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Asian American Racial Identity Development Theory

Jean Kim

This chapter reviews the theory of Asian American racial identity develop- ment (AARID) that was created by the author in the early 1980s and updated in the context of the evolution of social identity theories over the past thirty years.

An overview of how researchers approach social identities starts the chapter, followed by a discussion of the importance of the social con- text and the impact of racism on Asian American racial identity devel- opment. The review of the AARID is followed by a section that exam- ines the relevance of the AARID theory to Asian Americans today. The chapter explores changes in the political and economic climate and how those changes may impact Asian American racial identity development. Given the large percentage of Asian American immigrants among Asian Americans as a whole, the chapter also examines the relevancy of AARID to different generations of Asian Americans and outlines current issues

<i>New Perspectives on Racial Identity Development : Integrating Emerging Frameworks, Second Edition</i>, edited by Charmaine Wijeyesinghe, and Bailey W. Jackson, New York University Press, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsd/detail.action?docID=865426. Created from ucsd on 2019-10-11 09:45:31.

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for future research in the area of racial identity development for Asian Americans.

Identity Lenses

There are several ways to explore an individual’s identity. While it is generally acknowledged that an individual’s identity is comprised of multiple dimen- sions (race, gender, sexual orientation, socioeconomic class, religion, roles in life, personality, etc.), a traditional approach has been to explore identity through a single lens or dimension such as race. There is general agreement on race as a social construct and phenomenon that has taken on an impor- tant meaning. It describes not only how outsiders view members of a differ- ent racial group, but also how members of a given racial group view them- selves (Atkinson, Morten, and Sue 1993).

Racial identity describes a person’s identification with membership in a socially designated racial group, and this identification is largely influenced by socialization around race (Alvarez, Juang, and Liang 2006; Helms and Talleyrand 1997). In short, racial identity describes how people deal with the effects of racism, eventually disowning the dominant group’s views of their own race and developing a positive self-definition and positive attitude toward their own group. As the model presented in this chapter is a theory of racial identity development for Asian Americans, and to further clarify the distinction between racial and ethnic identities, the title of this theory has been changed from AAID (Asian American Identity Development)1 to AARID (Asian American Racial Identity Development).

Unlike racial identity, ethnic identity is not so closely tied to oppression and racism. Ethnicity can be defined as the culture, traditions, and customs of a group of people. For many Asian Americans ethnic group membership is related to their country of origin and expectations they are aware of, based on various aspects of their cultural heritage. An Asian American individual can have different levels of identification with, or rejection of, cultural expec- tations and values. The essence of ethnic identity is about resolving any ten- sion between how an individual is expected to be and how the person wants to be perceived as an ethnic being (Chang and Kwan 2009). Most research has focused on ethnic identity development theories for Asian Americans rather than race. Some examples are Phinney’s Three Stages of Ethnic Iden- tity Development (1989) and Smith’s Four Phases of Ethnic Identity Conflict (1991). In Smith’s framework, conflict related to an individual’s ethnic iden- tity begins when contact with others leads to the realization that there are majority and minority statuses. When a minority person feels rejected by the

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majority, he or she attempts to identify with the majority. Of the various eth- nic minorities in the United States, the study by Phinney (1989) indicates that a higher percentage of Asian American adolescents would change their race to White if they could and that they feel less ethnic pride than African Americans or Hispanics.

Both racial and ethnic identity development theories are related to the concept of social identity. Social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1986) postulates that racial and ethnic groups are social groups that have vary- ing status within society. The evaluation of the prestige of one’s social group influences the extent to which an individual identifies with that group in order to enhance his or her self-esteem. Researchers generally believe that individuals have both ethnic and racial identities, both of which develop continuously. The primacy of ethnic or racial identity varies depending on many factors such as social context, group membership, and so on. Chang and Kwan (2009) postulate that for Asian Americans ethnic/cultural identity may develop before racial identity, especially for the immigrant (first) gen- eration where the needs of acculturation trump understanding oneself as a racial being. Another reason for racial identity having less primacy among Asian Americans may be that the discrimination and racism many of them experience is more subtle than that directed toward other groups of color, and because of the prevalent stereotype of Asian Americans being the model minority (Chen et al. 2006; Inman 2006).

The saliency of a person’s ethnic and racial identity may also vary depend- ing on the social context and individual’s stage of identity development. Since typically people have multiple identities, depending on the situation or relationship context, whether race or ethnic identity is primary may depend on who is around and the nature of the situation (Yip 2005). For example, an Asian American woman of Chinese heritage may express a stronger con- nection with her ethnic identity as Chinese when interacting with her fam- ily, but express a stronger racial identity as an Asian American person when interacting with her White peers in class. Individuals may also reject racial identity in favor of their ethnic identity, especially if they feel marginalized even within their own racial minority group.

There are other theoretical models that explore how individuals man- age multiple social identities either by compartmentalizing social identities or integrating identities. Conflict can arise if an individual identifies with more than one social group. Compartmentalizing is one way to manage the potential conflict among multiple social identities (Chen 2009). For exam- ple, knowing that there is stronger bias against homosexuality within Asian cultures than in U.S. culture, gay Asian American men and women may keep

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their sexual orientation identity separate from their racial or ethnic identity when interacting with Asian ethnic communities. Other researchers con- clude that some individuals do not identify with any social group and focus mostly on personal identity. such as their roles as parent, student, worker, friend, sibling, and so on. Such focus on personal identity may be due to personal characteristics such as personality traits being more salient in their lives or it could be a means of denying or avoiding dealing with the social realities of their group membership.

For some Asian Americans, particularly the immigrant generation, the most pressing challenge and objective is related to surviving and establishing themselves in the new country, assimilating as quickly as possible into main- stream America. Contemplating their minority status may seem like a type of navel gazing for this group, one they can ill-afford. Focusing on their per- sonal rather than social identity may also be due to the fact that most Asian American immigrants come to the United States after their formative years when their personal identity and self-concept have solidified. Therefore, the social political climate and racism in the United States may have less of an effect on their personal identities than on those Asian Americans who are coming of age in the White dominant society.

When I have shared my AARID theory with Asian American profession- als, they recognize and connect to the stages of AARID, but they believe it is more relevant to the experiences of their children who were born and raised in the United States. This is understandable, given the fact that the majority of these professionals are immigrants who came to the United States after completing their college educations and with a more fully developed per- sonal identity. Historically, it has also been true that for some Asian Ameri- cans, like the Japanese Americans during and after World War II, their sur- vival was dependent on their downplaying their minority status (less focus on race and ethnicity). This may also explain why this group has a higher rate of mixed marriages (mostly with Whites) than any other Asian ethnic group.

Social Context and Asian Americans

One cultural trait that Americans of Asian heritage share regardless of their specific ethnic group membership is group orientation. This orientation dis- tinguishes them from the dominant White population and the individual orientation more prevalent in the dominant society. Through this propensity for group orientation, Asian Americans learn to be sensitive to the expecta- tions of the group they are with and their social environment.2 For example,

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Asian people’s view of themselves (the private self) is primarily influenced by what other people (the public), and particularly what a specific group of people (the collective) think of them. Consequently, the development of indi- vidual identity is largely influenced by messages that are external to Asian Americans in both the collective and public environments. Given Asian Americans’ tendency to be externally rather than internally focused, their racial identity development is especially affected by the social environment. In particular, the impact of White racism and the attendant oppression of Asian Americans by European Americans are critical factors in Asian Amer- ican identity development (Chan and Hune 1995; Kim 1981; Moritsugu and Sue 1983; Smith 1991). However, before we can discuss the impact of racism on Asian Americans, it may be helpful to clarify how race is conceptualized in the United States and how racism is defined.

Discussions about race tend to be very emotional, and it is difficult to have a common understanding of what race is and why it matters. But many scholars, especially those associated with the Critical Race Theory movement (Begley 1995; Crenshaw 1995; Delgado 1995) have argued persuasively that the phenomenon of race is a social and legal construct.3 A growing number of Asian American legal scholars also support this view, arguing that race is not simply an immutable biological attribute (as in skin color) but represents a complex set of social meanings which are affected by political struggle (Omi and Winant 1994). Understanding that race is socially and politically, rather than biologically, determined may help us to understand how racial prejudice and racial dominance operate in U.S. society.

Racial prejudice is created by inaccurate and/or negative beliefs that rationalize the superiority or normalcy of one race. Racial dominance, on the other hand, describes the control of societal structures by a single racial group which enforces that group’s racial prejudice and maintains its privi- leges. Racism occurs when racial prejudice and racial dominance occur simultaneously (Wijeyesinghe, Griffin, and Love 1997). In the United States the White race is racially dominant and racial prejudice is taught to every- one, including members of racially oppressed groups. In addition, race often tends to be seen in Black and White terms, and we are most familiar with racial prejudices directed against Black Americans. We are less aware of the experiences of other groups of color (Asian, Latino, and American Indian). We also assign a specific set of stereotypes to each racial group (Wijeye- singhe, Griffin, and Love 1997).

Since the mid-1960s, when the Black civil rights movement was gain- ing momentum, the media began depicting Asian Americans as the “model minority.” Articles appeared in popular magazines portraying Asian

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Americans as one minority group who had made it in this country through hard work (Kasindorf 1982; Chan and Hune 1995). These stories cited higher academic attainments and combined family earnings of Asian Americans as indicators that Asians are a model minority. Several positive generaliza- tions—that Asians work hard, are technological nerds, are good at math, are focused on education, and the like—were added to the negative stereo- types of Asians—for example, that Asians are sly, ruthless, untrustworthy, submissive, quiet, foreigners, and lack communication skills and leadership potential. Given this “model minority” myth and the so-called “positive” stereotypes of Asian Americans, some people are unaware of the fact that White racism is also directed against Asian Americans. In fact, the history of racism against Asians began with the first wave of Asian immigrants from China almost one hundred fifty years ago. Subsequent to this early period, Asians have been subjected to massive and intense discrimination, including the denial of citizenship, the segregation of schools and housing, lynching, massacres, internment in concentration camps, random acts of violence, and subtle forms of unfair treatment in employment.4

In spite of this history, there is a pervasive myth accepted by many, includ- ing Asian Americans themselves, that Asian Americans have overcome all these obstacles and have succeeded in finding a place for themselves in the American dream through hard work, perseverance, and quiet suffering. It is true that many Asian Americans have obtained higher levels of education than the general population and have achieved middle-class status (Car- nevale and Stone 1995). However, the model minority myth5 ignores both the significant psychological cost of acculturation into a White racist society and the reality of continuing discrimination against Asian Americans. One such psychological cost is racial identity conflict.

Racism and Identity Conflict

Of the many problems faced by Asian Americans in the psychological arena, racial identity conflict is the most critical and severe (Sue and Sue 1971; Suzuki 1975; Sue and Sue 1990). Conflict about one’s identity can be said to exist when individuals perceive certain aspects or attributes of themselves which they simultaneously reject. In the case of Asian Americans, awareness of oneself as an Asian person is rejected in favor of the White models that are so pervasive in our society. The issue here is not the lack of awareness of one’s racial self but rather how one feels about and values that part of oneself.6

The phenomenon of identity conflict is manifested in a number of ways, with varying degrees of severity (Kohatsu 1993; Huang 1994). An Asian

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American may experience identity conflict as a belief in his or her own infe- riority (as well as the inferiority of other Asian Americans), perhaps coupled with deep-seated feelings of self-hatred and alienation. At some point in their lives, many Asian Americans have both consciously or unconsciously expressed the desire to become White, and tried to reject their identity as Asians (Kim 1981; Suzuki 1975; Huang 1994). A painful expression of this identity conflict among Asian American women is the practice of creat- ing double-folded eyelids (many Asians have single-folded eyelids) either through surgery or by using scotch tape in a vain attempt to meet the beauty standards of White society. This practice of “Americanizing” Asian eyes is reminiscent of the practice among Blacks of straighten ing their hair and bleaching their skin to look whiter in appearance (Suzuki 1975). Such expe- riences of denial and/or rejection of their Asian heritage contribute toward Asian Americans’ negative self-con cept and low self-esteem, both hallmarks of negative racial identity (Sue and Sue 1990).

The experience of identity conflict among Asian Americans is a direct result of living in a society that has institutionalized racism throughout its major structures, cultures, and value systems, as noted in Knowles and Pre- witt’s original work in 1969. Examples of institutional racism are stereotypes of Asians evident in film and television. The history of the U.S. legal and political system also contains voluminous pages of violence and discrimi- nation directed at Asian Americans (Takaki 1989; Chan and Hune 1995). Although the racism experienced by Asian Americans today may be more subtle than in prior decades, its effects have been shown to have a negative impact on Asian Americans’ psychological well-being (Chin 1970; Sue and Kitano 1973; Sue and Sue 1971, 1990). Various manifestations of identity con- flict can be seen as the result of Asian Americans’ attempts to make it in a White society, which, for the most part, devalues racial minorities and con- siders people of color to be aliens and foreigners even though many have been here for generations. Identity conflict as experienced by Asian Ameri- cans seems inevitable in a society where being different is synonymous with being inferior.

Asian American Racial Identity Development (AARID): The Model

This theory is comprised of five stages which explore how Asian Americans gain a positive racial identity in a society where they must deal with various negative messages and stereotypes about who they are. Each stage is charac- terized by the basic components of an identity: a self-concept that includes evaluation and meaning attribution (ego identity). The cultural tendency for

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Asian Americans to have a group and public orientation and to avoid shame contributes to the assimilation strategy evident in the White Identification stage. Access to information and increased understanding about White rac- ism can help an Asian American to move out of the White Identification stage and start on the road to a positive racial identity. Although the pro- cess is not linear or automatic, the five stages are conceptually sequential. For example, it is possible for an Asian American to get stuck in a certain stage and never move to the next stage. Whether Asian Americans move on to the next stage in their racial identity development is dependent primarily on their social environment, and various factors in this environment determine both the length and the quality of experience in a given stage.

Stage One: Ethnic Awareness

Ethnic Awareness is the first stage of AARID, and represents the period prior to Asian Americans entering the school system. Awareness of their ethnicity comes primarily from interactions with family members and relatives. Asian Americans who live in predominantly Asian or mixed neighborhoods have greater exposure to ethnic activities and experience more ethnic pride and knowledge of their cultural heritage. One benefit of membership in a larger Asian community is that Asian Americans experience what it is like to be in the majority and have a sense of security and positive ethnic awareness. Asian Americans who live in predominately White neighborhoods and have less exposure to ethnic activities are not sure what it means to be a mem- ber of an Asian ethnic group and feel neutral about their ethnic member- ship. Furthermore, greater exposure to Asian ethnic experiences at this stage leads to a positive self-concept and clearer ego identity while less exposure is related to a neutral self-concept and confused ego identity (Kim 1981, 2001). For most Asian Americans, this stage lasts until they enter the school sys- tems. When they begin school, most Asian Americans’ social environment changes from a protective secure home setting to a more public arena. It is this change in social environment that heralds a period of increased contact with the dominant White society, a key factor that moves individuals to the next stage.

Stage Two: White Identification

The beginning of the White Identification stage is marked by Asian Amer- icans’ strong sense of being different from their peers. They acquire this sense mostly through painful encounters such as being made fun of, being

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the object of name-calling, and the like. Such experiences tell Asian Ameri- cans that being different is bad. Given the Asian cultural values of quiet suffering and avoiding public shame, most Asian parents are not able to help their children cope with this other than by telling them to ignore these slights and hurts. The significance of shame in Asian cultures may also influence Asian Americans to try at all costs to fit into White society in order to avoid publicly embarrassing themselves. Gradually they inter- nalize White societal values and standards and see themselves through the eyes of the White society, especially regarding standards of physical beauty and attractiveness.

Although their reference group is White, Asian Americans in the White Identification stage often feel socially isolated from their White peers and enjoy little closeness or meaningful contact with them. Many Asian Ameri- cans compensate for this by becoming involved in formal organizational roles and responsibilities in school such as becoming class presidents, class officers, club leaders, and by excelling academically. However, this is a very painful period when Asian Americans’ self-concept begins to change from positive or neutral to negative. They also experience alienation from self and other Asian Americans while feeling inferior and believing they are at fault and responsible for racial incidents that happen to them.

Active White Identification There is some variation as to how the White Identification stage is expe-

rienced, depending on the degree to which Asian Americans identify with White people. Asian Americans who grow up in predominantly White envi- ronments are more likely to experience what is called Active White Identifi- cation, and repress negative feelings and experiences associated with their Asianness. In actively identifying with White people, these Asian Americans consider themselves to be very similar to their White peers and do not con- sciously acknowledge any differences between themselves and Whites. They especially do not want to be seen as an Asian person and do all they can to minimize and eliminate their Asian physical features or preferences for Asian food.

Passive White Identification Asian Americans who experience a positive self-concept during the

first stage of Ethnic Awareness and who grow up in predominantly Asian or mixed neighborhoods are more likely to experience Passive White Iden- tification. In Passive White Identification, Asian Americans do not consider themselves to be White and do not distance themselves from other Asians.

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However, they experience periods of wishful thinking and fantasizing about being White. Like Asian Americans in Active White Identification, Asian Americans in Passive White Identification also accept White values, beliefs, and standards, and use Whites as a reference group.

Whether experienced actively or passively, White Identification is a stage marked by negative attitudes and evaluations of self as Americans of Asian ancestry and include behaviors that reflect turning one’s back on other Asian Americans and ethnic minorities. These behaviors and atti- tudes are accompanied by a lack of political understanding that could help them to make sense of their experiences. At this stage, Asian Americans personalize their experiences and are not conscious of social injustice or racism. They are likely to say that there is no racism and that they have not encountered any discrimination. The goal of Asian Americans at the White Identification stage is to fit in, to pass for a White person, or at least not be seen as Asian. As long as Asian Americans believe they can be fully assimilated into White society, they remain in this stage of White Identification.

Stage Three: Awakening to Social Political Consciousness

It is during stage three of the AARID that some Asian Americans are able to shift their worldview and realize that they are not personally responsible for the way White racism has impacted them. In moving their paradigm from personal responsibility to social responsibility, Asian Americans at this stage acquire social and political understanding that enables them to transform their self-image. This transformation begins with a realistic assessment of Asian Americans’ social position and a clear realization of the existence of societal blocks and the futility of trying to “pass” or to strive for acceptance within the White world. The awareness of White racism also provides alter- native perspectives for Asian Americans which allow them to reinterpret their lives and lets them know that things could be different. Prior to the Awakening to Social Political Consciousness stage, Asian Americans blamed themselves for their negative racial experiences and believed these were the result of personal failings. An alternative perspective that these negative encounters have societal rather than personal roots releases the individual from unnecessary guilt and feelings of inferiority. Another major change during stage three is a reaction against White people. For Asian Americans at this stage, White people are no longer the reference group to which they aspire. Rather, White people become the antireferent group, people they don’t want to be like.

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Stage Four: Redirection to an Asian American Consciousness

Although in the previous stage Asian Americans changed their affiliation from Whites to minorities, they had not yet identified with Asian Ameri- cans. With support and encouragement from friends, Asian Americans begin to feel secure enough in themselves to look at their own experi- ences via immersion in Asian American culture, history, and environ- ment. Asian Americans discover that while they had some knowledge of their Asian cultural heritage, they don’t really know very much about the Asian American experience. As they learn more about the history of Asian Americans, they feel anger and outrage toward the dominant White system for the acts of racism directed to ward Asians in this country. Even- tually Asian Americans are able to move out of this reactionary state into a more realistic appraisal of both themselves and other Asian Americans and figure out what parts of themselves are Asian and what parts are American.

The ego identity of Asian Americans in stage four is centered on being an Asian American, which entails knowing they belong in the United States, having a clear political understanding of what it means to be Asian Ameri- can in this society, and no longer seeing themselves as misfits. They acquire racial pride and a positive self-concept as Americans with an Asian heritage.

Stage Five: Incorporation

The key factor in stage five of the AARID is confidence in one’s own Asian American identity. This confidence allows Asian Americans to relate to many different groups of people without losing their own racial identity as Asian Americans. Having been immersed in Asian American history and culture in the previous stage and resolving their racial identity conflict, Asian Americans who are in Incorporation stage no longer have a driving need to be exclusively with other Asian Americans. They also recognize that while racial identity is important, it is not the only social identity of importance to them. The hallmark of this last stage is the blending of individuals’ racial identity with the rest of their social identities.

AARID Overview

The Asian American Racial Identity Development theory (AARID) falls under psychological theories of racial identity and describes a developmental process that progresses through five stages of perception and relation to one’s

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Table 7.1: AARID Stage Summary

Social environment Critical factor Self-concept Ego identity

Primary reference group

Hallmark of the stage

Stage 1: Ethnic Awareness

home with family

amount of participation in ethnic activities

participation leads to positive; participation leads to neutral self-concept

participation = clear sense as a per son of Asian heritage, participation = less clear about being

Family discovery of ethnic heritage

Stage 2: White Identification

public arenas such as school systems

increased contact with White society leading to acceptance of White values and standards

negative self-image, especially body image

being different, not fitting in, inferior to White peers, feel isolated and personally responsible for negative treatments

White people and dominant society

alienated from self and other Asian Americans inability to connect experience with racism

Stage 3: Awakening to Social Political Consciousness

social political movements and/or campus politics

gaining political consciousness related to being a racial/political minority and awareness of racism

positive self- concept

identification as a minority in the United States, oppressed by but not inferior to Whites

people with similar politics, anti- establishment perspectives

gain new political perspective, political alienation from Whites

Stage 4: Redirection to an Asian American Conscious ness

Asian American community

immersion in Asian American experience

positive self- concept as Asian American

proud of being Asian American, experience a sense of belonging

AAs at similar stage of racial identity development

focus on Asian American experience, anger towards Whites on treatment of Asian Americans

Stage 5: Incorporation

general clear and firm Asian American identity

positive self- concept as a person

View self as a whole with race as a part of their significant so- cial identities

people in general

blending of racial identity with the rest of one’s social identity

racial group and the dominant group.7 As with other developmental models, AARID views racial identity development as a lifelong process wherein indi- viduals may have completed a stage in their identity development but their behavioral response to situations/events may appear to push them back to a previous stage. As such, a stage could be revisited or some stage experienced so subtly or for such a short period of time that it would appear as if they have skipped it altogether.

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Relevance of the Racial Identity Stage Development Model for Asian Americans

Beyond the more traditional approach to understanding identity through a single lens—whether that of race, gender, ethnicity, or sexual orientation— more recently identity scholars have been considering other factors that influence one’s identity, such as identity salience, social context, and internal versus external definitions of identity (Chen 2009). As is the case in AARID, most research on Asian Americans presumes that race or ethnicity are the salient factors in their identity development, given the existence of White racism in this country. It is therefore assumed that the oppression of racial minorities has a psychological impact on Asian Americans.

Some scholars have argued that this assumption limits our understand- ing of Asian Americans as it does not consider the diversity of social class, gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and the like among them. They argue that depending on the individual’s situation, a different identity dimension may be more salient than race/ethnicity (Fouad and Brown 2000; Rotheram and Phinney 1987). Specifically, Helms (1994) has suggested that race may not be the salient dimension of identity development for Asian Americans because of the existence of the “model minority” myth. The model minority myth can place Asian Americans in opposition to other vis- ible racial minorities. The myth encourages Asian Americans to believe that they can be fully accepted into the White majority society, and can live more privileged lives as an “exception” to other racial minorities if they act more “White.” The belief in the model minority myth could lead Asian Americans to overlook racial discrimination directed against them and White Ameri- cans to be more tolerant and less discriminatory against Asian Americans. If Asian Americans believe racial discrimination is not a significant factor in their lives, their racial identity may not be the most salient identity for them. When individuals identify with a single social identity, it tends to be the social identity most salient to them at the time. Saliency is influenced by the degree of struggle, pain, or conflict that one has to deal with in that iden- tity dimension. Thus, if a person’s racial membership presents the most chal- lenge and pain then racial identity will have salience over other aspects of self. However, for some Asian Americans who are also gay, the most salient social identity could be sexual orientation rather than racial membership, since homophobia is stronger and more prevalent within Asian ethnic cul- tures than in the United States.

Some researchers have questioned the usefulness of stage development theories and models of identity development for Asian Americans (Yeh and

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Huang 1996). They consider stage theories to be too restrictive and individu- ally focused. In addition, stage models are seen as being unable to incorpo- rate more group-oriented Asian culture and the Confucian philosophy that are salient to understanding Asian American development. In their research Yeh and Huang collected visual data from projective drawing exercises and concluded that Asian Americans were more focused on collectivism than individualism in their identity development and that avoidance of shame is a stronger driver in Asian American identity development than anger. The Asian cultural tendency to conform to group expectations and the desire to avoid the shame of being different may lead Asian Americans to more readily accept mainstream American standards. In summarizing the AARID theory, I see this dynamic as playing a role during the White Identification stage. I believe the cultural context of a group orientation versus an indi- vidual one presents a potential mitigating factor in the quality of the identity stage experienced, but it has no impact on whether individuals experience identity development stages.

Results from a qualitative study by Chen and Guzman (2003), which explored identity saliency and the multiple identities of Asian Americans, suggests that a multidimensional model of identity may be more applicable for this population. Their outcomes indicate that while ethnicity and race are the most salient social identities for “many” Asian Americans, other dimensions like gender, religion, and socioeconomic class are more salient for “some” Asian Americans, and still others listed personal identity charac- teristics such as personality or a career as being the most salient identity for them. While the Chen and Guzman study did not include this, I am guessing that for the “some” who identified with social dimensions other than race and ethnicity, generational status could be a factor. As stated earlier, first- generation, immigrant Asian Americans are more likely to be in the “some” category than would Asian Americans who have multiple minority social identities such as being gay.

Other researchers have confirmed the efficacy of the stage development models for Asian Americans (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, and Sandhu 1997; Phinney 1989; Tse 1999). Through analysis of thirty-nine previously published per- sonal stories by Asian Americans, Tse (1999) advanced stages of identity development for Asian Americans comprised of ethnic emergence (iden- tity search) and ethnic identity incorporation (achieved identity). Tse also found two substages within ethnic emergence: “Awakening to Minority Sta- tus” and “Ethnic Exploration.” In the first of these substages, Asian Amer- icans become more sensitive to issues of race and to the visibility of their minority status and realize how their minority membership has affected

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their self-perceptions and may express anger at mainstream society for their treatment. This description is very similar to stage three in AARID theory: “Awakening to Social Political Consciousness.” It is during the stage of Awakening to Social and Political Consciousness that some Asian Ameri- cans are able to shift their worldview and realize that they are not personally responsible for their situation and experiences with White racism. In moving their paradigm from personal responsibility to social responsibility, Asian Americans acquire social and political understanding that enables them to transform their self-image.

In Tse’s second substage, “Ethnic Exploration,” Asian Americans explore their Asian culture, seeking friendships with members of their own culture and learning their language. This is very similar to stage four in AARID theory, “Redirection to an Asian American Consciousness.” In both the Tse and Kim models Asian Americans begin to look at their own experiences and immerse themselves in the Asian American experience. Through related activities, Asian Americans discover that while they had some knowledge of their Asian cultural heritage, they don’t really know very much about the Asian American experience.

Future Research

While I have received much anecdotal information from Asian Americans of different ethnic backgrounds that the theory is applicable to their per- sonal experience, it has not been tested by formal research among differ- ent Asian ethnic groups. This could be a fruitful area for future examina- tion. In fact, a study of college students by Yeh and Huang (1996) which focused on ethnicity found that Asian Americans explicitly separate race and ethnicity, and concentrate on ethnicity. This research indicated that Asian Americans are largely affected by external forces and relationships in determining their affiliation with their cultural group and ultimately in forming ethnic identity. Yeh and Huang highlight the importance of acknowledging the collectivistic nature of ethnic identity development among Asian Americans. In addition, on college campuses today there are more Asian ethnic associations, such as organizations for Korean stu- dents or Chinese American students, than Asian American associations. This shift implies a greater ethnic rather than racial orientation among modern college students. Future research could examine the factors that influence whether race or ethnicity has salience for different generations of Asian Americans, including college students. A related area of explo- ration could look at the psychological impact on international students

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from Asia studying in the United States when they are mistaken for being Asian American.

AARID and the Changing Social Political Context

Although Ethnic Awareness is a stage of AARID, Asian American racial identity development is not primarily a process of finding one’s heritage, although this does occur for some Asian Americans. As is evident in the AARID theory, understanding and proclaiming one’s Asian heritage is a nec- essary but not a sufficient condition for developing an Asian American racial identity. A critical factor is the acquisition of a coherent political point of view and a new paradigm, which are often gained through involvement in political movements. That new perspective recognizes the subordination of people of color in this coun try, including Asian Americans.

The political climate in the United States has changed significantly since the 1960s and the 1970s.8 There is more acceptance of the racial status quo, more political backlash about affirmative action, and more resistance to deal- ing with social oppression and injustice.9 Given the importance of the socio- political environment in facilitating the development of an Asian American racial identity, how will the current, politically less progressive environment affect Asian Americans? Will Asian American identity evolve as outlined in the AARID theory if there are fewer opportunities to become involved in political movements that challenge the current racial dynamics and institu- tions? Responses to the AARID theory from college students I’ve worked with indicate that the shifting of their paradigm during the third stage is much more subtle and at times hard to distinguish from the fourth stage. That is, the Awakening to Social Political Consciousness and Redirecting to Asian American Consciousness may be seamless and felt as one stage. It will be important to study current college students and those in their mid- to late twenties to see how similar or different their experience of racial identity conflict resolution is to the AARID stages.

Another potential impact of the post-1960s and 1970s political environ- ment is that the importance of racial identity is beginning to be questioned. Two books by Asian American writers, Native Speaker by Chang-rae Lee (1995) and The Accidental Asian by Eric Liu (1998), provide some evidence of this. In his own way each author focuses more on the American part of his experience than on the Asian. Both authors are second-generation Asian American males in the White Identification stage, albeit passively, but they do not deny the existence of racial discrimination. One consequence of the changed political environment may be that Asian Americans spend more

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time in the White Identification stage, and perhaps never leave it. If this out- come is documented by future research, it would support one of AARID’s theoretical findings, namely, the importance of shifting one’s paradigm by enhancing one’s sociopolitical understanding, without which one remains in the White Identification stage.

AARID and Generational Differences

Responses gained from sharing the AARID model with different genera- tions of Asian Americans indicate that the theory primarily fits the experi- ence of the “1.5” (those born in Asia but raised primarily in this country) and successive generations. The first generation of immigrants, who come to this country as adults, seem less affected psychologically by White racism. Since the theory was developed using second-, third-, and fourth-generation Asian Americans, it may not accommodate the experiences of the immigrant generation. This is an important group to research, especially since fully 62 percent of Asian Americans in this country are immigrants. Future research on Asian American racial identity could also explore the length of time it takes for White racism to affect the racial identity of Asian Americans and whether this effect is the same for all generations of Asian Americans. Differ- ences between the experiences of foreign-born and native-born Asian Amer- icans warrant additional attention.

AARID and Changes in the Asian American Family

Another significant social change that has occurred since the AARID theory was developed relates to the marriage patterns of Asian Americans. Specifi- cally, more Asian Americans are marrying out of their Asian ethnic groups (for example, Chinese Americans marrying Korean Americans) and espe- cially marrying out of their racial group (for example, Asians with White partners, Asians with Black partners, and so on). The AARID as currently written does not account for the experiences of interracial and interethnic people. Therefore, future research needs to examine the kinds of identity conflict that arise for Asian Americans who are in interracial marriages, or who are chil dren of interracial or interethnic marriages. It would be helpful to know how identity conflict issues are experienced by interracial people, especially if their background includes the blending of an Asian and another race of color (that is, Black, Latino, or American Indian), because of their physical appearance. On the other hand, the mixed Asian ethnic families and children would probably have similar experiences as Asian Americans

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in general and would follow the AARID model because of the saliency of race over ethnicity that was discussed earlier. However, additional research is needed to explore these topics fully.

Another trend since the 1980s is the increased number of Asian ethnic children (mostly Chinese and Korean) that are adopted by White families. While there are more support groups for such blended families to ensure cultural education, it is not clear what the adoptees’ experience is with their social identity development either racially or ethnically. Research in this area would add to our understanding of the psychological impact of being differ- ent from the dominant social group.

Synthesis

While there are a number of research topics that could shed light on Asian Americans’ racial identity conflict and its resolution, the AARID theory still seems relevant today. In a recent workshop (April 2010) I conducted with seventeen Asian American college students—comprised of six men and eleven women, representing Chinese (11), Filipino (1), Japanese (2), and Viet- namese (3) ethnic groups, and five “1.5” generation and twelve second- gen- eration Asian Americans—fourteen participants confirmed that their expe- riences mirrored the stages of Asian American Identity Development. Of the fourteen, four experienced the Active White Identification and ten experi- enced the Passive White Identification stage. All four Active White Identi- fication people grew up in White neighborhoods and went to schools that were mostly White. Of the ten who experienced Passive White Identification, eight grew up in and went to school in either racially mixed or mostly Asian neighborhoods and schools. All three of those who said the Asian American Identity Development stages did not reflect their experiences, were exposed to significant Asian cultural activities (one grew up outside the United States, in Asia) and went to racially mixed schools and reported not experienc- ing any form of the White Identification stage. The results of this informal research confirm the relevance of the AARID model for understanding the racial identity development process for Asian Americans.

The Asian American Racial Identity Development (AARID) theory spe- cifically focused on racial identity development rather than ethnic identity development. This focus was fueled by the belief that much of what influ- ences AARID is Asian Americans’ status as a racial minority in the United States and the social and psychological consequences of this status. This is not to deny the existence of real cultural diversity among Asian ethnic groups. However, the reality of everyday experience is that most Asian ethnic groups,

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especially those from the East Asian countries of China, Japan, Korea, and the Philippines, are subject to a common set of racial preju dices and stereo- types (Chan and Hune 1995). For the most part, White Americans do not accord a different status or treat an Asian person differently depending on his or her ethnic group affiliation (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, or Filipino). The murder of Vincent Chin10 in 1982 is a painful example of this reality. In fact, one of the stereotypes of Asian Americans is that we all look alike, with the exception of Asian Indians. Just as a Black person is treated pri- marily on the basis of the color of his or her skin in this country regardless of ethnic membership (for example, African, Jamaican, Cape Verdean, etc.), most Asian Americans ex perience a similar social dynamic. It is their racial membership, not their ethnic membership, that impacts how Asian Ameri- cans feel about themselves in this country. This is the primary reason for for- mulating AARID as a racial rather than an ethnic identity theory.

Notes 1. The AAID was created in the 1980s, based on doctoral dissertation research on the

experiences of Japanese American women by the author. 2. Studies that have compared culturally diverse groups found that Asian American

subjects provide more collective responses, 20 to 52 percent, than European American subjects whose collective responses were only 15 to 19 percent (Higgins and King 1981). When compared to European Americans, Asian Americans tend to depend more heavily on the situation and values of the host society to define who they are (Triandis 1989).

3. Specifically, Critical Race theorists believe that race is a conceptual mechanism by which power and privileges are distributed in this country. Furthermore, the concept of race was constructed as a political device to keep people of color subordinated to Whites. Therefore, Critical Race theorists believe that progressive racial identity must reflect more than appreciation of common ancestry and include a common political agenda based on a shared worldview. This agenda should seek to terminate the subor- dination of people of color in this country (Iijima 1997).

4. There are a few books that chronicle the experience of Asian Americans in this coun- try. Ronald Takaki (1989) is a great primer that describes the experiences of the major Asian ethnic groups in America. Another good source is a report of the U.S. Commis- sion on Civil Rights (1992).

5. For further information on the history of racial discrimination suffered by Asian Americans and a critique of the model minority thesis, see Chin et al. (1996: 13–23).

6. Much research in the area of racial identity concludes that a child between the ages of three and six becomes aware of different ethnic groups and begins to identify with the appropriate one. However, both minority and majority children develop a preference for White racial stimuli (Clark 1955; Clark and Clark [1947] 1958; Clark 1980; Brand, Ruiz, and Padilla 1974).

7. Since completing the original study, I have processed the results with hundreds of Asian Americans in different adult stages of development, generations, ethnic

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backgrounds, and social environments. These encounters have illustrated that for the most part the theory of five stages is still viable. However, I have become more aware of the interplay between the way Asian Americans experience the various stages and Asian cultural values, especially of group orientation, resulting in a greater focus on the external social environment and the role of shame as a preferred control mechanism among Asian cultures.

8. The major political influences of this era were the Black liberation movement and Black nationalism. These movements believed that the way to reduce racial domina- tion was to directly transform the power relationship between Blacks and Whites. The birth of the Asian American movement itself coincided with these movements for Black liberation. Asian American activists focused on raising questions of oppression and power rather than on racial pride. To them, Asian American identity was primar- ily a means of uniting for political struggle rather than acquiring racial identity solely for its own sake (Iijima 1997).

9. It was during the 1990s that we saw the passage of proposition 206 in California that elim- inated affirmative action in contracting, selection, and hiring in businesses, and admis- sions to universities. A number of other states, including Washington State, have followed suit. Other evidence of this changing social climate are the Texas Law School case and the Maryland scholarship case, both of which questioned the legality of affirmative action and the value of diversity in higher education in professional school admissions.

10. In 1982 Vincent Chin was murdered by a group of laid-off auto workers in Detroit. His Asian appearance made him a target. In an area where there was a lot of anti-Japanese feeling due to competition in the auto industry, Vincent was thought to be Japanese, though he was Chinese American. The fact that the White men who murdered Chin received minimum sentences of probation is an example of institutional racism directed against Asian Americans in our legal system.

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