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q Ballet Folklórico Mexicano: Choreographing National Identity in a Transnational Context Olga Nájera-Ramírez

Since its emergence in the late 1950s, ballet folklórico has become an enormously popular dance form that is widely practised throughout Mexico and the United States, and performed throughout the world. Although folklórico dance continues to be a vibrant transnational expressive medium through which Mexican communities on both sides of the US–Mexico border create and pass on a strong sense of group aesthetics and identity, serious scholarship on this dance genre is a relatively recent development. Some twenty-fve years ago, when I published an article on the social and political dimensions of folklórico dance (Nájera-Ramírez 1989), material on the subject was scarce indeed. Over the past two decades, however, several important works have been published in Spanish that provide a lot more insight into the complex history of this dance form in Mexico (Dallal 1986, 2008; Tortajada Quiróz 1995, 2000; Parga 2004). To date, there is little published on the practice and signifcance of folklórico dance in the United States (but see Nájera-Ramírez, Cantú and Romero 2009).

Te purpose of this essay is to provide an overview of the emergence and development of the Mexican folklórico dance genre in Mexico and in the United States. I will show that this dance form emerged in large part as a response to the romantic nationalist sentiments that motivated artists, intellectuals and politicians to search for ways of presenting and promoting new visions of Mexican national identity during the post-revolutionary period. As a state sanctioned expression of lo mexicano or ‘Mexicanness’ through which the diversity of Mexican culture or mexicanidades was displayed to audiences everywhere, folklórico dance became a discursive construct that enabled disparate ethnic and regional communities to envision themselves (and each other) as legitimate members of the Mexican nation. Entangled in issues of authenticity, commercialization and legitimacy, ballet folklórico ofers an important site for examining the multifaceted and often contradictory forces at play in the transnational development of this expressive form. Terefore, I

Dancing Cultures : Globalization, Tourism and Identity in the Anthropology of Dance, edited by Hélène Neveu Kringelbach, and Jonathan Skinner, Berghahn Books, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucr/detail.action?docID=1337699.

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Chapter 8

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will also explore the politics of identity as played out in this vibrant and widespread transnational cultural expression. Finally, I will demonstrate that despite these complications and contradictions, ballet folklórico has become extremely infuential in shaping the cultural imaginary of Mexican national identity at home and abroad.

Definitions I begin by defning and elaborating upon two terms that are central to this essay: cultural imaginary and folklórico dance. I use the term ‘cultural imaginary’ to refer to the full range of cultural productions by which cultural identities are constructed, disseminated and experienced.1 Following Américo Paredes, whose scholarship on Mexican expressive culture demonstrated a nuanced understanding of the complexities of national and cultural identities,2 I show that interrogating the means through which a community imagines itself as part of a nation provides insight into the politics of identity and representation, particularly in the context of globalization, in which people, cultures and goods circulate beyond the geopolitical borders that defne a nation-state. Specifcally, I argue that folklórico dance, like other Mexican transnational expressive forms, ‘simultaneously challenges and strengthens pre-existing conceptions of national and cultural identities’ (Nájera-Ramírez 2001: 168). Attesting to the power of the imaginary, even Mexican-Americans who have never been to Mexico frequently come to identify as Mexican through their participation in and enactment of Mexican folklórico dance. However, within the realm of folklórico dance, Mexican- Americans perform almost exclusively as bearers of tradition, not as legitimate active producers of culture who contribute to and thus expand what it means to be Mexican. Tis raises the question regarding how Mexicans living in the United States ft within the Mexican national imaginary. I will return to this point in the latter part of the chapter.

With respect to folklórico dance, I stress that although it is often glossed over as ‘Mexican folk or regional dance,’ Mexican folklórico dance is more accurately defned as a stylized and choreographed dance form developed for theatrical stage presentation that is based on, or otherwise informed by, regional folk dances and traditions of Mexico. More specifcally, folklórico dance presentations consist of various cuadros (suites) that represent diferent cultural regions of Mexico through movement, music, costumes and sometimes stage backdrops or scenery. 3 Te zapateados (footwork that consists of intricate stomps, heel and toe patterns) are characteristic of most dances although the specifc type of zapateado varies from region to region. Another common feature is that these are courtship dances in which the dancers often imitate the movement of animals (horses, iguanas, vultures) found in the local environment. To better illustrate, let me briefy describe the jarocho region.4

Originating in the southern coastal plain of the state of Veracruz, the expression son jarocho refers to a music and dance genre forged from hybridized African, Indigenous, and European traditions. Characterized by a polyrhythmic foundation and improvised lyrics, son jarocho is played by a conjunto jarocho ( jarocho ensemble)

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Ballet Folklórico and Mexican Identity ■ 163

that typically includes harp, requinto (a melodic guitar-like instrument) and a jarana (a small, eight-stringed, fve course guitar-like instrument that provides the rhythmic foundation). Sometimes a pandero (tambourine) and quijada (the jawbone of a donkey) are used for percussion. Often performed on a tarima (wooden platform), the syncopated, percussive footwork that is reminiscent of, but not identical to, famenco dance steps, complete the ensemble.

Te humid tropical climate and the cultural roots are expressed in the costumes, dance movements and stage scenery. Women wear white lacy skirts and blouses, a black embroidered apron, a solid brightly coloured rebozo (shawl), and a pair of white hard-heeled shoes. A large tocado (head piece) consisting of bright tropical fowers and a peineta (decorative hair comb) and a lacy fan complete the costume. Men wear a white guayabera (embroidered button-down shirt with big pockets and pleats down the front) over white trousers, a paliacate (kerchief ), a palm-fbre hat and a pair of white boots (see fg. 8.1). To accentuate the footwork, the dancers’ shoes have nails hammered into the toe and heel of the sole (fg. 8.2). Women’s skirt movements are graceful and fowing, reminiscent of gentle ocean waves. Dance movements may also imitate local animals. For example, La Iguana features men imitating the slithering jumps and gyrations of an iguana that attacks the women. Frequently, the tropical backdrop will include palm trees and ocean scenery.

In Mexico, folklórico dance as defned above is currently referred to more precisely as danza folklórica escénica (theatrical folk dance). But in the US, this dance form is most commonly referred to simply as folklórico dance. In the course of a folklórico presentation in a theatre, dance troupes will present six or more regions of Mexico thus providing audiences with a riveting variety of regional cultures. In any combination, folklórico dances work to capture and display the richness of lo mexicano, or ‘Mexicanness’.5

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Figure 8.1 Grupo Folklórico de la Universidad de Guadalajara, circa 1965.

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Figure 8.1 The University of Guadalajara's Folklorico Group, circa 1965.

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Figure 8.2 Arce Manjares family performing in Guadalajara, circa 1960s

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Figure 8.2 The Arce Manjares family performing in Guadalajara, circa 1960s.

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Forging a National Identity: The Search for Lo Mexicano Although Mexico gained independence in 1821, the frst hundred years of independence was tumultuous to say the least. Rural–urban divisions as well as political instability exacerbated Mexico’s lack of economic, racial and social integration. Indeed, ffty distinct leaders ruled the nation before Porfrio Díaz assumed the presidency in 1876 (Cockcroft 1983: 62). His thirty-fve years of tyrannical rule, referred to as the Porfriato, brought remarkable material prosperity to Mexico but Díaz’s reign proved an economic and social disaster for the common citizen who did not share in the benefts of his campaign to modernize Mexico. By all accounts, Diaz’s repressive regime shunned the masses and their culture (Cockcroft 1983; Sherman and Meyer 1979). Infuenced by positivist intellectuals, referred to as the científcos, Díaz espoused a racist ideology that viewed indigenous people and working-class mestizos as obstacles to Mexico’s development, while European people, trends and artistic expressions were regarded as the standards of modernity and progress. By the end of the nineteenth century, at the height of the Porfriato, emulating French culture signalled a ‘true measure of aristocratic success’ (Sherman and Meyer 1979: 473).

At the turn of the twentieth century, Mexico experienced a social revolution that toppled the Díaz regime and promised a new beginning for the country. Te Mexican Revolution of 1910 ignited a romantic nationalist movement that inspired artists, intellectuals and government agencies to look to their native culture as the basis for the development of a new Mexican national identity. Muralists, musicians, architects and writers sought to create a national style that highlighted the peasantry and indigenous population as the source of an authentic Mexican identity (Knight 1990). Tis explosive interest in lo mexicano positioned traditional and regional dances as ideal ways to acknowledge the cultural diversity within the Mexican nation while simultaneously providing evidence for its unique character as a nation (Nájera-Ramírez 1989). It was in this context that indigenous and regional folk dance assumed national importance.6

Several government agencies and institutions participated in early eforts to collect, preserve and disseminate dance. Te Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP) sponsored numerous endeavours involving Mexican traditional dance. Te Misiones Culturales (Cultural Missions), for example, whose stated goal was to create a united national society (Saenz 1927; Sánchez 1936), assumed the task of collecting folk dances throughout the nation. Te idea was to document these vernacular expressions before they disappeared and to disseminate them through the state school system as a way of preserving them. It was thus that folklórico dance, however decontextualized and simplifed, became an integral part of the elementary school experience. Te Cultural Missions programme also sponsored various dance festivals in order to promote an interest in indigenous and traditional dance (Tortajada Quiróz 2000: 16).

During the early 1930s, SEP established the frst national dance school, the Escuela Nacional de Danza, under the auspices of the Departmento de Bellas Artes (Department of Fine Arts).7 In 1932, under the directorship of revolutionary artists

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Carlos Mérida and Carlos Orozco Romero, the school developed a specifc focus on Mexican dance. While the Escuela Nacional ofered classes in various genres of dance, the principal goal was to provide students with the foundational skills and knowledge to create ‘a totally Mexican dance form’ (una danza netamente mexicana) (Dallal 1986: 84). Members of the faculty engaged in researching vernacular dance forms, producing choreographies for festivals sponsored by the school, and, of course, developing and teaching the curriculum (Tortajada Quiróz 2000: 18). Te Escuela Nacional de Danza ofered two courses on Mexican dance titled Ritmos mexicanos (Mexican rhythms) and Bailes mexicanos (Mexican dances), taught by sisters Gloria and Nellie Campobello respectively. Trained in classical ballet, they sought to choreograph classical ballets based on Mexican nationalist themes. Indeed, by 1931 the Campobello sisters created a suite inspired by the Mexican revolution entitled Ballet Simbólico 30–30 that received widespread acclaim (Dallal 1986: 83; Tortajada Quiróz 2000: 18). In 1940, they published a book, Ritmos Indígenos, based on their research into Mexican vernacular dance. Te Campobello sisters eventually established the dance company, Ballet de la Ciudad de México, which focused exclusively on injecting Mexican themes into classical ballet, but by 1947 the dance troupe had dissolved (Cerón 2005).

Beginning in 1940, there began a Mexican modern-dance movement (movimiento mexicano de danza moderna) that lasted through to 1959 (Dallal 1986). Te Mexican modern-dance movement spawned many talented dancers, choreographers, directors and researchers who worked collaboratively with other nationally oriented artists such as Carlos Chávez, Miguel Covarrubias and Blas Galindo. Curiously, however, two North American dancers and choreographers, Anna Sokolow and Waldeen Falkenstein, the latter better known simply as Waldeen, spearheaded the modern dance movement in Mexico (Dallal 1986: 105). Carlos Mérida, director of the Escuela Nacional de Danza, invited Anna Sokolow to present a series of performances at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City. Although Sokolow, who had trained with Martha Graham, had previously performed in Mexico on several occasions, this time she stayed in Mexico and founded the Grupo Mexicano de Danzas Clásicas y Modernas made up of students from the Escuela Nacional. In 1940 Sokolow worked with the Ballet de Bellas Artes and subsequently established a modern dance group called La Paloma Azul (the Blue Dove) dedicated to the development of dance pieces based on Mexican themes and images. While Sokolow’s company lasted only one season, she is nonetheless credited with establishing the foundations of an indigenous Mexican modern-dance movement.8

In 1939, SEP invited Waldeen, trained in classical ballet and modern dance, to direct the Ballet de Bellas Artes. Like Sokolow, Waldeen selected a group of dancers enrolled in the Escuela Nacional de Danza to perform her choreographies. According to dance critic Alberto Dallal (1986: 92), Waldeen was among the frst choreographers to develop modern dance based on Mexican dances. Her dance suite La Coronela, for example, which debuted on 23 November 1940, alluded to the oppressed conditions of the pueblo (the common people) and featured Silvestre

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Revueltas’s nationalist symphonic music and Jose Guadalupe Posada’s engravings (grabados). Both Waldeen and Sokolow contributed signifcantly to the development of nationally inspired theatrical dance in Mexico and mentored many aspiring dancers.

Te establishment in 1947 of the Academia de Danza Mexicana by nationalist music composer Carlos Chávez, director of the newly inaugurated Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes, proved to be another signifcant development in Mexican dance. Directed by Guillermina Bravo and Ana Mérida, the academy ofered classes in classical ballet, regional and modern dance. Founding members of the Academia de Danza included Josefna Lavalle, Marcelo Torreblanca and Amalia Hernández, each of whom made important contributions to folklórico dance (Dallal 1986: 109, 120).

Josefna Lavalle, a student of the Escuela Nacional de Danza and a former member of Waldeen’s Ballet de Bellas Artes, developed numerous choreographies, wrote several important books on Mexican dance, and ultimately founded the Fondo Nacional para el Desarrollo de la Danza Popular Mexicana (FONADAN), a national research institute devoted to the research and collection of traditional indigenous dance.

Torreblanca and Hernández are of particular interest because they exemplify polar extremes of the approach to folklórico that continue to be hotly debated to this day. As I have noted elsewhere, a critical and often controversial issue lies in determining how much individual creativity may be applied to original dance forms without totally distorting them (Nájera-Ramírez 1989: 22). Marcelo Torreblanca, an ardent supporter of vernacular dance and a former teacher with the Misiones Culturales programme, ofered classes in Mexican folkdance at the Academia de Danza. Miguel Vélez, one of Mexico’s leading folklórico dance authorities, and a former student of the Academia de Danza, describes Torreblanca as follows:

Torreblanca is a dance purist; he is a man who does not permit one to create a choreography. He insisted that we dance exactly the way that indigenous people, the natives of each place, danced, something that was not possible. A folkloric dance company is created for Bellas Artes with students from the Academy and the director is Torreblanca. Unfortunately, he does not have a vision of making a spectacle for a general public. He makes a very limited spectacle, the students have to learn long routines, in which each number lasts fve or six minutes and the public does not accept it.9

Torreblanca’s folklórico group, undoubtedly one of the frst ofcial folklórico dance troupes in Mexico, never achieved national acclaim. Nonetheless, Torreblanca devoted his life to documenting the indigenous and traditional dances of Mexico and remains an important fgure in the development of folklórico dance in Mexico for instituting a ‘purist’ approach to folklore that persists today (Heredia Casanova 2002). If nothing else, his approach emphasized the importance of conducting ethnographic investigation.

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In contrast to Torreblanca’s conservative approach to folklore, Amalia Hernández utilized Mexican folkloric materials as the foundations for developing a theatrical dance spectacle. Best known for establishing and directing the Ballet Folklórico de México, Mexico’s premiere folklórico dance group, Hernández started her career with Danza Moderna Mexicana, and trained in classical ballet, modern and Mexican regional dance. In 1952, she performed with Ballet Moderno de México, directed by Waldeen, and when the director left Mexico the following year Hernández became the new director of the company. It was here that Hernández began incorporating Mexican folk dances into her own dance productions. Despite criticism for integrating folk dances into modern dance, Hernández continued her work and founded the Ballet de Mexico to make presentations for television. Her group performed a range of dance genres ranging from classical ballet to African dance.

By 1959, Amalia Hernández became more focused on folklórico dance. With Felipe Segura as artistic director, Hernández and her dance troupe, the Ballet Folklórico de Mexico, participated in the Festival of the Americas in Chicago where they achieved great success (Dallal 1986: 479–80). Upon their return, Hernández’s dance tro