Read Malcolm X′s ″Message to the Grassroots″ and Martin Luther King, Jr.′s ″I Have a Dream″ speech and answer the following: What was the different between the two civil rights leaders in 1963? Which one made more sense to you? Who do you agree with? Why

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We want to have just an o�-the-cu� chat between you

and me — us. We want to talk right down to earth in a

language that everybody here can easily understand. We

all agree tonight, all of the speakers have agreed, that

America has a very serious problem. Not only does

America have a very serious problem, but our people

have a very serious problem. America’s problem is us.

We’re her problem. The only reason she has a problem is

she doesn’t want us here. And every time you look at

yourself, be you black, brown, red, or yellow — a so-called

Negro — you represent a person who poses such a

serious problem for America because you’re not wanted.

Once you face this as a fact, then you can start plotting a

course that will make you appear intelligent, instead of

unintelligent.

Message to Grassroots

(https://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/d

to-grassroots/)

DOCUMENT:

Message to Grassroots Malcolm X | November 10, 1963

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What you and I need to do is learn to forget our

di�erences. When we come together, we don’t come

together as Baptists or Methodists. You don’t catch hell

’cause you’re a Baptist, and you don’t catch hell ’cause

you’re a Methodist. You don’t catch hell ’cause you’re a

Methodist or Baptist. You don’t catch hell because you’re

a Democrat or a Republican. You don’t catch hell because

you’re a Mason or an Elk. And you sure don’t catch hell

’cause you’re an American; ’cause if you was an American,

you wouldn’t catch no hell. You catch hell ’cause you’re a

black man. You catch hell, all of uscatch hell, for the same

reason.

So we are all black people, so-called Negroes, second-

class citizens, ex-slaves. You are nothing but a [sic] ex-

slave. You don’t like to be told that. But what else are

you? You are ex-slaves. You didn’t come here on the

“May�ower.” You came here on a slave ship — in chains,

like a horse, or a cow, or a chicken. And you were brought

here by the people who came here on the “May�ower.”

You were brought here by the so-called Pilgrims, or

Founding Fathers. They were the ones who brought you

here.

We have a common enemy. We have this in common: We

have a common oppressor, a common exploiter, and a

common discriminator. But once we all realize that we

have this common enemy, then we unite on the basis of

what we have in common. And what we have foremost in

common is that enemy — the white man. He’s an enemy

to all of us. I know some of you all think that some of

them aren’t enemies. Time will tell.

In Bandung back in, I think, 1954, was the �rst unity

meeting in centuries of black people. And once you study

what happened at the Bandung conference, and the

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results of the Bandung conference, it actually serves as a

model for the same procedure you and I can use to get

our problems solved. At Bandung all the nations came

together. Their were dark nations from Africa and Asia.

Some of them were Buddhists. Some of them were

Muslim. Some of them were Christians. Some of them

were Confucianists; some were atheists. Despite their

religious di�erences, they came together. Some were

communists; some were socialists; some were capitalists.

Despite their economic and political di�erences, they

came together. All of them were black, brown, red, or

yellow.

The number-one thing that was not allowed to attend the

Bandung conference was the white man. He couldn’t

come. Once they excluded the white man, they found

that they could get together. Once they kept him out,

everybody else fell right in and fell in line. This is the thing

that you and I have to understand. And these people who

came together didn’t have nuclear weapons; they didn’t

have jet planes; they didn’t have all of the heavy

armaments that the white man has. But they had unity.

They were able to submerge their little petty di�erences

and agree on one thing: That though one African came

from Kenya and was being colonized by the Englishman,

and another African came from the Congo and was being

colonized by the Belgian, and another African came from

Guinea and was being colonized by the French, and

another came from Angola and was being colonized by

the Portuguese. When they came to the Bandung

conference, they looked at the Portuguese, and at the

Frenchman, and at the Englishman, and at the other —

Dutchman — and learned or realized that the one thing

that all of them had in common: they were all from

Europe, they were all Europeans, blond, blue-eyed and

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white-skinned. They began to recognize who their enemy

was. The same man that was colonizing our people in

Kenya was colonizing our people in the Congo. The same

one in the Congo was colonizing our people in South

Africa, and in Southern Rhodesia, and in Burma, and in

India, and in Afghanistan, and in Pakistan. They realized

all over the world where the dark man was being

oppressed, he was being oppressed by the white man;

where the dark man was being exploited, he was being

exploited by the white man. So they got together under

this basis — that they had a common enemy.

And when you and I here in Detroit and in Michigan and

in America who have been awakened today look around

us, we too realize here in America we all have a common

enemy, whether he’s in Georgia or Michigan, whether he’s

in California or New York. He’s the same man: blue eyes

and blond hair and pale skin — same man. So what we

have to do is what they did. They agreed to stop

quarreling among themselves. Any little spat that they

had, they’d settle it among themselves, go into a huddle

— don’t let the enemy know that you got [sic] a

disagreement.

Instead of us airing our di�erences in public, we have to

realize we’re all the same family. And when you have a

family squabble, you don’t get out on the sidewalk. If you

do, everybody calls you uncouth, unre�ned, uncivilized,

savage. If you don’t make it at home, you settle it at

home; you get in the closet — argue it out behind closed

doors. And then when you come out on the street, you

pose a common front, a united front. And this is what we

need to do in the community, and in the city, and in the

state. We need to stop airing our di�erences in front of

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the white man. Put the white man out of our meetings,

number one, and then sit down and talk shop with each

other. [That’s] all you gotta do.

I would like to make a few comments concerning the

di�erence between the black revolution and the Negro

revolution. There’s a di�erence. Are they both the same?

And if they’re not, what is the di�erence? What is the

di�erence between a black revolution and a Negro

revolution? First, what is a revolution? Sometimes I’m

inclined to believe that many of our people are using this

word “revolution” loosely, without taking careful

consideration [of] what this word actually means, and

what its historic characteristics are. When you study the

historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution,

the objective of a revolution, and the result of a

revolution, and the methods used in a revolution, you

may change words. You may devise another program.

You may change your goal and you may change your

mind.

Look at the American Revolution in 1776. That revolution

was for what? For land. Why did they want land?

Independence. How was it carried out? Bloodshed.

Number one, it was based on land, the basis of

independence. And the only way they could get it was

bloodshed. The French Revolution — what was it based

on? The land-less against the landlord. What was it for?

Land. How did they get it? Bloodshed. Was no love lost;

was no compromise; was no negotiation. I’m telling you,

you don’t know what a revolution is. ’Cause when you

�nd out what it is, you’ll get back in the alley; you’ll get out

of the way. The Russian Revolution — what was it based

on? Land. The land-less against the landlord. How did

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they bring it about? Bloodshed. You haven’t got a

revolution that doesn’t involve bloodshed. And you’re

afraid to bleed. I said, you’re afraid to bleed.

[As] long as the white man sent you to Korea, you bled.

He sent you to Germany, you bled. He sent you to the

South Paci�c to �ght the Japanese, you bled. You bleed

for white people. But when it comes time to seeing your

own churches being bombed and little black girls be

murdered, you haven’t got no blood. You bleed when the

white man says bleed; you bite when the white man says

bite; and you bark when the white man says bark. I hate

to say this about us, but it’s true. How are you going to be

nonviolent in Mississippi, as violent as you were in Korea?

How can you justify being nonviolent in Mississippi and

Alabama, when your churches are being bombed, and

your little girls are being murdered, and at the same time

you’re going to violent with Hitler, and Tojo,and

somebody else that you don’t even know?

If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad.

If it’s wrong to be violent defending black women and

black children and black babies and black men, then it’s

wrong for America to draft us and make us violent

abroad in defense of her. And if it is right for America to

draft us, and teach us how to be violent in defense of her,

then it is right for you and me to do whatever is

necessary to defend our own people right here in this

country.

The Chinese Revolution — they wanted land. They threw

the British out, along with the Uncle Tom Chinese. Yeah,

they did. They set a good example. When I was in prison, I

read an article — don’t be shocked when I say I was in

prison. You’re still in prison. That’s what America means:

prison. When I was in prison, I read an article in Life

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magazine showing a little Chinese girl, nine years old; her

father was on his hands and knees and she was pulling

the trigger ’cause he was an Uncle Tom Chinaman, When

they had the revolution over there, they took a whole

generation of Uncle Toms — just wiped them out. And

within ten years that little girl become [sic] a full-grown

woman. No more Toms in China. And today it’s one of the

toughest, roughest, most feared countries on this earth

— by the white man. ’Cause there are no Uncle Toms

over there.

Of all our studies, history is best quali�ed to reward our

research. And when you see that you’ve got problems, all

you have to do is examine the historic method used all

over the world by others who have problems similar to

yours. And once you see how they got theirs straight,

then you know how you can get yours straight. There’s

been a revolution, a black revolution, going on in Africa.

In Kenya, the Mau Mau were revolutionaries; they were

the ones who made the word ” Uhuru” [Kenyan word for

“freedom”]. They were the ones who brought it to the

fore.The Mau Mau, they were revolutionaries. They

believed in scorched earth. They knocked everything

aside that got in their way, and their revolution also was

based on land, a desire for land. In Algeria, the northern

part of Africa, a revolution took place. The Algerians were

revolutionists; they wanted land. France o�ered to let

them be integrated into France. They told France: to hell

with France. They wanted some land, not some France.

And they engaged in a bloody battle.

So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to

show you — you don’t have a peaceful revolution. You

don’t have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There’s no

such thing as a nonviolent revolution. [The] only kind of

revolution that’s nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The

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only revolution based on loving your enemy is the Negro

revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is a

desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a

desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet; you

can sit down next to white folks on the toilet. That’s no

revolution. Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis

of all independence. Land is the basis of freedom, justice,

and equality.

The white man knows what a revolution is. He knows that

the black revolution is world-wide in scope and in nature.

The black revolution is sweeping Asia, sweeping Africa, is

rearing its head in Latin America. The Cuban Revolution

— that’s a revolution. They overturned the system.

Revolution is in Asia. Revolution is in Africa. And the white

man is screaming because he sees revolution in Latin

America. How do you think he’ll react to you when you

learn what a real revolution is? You don’t know what a

revolution is. If you did, you wouldn’t use that word.

A revolution is bloody. Revolution is hostile. Revolution

knows no compromise. Revolution overturns and

destroys everything that gets in its way. And you, sitting

around here like a knot on the wall, saying, “I’m going to

love these folks no matter how much they hate me.” No,

you need a revolution. Whoever heard of a revolution

where they lock arms, as Reverend Cleage was pointing

out beautifully, singing “We Shall Overcome”? Just tell me.

You don’t do that in a revolution. You don’t do any

singing; you’re too busy swinging. It’s based on land. A

revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation,

an independent nation. These Negroes aren’t asking for

no nation. They’re trying to crawl back on the plantation.

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When you want a nation, that’s called nationalism. When

the white man became involved in a revolution in this

country against England, what was it for? He wanted this

land so he could set up another white nation. That’s white

nationalism. The American Revolution was white

nationalism. The French Revolution was white

nationalism. The Russian Revolution too — yes, it was —

white nationalism. You don’t think so? Why [do] you think

Khrushchev and Mao can’t get their heads together?

White nationalism. All the revolutions that’s going on in

Asia and Africa today are based on what? Black

nationalism. A revolutionary is a black nationalist. He

wants a nation. I was reading some beautiful words by

Reverend Cleage, pointing out why he couldn’t get

together with someone else here in the city because all of

them were afraid of being identi�ed with black

nationalism. If you’re afraid of black nationalism, you’re

afraid of revolution. And if you love revolution, you love

black nationalism.

To understand this, you have to go back to what [the]

young brother here referred to as the house Negro and

the �eld Negro — back during slavery. There was two

kinds of slaves. There was the house Negro and the �eld

Negro. The house Negroes – they lived in the house with

master, they dressed pretty good, they ate good ’cause

they ate his food — what he left. They lived in the attic or

the basement, but still they lived near the master; and

they loved their master more than the master loved

himself. They would give their life to save the master’s

house quicker than the master would. The house Negro,

if the master said, “We got a good house here,” the house

Negro would say, “Yeah, we got a good house here.”

Whenever the master said “we,” he said “we.” That’s how

you can tell a house Negro.

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If the master’s house caught on �re, the house Negro

would �ght harder to put the blaze out than the master

would. If the master got sick, the house Negro would say,

“What’s the matter, boss, we sick?” We sick! He identi�ed

himself with his master more than his master identi�ed

with himself. And if you came to the house Negro and

said, “Let’s run away, let’s escape, let’s separate,” the

house Negro would look at you and say, “Man, you crazy.

What you mean, separate? Where is there a better house

than this? Where can I wear better clothes than this?

Where can I eat better food than this?” That was that

house Negro. In those days he was called a “house

nigger.” And that’s what we call him today, because we’ve

still got some house niggers running around here.

This modern house Negro loves his master. He wants to

live near him. He’ll pay three times as much as the house

is worth just to live near his master, and then brag about

“I’m the only Negro out here.” “I’m the only one on my

job.” “I’m the only one in this school.” You’re nothing but a

house Negro. And if someone comes to you right now

and says, “Let’s separate,” you say the same thing that the

house Negro said on the plantation. “What you mean,

separate? From America? This good white man? Where

you going to get a better job than you get here?” I mean,

this is what you say. “I ain’t left nothing in Africa,” that’s

what you say. Why, you left your mind in Africa.

On that same plantation, there was the �eld Negro. The

�eld Negro — those were the masses. There were always

more Negroes in the �eld than there was Negroes in the

house. The Negro in the �eld caught hell. He ate

leftovers. In the house they ate high up on the hog. The

Negro in the �eld didn’t get nothing but what was left of

the insides of the hog. They call ’em “chitt’lin’” nowadays.

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In those days they called them what they were: guts.

That’s what you were — a gut-eater. And some of you all

still gut-eaters.

The �eld Negro was beaten from morning to night. He

lived in a shack, in a hut; He wore old, casto� clothes. He

hated his master. I say he hated his master. He was

intelligent. That house Negro loved his master. But that

�eld Negro — remember, they were in the majority, and

they hated the master. When the house caught on �re, he

didn’t try and put it out; that �eld Negro prayed for a

wind, for a breeze. When the master got sick, the �eld

Negro prayed that he’d die. If someone come [sic] to the

�eld Negro and said, “Let’s separate, let’s run,” he didn’t

say “Where we going?” He’d say, “Any place is better than

here.” You’ve got �eld Negroes in America today. I’m a

�eld Negro. The masses are the �eld Negroes. When they

see this man’s house on �re, you don’t hear these little

Negroes talking about “our government is in trouble.”

They say, “The government is in trouble.” Imagine a

Negro: “Our government”! I even heard one say “our

astronauts.” They won’t even let him near the plant —

and “our astronauts”! “Our Navy” — that’s a Negro that’s

out of his mind. That’s a Negro that’s out of his mind.

Just as the slavemaster of that day used Tom, the house

Negro, to keep the �eld Negroes in check, the same old

slavemaster today has Negroes who are nothing but

modern Uncle Toms, 20th century Uncle Toms, to keep

you and me in check, keep us under control, keep us

passive and peaceful and nonviolent. That’s Tom making

you nonviolent. It’s like when you go to the dentist, and

the man’s going to take your tooth. You’re going to �ght

him when he starts pulling. So he squirts some stu� in

your jaw called novocaine, to make you think they’re not

doing anything to you. So you sit there and ’cause you’ve

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got all of that novocaine in your jaw, you su�er

peacefully. Blood running all down your jaw, and you

don’t know what’s happening. ’Cause someone has

taught you to su�er — peacefully.

The white man do the same thing to you in the street,

when he want [sic] to put knots on your head and take

advantage of you and don’t have to be afraid of your

�ghting back. To keep you from �ghting back, he gets

these old religious Uncle Toms to teach you and me, just

like novocaine, su�er peacefully. Don’t stop su�ering —

just su�er peacefully. As Reverend Cleage pointed out,

“Let your blood �ow In the streets.” This is a shame. And

you know he’s a Christian preacher. If it’s a shame to him,

you know what it is to me.

There’s nothing in our book, the Quran — you call it “Ko-

ran” — that teaches us to su�er peacefully. Our religion

teaches us to be intelligent. Be peaceful, be courteous,

obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his

hand on you, send him to the cemetery. That’s a good

religion. In fact, that’s that old-time religion. That’s the

one that Ma and Pa used to talk about: an eye for an eye,

and a tooth for a tooth, and a head for a head, and a life

for a life: That’s a good religion. And doesn’t nobody

resent that kind of religion being taught but a wolf, who

intends to make you his meal.

This is the way it is with the white man in America. He’s a

wolf and you’re sheep. Any time a shepherd, a pastor,

teach [sic] you and me not to run from the white man

and, at the same time, teach [sic] us not to �ght the white

man, he’s a traitor to you and me. Don’t lay down our life

all by itself. No, preserve your life. it’s the best thing you

got. And if you got to give it up, let it be even-steven.

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The slavemaster took Tom and dressed him well, and fed

him well, and even gave him a little education — a little

education; gave him a long coat and a top hat and made

all the other slaves look up to him. Then he used Tom to

control them. The same strategy that was used in those

days is used today, by the same white man. He takes a

Negro, a so-called Negro, and make [sic] him prominent,

build [sic] him up, publicize [sic] him, make [sic] him a

celebrity. And then he becomes a spokesman for Negroes

— and a Negro leader.

I would like to just mention just one other thing else

quickly, and that is the method that the white man uses,

how the white man uses these “big guns,” or Negro

leaders, against the black revolution. They are not a part

of the black revolution. They’re used against the black

revolution.

When Martin Luther King failed to desegregate Albany,

Georgia, the civil-rights struggle in America reached its

low point. King became bankrupt almost, as a leader.

Plus, even �nancially, the Southern Christian Leadership

Conference was in �nancial trouble; plus it was in trouble,

period, with the people when they failed to desegregate

Albany, Georgia. Other Negro civil-rights leaders of so-

called national stature became fallen idols. As they

became fallen idols, began to lose their prestige and

in�uence, local Negro leaders began to stir up the

masses. In Cambridge, Maryland, Gloria Richardson; in

Danville, Virginia, and other parts of the country, local

leaders began to stir up our people at the grassroots

level. This was never done by these Negroes, whom you

recognize, of national stature. They controlled you, but

they never incited you or excited you. They controlled

you; they contained you; they kept you on the plantation.

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As soon as King failed in Birmingham, Negroes took to

the streets. King got out and went out to California to a

big rally and raised about — I don’t know how many

thousands of dollars. [He] come [sic] to Detroit and had a

march and raised some more thousands of dollars. And

recall, right after that [Roy] Wilkins attacked King, accused

King and the CORE [Congress Of Racial Equality] of

starting trouble everywhere and then making the NAACP

[National Association for the Advancement of Colored

People] get them out of jail and spend a lot of money;

and then they accused King and CORE of raising all the

money and not paying it back. This happened; I’ve got it

in documented evidence in the newspaper. Roy started

attacking King, and King started attacking Roy, and

Farmer started attacking both of them. And as these

Negroes of national stature began to attack each other,

they began to lose their control of the Negro masses.

And Negroes was [sic] out there in the streets. They was

[sic] talking about [how] we was [sic] going to march on

Washington. By the way, right at that time Birmingham

had exploded, and the Negroes in Birmingham —

remember, they also exploded. They began to stab the

crackers in the back and bust them up ’side their head —

yes, they did. That’s when Kennedy sent in the troops,

down in Birmingham. So, and right after that, Kennedy

got on the television and said “this is a moral issue.”

That’s when he said he was going to put out a civil-rights

bill. And when he mentioned civil-rights bill and the

Southern crackers started talking about [how] they were

going to boycott or �libuster it, then the Negroes started

talking — about what? We’re going to march on

Washington, march on the Senate, march on the White

House, march on the Congress, and tie it up, bring it to a

halt; don’t let the government proceed. They even said

they was [sic] going out to the airport and lay down on

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the runway and don’t let no airplanes land. I’m telling you

what they said. That was revolution. That was revolution.

That was the black revolution.

It was the grass roots out there in the street. [It] scared

the white man to death, scared the white power structure

in Washington, D. C. to death; I was there. When they

found out that this black steamroller was going to come

down on the capital, they called in Wilkins; they called in

Randolph; they called in these national Negro leaders

that you respect and told them, “Call it o�.” Kennedy said,

“Look, you all letting this thing go too far.” And Old Tom

said, “Boss, I can’t stop it, because I didn’t start it.” I’m

telling you what they said. They said, “I’m not even in it,

much less at the head of it.” They said, “These Negroes

are doing things on their own. They’re running ahead of

us.” And that old shrewd fox, he said, “Well If you all aren’t

in it, I’ll put you in it. I’ll put you at the head of it. I’ll

endorse it. I’ll welcome it. I’ll help it. I’ll join it.”

A matter of hours went by. They had a meeting at the

Carlyle Hotel in New York City. The Carlyle Hotel is owned

by the Kennedy family; that’s the hotel Kennedy spent the

night at, two nights ago; [it] belongs to his family. A

philanthropic society headed by a white man named

Stephen Currier called all the top civil-rights leaders

together at the Carlyle Hotel. And he told them that, “By

you all �ghting each other, you are destroying the civil-

rights movement. And since you’re �ghting over money

from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the

Council for United Civil Rights Leadership. Let’s form this

council, and all the civil-rights organizations will belong to

it, and we’ll use it for fund-raising purposes.” Let me show

you how tricky the white man is. And as soon as they got

it formed, they elected Whitney Young as the chairman,

and who [do] you think became the co-chairman?

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Stephen Currier, the white man, a millionaire. Powell was

talking about it down at the Cobo [Hall] today. This is

what he was talking about. Powell knows it happened.

Randolph knows it happened. Wilkins knows it happened.

King knows it happened. Everyone of that so-called Big

Six — they know what happened.

Once they formed it, with the white man over it, he

promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up

between the Big Six; and told them that after the march

was over they’d give them $700,000 more. A million and a

half dollars — split up between leaders that you’ve been

following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. And

they’re nothing but Frank James and Jesse James and the

what-do-you-call-’em brothers.

[As] soon as they got the setup organized, the white man

made available to them top public relations experts;

opened the news media across the country at their

disposal; and then they begin [sic] to project these Big Six

as the leaders of the march. Originally, they weren’t even

in the march. You was [sic ] talking this march talk on

Hastings Street — Is Hastings Street still here? —  on

Hasting Street. You was [sic] talking the march talk on

Lenox Avenue, and out on — What you call it? — Fillmore

Street, and Central Avenue, and 32nd Street and 63rd

Street. That’s where the march talk was being talked. But

the white man put the Big Six [at the] head of it; made

them the march. They became the march. They took it

over. And the �rst move they made after they took it

over, they invited Walter Reuther, a white man; they

invited a priest, a rabbi, and an old white preacher. Yes,

an old white preacher. The same white element that put

Kennedy in power — labor, the Catholics, the Jews, and

liberal Protestants; [the] same clique that put Kennedy in

power, joined the march on Washington.

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It’s just like when you’ve got some co�ee that’s too black,

which means it’s too strong. What you do? You integrate

it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much

cream in, you won’t even know you ever had co�ee. It

used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it

becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it’ll put you

to sleep. This is what they did with the march on

Washington. They joined it. They didn’t integrate it; they

in�ltrated it. They joined it, became a part of it, took it

over. And as they took it over, it lost its militancy. They

ceased to be angry. They ceased to be hot. They ceased

to be uncompromising. Why, it even ceased to be a

march. It became a picnic, a circus. Nothing but a circus,

with clowns and all. You had one right here in Detroit — I

saw it on television — with clowns leading it, white clowns

and black clowns. I know you don’t like what I’m saying,

but I’m going to tell you anyway. ’Cause I can prove what

I’m saying. If you think I’m telling you wrong, you bring

me Martin Luther King and A. Philip Randolph and James

Farmer and those other three, and see if they’ll deny it

over a microphone.

No, it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James

Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn’t let him talk,

’cause they couldn’t make him go by the script. Burt

Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to

make; they wouldn’t let Baldwin get up there, ’cause they

know Baldwin’s liable to say anything. They controlled it

so tight — they told those Negroes what time to hit town,

how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what

song to sing, what speech they could make, and what

speech they couldn’t make; and then told them to get out

town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms was out

of town by sundown. Now I know you don’t like my saying

this. But I can back it up. It was a circus, a performance

that beat anything Hollywood could ever do, the

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performance of the year. Reuther and those other three

devils should get a Academy Award for the best actors

’cause they acted like they really loved Negroes and

fooled a whole lot of Negroes. And the six Negro leaders

should get an award too, for the best supporting cast.