BEH 220 MEDIA REPRESENTATION

Can a Regulator Change Representation of Minority Groups and Fair Reflection of Cultural Diversity in National Media

Programs? Lessons From Israel

Eli Avraham and Anat First

Studies show that coverage of minority and marginal groups in the central-

national media is problematic. As a result, in the last decade, regulators—

mainly in Europe—encouraged more proper media representation of minor-

ity groups and fair reflection of the cultural diversity. Analyzing the Israeli

case study, this article examines whether the Israeli regulator succeeded in

effecting changes in the representation of minority groups in Israel’s national-

commercial media, and the characteristics of these changes.

Numerous studies show that the coverage of minority and marginal groups in

the central-national media is problematic. These studies, mainly conducted in the

United States and Europe, proved time and again that representation of these groups

in film and television was meager, and when they were covered, many were

marginalized and stereotyped (Avraham, First & Elephant-Lefler, 2004; Downing

& Husband, 2005; Lahav & Avraham, 2008). In recent decades, marginal groups

worked to improve their image, claiming that poor representation fixes their adverse

social status and prevents their integration into majority groups. Regulators began to

address proper minority representation and fair reflection of cultural diversity in the

national media, by legislation or incentives for franchisees, editors, and producers

(ter Wal, 2002).

Israel presents an interesting case to examine the regulator’s attempt to change

marginal group representation and improve cultural diversity in the national me-

Eli Avraham (Ph.D., Hebrew University) is a senior lecturer in the Department of Communication, University of Haifa, Israel. His research interests include media images of minorities, marketing places, public relations and advertising.

Anat First (Ph.D., Hebrew University) is associate professor and the Dean of the School of Communication, Netanya Academic College, Israel. Her research interests include media images of minorities and advertising and society.

We would like to thank the Second Authority for Television & Radio, which initiated, funded and published both studies and especially express our appreciation to Noa Elefant-Loffler, Director of Research and Development, for her assistance.

© 2010 Broadcast Education Association Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 54(1), 2010, pp. 136–148 DOI: 10.1080/08838150903550469 ISSN: 0883-8151 print/1550-6878 online

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Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 137

dia. In 2004, a tender was published for reselecting the franchisees to operate

Israel’s main commercial channel, Channel 2; of the three that had been operat-

ing the channel since 1993, only two would be reselected. The tender explicitly

demanded that the franchisees improve the cultural diversity and representation

of marginal groups on screen. The results of the franchisees’ efforts to improve

cultural diversity can be examined by two studies analyzing minority representation

in the channel’s broadcasts, which were administrated by The Second Authority

(which controls commercial channels by leasing out air-time franchises). The first

was conducted by Avraham et al. (2004), approximately a year before the tender

was published, and the second by Laor, Elephant-Lefler, & Inbar-Lankeri (2006)

after the tender was published. This article compares the findings of those two

studies to examine whether the regulator effected changes in the representation of

minority groups in Israel’s national-commercial media, and the characteristics of

these changes. This study hopes to help identify factors supporting improvement

of minority representation, and scrutinize the role of the regulator in promoting

change in the cultural diversity of broadcasts. Such an analysis can demonstrate

what regulators can do to bring about lasting and overall change in minority group

representation.

Representation Theory and Stereotyping the ‘‘Other’’

Representation means ‘‘using language to say something meaningful about, or

to represent, the world meaningfully, to ‘Other’ people: : : : Representation is an

essential part of a process by which meaning is produced and exchanged between

members of a culture’’ (Hall, 1997, p. 15). At the core of representation theory

lies the constructionist approach, derived from the phenomenological approach

and serving as its point of departure. This theory is influenced by the input of

social-political reality, symbolic reality, and the interaction between them. Repre-

sentation is considered both a process of ongoing construction of identities in any

given culture, and a stereotyping force (van Dijk, 1996). Stereotyping ‘‘reduce[s]

people to a few, simple, essential characteristics, which are represented as fixed

by nature’’ (Hall, 1997, p. 257). Thus, stereotyping fixes differences. Moreover,

stereotyping deploys a strategy of ‘‘splitting,’’ separating the normal and acceptable

from the abnormal and unacceptable, then excludes or expels what does not fit or

is different. Because it tends to occur in situations involving power inequities (Dyer,

1993; Hall, 1997), stereotyping as a classification system maintains the social and

symbolic order.

Minority Representation in the Media

Much attention is devoted to media representation due to the growing belief that

through the media, groups and social classes shape their image, the meaning of their

138 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

lives, and their appraisal of those who are unlike them (Cohen & Young, 1981).

Media decision-makers such as editors, journalists, producers, and TV anchors

facilitate access for some groups, offering them presence and extensive, favorable

coverage, thus legitimating their status and power. Other groups are not given

access; these same groups also receive little attention in social life (van Dijk, 1996).

Therefore, people who do not belong to elite or powerful social groups receive

media coverage only when they are involved in political activities or become victims

of disaster or crime. Issues and players on the national news scene reflect a country’s

power and control structure (Avraham, 2003; van-Dijk, 1996).

At least three dimensions are relevant when examining a group’s place in any

given society. First, the very existence of the group on screen; due to society’s

power hierarchy, the media are inaccessible to weak groups (First, 2002: van Dijk,

1996). Empirical examination of a group’s presence in media content, or a ‘‘head

count’’ (Greenberg & Brand, 1994) is used to study the representation of ‘‘the

other.’’ A second dimension is the quality of how a group is represented on screen.

Researchers analyze variables such as the professional-social role ‘‘the others’’ play

in texts, the subjects to which they are connected, the contexts in which they

appear, and so forth (First, 2002; Greenberg & Brand, 1994). A third dimension

is the reciprocal relationship between members of the majority and the minority

groups. In news programs and talk shows, this relationship is measured by exam-

ining the characteristics of the journalists, moderators and commentators, and their

relationships with members of various groups (Avraham, 2003).

Israeli Society and the Cultural Diversity of Television Broadcasts

Israeli society has been characterized by extremely diverse groups since the state

was founded. The state’s founders, Jews who emigrated from Russia and the Western

world (Ashkenazi Jews), endorsed socialist economy, secularism, mutual support,

and emphasized upholding the collective and its needs at the expense of the needs

of the minority groups and the individual. The dominant perception in Israel in

its first decades regarding the relationships between the different groups was the

melting pot, which eradicated groups’ cultural uniqueness to create a common

alternative culture. This perception gradually changed to a more pluralistic approach

recognizing the legitimacy of promoting group values within a common national

assemblage (Eisenstadt, 1993; Etzioni-Halevy, 1997; Lissak & Horowitz, 1990).

Since the 1970s, a struggle for reshaping the state has taken place; the government

regularly changed hands between the right- and left-wing parties. A significant

change occurred in the 1990s with the arrival of a million new immigrants, the

reinforcement of the globalization processes, and the media revolution which was

manifested in cable television, the inauguration of a commercial television channel

and news websites on the Internet—all of which brought about a significant change

in the social-political reality. Ethnic groups struggled for their identity, individualism

Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 139

was heightened, universal values penetrated, and a civil society grew. Still, the

characteristics of the Israeli elite groups remained unchanged: men, Jews, veteran

Israelis, the secular, European/Anglo-Saxon background, upper/middle-class Ashke-

nazim living in the center of the country. These were the same characteristics as

the media elite (Avraham, 2003; Etzioni-Halevy, 1997). Everyone else was regarded

as ‘‘others’’: women (51% of the population), Israeli-Arabs (19%), the religious

and ultra-Orthodox (15%), new immigrants (14%), Jews who emigrated from the

Arab countries—known as Mizrachi Jews or Mizrahim—(29%), the impoverished,

and residents of the outlying areas. Five main chasms characterize Israeli society,

and their dominance changes according to current social-political trends: national

(Jews–Arabs), economic (impoverished–affluent), ideological (left-wing and right-

wing), religious (ultra-Orthodox–national religious–secular) and ethnic (Ashkenazi–

Mizrachim) (Avraham et al., 2004; Eisenstadt, 1993; Lissak & Horowitz, 1990).

The Tender and Attendant Studies of Representation

Almost 25 years after the public television channel was established in 1968,

Israel’s first commercial channel began broadcasting in 1993, and became the

country’s main channel—Channel 2. It was managed by three franchisees who

shared the responsibility for broadcasting. The quality and diversity of broadcasts

was overseen by a public council—the Second Authority for Television and Radio—

whose members were public figures, academics and politicians (Caspi & Limor,

1999; Yuran, 2001). After 11 years, the government published a new tender and

selected only two franchisees to manage the channel. The Second Authority for

Television and Radio underscored the demand for improving cultural diversity.

Several council representatives belonged to minority groups, and regarded this as

an opportunity to improve the cultural diversity of the national media.

At the same time, the council conducted two studies of the cultural diversity of

the channels’ broadcasts (Channel 2 and Channel 10, established at the beginning

of 2003). One examined the cultural diversity of the broadcasts in 2003 prior to

the publication of the tender in September 2004; the second examined the diversity

following the tender’s publication. The council sought to examine whether and how

the cultural diversity of broadcasts changed following its clear-cut demands.

Methodology

This study investigates television content before and after the tender by comparing

the results of the two studies commissioned by the Second Authority for Television

and Radio (http://www.rashut2.org.il/info_report.asp). Full details about the studies’

methods are available in Avraham et al. (2004) and La’or et al. (2006). Avraham

et al. (2004) examined 19 weeks of content during 2003, 10 weeks on Channel 2

and 9 weeks on Channel 10. Using the same tools, La’or et al. (2006) studied

140 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

Table 1

Number of Characters by Genre

Genres Pre-tender Post-tender

Newscasts 2,877 (2,222)* 1,147 (720)

Current affairs & investigative programs 737 (538) 932 (628)

Talk shows 485 (321) 1,687 (1,124)

Dramas and soap operas 200 (67) 265 (90)

Game and reality shows 59 (20) 63 (23)

Total number of characters/items 4,358 (3,168) 4,094 (2,585)

Note: *Numbers of characters and (items/episodes/programs) analyzed.

4 weeks on Channel 10, and 13.5 weeks on Channel 2 in October 2004–March

2005. Both studies conducted quantitative content analyses based on the three

theoretical components dealing with representation: (1) A group’s existence on

screen, measured by counting the appearances of group members (see Table 1);

(2) The quality of representation, measured by assessing a character’s role, context,

behavior, and biography; and (3) The reciprocal relationship between majority

and minority group members, measured by assessing characteristics (ethnic origin,

nationality, gender, religious tendency, and veteran/new immigrants) of talk show

guests, newscast reporters, commentators, and moderators.

A code sheet contained questions related to the overall units of analysis (item,

episodes or program in accordance with the genre), and to a maximum of three

central figures in the unit of analysis. There were nine coders of diverse backgrounds.

Coder agreement averaged 85%.

Results

The pre-tender study (Avraham et al., 2004) consistently showed an extremely lim-

ited representation of the minority groups in all genres. In 2003, Arabs, new immi-

grants and the ultra-Orthodox especially suffered from symbolic annihilation. While

they appeared occasionally in newscasts (Table 2) and current affairs programs, they

were totally absent from talk shows, game shows (Table 3) and drama programs

(Table 4). Women, national-religious and Mizrachi Jews fared better. The dominant

groups comprised men, Jews, secular people, veteran Israelis and Ashkenazim.

Equipped with the results of the pre-tender study, the three franchisees competing

for the new tender began to exhibit astonishing creativity in all matters concerning

improvement of the cultural diversity and the representation of marginal groups.

They enlisted artists and writers from the periphery, produced programs in which

participants were members of marginal groups, shot programs in the periphery,

Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 141

Table 2

Social Groups’ Representation and Newspeople’s Characteristics in Newscasts

Newscasts Newspeople’s Characteristics

Group Pre-tender Post-tender Pre-tender Post-tender

Men 2,318 (81%*) 907 (79%) 1,473 (66%) 928 (66%)

Women 537 (19%) 240 (21%) 746 (34%) 478 (34%)

Jews 2,729 (97%) 1,099 (97%) 2,209 (99.8%) 1,402 (99.7%)

Arabs 77 (3%) 21 (2%) 4 (0.2%) 4 (0.3%)

Secular 2,303 (90%) 821** (84%) 2,009 (97%) 1,225** (98.2%)

National-religious 204 (8%) 112** (11.5%) 58 (2.8%) 21 (1.7%)

Ultra-Orthodox 56 (2%) 44** (4.5%) 6 (0.3%) 1 (0.1%)

Veteran Israelis 2,806 (97.6%) 1,075 (97.5%) 2,217 (99%) 1,400 (99.9%)

New immigrants 71 (2.5%) 28 (2.5%) 0 (0%) 2 (0.1%)

Ashkenazim 1,332 (63%) 161** (56%) 1,615 (92.4%) 109** (78%)

Mizrachim 794 (37%) 128** (44%) 133 (7.6%) 31** (22%)

Number of

characters

2,877 1,147 2,222 1,406

Note: *The percentages represented here are the percentage of the characters’ appearance within each social rift: Jewish-Arab, male-female, veteran-immigrant, religious-secular, and Ashkenazi-Mizrachi. The sum of the percentages was not always 100% because the researchers also counted in the analysis other groups not included here, such as the Druze and Circassians, and also because of the appearance of characters who were not clearly identifiable to the coders. **Significant increase/decrease in the post-tender study according to a probability test p < .005.

established a center for social television, and enlisted writers and social activists to

help write the franchisees’ bids for the tender. There was a feeling that improving

the representation of minorities was the ‘‘hottest’’ item on the commercial channels.

The post-tender study (La’or et al., 2006) found a 10% drop—from 60% to 50%—

in the appearance of the majority group: Jewish, secular and veteran Israeli male.

There were more frequent appearances of the national-religious (in all genres except

drama), new immigrants (except drama and newscasts), and women (in dramas).

However, in numerous cases, the results of the pre-tender study repeat themselves.

Examination of the newscasts (Table 2) shows four main conclusions regarding

the characters’ appearance: first, the representation in both studies is dominated by

Jewish males, who are Ashkenazi, secular and veteran Israelis. Second, the post-

tender study shows a slight decrease in some of the majority groups’ representation.

For example, the percentages of secular characters decreased from 90 to 84 and

Ashkenazim from 63 to 56. Third, the post-tender study found a slight increase

in the representation of national-religious, ultra-Orthodox and Mizrachi characters.

Fourth, no major changes occurred in the appearance of Arabs and new immigrants

before and after the tender.

142 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

Table 3

Social Groups’ Representation in Talk, Game and Reality Shows

Talk Shows Game and Reality Shows

Group Pre-tender Post-tender Pre-tender Post-tender

Men 252 (52%) 987** (59%) 36 (61%) 33 (52%)

Women 233 (48%) 685** (41%) 23 (39%) 30 (48%)

Jews 479 (99%) 1,600 (99%) 59 (100%) 62 (100%)

Arabs 6 (1%) 16 (1%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)

Secular 472 (97.3%) 1,387** (94.2%) 54 (93%) 46** (79%)

National-religious 10 (2%) 75** (5%) 4 (7%) 12** (21%)

Ultra-Orthodox 3 (0.6%) 10 (0.7%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)

Veteran Israelis 485 (100%) 1,567** (97%) 57 (97%) 53** (85%)

New immigrants 0 (0%) 50** (3%) 2 (3%) 9** (15%)

Total 485 1,687 59 63

Note: **Significant increase/decrease in the post-tender study according to a probability test p < .005.

Table 4

Social Groups’ Representation in Drama, Current Events and

Investigative Programs

Drama

Investigative and

Current Event Programs

Group Pre-tender Post-tender Pre-tender Post-tender

Men 128 (64%) 148** (56%) 547 (77%) 714 (77%)

Women 72 (36%) 117** (44%) 168 (23%) 218 (23%)

Jews 200 (100%) 261 (99%) 660 (97%) 868 (97%)

Arabs 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 23 (3%) 27 (3%)

Secular 190 (95%) 252 (97%) 606 (93%) 614** (85%)

National-religious 6 (3%) 1 (0.4%) 39 (6%) 86** (12%)

Ultra-Orthodox 4 (2%) 7 (2.7%) 6 (1%) 24 (3%)

Veteran Israelis 194 (97%) 254 (97%) 656 (97%) 835** (95%)

New immigrants 6 (3%) 8 (3%) 22 (3%) 47** (5%)

Total 200 265 733 932

Note: **Significant increase/decrease in the post-tender study according to a probability test p < .005.

Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 143

The talk shows (Table 3) duplicate the prevalent profile of the characters that

appear in both studies; namely, a Jewish, secular, veteran Israeli. The pre-tender

study found that of the 485 characters appearing on talk shows, only 6 were

identified as Arabs. These people appeared mainly in programs on food and cooking.

Jews constituted the absolute majority (99%) of the guests. In addition, only 3

ultra-Orthodox and 10 national-religious Jews appeared as guests on talk shows. In

the post-tender study, the representations of women decreased, and no significant

improvement in the representation of Arabs and the ultra-Orthodox was seen. On

the other hand, a change did take place; it manifested in a rise in the percentage

of characters among the new immigrants (from 0% to 3%) and national-religious

(from 2% to 5%).

More significant and diverse changes occurred in the game and reality shows

(Table 3). The post-tender study reveals a sharp decrease in the representation of

some majority groups (secular and veteran Israelis) and an increase in most minority

groups: national religious from 7% to 21% and new immigrants from 3% to 15%.

One reason for the increase of the national-religious group’s representation is that a

small number of programs on Israeli commercial TV, such as Sof Haderech (‘‘End of

the Road,’’ a reality show in which both secular and religious people participate),

are funded by bodies promoting the dialogue between the religious and the secular.

As in talk shows, no changes occurred in the post-tender study regarding the Arabs

and the ultra-Orthodox groups.

An analysis of the dramas (Table 4) conveys the same picture. The dominant

group is Jewish and its members constitute 100% of the characters appearing on

screen. Arab actors did not appear in dramas and the only appearance of non-Jews

was that of a foreign worker. This too reveals a replica of the strongest group in

society: male, Jewish, secular, veteran Israeli. Table 4 shows that, beside women,

no significant changes occurred in the representation of the groups.

Current events and investigative programs (Table 4) usually deal with important

occurrences on the national agenda and contain a deeper discussion on the events

that appear in the national newscasts. It is therefore not surprising that the groups’

representation in these programs is similar to that in newscasts. Table 4 shows that

the groups’ representation in current events and investigative programs is similar in

both studies, with no significant changes besides a small increase in the represen-

tation of the new immigrants, and an important change in the representation of the

national-religious, which jumped from 6% to 12%.

On one hand, a significant change is perceived in coverage of the national-

religious group in the newscast and investigative programs as proof of the regulator’s

successful efforts to improve cultural diversity. However, it appears that this im-

provement is temporary and can be explained by the fact that the post-tender study

was conducted during the period prior to Israel’s 2005 disengagement from the Gaza

Strip. Members of the group appeared chiefly as ‘‘objects of coverage’’; however,

no change took place in their role as moderators, journalists or commentators who

interpret reality for the viewers.

144 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

Quality: The Nature of Visibility in News and Current Affairs Programs

Besides analyzing the visibility of the characters and their appearance on the

screen, the study examined the circumstance surrounding the character: the char-

acters’ appearance, attributes, biographies (profession, education, status) and be-

haviors, use of violence, and ability to control their destiny, and found a constant

trend regarding minorities’ representation in both studies.

The marginal groups were associated more with negative/disorder news than

were the dominant groups; in many cases they were involved in violence. When

crime and violence dominate news stories, there remains barely any room to cover

positive events and achievements, as proven in other research (Avraham, 2003).

Space limitations prevent the discussion of the results of all of these factors, but the

authors examine several of the most salient.

The context in which members of the various groups appear in news reports is

extremely important, as it provides the viewers with a hint about placing the different

groups in their consciousness. The context was examined by investigating the topics

in which the groups appear, topics relating to positive order and negative disorder,

and an in-depth examination of several unique coverage topics. The discussion

focuses on coverage of women and Arabs.

Examining the list of topics related to both genders reveals that males dominate

key subjects in public space. For example, in the pre-tender study, on the subject of

the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, 522 items appeared in which men had dominance

compared to only 25 items in which women’s appearances were dominant. On the

other hand, female dominance existed in subjects such as the quality of life, poverty

and financial hardship, the environment and human interest stories. These subjects

are located on the periphery of the public space in the late capitalist age after the

social welfare services were privatized, and some are considered an expansion of

subjects that belong in the private space. While women were notable in subjects

outside the core of the public space in the State of Israel, men constituted the

dominant force in internal politics, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the security forces.

These differences remained in the post-tender study.

Similarly, the subjects associated with Arabs did not change. For example, in the

post-tender study, the context of Jews’ appearance related mainly to positive subjects

of order such as the festive inauguration of institutions, economic successes and

cultural events (63%) while negative disorderly events—such as crime, the courts

or violence—appeared in only 21% of the coverage. This is in contrast with the

Arab citizens who appear in 42% of negative disorderly events and only 28% of

positive events.

The pre-tender study reveals that Arabs and women were not the only groups

suffering from problematic quality of representation. New immigrants, Mizrachi

Jews and the ultra-Orthodox suffered also from ‘‘qualitative symbolic annihilation.’’

Their representation tended to be stereotypical; in most cases the groups were

presented in the context of conflicts and unruly events; they were framed through

Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 145

one subject, and their members were presented as bearing ‘‘unique characteristics.’’

No significant change was found in the post-tender study.

Reciprocal Relationship: Majority-Minority Relations

Examination of the power relationships in the television newscasts analyzed

the identity of the reporters, commentators, and experts who represent symbolic

reality to the viewers. Table 2 shows that the majority of newspeople who appear

on screen, in both studies, belong to the dominant group: male, Jewish, secular,

Ashkenazim, and veteran Israelis. Such a high percentage of a specific group leaves

no room for others. One of the techniques for reinforcing the power and cen-

trality of the majority group is by selecting them to be commentators and experts.

Therefore, the study examined which characters appeared as experts/commentators,

and which represented ‘‘the person on the street.’’ The analysis revealed that the

hegemonic group (male, Jewish, Ashkenazi, secular, veteran Israelis) dominated the

roles of news commentator and expert, while the marginal groups held a notable

majority in playing the role of ‘‘the person on the street.’’ For example, only 4

(0.2%) Arab figures appeared as commentators or experts on various items in the

pre-tender study, while among the Jews, it was 2,209 (99.8%). New immigrants

did not appear as commentators or specialists at all, while all of the newspeople

were veteran Israelis; among the ultra-Orthodox only 6 (0.3%) were shown as

commentators or experts. Table 2 shows that this lack of representation of the

minority groups did not change in the post-tender study, with the exception of

the Mizrachim.

Summary and Discussion

Analysis of the regulator’s efforts to improve cultural diversity on commercial

television to more accurately reflect Israeli society showed partial success. There

was an increase in the representation of the national-religious and new immigrants

in most genres; however, no real changes occurred in the representation of Arabs,

ultra-Orthodox, or women (except drama). In addition, there were no major changes

in the characteristics of reporters and hosts in any genre.

On one hand, the increase in the representation of some of the minority groups

can be interpreted as an achievement, and since change in representation takes

many years, this is a positive beginning; in addition, the franchisees’ hiring of minori-

ties also might be considered a very positive development. But the authors believe—

after an analysis of whether or not changes occurred among genres and groups—the

changes in the representation were not those for which many people and community

leaders hoped. The fact that a slight change occurred in the representation of only

two minority groups in the newscasts (national-religious and ultra-Orthodox, and

that is due nearly entirely to their involvement in the disengagement from Gaza)

146 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

raises doubts regarding the success of the Israeli regulator’s initiative to promote

multicultural issues on commercial broadcasts.

According to focus groups conducted as part of the pre-tender study (Avraham

et al., 2004), when members and leaders of minority groups in Israel sought im-

provement in their representation in the national media, their main intention is a

qualitative change in genres such as investigative programs, current affairs programs,

and chiefly, newscasts. In addition, many minority members hoped to see changes in

the characteristics of reporters and hosts. The importance of any group’s appearance

in the newscast is very significant, especially in Israel, because of the high ratings for

this genre due to the prolonged conflict with the Arab states. Doubts regarding the

success of the initiative rose after several reports in Israel’s elite newspaper Ha’artez,

reported that after the tender was over, one of the two winning franchisees cancelled

most of the special minority programs offered to the public council in order to win

the tender (Carmel, 2006; Copeper, 2006).

It is noteworthy that the representation of Arabs—who are considered the ultimate

‘‘others’’ in Israeli society—did not change. It appears that more than anything, the

franchisees delineated the boundaries of Israeli society in ethno-centric terms. In

other words, devoid of Arab citizens, the broadcasts failed to represent the cultural

diversity of Israeli society. Jamal (in La’or et al., 2006, p. 57) depicts the situation

of the Arabs as ‘‘still suffering from double exclusion. They are usually excluded

from the television screen, and when they do appear, they are represented in the

typical stereotypical framework which incorporates a relationship of cultural and

social subordination.’’ In a way, one can say that the discourse on Arabs was and

remains colonial in nature.

The question that needs to be asked is why only partial changes took place in the

cultural diversity of commercial television despite the regulator’s intense efforts. The

media have extremely clear-cut work routines which fix the character of the minori-

ties in the media (Avraham, 2003). This, together with the time that elapsed from

the publication of the tender and the demands for changing the cultural diversity of

the channel’s broadcasts, was inadequate in bringing about a change in these well-

known work patterns and routines to which the media have become accustomed

over the years. It is easier for reporters to quote the establishment—whose represen-

tatives are accessible and updated—than the minorities; editors and producers have

crystal-clear perceptions on the characteristics of the figures which can increase or

decrease ratings. In addition, the cultural diversity of the anchors, reporters and mod-

erators belonging to the majority group cannot effect a change within such a short

period even if willingness to create such a change exists. In view of all these con-

straints it is small wonder that the franchisees chose to focus on changes in cultural

diversity in the genres into which it was easiest and simplest to introduce represen-

tatives of the minority groups: game and reality shows. Moreover, it is conceivable

that the fact that the director of the Second Authority belongs to the religious stream

may have caused the franchisees to concentrate on improving representation of this

group, based on the belief that this step would contribute to winning the tender.

Avraham and First/REGULATING DEPICTIONS OF MINORITY GROUPS 147

What needs to happen in order to bring about a more profound change in minority

representation in the national media? Here, in fact, we should expect all three

parties that create the character of the minorities—the regulator, the franchisees/

broadcasters and the minority groups themselves—to act. The regulator should take

action to improve the issue not only during the period of the tender but throughout

the duration of the franchise, and endeavor to heighten awareness of the subject

among the public, media/journalism schools, educators and decision makers on

all levels by initiating studies, conferences and publications; by offering rewards

and prizes to franchisees for broadcasting programs that promote cultural diversity

and shatter stereotypes related to minorities; and by developing a professional

code, recommendations, and provisions for media regarding the right way to cover

marginal groups and bring them into the media broadcasts (BBC News, 2001; First

& Avraham, 2007).

The franchisees should understand that promoting cultural diversity in broadcasts

is not a one-time act or one that relates only to specific genres or groups, but an

issue that should be considered in all decisions, in all spheres, and by all office-

holders in the media organizations. They should also strictly adhere to representing

cultural diversity in all genres, present the responses of minority leaders to the

presented events, avoid fixating minority groups in little boxes, and take care to

use the proper language, descriptions and tags when covering marginal groups.

The group leaders should act to improve their media skills; for example, increase

resources invested in promoting their media image, attempt to better understand

the action patterns of the media and the constraints that apply to journalists in the

course of their work, and also act to improve the reciprocal relations between them

and the reporters and editors, and promote the creation of an infrastructure for a

rigorous connection between both parties, as this will help improve the accessibility

of the representatives in the media organizations. It is also recommended that they

encourage the training of media people, directors, scriptwriters, and producers

among the minority groups and invite them to join the national media (Lahav &

Avraham, 2008).

The Israeli regulator’s attempt to effect a change in minority representation in the

media and improve cultural diversity shows us that bringing about a real and overall

change in minority representation in the media is an extensive, protracted and far-

reaching educational process which takes a long time. In order to bring about a

change in the representation of the weaker groups in the broadcasts, the role of the

regulator is important but pressures exerted on the franchisees or the broadcasts

are evidently insufficient. The authors believe that significant, long-lasting, and

comprehensive change in the representation of minorities and in the discourse on

‘‘others’’ in the media will only occur if real change also takes place in the various

relevant areas, such as within the media industry, in the minority groups’ awareness

of the effects of their actions on their images, and in the social-political environment

(Avraham, 2003). The process by necessity must take a long time, but otherwise it

will not be sufficiently penetrating or profound.

148 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2010

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