bourgeoisie, in fact--and only Toulouse-Lautrec,
metamorphosed into the ranks of the marginal by accidental deformity, could be said
to have come from the loftier reaches of the upper classes. While the aristocracy has
always provided the lion's share of the patronage and the audience for arts, indeed, the
aristocracy of wealth does even in our own more democratic days--it has contributed
little beyond amateurish efforts to the creation of art itself, despite the fact that
aristocrats (like many women) have had more than their share of educational
advantages, plenty of leisure and, indeed, like women, were often encouraged to
dabble in the arts and even develop into respectable amateurs, like Napoleon III's
cousin the Princess Mathilde, who exhibited at the official Salons, or Queen Victoria,
who, with Prince Albert, studied art with no less a figure than Landseer himself.
Could it be that the little golden nugget--genius--is missing from the aristocratic
makeup the same way that it is from the feminine psyche? Or rather, is it not that the
kinds of demands and expectations placed before both aristocrats and women--the
amount of time necessarily devoted to social functions, the very kinds of activities
demanded--simply made total devotion to profession out of the question, indeed
unthinkable, both for upper-class males and for women generally, rather than its being a question of genius and talent?
When the right questions are asked about the conditions for producing art, of which
the production of great art a subtopic, there will no doubt have to be some discussion
of the situational concomitants of intelligence and talent generally, not merely of
artistic genius. Piaget and others have stressed in their genetic epistemology that in the
development of reason and in the unfolding of imagination in young children,
intelligence--or, by implication, what we choose to call genius--is a dynamic activity
rather than a static essence, and an activity of a subject in a situation. As further
investigations in the field of child development imply, these abilities, or this
intelligence, are built up minutely, step by step, from infancy onward, and the patterns
of adaptation-accommodation may be established so early within the subject-in-an-
environment that they may indeed appear to be innate to the unsophisticated observer.
Such investigations imply that, even aside from meta-historical reasons, scholars will
have to abandon the notion, consciously articulated or not, of individual genius as
innate, and as primary to the creation of art.
The question "Why have there been no great women artists?" has led us to the
conclusion, so far, that art is not a free, autonomous activity of a super-endowed
individual, "influenced" by previous artists, and more vaguely and superficially, by
"social forces," but, rather, that the total situation of art making, both in terms of the
11
development of the art maker and in the nature and quality of the work of art itself,
occur in a social situation, are integral elements of this social structure, and are
mediated and determined by specific and definable social institutions, be they art
academies, systems of patronage, mythologies of the divine creator, artist as he-man or social outcast.
The Question of the Nude
We can now approach our question from a more reasonable standpoint, since it seems
probable that the answer to why there have been no great women artists lies not in the
nature of individual genius or the lack of it, but in the nature of given social
insititutions and what they forbid or encourage in various classes or groups of
individuals. Let us first examine such a simlee, but critical, issue as availability of the
nude model to aspiring women artists, in the period extending from the Renaissance
until near the end of the 19th century, a period in which careful and prolonged study
of the nude model was essential to the training of every young artist, to the production
of any work with pretensions to grandeur, and to the very essence of History Painting,
generally accepted as the highest category of art. Indeed, it was argued by defenders
of traditional painting in the 19th century that there could be no great painting with
clothed figures, since costume inevitably destroyed both the temporal universality and
the classical idealization required by great art. Needless to say, central to the training
programs of the academies since their inception late in the 16th and early in the 17th
centuries, was life drawing from the nude, generally male, model. In addition, groups
of artists and their pupils often met privately for life drawing sessions from the nude
model in their studios. While individual artists and private academies employed the
female model extensively, the female nude was forbidden in almost all public art
schools as late as 1850 and after--a state of affairs which Pevsner rightly desigates as
"hardly believable. " Far more believable, unfortunately, was the complete
unavailability to the aspiring woman artist of any nude models at all, male or female.
As late as 1893, "lady" students were not admitted to life drawing at the Royal
Academy in London, and even when they were, after that date, the model had to be "partially draped."
A brief survey of representations of life-drawing sessions reveals: an all-male
clientele drawing from the female nude in Rembrandt's studio; working from male
nudes in 18 th
century representations of academic instruction in The Hague and
Vienna; men working from the seated male nude in Boilly's charming painting of the
interior of Houdon's studio at the beginning of the 19th century. Leon-Mathieu
Cochereau's scrupulously veristic Interior of David's Studio, exhibited in the Salon of
1814, reveals a group of young men diligently drawing or painting from a male nude
model, whose discarded shoes may be seen before the models' stand.
12
The very plethora of surviving "Academies"--detailed, painstaking studies from the
nude male studio model--in the youthful oeuvre of artists down through the time of
Seurat and well into the 20th century, attests to the central importance of this branch
of study in the pedagogy and development of the talented beginner. The formal
academic program itself normally proceeded, as a matter of course, from copying
from drawings and engravings, to drawing from casts of famous works of sculpture, to
drawing from the living model. To be deprived of this ultimate stage of training
meant, in effect, to be deprived of the possibility of creating major art works, unless
one were a very ingenious indeed, or simply, as most of the women aspiring to be
painters ultimately did, restricting oneself to the "minor" fields of portraiture, genre,
landscape, or still life. It is rather as though a medical student were denied the opportunity to dissect or even examine the naked human body.
There exist, to my knowledge, no historical representations of artists drawing from the
nude model which include women in any other role but that of the nude model itself,
an interesting commentary on rules of propriety: that is, it is all right for a ("low," of
course) woman to reveal herself naked-as-an object for a group of men, but forbidden
to a woman to participate in the active study and recording of naked-man-as-an-object
or even of a fellow woman. An amusing example of this taboo on confronting a
dressed lady with a naked man is embodied in a group portrait of the members of the
Royal Academy of London in 1772, represented by Johan Zoffany as gathered in the
life room before two nude male models; all the distinguished members are present
with but one noteworthy exception--the single female member, the irenowned
Angelica Kauffmann, who, for propriety's sake, is merely present in effigy in the form
of a portrait hanging on the wall. A slightly earlier drawing, Ladies in the Studio by
the Polish artist Daniel Chodowiecki, shows the ladies portraying a modestly dressed
member of their sex. In a lithograph dating from the relatively liberated epoch
following the French Revolution, the lithographer Marlet has represented some
women sketchers in a group of students working from the male model, but the model
himself has been chastely provided with what appears to be a pair of bathing trunks, a
garment hardly conducive to a sense of classical elevation; no doubt such license was
considered daring in its day, and the young ladies in question suspected of doubtful
morals, but even this liberated state of affairs seems to have lasted only a short while.
In an English stereoscopic color view of the interior of a studio of about 1865, the
standing, bearded male model is so heavily draped that not an iota of his anatomy
escapes from the discreet toga, save for a single bare shoulder and arm: even so, he
obviously had the grace to avert his eyes in the presence of the crinoline-clad young sketchers.
The women in the Women's Modeling Class at the Pennsylvania Academy were
evidently not afforded even this modest privilege. A photograph by Thomas Eakins of
13
about 1885 reveals these students modeling from a cow (bull? ox? the nether regions
are obscure in the photograph), a naked cow to be sure, perhaps a daring liberty when
one considers that even piano legs might be concealed beneath pantalettes during this
era. (The idea of introducing a bovine model into the artist's studio stems from
Courbet, who brought a bull into his short lived studio academy in the 1860s). Only at
the very end of the 19 th
century, in the relatively liberated and open atmosphere of
Repin's studio and circle in Russia, do we find representations of women art students
working uninhibitedly from the nude--the female model to be sure in the company of
men. Even in this case, it must be noted that certain photographs represent a private
sketch group meeting in one of the women artists' homes; in another, the model is
draped; and the large group portrait, a cooperative effort by two men and two women
students of Repin's, is an imaginary gathering together of all of the Russian realist's pupils, past and present, rather than a realistic studio view.
I have gone into the question of the availability of the nude model, a single aspect of
the automatic, institutionally maintained discrimination against women, in such detail
simply to demonstrate both the universality of this discrimination and its
consequences, as well as the institutional rather than individual nature of but one facet
of the necessary preparation for achieving mere proficiency, much less greatness, in
the realm of art during a long period. One could equally well examine other other
dimensions of the situation, such as the apprencticeship system, the academic
educational pattern which, in France especially, was almost the only key to success
and which had a regular progression and set competitions, crowned by the Prix de
Rome which enabled the young winner to work in the French Academy in that city--
unthinkab1e for women, of course--and for which women were unable to compete
until the end of the 19th century, by which time, in fact the whole academic system
had lost its importance anyway. It seems clear, to take France in the 19th century as an
example (a country which probably had a larger proportion of women artists than any
other-that is to say, in terms of their percentage in the total number of artists
exhibiting in the Salon), that "women were not accepted as professional painters. In
the middle of the century, there were only a third as many women as men artists, but
even this mildly encouraging statistic is deceptive when we discover that out of this
relatively meager number, none had attended that major stepping-stone to artistic
success, the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, only 7 percent had ever received any official
commission or had held any official office-and these might include the most menial
sort of work only 7 percent had ever received any Salon medal, and none had ever
received the Legion of Honor. Deprived of encouragements, educational facilities, and
rewards it is almost incredible that a certain women did persevere and seek a profession in the arts.
14
It also becomes apparent why women were able to compete on far more equal terms
with men--and even become innovators--in literature. While art making traditionally
has demanded the learning of specific techniques and skills, in a certain sequence, in
an institutional setting outside the home, as well as becoming familiar with a specific
vocabulary of iconography and motifs, the same is by no means true for the poet or
novelist. Anyone, even a woman, has to learn the language, can learn to read and
write, and can commit personal experiences to paper in the privacy of one's room.
Naturally this oversimplifies the real difficulties and complexities involved in creating
good or great literature, whether by man or woman but it still gives a clue as to the
possibility of the existence of an Emily Bronte or an Emily Dickenson and the lack of
their counterparts, at least until quite recently, in the visual arts.
Of course we have not gone into the "fringe" requirements for major artists, which
would have been, for the most part, both psychically and socially closed to women,
even if hypothetically they could have achieved the requisite grandeur in the
performance of their craft: in the Renaissance and after, the great artist, aside from
participating in the affairs of an academy, might well be intimate with members of
humanist circles with whom he could exchange ideas, establish suitable relationships
with patrons, travel widely and freely, perhaps politic and intrigue,nor have we
mentioned the organizational acumen and ability involved involved in running a
major studio-factory, like that of Rubens. An enormous amount of self-confidence and
worldly knowledgeability, as well as a natural sense well-earned dominanace and
power was needed by the great chef d'ecole both in the running of the production end of painting, and in the control and instruction of the numerous students and assistants.
The Lady's Accomplishment
In contrast to the single-mindedness and commitment demanded of a chef d'ecole, we
might set the image of the "lady painter" established by 19 th
century etiquette books
and reinforced in the literature of the times. It is precisely the insistence upon a
modest, proficient, self demeaning level of amateurism as a "suitable
accomplishment" for the well brought up young woman, who naturally would want to
direct her major attention to the welfare of others--family and husband--that militated,
and still militates, against any real accomplishment on the part of women. It is this
emphasis which transforms serious commitment to frivolous self-indulgence, busy
work, or occupational therapy, and today, more than ever, in suburban bastions of the
feminine mystique, tends to distort the whole notion of what art is and what kind of
social role it plays. In Mrs. Ellis's widely read The Family Monitor and Domestic
Guide, published before the middle of the 19th century, a book of advice popular both
in the United States and in England, women were warned against the snare of trying
too hard to excel in any one thing:
15
It must not be supposed that the writer is one who would advocate,
as essential to woman, any very extraordinary degree of intellectual
attainment, especially if confined to one particular branch of study.
'I should like to excel in something' is a frequent and, to some extent,
laudable expression; but in what does it originate, and to what does
it tend? To be able to do a great many things tolerably well, is of
infinitely more value to a woman, than to be able to excell in any
one. By the former, she may render herself generally useful; by the
latter she may dazzle for an hour. By being apt, and tolerably well
skilled in everything, she may fall into any situation in life with
dignity and ease--by devoting her time to excellence in one, she may
remain incapable of every other.
So far as cleverness, learning, and knowledge are conducive to
woman's moral excellence, they are therefore desirable, and no
further. All that would occupy her mind to the exclusion of better
things, all that would involve her in the mazes of flattery and
admiration, all that would tend to draw away her thoughts from
others and fix them on herself, ought to be avoided as an evil to her,
however brilliant or attractive it may he in itself.
Lest we are tempted to laugh, we may refresh ourselves with more recent samples of
exactly the same message cited in Betty Friedan's Feminine Mystique, or in the pages of recent issues of popular women's magazines.
The advice has a familiar ring: propped up by a bit of Freudiansim and some tag-lines
from the social sciences about the well-rounded personality, preparation for woman's
chief career, marriage and the unfemininity of deep involvement with work rather
than sex, it is still the mainstay of the Feminine Mystique. Such an outlook helps
guard men from unwanted competition in their "serious" professional activities and
assures them of "wellrounded" assistance on the home front so that they can have sex
and family in addition to the fulfillment of their own specialized talents at the same
time.
As far as painting specifically is concerned, Mrs. Ellis finds that it has one immediate
advantage for the young lady over its rival branch of artistic activity, music--it is quiet
and disturbs no one (this negative virtue, of course, would not be true of sculpture, but
accomplishment with the hammer and chisel simply never occurs as a suitable
accomplishment for the weaker sex); in addition, says Mrs. Ellis, "it [drawing] is an
employment which beguiles the mind of many cares. . . .Drawing is, of all other
occupations, the one most calculated to keep the mind from brooding upon self, and to
maintain that general cheerfulness which is a part of social-and domestic duty. . . . It
16
can also," she adds, "be laid down and resumed, as circumstance or inclination may
direct, and that without serious loss." Again, lest we feel that we have made a great
deal of progress in this area in the past one hundred years, I might bring up the remark
of a bright young doctor who, when the conversation turned to his wife and her
friends "dab bling" in the arts, snorted: "Well, at least it keeps them out of trouble!"
Now as in the 19 th
century, amateurism and lack of real commitment, as well as
snobbery and emphasis on chic on the part of women, in their artistic "hobbies" feeds
the contempt of the successful, professionally committed man, who is engaged in
"real" work and can, with a certain justice, point to his wife's lack of seriousness in
her artistic activities. For such men, the "real" work of women is only that which
directly or indirectly serves the family; any other commitment falls under the rubric of
diversion, selfishness, egomania, or, at the unspoken extreme, castration. The circle is a vicious one, in which philistinism and frivolity mutually reinforce each other.
In literature, as in life, even if the woman's commitment to art was a serious one, she
was expected to drop her career and give up this commitment at the behest of love and
marriage: this lesson is, today as in the 19 th
century, still inculcated in young girls,
directly or indirectly, from the moment they are born. Even the determined and
successful heroine of Mrs. Craik's mid-19 th
-century novel about feminine artistic
success, Olive, a young woman who lives alone, strives for fame and independence,
and actually supports herself through her art--such unfeminine behavior is at least
partly excused by the fact that she is a cripple and automatically considers that
marriage is denied to her--even Olive ultimately succumbs to the blandishments of
love and marriage. To paraphrase the words of Patricia Thomson in The Victorian
Heroine, Mrs. Craik, having shot her bolt in the course of her novel, is content,
finally, to let her heroine, whose ultimate greatness the reader has never been able to
doubt, sink gently into matrimony. "Of Olive, Mrs. Craik comments imperturbably
that her husband's influence is to deprive the Scottish Academy of 'no one knew how
many grand pictures.'" Then as now, despite men's greater "tolerance" the choice for
women seems always to be marriage or a career, i.e., solitude as the price of success or sex and companionship at the price of personal renunciation.
That achievement in the arts, as in any field of endeavor, demands struggle and
sacrifice is undeniable; that this has certainly been true after the middle of the 19 th
century, when the traditional institutions of artistic support and patronage no longer
fulfilled their customary obligations, is also undeniable. One has only to think of
Delacroix, Courbet, Degas, van Gogh, and Toulouse-Lautrec as examples of great
artists who gave up the distractions and obligations of family life, at least in part, so
that they could pursue their artistic careers more singlemindedly. Yet none of them
was automatically denied the pleasure of sex or companoinship on account of this
choice. Nor did they ever conceive that they had sacrificed their manhood-or their
17
sexual role on account of their single mindedness in achieving professional
fulfillment. But if the artist in question happened to be a woman, one thousand years
of guilt, self-doubt, and objecthood would have been added to the undeniable difficulties of being an artist in the modern world.
The unconscious aura of titillation that arises from a visual representation of an
aspiring woman artist in the mid-19th century, Emily Mary Osborn's heartfelt
painting, Nameless and Friendless (1857), a canvas representing a poor but lovely and
respectable young girl at a London art dealer nervously awaiting the verdict of the
pompous proprietor about the worth of her canvases while two ogling "art lovers"
look on, is really not too different in its underlying assumptions from an overtly
salacious work like Bompard's Debut of the Model. The theme in both is innocence,
delicious feminine innocence, exposed to the world. It is the charming vulnerability of
the young woman artist, like that of the hesitating model, which is really the subject of
Osborn's painting, not the value of the young woman's work or her pride in it: the
issue here is, as usual, sexual rather than serious. Always a model but never an artist
might well have served as the motto of the seriously aspiring young woman in the arts of the 19th century.
Successes
But what of the small band of heroic women, who, throughout the ages, despite
obstacles, have achieved preeminence, if not the pinnacles of grandeur of a
Michelangelo, a Rembrandt, or a Picasso? Are there any qualities, that may be said to
have characterized them as a group and as individuals? While 1 cannot go into such
an investigation in great detail in this article, I can point to a few striking
characteristics of women artists generally: they all, almost without exception, were
either the daughters of artist fathers, or generally later, in the 19 th
and 20 th
centuries,
had a close personal connection with a stronger or more dominant male artistic
personality. Neither of these character* tics is, of course, unusual for men artists,
either, as we have indicated above in the case of artist fathers and sons: it is simply
true almost without exception for their feminine counterparts, at least until quite
recently. From the legendary sculptor Sabina von Steinbach, in the13th century, who,
according to local tradition, was responsible for the South Portal groups on the
Cathedral of Strasbourg, down to Rosa Bonheur the most renowned animal painter of
the 19th century, and including such eminent women artists as Marietta Robusti
(daughter of Tintoretto), Lavinia Fontana, Artemisia Gentileschi, Elizabeth Cheron,
Mme. Vigee Lebrun, and Angelica Kauffmann--all, without exception, were the
daughters of artists. In the 19th century, Berthe Morisot was closely associated with
Manet, later marrying his brother, and Mary Cassatt based a good deal of her work on
the style of her close friend Degas. Precisely the same breaking of traditional bonds
and discarding of time-honored practices that permitted men artists to strike out in
18
directions quite different from those of their fathers in the second half of the
nineteenth century enabled women, with additional difficulties, to be sure, to strike
out on their own as well. Many of our more recent women artists, like Suzanne
Valadon, Paula Modersohn-Becker, Kathe.Kollwitz, or Louise Nevelson, have come
from non-artistic backgrounds, although many contemporary and near contemporary women artists have married fellow artists.
It would be interesting to investigate the role of benign, if not outright encouraging,
fathers in the formation of women professionals: both Kathe Kollwitz and Barbara
Hepworth, for example, recall the influence of unusually sympathetic and supportive
fathers on their artistic pursuits. In the absence of any thoroughgoing investigation,
one can only gather impressionistic data about the presence or absence of rebellion
against parental authority in women artists, and whether there may be more or less
rebellion on the part of women artists than is true in the case of men or vice versa.
One thing, however, is clear: for a woman to opt for a career at all,--much less for a
career in art, has required a certain amount of individuality, both in the past and at
present; whether or not the woman artist rebels against or finds strength in the attitude
of her family, she must in any case have a good strong streak of rebellion in her to
make her way in the world of art at all, rather than submitting to the socially approved
role of wife and mother, the only role to which every social institution consigns her
automatically. It is only by adopting, however covertly, the "masculine" attributes of
single-mindedness, concentration, tenaciousness, and absorption in ideas and
craftsmanship for their own sake that women have succeeded, and continue to succeed, in the world of art.
Rosa Bonheur
It is instructive to examine in greater detail one of the most successful and
accomplished women painters of all time, Rosa Bonheur (1822-1899), whose work,
despite the ravages wrought upon its estimation by changes of taste and a certain
admitted lack of variety, still stands as an impressive achievement to anyone
interested in the art of the 19th century and in the history of taste generally. Rosa
Bonheur is a woman artist in whom, partly because of the magnitude of her
reputation, all the various conflicts, all the internal and external contradictions and struggles typical of her sex and profession, stand out in sharp relief.
The success of Rosa Bonheur firmly establishes the role of institutions, and
institutional change, as a necessary, if not a sufficierit, cause for achievement in art.
We might say that Bonheur picked a fortunate time to become an artist if she was, at
the same time, to have the disadvantage of being a woman: she came into her own in
the middle of the 19th century, a time in which the struggle between traditional
history painting as opposed to the less pretentious and more freewheeling genre
19
painting, landscape and still-life was won by the latter group hands down. A major
change in the social and institutional support for art itself was well under way: with
the rise of the bourgeoisie and the fall of the cultivated aristocracy, smaller painting
generally of everyday subjects, rather than grandiose mythological or religious scenes
scenes were much in demand. To cite the Whites: "Three hundred provincial
museums there might be, government commissions for public works there might be,
but the only possible paid destinations for the rising flood of canvases were the homes
of the bourgeoisie. History painting had not and never would rest comfortably in the
middle-class parlor. 'Lesser' forms of image art--genre, landscape, still-life--did." In
mid-century France, as in 17 th
century Holland, there was a tendency for artists to
attempt to achieve some sort of security in a shaky market situation by specializing,
by making a career out of a specific subject: animal painting was a very popular field,
as the Whites point out, and Rosa Bonheur was no doubt its most accomplished and
successful practitioner, followed in popularity only by the Barbizon painter Troyon
(who at one time was so pressed for his paintings of cows that he hired another artist
to brush in the backgrounds). Rosa Bonheur's rise to fame accompanied that of the
Bar bizon landscapists, supported by those canny dealers, the Durand-Ruels, who later
moved on to the Impressionists. The Durand-Ruels were among the first dealers to tap
the expanding market in movable decoration for the middle classes, to use the Whites'
terminology. Rosa Bonheur's naturalism and ability to capture the individuality--even
the "soul"--of each of her animal subjects coincided with bourgeois taste at the time.
The same combination of qualities, with a much stronger dose of sentimentality and
pathetic fallacy to be sure, likewise assured the success of her animalier contemporary, Landseer, in England.
Daughter of an impoverished drawing master, Rosa Bonheur quite naturally showed
her interest in art early; at the same time, she exhibited an independence of spirit and
liberty which immediately earn ed here the label of tomboy. According to her own
later accounts, her "masculine protest" established itself early; to what extent any
show of persistence, stubbornness, and vigor would be counted as masculine" in the
first half of the 19th century is conjectural. Rosa Bonheur's attitude toward her father
is somewhat ambiguous: while realizing that he had been influential in directing her
toward her life's work, there is no doubt that she resented his thoughtless treatment of
her beloved mother, and in her reminiscences, she half affectionately makes fun of his
bizarre form of social idealism. Raimond Bortheur had been an active member of the
short-lived Saint-Simonian community, established in the third decade of the
nineteenth century by "Le Pere" Enfantin at Menilmontant. Although in her later years
Rosa Bonheur might have made fun of some of the more farfetched eccentricities of
the members of the community, and disapproved of the additional strain which her
father's apostolate placed on her overburdened mother, it is obvious that the Saint-
Simonian ideal of equality for women--they disapproved of marriage, their trousered
20
feminine costume was a token of emancipation, and their spiritual leader, Le Pere
Enfantin, made extraordinary efforts to find a Woman Messiah to share his reign--
made a strong jmpression on her as a child, and may well have influenced her future course of behavior.
"Why shouldn't I be proud to be a woman?" she exclaimed to an interviewer. "My
father, that enthusiastic apostle of humanity, many times reiterated to me that
woman's mission was to elevate the human race, that she was the Messiah of future
centuries. It is to his doctrines that I owe the great, noble ambition I have conceived
for the sex which I proudly affirm to be mine, and whose independence I will support
to my dying day. . . ." When she was hardly more than a child, he instilled in her the
ambition to surpass Mine. Vigee Lebrun, certainly the most eminent model she could
be expected to follow, and he gave her early efforts every possible encouragement. .At
the same time the spectacle of her uncomplaining mother's slow decline--from sheer
overwork and poverty might have been an even more realistic influence on her
decision to control her own destiny and never to become the slave of a husband and
children. What is particularly interesting from the modern feminist viewpoint is Rosa
Bonheur's ability to combine the most vigorous and unapologetic masculine protest with unabashedly self-contradictory assertions of "basic" femininity.
In those refreshingly straightforward pre-Freudian days, Rosa Bonheur could explain
to her biographer that she had never wanted to marry for fear of losing her
independence. Too many young girls let themselves be led to the altar like lambs to
the sacrifice, she maintained. Yet at the same time that she rejected marriage for
herself and implied an inevitable loss of selfhood for any woman who engaged in it,
she, unlike the Saint-Simonians, considered marriage "a sacrament indispensable to
the organization of society."
While remaining cool to offers of marriage, she joined in a seemingly cloudless,
lifelong, and apparently Platonic union with a fellow woman artist, Nathalie Micas,
who provided her with the companionship and emotinal warmth which she needed.
Obviously the presence of this sympathetic friend did not seem to demand the same
sacrifice of genuine commitment to her profession which marriage would have
entailed: in any case, the advantages of such an arrangement for women who wished
to avoid the distraction of children in the days before reliable contraception are obvious.
Yet at the same time that she frankly rejected the conventional feminine role of her
times, Rosa Bonheur still was drawn into what Betty Friedan has called the "frilly
blouse syndrome, " that innocuous version of the feminine. protest which even today
compels successful women psychiatrists or professors to adopt some ultra feminine
item of clothing or insist n proving their prowess as pie-bakers.' Despite the fact that
21
she had early cropped hair and adopted men's clothes as her habitual attire, following
the example of George Sand, whose rural Romanticism exerted a powerful influence
over her imagination, to her biographer she insisted, and no doubt sincerely believed,
that she did so only because of the specific demands of her profession. Indignantly
denying rumors to the effect that she had run about the streets of Paris dressed as a
boy in her youth, she proudly provided her biographer with a daguerreotype of herself
at sixteen, dressed in perfectly conventional feminine fashion, except for her shorn
hair, which she excused as a practical measure taken after the death of her mother; "Who would have taken care of my curls?" she demanded.
As far as the question of masculine dress was concerned, she was quick to reject her
interlocutor's suggestion that her trousers were a symbol of emancipation. "I strongly
blame women who renounce their customary attire in the desire to make themselves
pass for men," she affirmed. "If I had found trousers suited my sex, I would have
completely gotten rid of my skirts, but this is not the case, nor have I ever advised my
sisters of the palette to wear men's clothes in the ordinary course of life. If, then, you
see me dressed as I am, it is not at all with the aim of making myself interesting, as all
too many women have tried, but in order to facilitate my work. Remember that at a
certain period I spent whole days in the slaughterhouses. Indeed, you have to love
your art in order to live in pools of blood. . . . I was also fascinatted with horses, and
where better can one study these animals than at the fairs . . . ? I had no alternative but
to realize that the garments ofmy own sex were a total nuisance. That is why I decided
to ask the Prefect of Police for the authorization to wear masculine clothing. But the
costume I am wearing is my working outfit, nothing else. The remarks of fools have
never bothered me. Nathalie [her companion] makes fun of them as I do. It doesn't
bother her at all to see me dressed as a man, but if you are even the slightest bit put
off, I am completely prepared to put on a skirt, especially since all I have to do is to open a closet to find a whole assortment of feminine outfits."
At the same time Rosa Bonheur was forced to admit: "My trousers have been my
great protectors. . . . Many times I have congratulated myself for having dared to
break with traditions which would have forced me to abstain from certain kinds of
work, due to the obligation to drag my skirts everywhere. . . ." Yet the famous artist
again felt obliged to qualify her honest admission with an ill-assumed "femininity":
"Despite my metamorphoses of costume, there is not a daughter of Eve who
appreciates the niceties more than I do; my brusque and even slighty unsociable nature has never prevented my heart from remaining completely feminine."
It is somewhat pathetic that this highly successful artist, unsparing of herself in the
painstaking study of animal anatomy, diligently pursuing her bovine or equine
subjects in the most unpleasant surroundings. industriously producing popular
canvases throughout the course of a lengthy career, firm, assured, and incontrovertibly
22
masculine in her style, winner of a first medal in the Paris Salon, Officer of the Legion
of Honor, Commander of the Order of Isabella the Catholic and the Order of Leopold
of Belgium, friend of Queen Victoria--that this world-renowned artist--should feel
compelled late in life to justify and qualify her perfectly reasonab1e assumption of
masculine ways for any reason whatsoever, and to feel compelled to attack her less
modest trouser wearing sisters at the same time, in order to satisfy the demands of her
own conscience. For her conscience, despite her supportive father, her unconventional
behavior, and the accolade of worldly success, still condemned her for not being a "feminine" woman.
The difficulties imposed by such demands on the woman artist continue to add to her
already difficult enterprise even today. Compare, for example, the noted
contemporary, Louise Nevelson, with her combination of utter, "unfeminine"
dedication to her work and her conspicuously "feminine" false eyelashes, her
admission that she got married at seventeen despite her certainty that she couldn't live
without creating because "the world said you should get married." Even in the case of
these two outstanding artists--and whether we like The Horse Fair or not, we still
must admire Rosa Bonheur's professional achievement the voice of the feminine
mystique--with its potpourri of ambivalent narcissism and guilt, internalized--subtly
dilutes and subverts that total inner confidence, demanded by the highest and most
innovative work in art.
Conclusions
I have tried to deal with one of the perennial questions used to challenge women's
demand for true, rather than token, equality, by examining the whole erroneous
intellectual substructure upon which the question "Why have there been no great
women artists?" is based; by questioning the validity of the formulation of so-called
problems in general and the "problem" of women specifically; and then, by probing
some of the limitations of the discipline of art history itself. By stressing the
institutional--that is, the public--rather than the individual, or private, preconditions
for achievement or the lack of it in the arts,I have tried to provide paradigm for the
investigation of other area in the field. By examining in some detail a single instance
of deprivation or disadvantage--the unavailability of nude models to women art
students-I have suggested that it was indeed institutionally made impossible for
women to achieve artistic excellence, or success, on the samr footing as men, no
matter what the potency of their so called talent or genius. The existence of a tiny
band of successful, if not great, women artists throughout history does nothing to
gainsay this fact, any more than does the existence of a few superstars or token
achievers among the members of any minority groups. And while great achievement
is rare and difficult at best, it is still rare and more difficult if, while you work, you
must at the same time wrestle with inner demons of self-doubt and. guilt and outer
23
monsters of ridicule or patronizing encouragement, neither of which have any specific connection with the quality of the art work as such.
What is important is that women face up to the reality of their history and of their
present situation, without making excuses or puffing mediocrity. Disadvantage may
indeed be an excuse; it is not, however, an intellectual position. Rather, using as a
vantage point their situation as underdogs in the realm of grandeur, and outsiders in
that ideology, women can reveal institutional and intellectual weaknesses in general,
and at the same time that they destroy false consciousness, take part in the creation of
institutions in which clear thought--and true greatness--are challenges open to anyone,
man or woman, courageous enough to take the necessary risk, the leap into the unknown.
NOTES
1. Kate Millett's Sexual Politics (Doubleday, 1970) and Mary Ellman's
Thinking about Women (Harcourt, Brace and World, 1968) provide
notable exceptions.
2. "Women Artists," review of Die Frauen in die Kunstgescbichte by Ernst
Guhl, The Westminster Review (American edition), 70 (July 1858), 91-
104. 1 am grateful to Elaine Showalter for having brought this review to
my attention.
3. See, for example, Peter S. Walch's excellent studies of Angelica
Kauffmann or his unpublished doctoral dissertation, "Angelica
Kauffmann," Princeton University, 1968, on the subject; for Artemisia
Gentileschi, see R. Ward Bissell, "Artemisia Gentileschi-A New
Documented Chronology," Art Bulletin, 50 (June 1968), 153-68.
4. New York, 1968.
5. John Stuart Mill, The Subjection of Women (1869) in Three Essays
byjohn Stuart Mill (World Classics Series, 1966), 441.
6. For the relatively recent genesis of the emphasis on the artist as the
nexus of aesthetic experience, see M. H. Abrams, The Mirror and the
Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition (Norton, 1953), and
Maurice Z. Shroder, Icarus: The Image of the Artist in French
Romanticism (Harvard University Press, 1961).
7. A comparison with the parallel myth for women, the Cinderella story, is
revealing: Cinderella gains higher status on the basis of a passive, "sex-
object" attribute--small feet--whereas the Boy Wonder always proves
himself through active accomplishment. For a thorough study of myths
about artists, see Ernst Kris and Otto Kurz, Die Legende vom Kiinstler:
Ein Geschichtlicher Yersuck (Krystall Verlag, 1934).
24
8. Nikolaus Pevsner, Academies of Art, Past and Present (Da Capo
Press[1940]), 96f.
9. Contemporary directions- earthworks, conceptual art, art as
information,etc.--certainly point away from emphasis on the individual
genius and his salable products; in art history, Harrison C. and Cynthia
A. White's Canvases and-Careers: Institutional Change in the French
Painting World (Wiley, 1965) opens up a fruitful new direction of
investigation, as did Nikolaus Pevsner's pioneering Academies of Art.
Ernst Gombrich and Pierre Francastel, in their very different ways,
always have tended to view art and the artist as part of a total situation
rather than in lofty isolation.
10. Female models were introduced in the life class in Berlin in 1875, in
Stockholm in 1839, in Naples in 1870, at the Royal College of Art In
London after 1875. Pevsner, Academies of Art, 231. Female models at
the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts wore masks to hide their
identity as late as about 1866-as attested to in a charcoal drawing by
Thomas Eakins-if not later.
11. Pevsner, Academies of Art, 231.
12. H. C. and C. A. White, Canvases and Careers, 51.
13. Ibid., Table 5.
14. Mrs. Ellis, "The Daughters of England: Their Position in Society,
Character, and Responsibilities," in The Family Montitor and Domestic
Guide (1844), 35.
15. Ibid., 38-39.
16. Patricia Thomson, The Victorian Heroine: A Cbanging Ideal (Oxford
University Press, 1956), 77
17. 17. H. C. and C. A. White, Canvases and Careers, 91.
18. Anna Klumpke, Rosa Bonheur: Sa vie, son oeuvre (E. Flammarion,
1908), 311.
19. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (Norton, 1963), 158.
20. Klumpke, Rosa Bonheur, 166.
21. Paris, like many cities even today, had laws against cross-dressing on its
books.
22. Klumpke, Rosa Bonheur, 308-9.
23. Ibid., 310-11.
24. 24. Cited in Elizabeth Fisher, "The Woman as Artist: Loulse Nevelson," Aphra 1 (Spring 1970), 32.