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by pilar morales-giner and cristina ramos

THE MIGRATION AND CLIMATE CHANGE NEXUS

31SPRING 2022 contexts

In recent years, the terms “climate refugee” or “environmental

refugee” have featured heavily in news media and popular

commentary. Often, such terms are accompanied by shockingly large

numbers, referring to everything from current migration levels to

future “climate refugee” predictions. While the topic of migration

and climate change is of undoubted importance, these ways of

approaching the issue oversimplify the complex reality of climate

change and distort its relationship to migration. Moreover, by ignoring

the various connections between migration and climate change,

such narrow framings jeopardize prospects for creating policies that

address the root causes leading people to leave their homes. Alarmist

and reductive headlines calling attention to enormous flows of people

migrating could be contributing to the treatment of migration as a

security threat.

At the same time, training attention solely on those who

migrate across borders may make us lose sight of those who

need relief inside their countries. Many such people often wish to

return to their homes once conditions allow, or perhaps resettle

in other parts of their own country. Understanding that the link

between environmental changes and migration is mediated by

socioeconomic, political, and humanitarian contexts can help

us better recognize migrants’ decision-making—as well as the

barriers and enablers of migration—in a way that can guide

policies by taking into account the wishes, needs, and oppor-

tunities of those affected. Therefore, it is important to shift the

focus from stopping the arrival of so-called “climate refugees”

towards a better understanding of the nexus between climate

change and migration.

who is a refugee? The word “refugee” is frequently misused in the context of

climate change. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR)

defines a refugee as “someone who has been forced to flee

his or her country because of persecution, war or violence.”

None of these scenarios includes displacements directly related

to climatic or environmental change. Persons displaced due to

environmental phenomena are generally not covered by the

1951 Refugee Convention adopted by the United Nations and

Contexts, Vol. 21, Issue 2, p. 30-35. ISSN 1536-5042. © American Sociological Association. http://contexts.sagepub.com. 10.1177/15365042221107659

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Protest sign from a 2019 climate change rally.by pilar morales-giner and cristina ramos

32 contexts.org

the protections provided under international refugee law, such

as the right to apply for asylum.

Existing national or international legislation rarely grants

asylum protections to these “climate refugees.” Similarly, courts

of law tend not to grant asylum to immigrant persons impacted

by extreme weather events in their home countries. For instance,

a family from a small island state in the Pacific (Tuvalu) once

claimed asylum in New Zealand based on humanitarian needs

related to climate change. Courts rejected these claims, instead

granting them asylum because of family connections. In another

case, New Zealand’s national Courts of Justice denied an asylum

claim based on the effects of sea-level rise by a citizen from Kiri-

bati, another small island state. In this case, the applicant was

forced to go back to Kiribati in 2015. A UN Human Rights Com-

mittee ruled that this deportation did not violate the applicants’

right to life. However, this ruling recognized for the first time that

“environmental degradation, climate change, and unsustainable

development” constitute threats to the effective enjoyment of

the right to life. Furthermore, the Committee’s ruling suggests

that sending individuals back to countries where they will face

climate-related harm can constitute a violation of the non-

refoulement principle, which protects individuals from being

sent into a country in which they will face considerable danger.

While there is hardly any real legal protection for climate-

related migrants, some researchers, as well as international

proposals (e.g., the Nansen Initiative), have advocated for creat-

ing an international convention that protects people who are

displaced because of climate change. Other experts have noted

that policymakers should be cautious before treating climate-

related migration as a type of forced migration similar to those

of refugees or asylum seekers who emigrate because of violence

or persecution.

The term “climate refugee” emphasizes the cross-border

dimension of climate migration, and this focus overlooks those

who migrate within their countries. This term also suggests that

those who move will cross international boundaries and achieve

some form of legal protection in another country. While climate

change is pushing people to leave their homes, especially in

the Global South, most do so within their own countries. The

Internal Displacement Monitoring Center estimated that in 2017

18.8 million people were displaced by geophysical and weather-

related disasters. A 2018 report by the World Bank projects that,

without concrete climate action, by 2050, climate change could

force more than 143 million people to move within their own

countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and Latin America.

And those who cross a border are unlikely to achieve asylum

status due to climate-related harm.

To find alternative terms to climate or environmental

refugees, the IOM put forward in 2007 a working definition

of “environmental migrants.” Accordingly, environmental

migrants, “predominantly for reasons of sudden or progressive

change in the environment that adversely affects their lives or

living conditions, are obliged to leave their

habitual homes, or choose to do so, either

temporarily or permanently, and who move

either within their country or abroad.” This

definition encompasses the possibility that

the migration might be forced or not and

that it happens within and across borders.

Other researchers prefer to talk about “cli-

mate mobilities” (rather than migration) to

account for the different types of moves

(e.g., internal, international, short and long

term, forced or voluntary) that are linked to

the changing climate.

So, while it is clear that climate change is having a tremen-

dous impact on human mobility, the full range of climate-related

migration is not captured by the term “climate refugee.” Indeed,

the term risks overlooking those who migrate internally, and it

may lead to confusion over who can—and likely will—receive

protection under international refugee law.

the challenge of a narrow focus on climate- related migration

But the problem of approaching climate-related migration

as a “refugee crisis” does not only rest in the terminology; it

The term “climate refugee” evokes awareness and concern for the plight of those affected but it also can create a sense of fear and rejection for potential receiving countries.

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Persons displaced due to environmental phenomena are generally not covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention adopted by the United Nations and the protections provided under international refugee law, such as the right to apply for asylum.

33SPRING 2022 contexts

also lies in its narrow focus. This framing tends to place all the

attention on 1) migrant vulnerability and disempowerment and

2) climate change as the only cause. While accurate as far as it

goes, this framing does not attend to the perspectives of those

who experience the impacts of climate change. Thus, issues such

as “place attachment” or the “multi causality of environmental

migration”—which actual migrants experience—are often

ignored in media reports.

Therefore, some researchers have called attention to the

limitations of labeling environmental migrants as “climate ref-

ugees.” Migrants themselves sometimes

echo this call. To give an example, some

communities in small island states—which

are more likely to suffer the effects of cli-

mate change—seem to think that the term

“refugee” diverts consideration from the

complexity of environmental migration. A

2018 study written by Nikita Perumal from

Columbia University conducted in the island

state of Vanuatu observes that interviewees did not find the

label “refugee” an appropriate description of their situation.

The solid cultural connections that inhabitants of Vanuatu have

with their land, for instance, appear left out of the “refugee”

classification. Similarly, a 2012 study authored by Carol Farbotko

and Heather Lazrus from the University of Wollongong (Australia)

explains that the Tuvaluans’ understanding of the links between

climate change and migration does not match the standard

media narrative of “climate refugees.” In all these cases, cultural,

economic, and political specificities augment the environmental

drivers of migration.

The narrow focus on climate-related migration is also mani-

fested in unreflective calls emphasizing alarming information.

It is not uncommon to find media head-

lines that describe “climate refugees” in

vague and shocking terms. Such headlines

sometimes compel the reader to think

of migrants as vulnerable groups that

come en masse. Other times, migrants

are described as coming in large numbers,

suggesting that they represent a crisis or

a security threat to established democra-

cies. While climate-related migration is a

serious challenge that is likely to increase

in salience over time, an alarmist approach

that does not take into account its com-

plexity could be counterproductive. These

approaches to climate-related migration

could be contributing to the increasing

adoption of security measures in border-

lands. In recent decades, there has been a

dramatic increase in border securitization

globally—as the triplication of border walls

since the late 1990s shows. Such measures are unlikely to truly

address the issue of climate change migration (or migration in

general). In fact, there is little evidence that borders stop migra-

tion of any kind.

In addition, those who are affected by climate change but

still decide to stay in their homes are hardly mentioned in media

reports. But those who stay are very important for understanding

climate change migration. Among other things, they show the

complexities of decision-making when it comes to staying or

leaving, and so we should also be thinking more carefully about

them. For example, when communities are affected by climate

change, are those who stay in their homes the ones who are

equipped with sufficient resources to cope with environmental

change? Or are they those who cannot afford traveling and

therefore have no other option? The answer to these questions

is likely “it depends,” as is true for most aspects of climate

change migration.

the multidimensional implications of the migration and climate change nexus

Migration and climate change are phenomena that mani-

fest in multiple dimensions. For starters, there are many different

types of migration. In the spatial dimension, as we discussed

While climate change is experienced globally, it manifests differently at the local level.

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Migration linked to the environment can take many forms, but the homogenizing tendencies of the concept “climate refugee” risk leaving out most of these nuances.

34 contexts.org

above, there are international migrants and internal migrants.

The latter are most abundant when it comes to climate-related

migration. Along the temporal dimension, migration can be

seasonal, circular, or permanent, or happen in a stepwise man-

ner. Migrants also differ along the demographic dimension.

People who leave their home communities tend to meet similar

demographic characteristics (such as age, gender, or education

level), known as selective migration. Finally, there is a legal or

administrative dimension to migration. For instance, transna-

tional migrants who have visas or legal permits issued by the

receiving states are labeled as documented migrants. These

migrants are typically allowed to stay in the receiving state for

a specific period.

On the other hand, those who lack such legal permits are

known as undocumented migrants. In addition, there are state-

less migrants—individuals who lack any form of citizenship.

In the context of climate-related migration, those exposed to

extreme weather events may be subjected to temporary evacu-

ation orders. In other cases, entire communities can be induced

to planned relocation. And we can also talk about migration

being forced and voluntary, although the distinction is sometimes

blurry. This means that migration linked to the environment can

take many forms, but the homogenizing tendencies of the con-

cept “climate refugee” risk leaving out most of these nuances.

Anthropogenic climate change is also a multidimensional

phenomenon created by global causes (e.g., greenhouse gas

emissions through the burning of fossil fuels, livestock farming,

or deforestation), but that is manifested locally in very different

ways. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate

Change (UNFCCC) indicates the difference between extreme

weather events (e.g., floods, heatwaves, and wildfires) and

slow-onset weather events (such as desertification, rising sea

levels, or seasonal droughts). Climate change may cause severe

displacement through extreme weather events. Some recent

examples are the effects of cyclones Idai and Kenneth, which

displaced hundreds of thousands of people in Mozambique,

Zimbabwe, and Malawi in 2019, or the Super Typhoon Goni,

which in 2020 displaced thousands of people in the Philip-

pines. Although these extreme climate processes receive more

immediate media attention (and are followed by the arrival of

international aid), less visible is the fact that many households

and individuals move in response to slow-onset weather events.

There has been extensive research documenting climate-

related mobilities worldwide, especially from rural areas in the

Global South where climate-induced shocks severely affect rural

households whose livelihoods depend on agriculture. To give a

few examples, a 2012 study by Raphael Nawrotzki, Fernando

Riosmena and Lori Hunter shows a link between decreasing pre-

cipitation rates in dry Mexican states and an increasing flow of

Mexican migrants to the US from those areas. In Tanzania, a 2016

study by Zaneta Kubik and Mathilde Maurel found that a reduc-

tion in agricultural income caused by weather shocks increases the

probability of internal migration the following year. A 2017 study

of Malawi by Solomon Asfaw and Giuseppe Maggio shows that

temperature shocks negatively affect household welfare in terms

of food consumption. This research highlights the importance

of reducing the climate vulnerability of agricultural households.

Slow and rapid weather processes conflate with other

social or economic crises that need targeted actions and poli-

cies. It is difficult, almost impossible, to distinguish climate

from other drivers of migration that overlap in many ways. For

example, a 2017 study conducted by the UN Convention to

Combat Desertification found that a sample of migrants living

in Moroccan cities considered employment opportunities the

major motivation to migrate. However, 30 percent of them

mentioned that environmental changes such as drought and

floods had also impacted their decision to

migrate. Separating environmental causes

from other socioeconomic or humanitar-

ian reasons is especially challenging when

climate-induced migration is not caused by

specific extreme weather events but instead

by slower processes such as land degradation

or rainfall variation.

A lack of consideration of the multi-

dimensional implications of climate-related

migration might also divert focus from the importance of invest-

ing in preventive measures and durable solutions that could

help ensure that people will not be forced to leave their homes

because of climate change. This is particularly important for rural

households that face the risk of food insecurity caused by climate

variability and migrate to mitigate this risk. Indeed, researchers

who find a link between changes in climate and international

migration in developing countries suggest that policies designed

to address these issues should focus on the sending regions,

rather than the receiving ones, particularly increasing the resil-

ience of those whose livelihoods depend on natural resources.

Another issue that most climate-related migrants face is

exposure to loss and damage. This includes the loss of mate-

rial possessions such as homes or land. But loss also affects

cultural practices and ways of living that are attached to the

land. For example, the communities of Isle de Jean Charles in

Louisiana—which have been exposed to flooding and sea-level

rise for decades—are among the few that have received some

Climate change is impacting and will disproportionately impact vulnerable communities that have contributed little to the emission of greenhouse gasses driving climatic change.

35SPRING 2022 contexts

limited governmental financial sup-

port to engage in planned relocation.

However, residents of this majority-

Native American community have

also raised concerns regarding losing

ancestral and cultural ties to the land.

These kinds of non-material losses are

often neglected when climate-related

migration is understood narrowly and

without nuance.

Although headlines about so-

called “climate refugees” may raise

awareness of the plight of those

affected by a changing climate, they

may also stoke fear and rejection

of a perceived potential “invasion”

in countries in the Global North. It

would likely be more helpful to avoid

sensationalist framings and provide

more accurate information concern-

ing how climate change affects communities worldwide. This

would enable fact-based discussion of the ways in which extreme

and slow onset weather events are putting livelihoods at risk and

what can be done to not only stop future climate change but

also to adapt to its past and present impacts.

towards fair and just climate migration-related policies

Many researchers prefer to talk about migration in response

to climate change as an adaptation strategy that individuals and

households adopt to diversify their livelihoods and cope with

environmental challenges. This aligns with a justice approach to

climate change (also known as “climate justice”), which reveals

the uneven relationship between the causes and consequences

of climate change. Indeed, climate change is impacting and

will disproportionately impact vulnerable communities that

have contributed little to the emission of greenhouse gasses

driving climatic change. Migration is a way to cope with these

disproportionate impacts. Furthermore, discourses that dismiss

the human causes of climate change tend to have roots in

wealthier and privileged populations. In this way, researchers

have pointed to the connections between big oil corporations

and campaigns that actively seek to block climate change miti-

gation and adaptation policies. Activists and experts have long

advocated for policies that address the injustices around climate

change. Following their lead, some organizations have tried to

put these concerns into the international policy agenda.

The UNFCCC recognized the principle of “common but

differentiated responsibilities,” stating that developed countries

should take the lead in addressing and combating the climate

change that they have inordinately contributed to creating.

However, smaller and lower-income states have little political

weight in the international policy

arena. Thus, calls for justice are usu-

ally not reflected in the design and

adoption of international agreements

that often represent the interest of

bigger and wealthier communities.

For example, historically funding to

address climate change has favored

mitigation projects (those that tackle

the causes of climate change, such

as emissions reduction) instead of

adaptation projects (those that help

prepare for the impacts of climate

change). However, adaptation to the

effects of climate change should be

at the top of global agendas if the

nexus between migration and climate

is to be addressed. One step in that

direction is to drop narrow perspec-

tives on climate-related migration in

favor of a broader approach that captures the variety of experi-

ences of those who face the impacts of climate change.

All of us—particularly policymakers—should make a con-

scious effort to contextualize the issue of climate migration and

understand its complexities to develop fair and just policies. This

would benefit those who are more affected by the consequences

of climate change, regardless of whether they cross international

borders or not.

recommended readings Hunter, Lori M., Jessie K. Luna, and Rachel M. Norton. “Environ- mental dimensions of migration.” Annual Review of Sociology 41 (2015): 377-397. doi: 073014-112223

International Organization for Migration. 2014. “IOM Outlook on Migration, Environment and Climate Change.” Geneva, Swit- zerland: International Organization for Migration. https://publica- tions.iom.int/system/files/pdf/mecc_outlook.pdf

Jones, Reece. 2016. “Borders and Walls: Do Barriers Deter Unauthorized Migration?.” Migration Policy Institute. https:// www.migrationpolicy.org/article/borders-and-walls-do-barriers- deter-unauthorized-migration.

Randall, Alex. 2014. “What just happened in New Zealand? Did they really just create the first ‘climate change refugees’?” Climate and Migration Coalition. https://climatemigration.org.uk/what- just-happened-in-new-zealand-did-they-really-just-create-the-first- climate-change-refugees/

Weerasinghe, Sanjula. 2021. “What we know about climate change and migration”. Institute for the Study of International Migration (ISIM), Georgetown University. https://cmsny.org/publications/ climate-change-migration-summary/.

Pilar Morales-Giner is a PhD candidate at the Department of Sociology and

Criminology & Law at the University of Florida. Pilar studies the connections between

place attachment and responses to climate change. Cristina Ramos holds a PhD in

Sociology from the University of Florida. Her work focuses on international migration

and the links between climate and migration in the Global South.

Graffitti on a lamp post welcoming refugees.

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