MiddleEastRefugees.docx
Middle East Refugees’ Crisis Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches Bakare Najimdeen Policy Perspectives 64 According to the UNHCR, over 4.8 million are already displaced and 8.7 million expected more. An African adage says, we all know the beginning of a war, but cannot be assertive of the end. The Syrian crisis like many others began with light pro-democracy protests,1 but outmatches all its contemporaries in terms of ferocity, intensity, destruction, endurance, refugee crisis, and has become the melting point of regional and global power contest. 2 The Syrian crisis satisfactorily fits into the political uprising (Arab Spring) that shocked virtually all states of the Middle East. The refugee crisis emanating from the political turmoil in the region is unique for many reasons and turned out as the largest humanitarian crisis since the post-second World War. The crisis has displaced many homes, tore many families apart, and shattered familiar, social, religious and cultural fraternity. Without any form of exclusivity, none of the genders can be said to have been more victimized, the wrath of the war has bewildered all and sundry without any exclusion, and even little toddlers have not been exempted.3 It is the death of one of the latter (toddler) that changed the rhythm, bearing and how nations and institutions responded to the crisis. According to the UNHCR, over 4.8 million are already displaced and 8.7 million expected more. 4 The inevitability of social conflict makes some commentators believe that conflict is intrinsically human, and fundamental to human society, its absence is construe as an indication of incompleteness. Taking a blinder position of the perilous outcome of social conflict, the instrumentalist would argue that social conflict is a tool for an end, (destructive creation) an instrument of destruction to constructing a new dawn. Burton‟s categorization of social conflict into four variables (personal development, security, recognition and identity) enriches our understanding and perspective of social conflict, and exposes why conflict remain intractable. Edward Azar‟s precondition of social conflict go a step further and raises the bar of basic need theory associated with social conflict. 1 Aljazeera, “Deadliest day' in Syria uprising,” April 23, 2011. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2011/04/201142212452973755.html 2 BBC, “Syria crisis: Where key countries stand,” October 30, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-23849587 3 Anne Barnard and Karam Shoumali, “Image of Drowned Syrian, Aylan Kurdi, 3, Brings Migrant Crisis Into Focus,” New York Times, September 3, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/04/world/europe/syria-boy-drowning.html 4 UNHCR, “Syria Emergency,” http://www.unhcr.org/syria-emergency.html Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 65 In Azar‟s view, social conflict becomes protracted, when individual or collective identity is either denied or truncated structurally and institutionally. In such scenarios self and collective actualization are fundamentally at stake.5 In this backdrop, both Burton and Azar‟s arguments offer insights into the communal and protracted social conflict in the Middle East in general, and Syria in particular. In the case of Syria, it is a deep rooted animosity between minority and majority group, and where the nature of government policy, and governance have always been questioned. The status-quo is rather seen as legitimation of identity deprivation, discrimination, and institutional violation of human rights. Using a larger canvass of analysis, the contemporary conflict in the Middle East might though share some degree of semblance with many other regions, but not without standing distinctions. Theoretically, conflict in the Middle East fits into three analytical frameworks. This framework has historically characterized the reading and understanding of the Middle East and her political volatile trajectory. Strategically, external entities have never ceased to craft, recraft, construct, and deconstruct the political map of the Middle East. For convenience sake, beginning with the Ottoman Turkey and Qajar Iran, both could not escape strategic contest on one hand, and the interference of external bodies (European) on the other. Europe played an indelible role towards their disintegration, most particularly in the case of Ottoman Turkey. The global political hegemony of the European (plus Russian) was instrumental in the deconstruction and reconstruction of both Ottoman Turkey and Qajar Iran respectively. Their hegemonic influence became vivid upon the incorporation of these fallen empires and the successive independent states that followed the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire into the European sphere of influence. Arguably, the Muslim world became more vulnerable to European influence following the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the remapping of the then Ottoman sphere (Middle East and the Balkan) of influence, and the eventual full-fledged Europeanisation of the Muslim world. Colonialism in the Muslim world and in the Middle East before World War I and II, the politics of the Cold War and the role of the Middle East in the latter, political interference, the creation of Israel, the unresolved Palestinian issue, the transitional promise from the European to American, abetting political dissidents and support for war 5 Dennis J.D. Sandole, Sean Byrne, Ingrid Sandole-Staroste, Jessica Senehi, Handbook of Conflict Analysis and Resolution (London: Routledge, 2009), 22-23. Policy Perspectives 66 (one party over others), Iran-Iraq war, the gulf wars, are all testaments of strategic and global manipulation of contemporary conflict in the Middle East.6 The modern European nation-state system was not just a watershed, but a redefining moment that shifted political authority into the hands of European kings, hence the reconstruction of continental Europe based on the notion of nationalism, cemented on the notion of territorial integrity, language, and ethnic affinity. As much as European nationalism brought relative peace to Europe, it nonetheless became the reason for large scale wars (World War I and II) that overturned the destiny of Europe. The adoption of European nation-state paradigm was thrilling for newly formed states, nurturing their nascent independence, but all that glitters are not actually gold. This was true for nationalism in the Muslim world and Middle East in particular. Nationalism replaced the commonwealth of people ingrained in unity of faith and ideology under Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 67 By and large, contemporary conflict in the Middle East is internationalized, transnational, and complicated. want to make it transnational, a way of seeking legitimacy. The internal warfare often comes in the form of revolutionary (religious, ideological and nationalistic) struggle. It often cut across ethnic boundaries and application of similar methods and tactics to accomplishing conflict objectives.9 By and large, contemporary conflict in the Middle East is internationalized, transnational, and complicated. The intensity of these three features equally makes the aftermath of such conflict to be consequential in all ramifications. The humanitarian disaster mounting from the gulf war and culminated by the Syrian crisis attest to this reality. The study of international relations has shown how important territorial integrity is to a state, whilst, the proximity of a state is equally imperative. The internationalization and transnationalism of conflict in the Middle East underpins the sensitivity of state‟s proximity. Although Europe has a long experience of welcoming migrants (documented and undocumented) from the rest of world, but the recent humanitarian refugee crisis is unprecedented and challenging. The proximity of Syria, Iraq, and Turkey makes the latter the first point of concern, while the proximity of Turkey with Greece underscores the second point of concern. Refugees from Iraq and Syria end up in Turkey with the aim of proceeding to Western Europe via Greece. Trends in European Migration Anyone cognizant of European history will be familiar with the nature of immigration in the post war era. Striving to reposition and reconstruct itself, European nations adopted different immigration policies aimed at drawing immigrants to Europe for reconstruction purpose. Few European countries had contractual agreement with the governments of immigrant countries, 10 other countries‟ policies were inspired by colonial relations, 11 meanwhile there were instances when immigration was voluntary, guest workers. 12 It was in such context, Muslims immigration 9 Fred Halliday, The Middle East in International Relations Power, Politics and Ideology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 182-185 10 Hein de Haas, “Morocco: Setting the Stage for Becoming a Migration Transition Country?,” Migration Policy Institute, March 19, 2014. 11 Sara de la Rica, Albrecht Glitz and Francesc Ortega, “Immigration in Europe: Trends, Policies and Empirical Evidence, IZA, Discussion Paper No.77 78, November 2013. 12 Ibid. Policy Perspectives 68 to Europe in the post war era should be placed. The refugee crisis shifts the nature of migrants from invited to uninvited guests and reason for the fear of strangers, whose presence can trigger cultural shock.13 Muslims are not either the sole minority community in Europe or group making effort to reach the shore of Europe in recent times. Prior to the recent and embarrassing refugee crisis rocking Europe, the Mediterranean shore of Europe has long been the crossroad for undocumented migrants from Africa and elsewhere fleeing from hardship for solace in Europe. Interestingly, the proximity of North Africa with the Southern states (PIGS) of Europe indicates the susceptibility of the latter to the influx of undocumented immigrants. Keeping these immigrants offshore Europe is an enduring understanding between the EU and the North African governments. But one thing is for sure, external (Western) political intervention in North Africa and most particularly NATO invasion of Libya sabotaged any good effort that late Gaddafi had accomplished to keep undocumented immigrants away from Europe‟s Mediterranean shore.14 In the wake of the events of 9/11 and successive similar events across Europe, the wave of immigration has since been curtailed. These events and rising trend of European conservatism make immigration towards Europe increasingly selective in general and for Muslims in particular. Europe erects restrictive immigration barriers and laws and growingly favorable only to skilled labor (an institutionalized form of brain drain). Restrictive immigration rules were intended to keep Europe distance away from influx of migrants though, especially for the illegal one. Such climate strengthens window of opportunity for smugglers wanting to exploit the desperation of immigrants from poor and warring countries. Illegal migration has thus garnered momentum through chains of organized traffickers; though a trend complemented by the erratic and irrational political instability in Muslim societies. Political Uncertainty in the Muslim World Keeping in view the three conceptual analysis of Middle East conflict, it might be safe to surmise that Muslim leaders cannot be solely blamed or held responsible for the current crisis emanating from the Muslim societies (Middle East). Strategic and external powers have never ceased to meddle, shape, mould and craft the end of crisis in the Middle East. Western powers have one way or the other contributed to fueling the political turmoil, be it the role played in ousting Saddam (leading to the enduring chaotic and traumatic affairs in Iraq) or the different form 13 Zygmunt Bauman, Strangers at Our Door (Cambridge: Polity, 2016) 14 OECD, Trends in International Migration (Paris: OECD, 2004), 102. Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 69 Had European countries sought serious solutions to political conflicts like the one in Syria, and dedicated enough time and resources to humanitarian assistance abroad, Europe would not be in this position today. of support accorded to the supposedly Syrian revolutionary and dissident groups wanting to topple the Asad government.15 Although there are no explicit proof suggesting the EU maintained a common policy of supporting anti-Asad groups, but standing aloof and having indifferent political solutions have worsened the crisis and hence the wrath of humanitarian crisis. Lina Khatib argues “had European countries sought serious solutions to political conflicts like the one in Syria, and dedicated enough time and resources to humanitarian assistance abroad, Europe would not be in this position today.”16 However, this doesn‟t insinuate an exoneration of the Muslim leadership of any form of wrongdoing and misplacement of priority. The crisis is yet a refreshing moment and reminiscence of the often rejected view that the Muslim societies cannot command a common voice to resolving common crisis mostly challenging fellow religious and cultural kin. This failure is captured in the attitude of the Arab League‟s inaction and indecisive stance, 17 and its “Hobbesian Nightmare”,18 let alone the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) which according to Abdullah al-Ahsan inherited the Quranic traditions of mediation of conflict and the arbitration principle of the League of 15 BBC, “Syria crisis: Where key countries stand,” October 30, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-23849587 and John Davison and Dmitry Solovyov, “Syria's Assad says he will not negotiate with armed groups,” Reuters, Dec 11, 2015 http://www.reuters.com/article/us-mideast-crisis-syria-idUSKBN0TU2F920151211 16 Anne Barnard, “Exodus of Syrians Highlights Political Failure of the West,” New York Times, September 4, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/05/world/middleeast/exodus-of-syrianshighlights-political-failure-of-thewest.html?emc=edit_th_20150905&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 17 Alarabiya, “Syria refugee crisis: Arab League‟s inaction is shameful,” September 21, 2015 http://english.alarabiya.net/en/views/news/middle-east/2015/09/21/Syriarefugee-crisis-Arab-League-s-inaction-is-shameful.html 18 Bekezela Gumbo, “The Hobbesian Nightmare in the Arab League: A Collision of Identity Politics and National Interests in Middle East Conflicts,” Journal of Political Sciences & Public Affairs, vol. 2, 4 (2014):1-5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2332- 0761.1000133 Policy Perspectives 70 Nations and United Nations. 19 But the question remains, on the extent to which OIC have excelled in this bequeathed legacy. Unlike its kind, OIC has practically represented itself as politically inactive institution, even though Abdullah al-Ahsan argues that the organization has been helpful in mediating many conflicts, but with little or no practical solutions, but years of difficulties20 and failure.21 The recent refugee crisis is reported to be the largest movement of people since the 2nd World War. According to the UNHCR, the Syrian refugees stands around 4.8 million, while around 8.7 million is expected to be displaced inside Syria during this year (2016) a figure that might increase in following years, if peace remains wanting. 22 EU Politics and Humanitarian Crisis Over the last six years, the debate over the relevance of EU has been a commonly shared discussion at both helm of politics and public level. Such discussion is vibrant amongst those, for whom the EU is a usurper of nation-state‟s democratic right, and an impediment to states‟ legitimacy to deciding and managing their own finance independently. Amidst this serious debate is the increasing tide of far-rightism, conservatism and nativist narratives across Europe. Their narratives reject the project of the EU as an overdue institution and over-layer, hence the growing skepticism against the supra-nationalism project of the EU.23 The embedded conservatism and nativism in the far-rightist argument transcend the group‟s Euroscepticism. They have become hardened opponent of immigration; eschew multiculturalism, categorical about Muslim communities across Europe, and repeatedly underlining the incompatibility of Islam and Western values. Despite this volatile environment, looming and daunting domestic crises confronting Europe and EU countries, Europeans under the banner of the EU never ceased altogether to forsake their moral value of humanitarianism. Through the prism of event-analysis, policyassessment, and public opinion, we attempt to understand and dissect European response to the refugee crisis. Though this analysis is done 19 Abdullah al-Ahsan, “Conflict among Muslim Nations: Role of the OIC in Conflict Resolution,” Intellectual Discourse, vol. 12, no 2 (2004): 137-157. 20 Selçuk Çolakoğlu, “The OIC: Difficulties, reform, and a way forward,” Turkishweekly, May 10, 2013 http://www.turkishweekly.net/2013/05/10/comment/the-oic-difficulties-reform-anda-way-forward/ 21 Dawn, “OIC - 40 years of failure,” October 4, 2009. http://www.dawn.com/news/881204/oic-40-years-of-failure 22 UNHCR, “Syria Emergency,” http://www.unhcr.org/syria-emergency.html 23 Tamás Boros and Zoltán Vasali, “The Rise of Euroskepticism and Possible Responses prior to the 2014 European Parliament Elections,” Foundation for European Progressive Studies, 2013. Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 71 As an institution, the European Union has a laid down guidelines, which enjoins the institution not just to promote, but to comply with International Humanitarian Law. keeping abreast the pertinence of the far-right tendency, which is not a mere farce,24 but a reckonable force and potential enough to determine the final fate of these refugees seeking succour in Europe. Institutional, state, and people response are the prisms of analysis. Institutional Response: The Middle East crisis in general and conflict in particular provides the justification for the evocation of International Humanitarian Law, an integral part of human rights regime. The law “aims to protect those who are not, or are no longer, taking part directly in the hostilities. It also aims to restrict the means and methods of warfare.”25 As an institution, the European Union has a laid down guidelines, which enjoin the institution not just to promote, but to comply with International Humanitarian Law in its relations with third countries. Amongst the guidelines are „political dialogue, both in the context of armed conflicts and in peacetime and restrictive measures and sanctions against the parties to a conflict.‟26 According to the Council of European Union‟s document on promotion and compliance with international humanitarian law, “women, children, refugees, asylum-seekers, internally displaced persons, migrants and other groups requiring special protection against torture and ill-treatment falls within the bracket of groups requiring special protection” and for which the EU pledges to safeguard under the banner of international humanitarian law.27 According to a report of European External Action Service (EEAS) the union pledged to promote international humanitarian law at both global and regional level, but more particular ensuring that member states “adhere to, and 24 European Parliament, “Results of the 2014 European elections,” July 1, 2014, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/elections2014-results/en/election-results-2014.html 25 Council of European Union, “European Union Guidelines on promoting compliance with international humanitarian law,” [Official Journal C 327 of 23.12.2005]. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=URISERV%3Al33605 26 Ibid. 27 Council of European Union, “Guidelines Human Rights and international Humanitarian law, “2009. http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/docs/guidelines_en.pdf Policy Perspectives 72 implement, important International Humanitarian Law instruments, such as the 1977 Additional Protocols,”28 The latter includes: Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 8 June 1977; Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of NonInternational Armed Conflicts (Protocol II), 8 June 1977. A quick look at the five objectives set down by the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection department (ECHO) on how to promote global respect of international humanitarian law (IHL) and humanitarian principles show that such objectives were not meant to deal with humanitarian issues at the shores and heartland of Europe. ECHO five objectives include: Funds IHL advocacy activities of our partners or does IHL advocacy itself in certain conflicts. Funds training programs targeting a wide range of stakeholders including military/security forces and armed nonstate actors in key conflict-affected countries. Funds activities aimed at increasing the capacities of humanitarian workers in advocating for IHL. Tries to raise awareness among partners worldwide about some of the unintended consequences of new counter-terrorism legislation and policies, which may limit humanitarian action, including training in international humanitarian law. Funds and implements large-scale information campaigns to raise awareness of international humanitarian law in the wider public.29 Compliance to Noble Humanitarian Guidelines: These layers of guidelines conspicuously indicate the goodwill and intention of the EU as an institution, but the question is, how much such goodwill was fulfilled, and why the deficit in total compliance. As an institution, there is enough evidence to suggest that EU has failed to maintain a cogent and stringent political dialogue to dampen the Middle East conflicts, particularly the Syrian crisis. Similarly, rather than placing arms embargo on both sides (government and rebels) of the conflict, the EU 28 European External Action Service, “Promoting International Humanitarian Law,” http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/pihl/index_en.htm 29 European Commission, “Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection: International Humanitarian Law,” http://ec.europa.eu/echo/what/humanitarian-aid/international-humanitarian-law_en Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 73 (ECHO) was meant to deal with humanitarian crisis in war gripped countries, not to address similar issues on the shore of Europe. initiated arms embargo only on the Syrian government and lifted the embargo after two years (from May 2011 to the end of May 2013) only to facilitate the rebel groups and as such the continuity of the conflict.30 Although, report has it that certain EU members objected to sending more arms to any party of the conflict, the Austrian Foreign Minister Michael Spindelegger said “the EU should hold the line, we are a peace movement and not a war movement,”31 In addition to that was the lifting of oil embargo, which further fueled the already exacerbated tension, whilst greased the strength of the rebels to accelerate the intractable conflict.32 The European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection department (ECHO) was meant to deal with humanitarian crisis in war gripped countries, not to address similar issues on the shore of Europe. The humanitarian aid rather underpins the status of the European Commission as the leading global donor on international humanitarian problems but not the leading global receiver of refugees. The European Commission gave more than €854 million or some 71% of its annual humanitarian aid budget in 2014 to projects helping refugees and IDPs in 33 countries. Humanitarian aid for refugees delivered by the European Commission helps to: meet the most pressing needs of refugees; protect and support refugees during their displacement and when returning to their place of origin; increase the self-reliance of refugees and reduce their 'dependency syndrome'. The European Commission advocates and enables durable solutions for refugees, with regard to fulfilling the right of return to their countries of origin or habitual residence, but also for a better integration in the host communities.33 30 Sipri, “EU arms embargo on Syria,” November 13, 2013. http://www.sipri.org/databases/embargoes/eu_arms_embargoes/syria_LAS/euembargo-on-Syria 31 BBC, “EU ends arms embargo on Syria rebels,” May 28, 2013. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-22684948 32 Julian Borger and Mona Mahmood, “EU decision to lift Syrian oil sanctions boosts jihadist groups,” The Guardian, May 19 2013. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/may/19/eu-syria-oil-jihadist-al-qaida 33 European Commission, “Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection: Refugees and internally displaced persons,” http://ec.europa.eu/echo/what-we-do/humanitarianaid/refugees-and-internally-displaced-persons_en Policy Perspectives 74 Despite these noble intentions and efforts, the manner with which the EU member states (discussed below) handled the influx of migrants and refugees running down to Europe for solace from harsh realities of war dampened any form of nobility intended by the EU raises certain questions. Without mincing words, the actions of the member states resultantly became a breach of her own humanitarian guidelines to promoting compliance with International Humanitarian Law. Upon the realization of the pitfalls in her policy, the European Commission initiated a better way to handle and support the displaced people in an enduring conflict area through an early involvement of all actors (stakeholders) within and without conflict environment. According to one of her reports, the commission states “the EU should pursue its involvement through its political and development actors and those of the Member States at an early stage of a crisis so as to enable a more coherent and coordinated approach.”34 The new resolution of the European Commission was an improved version of existing guidelines, which was heavily informed by the current wave of the migrant crisis. It has dawned on the EU that her „wait and see‟ policy was not helpful; instead heralded unwarranted humanitarian challenges for the union. In addendum, the EU as institution has laid down its own principles with the intention of conforming to international law on humanitarian crisis. Yet we cannot forgo the reality that the EU is challenged by competing narratives of the federalist, confederalist, and Unitarian style of organization. This schism explains the dearth of a single and uniform EU policy. Besides, though the EU has an integrated boundary system, yet member states still retain the sovereign prerogative on exit and entry at their borders. The Southern states of Italy/Spain and Greece have always been the transit routes for migrants heading to seek permanent settlement in well-off Western and Northern Europe. The Mediterranean Sea connecting North Africa and Italy/Spain is the passage for adventurous migrants from Africa, while Greece remains the most used channel for Asian migrants respectively. Earlier before the recent migrant crisis, migrants through the clandestine activity of smugglers 34 European Commission, “Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: Lives in Dignity: from Aid - dependence to Self – reliance, Forced Displacement and Development,” (April 26, 2016):6. http://ec.europa.eu/echo/files/policies/refugeesidp/Communication_Forced_Displace ment_Development_2016.pdf Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 75 The European Union is receptive to welcoming refugees, meanwhile shower criticism on member states for unilaterally erecting barriers that bar refugees. seek the North Africa countries of Morocco and Libya as the first destinations before crossing the Mediterranean Sea into Italy and Spain. The political turmoil in Libya makes the smugglers‟ business more enterprising, the fragile Libyan government is incapacitated to stem the tide as was the case during the reign of Gaddafi.35 On the other end lies Turkey, neighboring Greece. Turkey has been at the receiving end of the refugee crisis.36 The heat wave of the crisis hit the heart of Europe, when Turkey appears to have had enough and the responsibility is shifted harder on Greece, an EU member state confronted with an economic crisis. The Accomplishment of the EU: Having said all of these, a balance assessment of EU reactions towards the refugee crisis should seek to address the laudable gestures of the EU. As a body, the European Union is receptive to welcoming refugees, meanwhile shower criticism on member states for unilaterally erecting barriers that bar refugees and consequently complicate the processes of granting asylum.37 As a response to EU criticism, member states have argued on how muddy it is to differentiate economic migrants from political asylum seekers. At the same time, if European nations‟ troops are on ground in Afghanistan to quell the Afghan conflict, Afghan migrants should cease to qualify for asylum in Europe in similar vein that Iraqis and Syrians are.38 As part of the precautious against unwarranted movement of illegal immigrants, curbing the flow of refugees from the Middle East and migrants from Southeast Europe, European borders are increasingly getting tighter, resultantly choking smooth economic flow.39 35 OECD, Trends in International Migration (Paris: OECD, 2004), 102. 36 UNHCR, “Syria Emergency,” http://www.unhcr.org/syria-emergency.html 37 Liz Alderman, “Policy Shifts on Refugees Lead to Clashes between Migrants and Police,” New York Times, February 23, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/24/world/europe/macedonia-afghan-migrantcrisis.html 38 Ibid. 39 Liz Alderman and James Kanter, “Europe‟s Border Checks Become Economic Choke Points,” New York Times, March 1, 2016 http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/02/business/international/europes-new-bordercontrols-exact-acost.html?emc=edit_th_20160302&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=1 Policy Perspectives 76 At the institutional level, the capacity of the EU to welcome more refugees is limited, expressed in the manner with which Brussels wants member states to share responsibility. This is especially true for Turkey (a non-EU member) and Greece, the two gateways to Northern Europe. The idea to distribute tens of thousands of refugees and asylum seekers received no support amongst EU members of Eastern and Central Europe, an apparent crack in the notion of solidarity upon which the EU was erected.40 For some countries that have been nurturing the view of restructuring the Schengen scheme, the refugee crisis presented an opportunity to tighten their borders. For quite a while, Balkan citizens have complained of being disenfranchised within the Schengen zone, this is practically true for Romanians and Bulgarians, even though they are EU citizens, but having limited mobility right with the Schengen zone.41 The refugee crisis is disheartening situation for the Balkan citizens as borders are getting tighter. Since the massive flow of Syrian, Iraqi, and Afghan migrants across Europe, it was though clear that the proximity of Greece to Turkey makes the former vulnerable. According to the statistic of International Organization for Migration, during the year 2015, more than 537,000 migrants and refugees have crossed Greece hoping to reach affluent Northern Europe.42 It was also palpable that the proximity of Turkey to Syria and Iraq equally makes Ankara a victim. But understanding how defenseless Athens is to control the migrant flow, EU leaders gave a unified response to the migrant crisis.43 Taking control of Greece‟s eastern border alone has failed to produce desired outcome, instead to cease refugee flow, the EU eventually adopted an integrated and accommodative policy, it struck a deal with Turkey, and Ankara will curb migrants from reaching Greece and by extension halt the flow into Northern Europe. Though, for Ankara the refugee crisis turned out to be a diplomatic tool and leverage to negotiate with Brussels. The latter is pledged more than $3 billion to Turkey to stem refugees from reaching West-North Europe, visa-free expediency for 40 Steven Erlanger and James Kanter, “Plan on Migrants Strains the Limits of Europe‟s Unity, New York Times, September 22, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/23/world/europe/european-union-ministersmigrants-refugees.html?emc=edit_na_20150922&nlid=49519343&ref=cta&_r=1 41 Andrew Higgins and James Kanter, “More Border Controls as Europe Stalls on Migrant Quotas,” New York Times, September 14, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/world/europe/europe-migrantcrisis.html?emc=edit_th_20150915&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 42 Andrew Higgins, “European Leaders Look Again for a Unified Response to Migrant Crisis,” New York Times, October. 25, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/26/world/europe/merkel-and-east-europeanleaders-discuss-migrant-crisis-in-brussels.html 43 Ibid. Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 77 Turks travelling to Europe, and possible prospect to renew the talks on EU-accession.44 Regardless of such give and take posture, such arrangement does not necessarily proffer final solution; instead pressure is expected to be mounted on other routes, from porous Libya to Italy, seen as more convenient route.45 The Vatican as an institution has also weighed in on the whole debate. Pope Francis called upon Catholic parishes and religious communities to see the refugee crisis as a matter of necessity and exigently should be addressed. Perhaps to prove that his action is beyond empty words, he returned from his recent visit to Greece with twelve (12) refugees to the Vatican.46 The images of 3-year-old Aylan Kurdi, lifelessly lying face down on a seaside, northeast of Turkey arguably informed and forced an indecisive EU to seek expediency in resolving the refugee crisis.47 The images galvanized international sentiment and prompted the EU to rescue the enduring situation, even though some far-right politicians felt the image was meant to blackmail Europe. Aylan Kurdi became the awaited messiah for the desperate refugees, and the reason why the EU doubled up effort to emasculate the thriving business of human smuggling. Prior to the escalation of the crisis, Europe already had sizeable flourishing smugglers, a report has it that an estimate of 200 smuggling rings exist in Greece alone. The refugee crisis indeed garnishes stupendously the human smuggling business worth billions of dollars.48 State Response 44 Tim Arango and Ceylan Yeginsu, “E.U. Woos Turkey for Refugee Help, Ignoring Rights Crackdown,” New York Times, March 8, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/09/world/europe/turkey-european-unionrefugees.html?emc=edit_th_20160309&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 45 Jim Yardley, “After Europe and Turkey Strike a Deal, Fears Grow That Migrants Will Turn to Italy,” New York Times, April 14, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/15/world/europe/after-europe-and-turkey-strikea-deal-fears-grow-that-migrants-will-turn-toitaly.html?emc=edit_th_20160415&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 46 Jim Yardley, “Pope Francis Takes 12 Refugees Back to Vatican After Trip to Greece,” New York Times, April 16, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/17/world/europe/pope-francis-visits-lesbos-heartof-europes-refugee-crisis.html 47 Anne Barnard and Karam Shoumali, “Image of Drowned Syrian, Aylan Kurdi, 3, Brings Migrant Crisis Into Focus,” New York Times, September 3, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/04/world/europe/syria-boy-drowning.html 48 Rick Lyman and Alison Smale, “Migrant Smuggling in Europe Is Now Worth „Billions,” New York Times, September 3, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/04/world/europe/migrants-smuggling-in-europeis-now-worthbillions.html?emc=edit_th_20150904&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 Policy Perspectives 78 The refugee crisis spirited the narratives of the German far-right parties, brought them closer to the wave of conservative and nativist rhetoric. At the individual state level, European countries have reacted differently to the refugee crisis, indeed a mixed reaction to be precise. Germany had taken the lead to welcome more refugees than any other country in the union, a rather display of leadership. The failure of other European states to welcome refugees is grounded in certain nationalist narratives. Meanwhile, there is a growing move to segregate true political asylum seekers from mere economic migrants. Although welcoming hundreds of thousands of people (Syrians, Iraqis and Afghan) on German soil mean a lot, economically and socially, far-right political parties have seized the refugee crisis to rain criticism on the leadership style and capacity of Chancellor Angela Merkel. The refugee crisis spirited the narratives of the German farright parties, brought them closer to the wave of conservative and nativist rhetoric winding across Europe. According to Der Spiegel, Frauke Petry, the head of Germany‟s far-right party (Alternative for Germany) is popular because of being “the preachers of hatred”.49 During the recent past German state elections, the far-right party tried to woo popular support against Merkel‟s policy of welcoming more refugees.50 The outcome of the elections was generally comfortable for the established parties, nevertheless it was a display of political strength by the far-right with 25 percent of total share in election results.51 Repulsive response to the refugee crisis should not be taken strictly as a matter of concern only for the far-right party; Merkel‟s open door policy equally received setback even amongst the Christian 49 Alison Smale, “Germany‟s Embrace of Migrants Spawns Rise of Far-Right Leader,” New York Times, March 9, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/10/world/europe/germanys-embrace-of-migrantsspawns-rise-of-far-rightleader.html?emc=edit_th_20160310&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 50 Alison Smale, “Setback for Angela Merkel as Far Right Makes Gains in Germany,” New York Times, March 13, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/14/world/europe/germanyelections.html?emc=edit_th_20160314&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 51 Alison Smale, “German State Elections Point to Vulnerability for Angela Merkel,” New York Times, March 14, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/15/world/europe/german-state-elections-pointto-vulnerability-for-angela merkel.html?emc=edit_th_20160315&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 79 Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) the coalition ruling parties.52 Irrespective of the cries against Merkel‟s liberal and soft migration policy, she snubbed her critics and rather arguesd: “how people will look at Europe in the future” and “how we coexist with our neighbors, including in Muslim countries,”53 should be a priority. Resistance mounted against the refugee policy upon the sexual assaults on the eve of the New Year (2016) in the German city of Cologne. Refugees were largely blamed for the assaults even though only three of the accused were later identified by the security agency.54 Besides, Austria was next country to Germany that gave certain degree of reception to the refugees, when Hungary border was shut. Austria opened her border, in what was described as a one-time gesture for migrants, whose hope were virtually dashed by the treatment they got in Hungary.55 Arguments of the countries against the refugee crisis may be summarized as follows: General: Beyond Germany, it is not difficult to pin down the espoused sentiment of most countries. Foremost, they were seemingly uncomfortable with the manner Greece was handling the refugee issue. Two, the rejection of shared responsibility, a quota arrangement by the EU; upon which refugees should be resettled across the continent, amongst the EU member states. Reacting to the quota arrangement, ten most affected countries expressed their resentment through a communiqué “it is not possible to process unlimited numbers of migrants and applicants for asylum,”….limited resources and reception capacities, potential consequences for internal security and social cohesion, as well as challenges with regard to integration”56 are pertinent issues of concern. EU member states in East, Central and 52 Judy Dempsey “Merkel‟s Open-Door Refugee Policy Leaves Her Isolated,” Newsweek, January 22, 2016. http://www.newsweek.com/merkels-open-door-refugee-policy-leaves-her-isolated418446 53 Arne Delfs ArneDelfs and Patrick Donahue, “Merkel Snubs Refugee Critics in Election Bet on Open Europe,” Bloomberg, April 24, 2016. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-04-24/oil-bulls-plunge-into-marketas-u-s-gasoline-demand-hits-record 54 RT, “Only 3 out of 58 detained suspects in Cologne sexual assaults are refugees – public prosecutor,” February 15, 2016 14:40 https://www.rt.com/news/332505-cologne-sex-attacks-refugees/ 55 Alison Smale, Rick Lyman and Anemona Hartocollis, “Migrants Cross Austria Border from Hungary,” New York Times, September. 4, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/05/world/europe/migrant-crisishungary.html?emc=edit_th_20150905&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 56 Alison Smale, “With E.U. Paralyzed, 10 Nations Try to Stem Migrant Flow,” New York Times, February 24, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/25/world/europe/refugees-migrants-austriagreece.html?emc=edit_th_20160225&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 Policy Perspectives 80 Southeast Europe (Croatia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Austria, Bulgaria, and Romania) even the non-EU members (Albania, Bosnia. Macedonia, Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro) have been critical of the refugee issue; all are mounting pressures on Greece to stem the flow. Hungary has been leading the anti-refugee campaign (through construction of barriers and turning refugees away) 57 and anti-EU-quota system, and at a juncture, Budapest heads the group of countries (Czech Republic, Austria, Romania and Slovakia) voting against the quota system, and at the same time “filed lawsuits to challenge the quota system at the European Court of Justice.”58 One thing is apparent in the whole saga, Europe is grappling and pressurized by the far-right political trend. The trend was visible in the recent-past European parliament elections and it is increasingly gaining footing in successive local elections across Europe, where farright parties are flexing muscles with the established parties. There is no doubt that the anti-refugee narrative of these countries is informed by nationalism on one hand, and Euro-skepticism on the other. The Euro-sceptics believe the EU is eroding national sovereignty, undermining the legitimacy of democratic government, and above all intrusive. Hence, EU instructions are seen as interference and endangering the democratic institutions they have labored to cultivate since the end of communist regimes. Economic Crisis at Home: The continent is just recovering from economic and financial crisis, which particularly affected the Eurozone. The financial crisis was more pronounced in the Southern states of Europe, but never exonerated the East and Central European EU member states. The Balkan countries are not though part of the Eurozone, but the existing economic relation between the zone and the Balkan countries made them victims of the financial crisis. In such economic climate, these countries argue how it is plausible and possible for them to welcome refugees. Anti-EU Sentiment: Amidst the financial crisis is the rising wave of conservatism in the shape of far-right political parties and nativist narratives across the Eurozone and beyond the zone. 57 Helene Bienvenu and Rick Lyman, “Hungary Blocks Migrants in Border Crackdown,” New York Times, September 15, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/16/world/europe/hungary-detains-migrants-inbordercrackdown.html?emc=edit_th_20150916&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 58 Ibid. Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 81 The climate of Islamskepticism is raised from public discontentment to the level of political maligning policy, through which Muslim community is institutionally disenfranchised and estranged. Identity Crisis: Furthermore, unlike the West and North of Europe that has experienced relative multiculturalism, the former communist states of Europe are altogether different having little or no experience with multicultural experiment. Besides, these countries are growing economies, having not much to share with migrants, fearful of jobs being taken away, and most importantly apprehensive of identity crisis. This region is largely a Catholic Christian dominated society. Few are categorical in their admission of only Christian refugees; Hungary, Slovenia and Croatia avow their dislike for Muslim migrants.59 This is also true for the smaller Baltic States. Successive violent attacks on European cities and waves of refugees reignited anti-Muslim and anti-Islam across Europe and the fear of identity in countries even where Muslims are numerically insignificant. This is true for the Lipka Tatars Muslim having a 600- years rooted history in Poland, 60 and same is true for the Baltic state of Latvia.61 The climate of Islam-skepticism is raised from public discontentment to the level of political maligning policy, through which Muslim community is institutionally disenfranchised and estranged. In addition, the mixed reaction to the recent refugee crisis is an indication that Europeans are socially constructing their identity, making it clear that Europe should only be for Europeans and non-European traditions (ideologies and cultures) should be kept at bay. Europe has its own problems to shoulder; foreigners (refugees) should either stay at home or find somewhere else as destination as insinuated by Donald Tusk, 59 Rick Lyman, “Eastern Bloc‟s Resistance to Refugees Highlights Europe‟s Cultural and Political Divisions,” New York Times, September 12, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/13/world/europe/eastern-europe-migrantrefugee-crisis.html 60 Ryan Schuessler, “Poland‟s Tatars Feel Uncertain as Anti-Muslim Sentiment Grows,” New York Times, March 16, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/17/world/europe/polands-tatars-feel-uncertainas-anti-muslim-sentimentgrows.html?emc=edit_th_20160317&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 61 Richard Martyn-Hemphill “Latvia Wants to Ban Face Veils, for All 3 Women Who Wear Them,” New York Times, April 19, 2016 http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/20/world/europe/latvia-face-veils-muslimsimmigration.html?emc=edit_th_20160420&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 Policy Perspectives 82 the president of the European Council.62 The response of the Hungarian government,63 certain Balkan states64 and the segment of anti-refugee sentiment in Germany65 all depicting the profoundness of a Europe reacting to the pressure of what can likely affect the native identity of the continent. People The influx of refugees into Europe is not an existential matter for Europe, though a serious concern on the extent to which European borders are perforated by foreigners. The fact that most of the refugees are of Middle Eastern origin and majority are Muslims by faith exacerbate the popular misgivings about the refugees, though considerable number of the migrants are Middle Eastern Christians fleeing for safety. Constructing the narrative and image of Islam around the refugees is seen as yet another form of exploitation of Europe by Islam, though not through sword but numerically, likely to sway and affect the identity of Europe. One thing should be clear; the attitude of the people is not isolated, it obviously coalesces with the populist rhetoric of individual governments. The commonly shared sentiment between the state and public was further accentuated by successive attack in Paris and Brussels and the Cologne assaults. The attacks and 62 James Kanter and Sewell Chan, “Europe, Reeling From Strain, Tells Economic Migrants: Don‟t Bother,” New York Times, March 3, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/04/world/europe/eu-leader-sends-economicmigrants-a-blunt-warning-dont-come.html 63 Robert Mackey, “Hungarian Leader Rebuked for Saying Muslim Migrants Must Be Blocked „to Keep Europe Christian‟,” New York Times, September 3, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/04/world/europe/hungarian-leader-rebuked-forsaying-muslim-migrants-must-be-blocked-to-keep-europe-christian.html and Helene Bienvenu and Rick Lyman, “Hungary Blocks Migrants in Border Crackdown,” New York Times, September 15, 015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/16/world/europe/hungary-detains-migrants-inbordercrackdown.html?emc=edit_th_20150916&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 64 Nick Cumming-Bruce, “Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia Start Screening Refugees by Nationality,” New York Times, November 19, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/20/world/europe/macedonia-serbia-croatiarefugeeslimit.html?mtrref=www.google.com&gwh=A1E0B6FE68EF05C2294117C4BB66FF97& gwt=pay 65 Alison Smale, “Setback for Angela Merkel as Far Right Makes Gains in Germany,” New York Times, March 13, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/14/world/europe/germanyelections.html?emc=edi t_th_20160314&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 Katrin Bennhold, “Empathy and Angst in a German City Transformed by Refugees,” New York Times, September. 11, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/12/world/europe/empathy-and-angst-in-agerman-city-transformed-bymigrants.html?emc=edit_th_20150912&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 83 assaults explain the vitriol coming from European politicians and opinion makers. In the Netherlands, the far-right politician Geert Wilders refers to the migrant influx as an “Islamic invasion”….. masses of young men in their 20s with beards singing „Allahu akbar‟ across Europe,” ….it‟s an invasion that threatens our prosperity, our security, our culture and identity.” 66 The Scandinavian countries with nationalist and conservative governments are not expressing good gestures to the refugees, rather shutting their doors.67 Following the attacks and assaults, the long standing antiimmigrant policy, political conservatism and the newly elected nationalist government expressed vindication for any perceived harsh policy. The Polish Prime Minister Beata Szydlo said "what is now happening in Germany shows that the problems are much more serious than European leaders unfortunately and recklessly believed." The Eurosceptic politicians and government of Czech Republic reiterated similar sentiment against refugees. Referring to the Cologne attacks, President Milos Zeman opined "I think the whole invasion is being organized by the Muslim Brotherhood - with financial support from a number of states." Zeman further suggested that the Muslim Brotherhood planned to "bring Europe under its control, step by step."68 Treading the path of his Hungarian counterpart, Prime Minister Robert Fico of Slovakia repeated the folly of multiculturalism, the impact of having foreigners of distinct culture in a monolithic country, and the implications for Europe, if the latter will continue to open its door for foreigners, particularly Muslim migrants. In reference to the Cologne attacks, Fico argues "that's what happens when you let migrants in,…we don't want to let anything like that happen to us."69 Prime Minister Robert Fico‟s position was strengthened by a Slovakian widely read daily, "the refugee crisis has given rise to a well-meaning 66 Palko Karasz and Dan Bilefsky, “Migrants Meet Rain, Resistance and Confusion at Border Crossings,” New York Times, September 10, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/11/world/europe/migrant-crisishungary.html?emc=edit_th_20150911&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 67 Palko Karasz and Dan Bilefsky, “Migrants Meet Rain, Resistance and Confusion at Border Crossings,” New York Times, September 10, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/11/world/europe/migrant-crisishungary.html?emc=edit_th_20150911&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 68 Christoph Hasselbach, “Eastern Europe bristles after Cologne,” DW, January 9, 2016. http://www.dw.com/en/eastern-europe-bristles-after-cologne/a-18969346 69 Ibid. Policy Perspectives 84 Hard and intrusive policy of the government is received with dismay, rather than the policy to raise confidence of all citizens. subculture that dedicated so much time and money to new arrivals that it appeared as if they thought that refugees' sufferings had put them on a higher moral plane."70 The Bulgarian Prime Minister Boiko Borissov was sharper in his position, semiotically offensive, and a show of lack of empathy for other‟s suffering. Borissov argues "it is impossible to integrate terrorists, [and] it is not fair that we are paying billions for these people, and then they strike us right in the heart."71 These political expressions implicate the individual governments and politicians at large. Sickening innocent Muslims across the continent, nurturing the pain and agony of being de-cloak of their privacy and citizenship. Hard and intrusive policy of the government is received with dismay, rather than the policy to raise confidence of all citizens; it is instead raising the bar of discontentment and estrangement. One place where such policy has been more felt is France, where Muslim families believe government policy is nothing less than witch hunt.72 Under the shadow of state of emergency, it is understandable that state must observe extra precaution measures and bevigilant against extremist behaviors, and the manifestation of terror related culture. But such measures should ceased to be at the detriment and expense of human rights (right of movement) as manifested in the new European laws criminalizing traveling to war zones areas particularly Syria and Iraq.73 Ten of European governments are at the verge of criminalizing intention, 74 which is not mere violation of freedom of thought, but constitute outright 70 Ibid Christoph Hasselbach, “Eastern Europe bristles after Cologne,” DW, January 9, 2016. http://www.dw.com/en/eastern-europe-bristles-after-cologne/a-18969346 71 Rosalia Romaniec, “Eastern Europe feels vindicated by the Brussels attacks,” DW, March 24, 2016 http://www.dw.com/en/eastern-europe-feels-vindicated-by-the-brussels-attacks/a19141861 72 Alissa J. Rubin, “Muslims in France Say Emergency Powers Go Too Far,” New York Times, February 17, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/18/world/europe/frances-emergency-powersspur-charges-of-overreach-frommuslims.html?emc=edit_th_20160218&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 73 Adam Nossiter, “He Disavowed Radical Islam. Was He Lying?,” New York Times, April 26, 2016 http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/27/world/europe/europe-security-isis.html?_r=0 74 Being a Muslim means more scrutiny of thought and actions by the government. Living in a Muslim neighbourhood or hangout in a Muslim leisure spot and frequency in Muslim place of worship means something is wrong. Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 85 impediment of human right and fundamental principle that draws a distinction between man and beast.75 Largely speaking, the German government has shown more sympathy to the refugees than any other country in the entire EU bloc. Yet that sympathy as earlier scrutinized was not across all political broad, the far-right parties and conservatives within Merkel‟s coalition rejected any form of open door policy. The anti-refugee sentiment has not been politically exclusive, but has gotten reception even at the public level.76 Invariably, such anti-refugee sentiment is not confined only to West-North Europe, but a shared feeling was visible in Eastern and Central Europe, and even amongst non-EU Balkan states. Hungary, a Central European country has been spotlighted as the toughest on the refugee issue, a reality captured by Peter Bouckaert of Human Rights Watch. According to him, the Hungarian camps for refugees are appalling, people are being treated as animal and the Hungarian authorities are keeping the media out so as not to reveal the actual plights of the refugees at the doorstep of Europe.77 Petra Laszlo, a Hungarian camera operator became the personification of Hungarian xenophobism, lambasted by the court of social media for an action she later apologized for, though the Hungarian government and other farright entities nonetheless stood behind her and rather rejected any form of xenophobism.78 Even though European Jews have been victims of extremism in recent time, the inhumane and camp nature treatment of refugees by the Hungarian government failed to receive nice gesture from the Jewish community; it instead became a reminiscence of Jewish travail of the 1940s.79 75 Abul A`la Mawdudi, Human Rights in Islam (Lahore: Islamic Publications Ltd, 1995). 76 Katrin Bennhold, “Empathy and Angst in a German City Transformed by Refugees,” New York Times, September 11, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/12/world/europe/empathy-and-angst-in-agerman-city-transformed-bymigrants.html?emc=edit_th_20150912&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 77 Robert Mackey, “As Hungarian Camerawoman Apologizes, Video of Food Tossed at Penned Migrants Stirs Fresh Outrage,” New York Times, September 11, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/12/world/europe/images-of-mistreatment-ofmigrants-in-hungary-prompt-investigations.html 78 Ibid. 79 Rick Lyman “Treatment of Migrants Evokes Memories of Europe‟s Darkest Hour,” New York Times, September 4, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/05/world/treatment-of-migrants-evokesmemories-of-europes-darkesthour.html?emc=edit_th_20150905&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343 Policy Perspectives 86 In the Czech Republic, refugees had to encounter similar Jewish kind of experience, in the form of labeling in Nazi concentration camp; numbers were written on the skin of refugees. These experiences entirely carried a different semiotic meaning and sense to European Jews, regardless of being casualties of extremism and subject of antiSemitism; they have been more sympathetic towards the refugees regardless of their faith. Tomas Kraus, who heads the Federation of the Jewish Communities in the Czech Republic, perceived the situation as lack of empathy, history and sensitivity towards humanity, “It is 70 years after the war, and it is a new generation, and they have no clue about history….it is a lack of education, a lack of empathy. If they understood the history, the images from the history, they would not do it.”80 Conclusion The current refugee crisis is being a mesh of many variables, all playing different roles in shaping the protraction of the Middle East conflicts. The outcome is the mega exodus of people in recent history. Reality check should at least open the eyes of the leadership in the Middle East and the supporters of unrest in the region that belligerence as tool of resolving misunderstandings has little or nothing to offer than perpetual pain. The civil strife in the Muslim world and in the Middle East transcends political discourse, it‟s social and psychological. The baseless political turmoil has torn many homes and families apart, wrecked the very foundation of human society and upturned the possibility of harmonized co-existence. However, it is glaring that the EU might have deliberated and endorsed nicely crafted guidelines on international humanitarian law, but failed in terms of comprehensive compliance. For a moment, if one needs to advocate on behalf of the union, it will be save to assert that certain reasons caused the comprehensive compliance failure. Foremost, the issue of immigration remains contentious and complicated issue between the Unitarian and federalist member states. Two, migration policy is not a community issue, instead a matter resting on the sovereign decision of member states. Three, the lack of unanimity amongst the EU member states over the compliance of EU guidelines further enunciates extent to which subjective nationalism is overriding supra nationalism. Four, the guidelines were meant to 80 Dan Bilefsky, “Numbering of Migrants by Czechs Brings Outcry,” New York Times, September 3, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/04/world/europe/czech-republic-criticized-afterofficers-mark-migrants-withnumbers.html?emc=edit_th_20150904&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=49519343&_r=0 Middle East Refugees’ Crisis: Europeans’ Three Dimensional Approaches 87 address the issue of international humanitarian law with third countries; hence the massive influx of migrants and refugee on the heartland of Europe was never prepared for and thus bewildered the entire union, portrayed member states as repulsive of migrants and caused the disparaged of the latter. Europe is now crying of the strangers waylaying her borders and intruding her peace, an unwarranted sentiment, had the crisis been pragmatically attended to long before escalation, the unwarranted sentiment will be most unlikely. Hence, this is yet another lesson for the EU as an institution, when it comes to policy making and attitude towards issues beyond the shore of Europe. It is also a lesson for Europe-centrist parties and politicians not to accord ultra-right political agents, the opportunity to exploit circumstance for political goal scoring. Undoubtedly, the recent refugee crisis is humanitarian, but the far right movement and entire cohort have successfully raised the bar of fear and panic across the continent, arguing that the presence of these uninvited foreigners (strangers) is ominous to the European culture and values. There is no denial that the narrative of the far-right movement is embedded in conservatism and socially constructed, yet it‟s glaring the movement is playing with the psyche of the society and the political climate. As the saying goes, „there is method to madness‟ European conservatism is equally having its method and degree. Conservatism in Europe is not restricted to the far-right, but an expression of varied degree amongst political players. One thing is however clear, the far-right movement got it wrong, the refugee crisis ought to have been seen from the prism of humanity, rather than build bridge, they have make wall of separation, between the disheartened migrants and self-protector of cultural values. Bauman in his latest book “Strangers at Our Door” and during an interview with New York Times opined that cooperation, human feeling for other, solidarity and sense of interdependence are exit values for the current humanitarian crisis.81 The indifferent European responses to the refugee crisis is not an isolated issue, rather should be placed within the perspective and contextual happenings within and without Europe. The refugee crisis has not simply raised the flag of anti-immigration, but also strengthens the position of supposedly protector of European values to amplify not just Euroscepticism but anti-Islam and anti-Muslim sentiments. Amidst 81 Zygmunt Bauman, Strangers at Our Door (Cambridge: Polity, 2016) Brad Evans and Zygmunt Bauman, “The Refugee Crisis Is Humanity‟s Crisis, New York Times, May 2, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/02/opinion/the-refugee-crisis-is-humanityscrisis.html Policy Perspectives 88 the climate, the explosive debate of radicalism and radicalization in Europe is expected to accentuate, while the perennial discourse of incompatibility between Islam and Western value will be further enunciated and by extension the integration of European Muslims. Bibliography Ahsan, al Abdullah. “Conflict among Muslim Nations: Role of the OIC in Conflict Resolution.” Intellectual Discourse 12, no. 2 (2004). Alarabiya. “Syria refugee crisis: Arab League‟s inaction is shameful.” September 21, 2015. 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