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Clothing and Textiles
DOI: 10.1177/0887302X06293066 2006; 24; 335 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
Jaehee Jung Effect of Mood and Body Image
Media Influence: Pre- and Postexposure of College Women to Media Images and the
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Media Influence: Pre- and Postexposure of College Women to Media Images and the Effect of Mood and Body Image
Jaehee Jung University of Delaware
Abstract
This study employs a repeated measures design to assess the effects of exposure to attractive models in the media on women’s mood and body image. One hundred six college women participants were divided into two groups (high- vs. low-appearance self-schema), and their mood and body image were measured twice with an interval of 4 weeks. No significant effects of exposure to media images were noticed in women’s body image scores. However, exposure to media images had an influence on women’s mood by decreasing positive mood and elevating anxiety and depression from preexposure to postexposure. In both pre- and postexposure conditions, women with high-appearance self-schema exhibited significantly greater negative mood and lower body dissatisfaction and appearance evaluation than did those with low-appearance self-schema. This study suggests that media images of thinness and attractiveness may negatively affect college women’s mood.
Key Words
Appearance Self-Schema, Body Image, Media Image, Mood, Repeated Measures
THE EFFECTS OF MEDIA IMAGES ON MOOD AND BODY IMAGE
The media play an important role in promoting and reflecting the current mainstream culture’s standards for ideal beauty, particularly for women. Among the various media, much attention has been given to the advertising industry for their negative influence on women because advertised models are nearly perfect in their body shape and size as well as physical attractiveness. This is especially true for advertisements of beauty- enhancing products (e.g., cosmetics and exercise equipment) and services (e.g., dieting and weight loss programs). Although the primary objective of advertisements is to create product awareness and to encourage product purchase, advertisers may falsely encourage women to believe these images achievable and real. The adverse impact of media images can be enormous to those who strive for that perfection, even though it guarantees that
they may never be able to reach those media standards, and as a result, this impact may cause a sense of failure, shame, and guilt (e.g., Grubb, Sellers, & Waligroski, 1993; Stice, Schupak- Neuberg, Shaw, & Stein, 1994). Other adverse effects of exposure to media images have been associated with body image issues, including body dissatisfaction (e.g., Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2003; Posavac, Posavac, & Posavac, 1998) and eating disorders (e.g., Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice et al., 1994). Negative body image attitudes and behaviors caused by media influences are not only problems affecting individual well-being but also social problems affecting the vast majority of people within a society. Should media be responsible when women measure themselves against unattainable images and develop negative body images and perceptions of self? Do media actually powerfully influence women’s body images? Should companies stop advertising unrealistic images in marketing their products for
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ethical reasons? The answer may not be simple because industry representatives have to balance their profit making with ethical decision making. Yet, health and body image issues raise serious concerns about the media influence.
Body image refers to our attitudes about our own body, particularly its size, shape, and attractiveness (Cash & Pruzinsky, 1990). Body image encompasses personal evaluations (e.g., body satisfaction-dissatisfaction) and associated emotions regarding physical attributes, as well as investment in appearance (e.g., cognitive and behavioral importance one places on his or her own appearance; Cash, 1994). Although a number of studies have examined the effects of media on body image, most of the studies were designed to study the effects based on a between-subjects design focusing on the treatment of stimuli conditions (e.g., thin models vs. obese models, Ogden & Mundray, 1996; idealized images vs. neutral images, Posavac et al., 1998). It is rare to find a study that employs a repeated measures design in assessing women’s body image and particularly mood as the effects of media exposure. Among these few studies, Durkin and Paxton (2002) examined negative effects of viewing idealized female media images in adolescent girls using a between-subjects factor, the stimuli condition, and a within-subjects factor, body image measures, with an interval of 1 week. Another study measured body dissatisfaction of adolescents in response to TV commercials containing idealized, thin female images before, immediately following, and 15 minutes after commercial viewing (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2003).
According to the findings of a study by Jung and Lennon (2003), simple exposure to media images was not a significant factor in assessments of women’s mood and body image but appearance self-schema—that is, the placing of cognitive importance on appearance in the evaluation of the self—was a significant factor in assessments of women’s mood and body image. In their study, the participants were divided into two groups (high- vs. low-appearance self-schema), and half of each
group was exposed to attractive media images, whereas the other half was not exposed to any images. It was assumed that participants did not compare themselves to media images (as they evaluated their mood and body images), or if they did, it did not significantly affect responses to dependent variables. Without clear measures of whether participants compared themselves to media images and whether such exposure influenced the scores on mood and body image, it would be difficult to generalize from the results of a study that measures the effect of the exposure to attractive images on mood and body image. To measure any changes in mood and body image induced by viewing attractive media images, it would be important to measure individual changes (also known as within-subjects changes) from before to after being exposed to those images. For that reason, the present study used repeated measures to obtain self-ratings of mood and body image of college women, preexposure and postexposure to attractive female models in the media. This study employs a test-retest design that looks at individuals longitudinally over a short span of time and variables of measures were what have repeated. Thus, the purpose of this study was to extend initial research of Jung and Lennon (2003) by employing a repeated measures design to assess the effects of exposure to magazine advertisements with physically attractive models on women’s mood and body image.
THE RELATED LITERATURE
Social Comparison and Media Images
The mechanism by which body image and mood are influenced by the media can be explained through social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954). This theory was developed to explain the process by which individuals monitor and evaluate their abilities and opinions in relation to others. However, the theory has been expanded to include evaluations of appearance (e.g., Lin & Kulik, 2002; Richins, 1991). According to this theory, when there are no objective criteria on which to base the evaluation, people evaluate themselves by
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comparing with others (Festinger, 1954). As a result of their comparison of themselves with others, people tend to experience satisfaction (based on downward comparisons, i.e., the comparison of themselves with others who are seen to be inferior) or dissatisfaction (based on upward comparisons, i.e., the comparison of themselves with others who are seen as superior). Self-satisfaction based on downward comparisons is likely to bring positive emotions such as greater self-confidence, whereas dissatisfaction with oneself as a result of upward comparisons is likely to bring negative emotions such as lack of self-confidence. For example, Lin and Kulik (2002) found that in a mock dating scenario, in which female participants were compared with another female as a possible date with a male participant, female participants who were shown a photo of a slender woman had lower confidence and higher anxiety. On the other hand, exposure to a photo of an overweight woman elevated participants’ body satisfaction and confidence.
Magazine advertisements are a pervasive source of social comparison. Levine, Smolak, and Hayden (1994) reported that 70% of the teenage women who regularly read fashion magazines considered the magazines an important source of beauty and fitness information. The importance of physical attractiveness prompts many women to compare themselves with the images of physical perfection and thinness found in advertising (e.g., Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Martin & Gentry, 1997). Because it is not always possible to compare oneself with others selectively, daily exposure to media images may encourage people to compare themselves to certain images with regard to their own appearances or attractiveness and use those images as reference points in evaluating their own bodies. In fact, Richins (1991) found that college women who compared themselves to idealized media images had elevated standards of personal attractiveness and lower satisfaction with their own attractiveness. Thus, most of the women in the present study are expected to perceive a discrepancy between their bodies and that of the media standard when they compare their bodies with those of fashion models.
Media Influences on Mood and Body Image
Portrayal of the female body as an object of desire in the media is likely to socialize women as objects to be looked at and evaluated, and by not being as perfect as the media images, women are likely to feel shame and anxiety. Over the years, researchers have documented the harmful influence of idealized media images. For instance, exposure to idealized media images, compared to exposure to average models or pictures with no models, has resulted in negative feelings of unhappiness, guilt, shame, depression, and lack of confidence (Stice & Shaw, 1994).
Most studies, based primarily on experimental methods, have shown mixed results regarding the media influence on women’s mood and body image. Some experiments showed that comparisons with the idealized images in advertising generate negative feelings, including frustration, resentment, anxiety, depression, and anger (e.g., Bower, 2001; Pinhas, Toner, Ali, Garfinkel, & Stuckless, 1999). Also, the discrepancy between the actual body size of college-aged women and the thin ideal in the media has been positively correlated with increased body dissatisfaction (e.g., Grogan, Williams, & Corner, 1996; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995; Posavac et al., 1998). Other studies have found little to no effect of media images on body image. For example, there was no significant difference in body perception between participants who viewed the thin models and those who viewed control images (Martin & Kennedy, 1993). Similarly, Cusumano and Thompson (1997) found no relationship between media exposure and body dissatisfaction. Perhaps differences in methodology (e.g., posttest only, pretest and posttest, repeated measures) and stimuli conditions (e.g., media type, image type, number of stimuli presented) have generated mixed results regarding the media influence on women’s mood and body image.
Self-Schema Theory
Assuming that individual differences could influence the effects of media images, few
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researchers have made an effort to take individual factors (e.g., self-esteem, sociocultural awareness and internalization of appearance, appearance self-schema) into account. For example, the extent to which women are satisfied or dissatisfied with their bodies depended on their level of appearance self-schema (Jung & Lennon, 2003). Increased negative mood and lower body image scores were obtained from women with high-appearance self-schema than from those with low-appearance self-schema (Jung & Lennon, 2003).
A schema is a cognitive structure that represents knowledge about a concept or type of stimulus (Wyer, 1980). Schema theory holds that our perceptions of the world reflect an interplay between “what is really out there” (stimulus variables) and what we bring to the perception situation (perceiver variables; Fiske & Taylor, 1991). As structured knowledge that we bring to everyday perceptions, schemas emphasize our active constructions of reality. The schema then structures what is perceived and remembered. Self-schemas are cognitive-affective structures that represent one’s experience in a given domain, such as the domain of attractiveness or the domain of intelligence. Domains along which we have clear self-conceptions are those along which we are self-schematic, whereas domains along which we are less clear are those along which we are aschematic (Markus, 1977). Schematics are invested in, involved with, and/or concerned about a particular domain (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Self-schemas allow one to selectively attend to information of greater relative importance, while ignoring other information (Markus, 1977). Thus, individuals with well-defined appearance self-schemas are likely to attend to appearance information, yet those without well-defined appearance self-schemas are likely to ignore such information. However, because no impact of the media was found in Jung and Lennon’s (2003) study, they could not conclude whether attractive media images are more salient to women with high-appearance self-schema than to those with low-appearance self-schema.
Hypotheses
According to the social comparison theory, comparisons occur among similar individuals for the purpose of self-evaluation, as similar others are expected to provide more accurate information than those who are very different from the evaluators (Festinger, 1954). Nonetheless, what Festinger meant by similar others is not clear (in terms of specific attributes being evaluated, or characteristics of a person being evaluated, e.g., gender, age, race). Wood (1989) suggested that self-evaluation by means of comparison may occur among dissimilar individuals who feel either superior (upward) or inferior to themselves (downward comparisons) but who share similar personal characteristics. For example, when an individual does not know how good or bad his or her own score is on a test, he or she may try to compare his or her score with those at the highest and lowest levels (dissimilar in the dimension of evaluation). However, one is likely to compare himself or herself with those who are of the same gender, age, or level of education (similar in personal characteristics) rather than to compare with those who are different from oneself.
In this study, media images are dissimilar others in terms of levels of attractiveness (superior to themselves for most women) but are similar others in terms of gender and age. Thus, ideally, upward social comparisons are likely to occur among young women in regard to attractiveness or appearance as a result of being exposed to these media images. As a result of upward social comparisons, women are expected to be dissatisfied with their bodies, and exposure to attractive images is likely to trigger negative moods, particularly for those who are appearance schematic (those with high-appearance self- schema). Therefore, it is important to examine individual differences based on repeated measures over two times (pretest and posttest for the experimental treatment, i.e., exposure to attractive female models) so that any changes in mood and body image are due to exposure to idealized media
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images. In repeated measures, within participants, differences in mood and body image can be compared after their exposure to attractive media images within each group of appearance self- schema (high- vs. low-appearance self-schema). Based on the arguments of this study, the following three hypotheses were formulated:
Hypothesis 1: Women who have high-appearance self- schema will exhibit greater negative mood and lower body image scores than those who have low-appearance self-schema.
Hypothesis 2: Regardless of the level of appearance self-schema, women will exhibit greater negative mood and lower body image scores as a result of exposure to ads with attractive female models.
Hypothesis 3: Women with high-appearance self-schema will exhibit the most negative mood and lowest body image scores after exposure to ads with attractive female models.
METHOD
Participants
A convenience sample of college women (ages 18-23) recruited from a midwestern university and a mid-Atlantic university participated in two experimental sessions (an initial session and a follow-up session 4 weeks later). By volunteering for this study, participants received either a small cash reward or extra credit. The final sample for data analysis consisted of 106 participants who attended both sessions and completed all the items on the questionnaire. The majority of participants were European Americans (n = 95), and the rest were of various ethnic backgrounds (2 African Americans, 2 Asian Americans, 4 Hispanic Americans, 3 others).
Stimuli
Stimuli for the study were scanned color advertisements about fashion products (e.g., clothing, cosmetics) containing full body images of female models taken from popular fashion magazines (e.g., Glamour, Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar). The basis for selection was that advertisements
clearly depicted the current media standard of female ideal beauty such as youthful, thin, and physically attractive. Because mainstream media images often feature European Americans, a pool of more than 60 Caucasian models was preselected by the experimenter. Selected images were then rated by a group of female students for attractiveness based on a 7-point Likert-type scale (1 = not attractive at all, 7 = very attractive). On the basis of the rating, a total of 12 images (the average rating being 6.5) were selected for this study and prepared as slide photos.
Procedure and Measures
This study was conducted to examine the effect of appearance self-schema and exposure to attractive media images based on repeated measures over two times (preexposure and postexposure of women to attractive female models). Participants were asked to participate in two sessions. The researcher conducted two sessions with an interval of 4 weeks between sessions so that (a) their responses would not be affected by fatigue because of long questionnaires and (b) any effects assessed in the follow-up session would not be due to priming effects from the initial questionnaire (i.e., carryover effects from the initial session). In the initial session, a self-report questionnaire was administered to participants, which included demographic questions and the standardized instruments measuring appearance self-schema, mood, and body image. The second session was intentionally described as a combination of two unrelated investigations that were being conducted together for the researcher’s convenience. The first part of the second session examined the effectiveness of ads (e.g., the level of interest and the eye-catching aspect), and the second part was a survey of the emotions and opinions of college students. Participants were exposed to advertisements containing attractive images in 12 slide photos. Each slide was shown for approximately 10 seconds. Participants were given a filler task in which they evaluated the effectiveness of ads before they completed questions on the dependent measures. The filler task also served as a way to make sure participants
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would look carefully at the images. Dependent measures for the second session consisted of the same set of instruments as for the first session except for the measure of appearance self-schema.
Appearance self-schema, mood, and body image were the three main variables considered in this study. The Appearance Schemas Inventory (ASI; Cash & Labarge, 1996), originally developed using college-age samples, was used to measure participants’ level of appearance self-schema as an independent variable. The standard 14-item questionnaire consisted of items that assessed the importance, self-relevance, and centrality of appearance in one’s life (e.g., “My appearance is responsible for much of what has happened to me in my life”). A previous study demonstrated the internal consistency of the ASI as .82 and its 1- month test-retest reliability as .71 for college women (Cash, 1992). Because the median split represented a statistically reasonable cutoff point,1
a median split (38) was used to create groups high (N = 55) and low (N = 51) in levels of appearance self-schema. Internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) for the ASI was .84 in this sample.
As a dependent variable for repeated measures, mood included measures of the Joy and Distress subscales of the Differential Emotions Scale (Izard, 1972) and the Visual Analogue Scales (VAS- Anxiety, VAS-Depression, and VAS-Anger; Heinberg & Thompson 1995). The Joy scale, a reliable instrument for measuring positive mood (.80; Izard, 1972), was used to ask participants to rate the adjectives happy, joyful, and delighted on a 5-point scale (1 = not at all, 5 = very strongly). The Distress scale (with a reliability of .90; Izard, 1972) was used to assess participants’ negative mood by asking them to rate the adjectives discouraged, sad, and downhearted on a 5-point scale. The reliabilities for the Joy and Distress scales were .83 and .75, respectively, in this study. The VASs are not based on numerical rating scales but on a 100 mm line (anchored with no anxiety or extreme
anxiety, no depression or extreme depression, etc.) in which individuals were asked to use a vertical slash to reflect their current mood or body satisfaction at the time. In support of the convergent validity of VAS measures of anxiety, depression, and anger, Heinberg and Thompson (1995) found high correlations between VAS measures of these variables and tension/anxiety, depression/dejection, and anger/hostility of the profile of mood states (McNair, Lorr, & Droppleman, 1971). Because each of the VAS measures is based on a single line to indicate disturbance level, reliabilities could not be calculated. Another dependent variable was body image, which included measures of the VASs (VAS- Body Dissatisfaction and VAS-Overall Appearance Dissatisfaction; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995) and Appearance Evaluation. The VAS-Body Dissatisfaction measure has good convergent validity with the EDI-Body Dissatisfaction subscale (Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983). Appearance Evaluation consisted of seven statements concerning appearance, and this evaluation is a reliable instrument (.88) that measures the extent of individuals’ satisfaction with their physical appearances (Brown, Cash, & Mikulka, 1990). The internal consistency for Appearance Evaluation was .85 in this study.
RESULTS
To determine the effects of appearance self-schema and exposure to media images on college women’s mood and body image, the data were analyzed using a general linear model (GLM) repeated measures analysis of variance, which provides both univariate and multivariate test results for the repeated measures data. Appearance self-schema with two levels (high and low) was a between- subjects factor, and time of testing (pretest and posttest) was a within-subjects factor.
The interaction effect between appearance self-schema and time of testing was not significant for all measures of mood and body image. The multivariate test for the appearance self-schema time interaction effect was not significant for
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1According to the test of normality of the Appearance Schemas Inventory (ASI) scores, the result was not normal at the significance level of .1 (p < .01). Thus, the scores were not centrally distributed.
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positive mood, F(1, 104) = .90, p > .05; negative mood, F(1, 104) = .16, p > .05; anxiety, F(1, 104) = 1.14, p > .05; depression, F(1, 104) = .68, p > .05; anger, F(1, 104) = .17, p > .05; body dissatisfaction, F(1, 104) = 2.45, p > .05; overall appearance dissatisfaction, F(1, 104) = .43, p > .05; and appearance evaluation, F(1, 104) = 2.76, p > .05. Appearance self-schema did not mediate the effect of exposure to media images on mood and body image. Thus, Hypothesis 3 was not supported. However, the repeated measures analysis of variance with appearance self-schema as a between-subjects factor revealed statistical significance regarding the measures of mood and body image. An evaluation of the univariates revealed statistical significance for positive mood, F(1, 104) = 7.37, p < .01; negative mood, F(1, 104) = 8.81, p < .01; anxiety, F(1, 104) = 4.25, p < .05; depression, F(1, 104) = 9.34, p < .01; anger, F(1, 104) = 8.46, p < .01; body dissatisfaction, F(1, 104) = 30.08, p < .01; overall appearance dissatisfaction, F(1, 104) = 19.94, p < .01; and appearance evaluation, F(1, 104) = 13.19, p < .01. Women with high-appearance self-schema had significantly lower positive mood, higher negative mood, higher anxiety, higher depression, higher anxiety, higher body dissatisfaction, higher overall appearance dissatisfaction, and lower appearance evaluation than did those with low-appearance self-schema in both preexposure and postexposure conditions (see Table 1 for means and standard deviations). Thus, Hypothesis 1 was supported.
The repeated measures analysis of variance with time of testing (pretest and posttest for the treatment of exposure to attractive models) as a within-subjects factor revealed statistical significance in measures of mood, but not in measures of body image. An analysis of univariates revealed statistical significance for positive mood, F(1, 104) = 10.47, p < .01; anxiety, F(1, 104) = 8.01, p < .01; and depression, F(1, 104) = 7.47, p < .01. Women with high- appearance self-schema experienced a significant decrease in positive mood and an increase in anxiety and depression from preexposure to postexposure (see Table 1 for means and standard deviations). Similarly, women with
low-appearance self-schema experienced a significant decrease in positive mood and an increase in anxiety and depression from preexposure to postexposure (see Table 1 for means and standard deviations). Thus, Hypothesis 2 was partially supported.
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Findings of this study suggest that media images of the cultural ideal of beauty may negatively affect mood, and the significant relationship between appearance self-schema and body image and mood confirms the findings of previous research (Jung & Lennon, 2003). Most women do not resemble the ideal beauty depicted by media images, but they often do not see their bodies in a negative way unless appearance, for them, is of great importance in their evaluation of self. Unlike some previous studies, however, this study suggests that college women are not immune to the effects of media images of thinness and attractiveness. Despite the relative weakness of the experimental manipulation compared to real-life experience, the repeated measures study revealed that exposure to media images had an influence on women’s mood by decreasing a positive mood and elevating depression and anxiety.
The findings of this study are quite alarming considering a lifetime of exposure to media images. Mood is usually considered to be a temporary psychological state and yet, repeated exposures to mood-threatening stimuli in a lifetime might generate a multiplier effect that can be a much more powerful force shaping one’s attitudes and behavior than what one can expect from a temporary effect of media exposure. Thus, future research can employ more than one time of exposure to attractive media images to see whether there could be a multiplier effect of media exposure. On the other hand, no significant effects of exposure to these media images were noticed in women’s body image. As women have been exposed to youthful, thin, and highly attractive images already in their daily lives, women are aware of their level of physical attractiveness as a
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stable personal characteristic, and perhaps their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with their bodies is rather consistent over time despite being exposed to attractive media images. Another possibility is that the college women in this study were able to be critical of media images when they evaluated their bodies, knowing that these images are often accentuated by artificial means such as photographic retouching and lighting effects. Finally, for some women, body image issues are not important in their evaluation of self as they may have confidence in their skills and abilities in other areas. However, given the size of the sample used in this study is a limitation, it is unknown how well women in general are able to protect themselves from making harmful comparisons with idealized media images. Another limitation of this study is that there was no way of separating within-subjects changes because of the time interval between the two sessions and changes induced by viewing attractive media images.
Because most of the fashion ads in the media target adolescent girls and young women at ages when they are particularly vulnerable to the influence of the media, these girls and women may take extreme measures to conform to the media’s conception of ideal beauty (e.g., see Harrison & Cantor, 1997). Because thinness is associated with attractiveness and beauty in this culture, some people may develop distorted eating patterns or
eating disorders in an effort to model themselves on media images of this ideal of thinness. As for those who place a high importance on appearance, body dissatisfaction that results from media pressure is likely to result in eating disorders. According to Leon, Fulkerson, Perry, and Cudeck (1993), body dissatisfaction and a negative feeling like depression were two of the strongest predictor variables for the risk of developing an eating disorder in adolescent girls. Thus, future studies should examine the relationship between appearance self-schema and media influence on eating disorders.
Models seen in the media, especially those featured in the advertisements of fashion and beauty products, have flawless skin and a perfect body, often artificially enhanced by computer effects. Consider L’Oreal, the cosmetics company, for example, which features glamorous models in its advertisements. Most consumers are likely to be tempted to purchase those products in high hopes that they might magically work for them. Nonetheless, the ultimate goal of industries is to persuade consumers to purchase a product by presenting images almost impossible to achieve so that consumers feel they are one step closer to the “perfect” look seen in the media. When marketers, advertisers, and others who are responsible for selling products create unrealistic images of women that are frequently atypical of “normal,”
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Table 1. Means, Standard Deviations, and Significant Levels for Repeated Measures on Mood and Body Image
High-Appearance Self-Schema Low-Appearance Self-Schema
Variable Preexposure Postexposure Preexposure Postexposure
Positive mood (joy) 8.90 (0.37) 7.74 (0.37)a 9.93 (0.41)b 9.29 (0.40)a,b
Negative mood (distress) 5.90 (0.35) 6.34 (0.38) 4.71 (0.39)b 4.90 (0.41)b
Anxiety 44.00 (3.74) 56.54 (3.87)a 37.80 (4.13)b 43.49 (4.28)a,b
Depression 31.42 (2.74) 38.50 (3.65)a 17.12 (3.03)b 23.81 (4.04)a,b
Anger 22.28 (2.72) 23.20 (3.18) 11.63 (3.00)b 15.05 (3.51)b
Body dissatisfaction 64.98 (3.20) 54.84 (3.98) 33.39 (3.53)b 36.93 (4.40)b
Overall appearance dissatisfaction 53.72 (3.44) 50.44 (3.89) 32.56 (3.80)b 33.83 (4.30)b
Appearance evaluation 22.16 (0.65) 22.53 (0.68) 26.09 (0.71)b 25.24 (0.75)b
Note. Standard deviations are in parentheses. aSignificant changes from preexposure (Time 1) to postexposure (Time 2). bSignificant differences between high-appearance self-schema and low-appearance self-schema.
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ethical issues such as social responsibility, in this case truth in advertising, are not likely to be considered. The inclusion of perfect bodies in ads, as well as media in general, serves to exclude average women from having much presence in the media. An absence of normality in body shape and size in the media in general is likely to decrease women’s body satisfaction and satisfaction with the self. In addition, a lack of minority presence in the media can perpetuate stereotypic views about the cultural ideal beauty and may negatively affect individuals of other ethnic groups who adopt the mainstream images as their ideal look.
Advertisers often rely on utilitarian ethics in their decision making, that is, an action is ethical only if it benefits society (Rotzoll & Christians, 1980), and yet, many advertisers seem to market their products without such consideration as they are driven by profits rather than public interests or social needs. If indeed the advertising of the ideal body generates harmful social consequences, such as emotional distress and engaging in unhealthy behaviors (e.g., eating disorders, cosmetic surgery), then the use of such advertisements can be unethical. Of course, there is no direct evidence to prove that the media are solely responsible for the unhealthy behavior that comes from the quest for the ideal look. If such evidence existed, there could be hundreds, even thousands, of lawsuits claiming monetary or emotional damage caused by the media. The point is that marketers and advertisers should be more socially responsible and make an effort to portray common people in their attempts to sell products. Even with profits being the bottom line, some products such as Unilever’s Dove brand feature women of different shapes, sizes, and ages for a new global advertising campaign (Pfanner, 2004). The public, now more than ever, expects higher levels of social performance from companies, and they reflect their personal ethical values in their spending. Thus, companies should strive for improving advertising ethics by avoiding deceptive advertising images enhanced by technology and by not perpetuating the female body as an object of desire.
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