articles

McSexy: Exotic Dancing and Institutional Power

Tina H. Deshotels and Mollie Tinney

Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, Alabama, USA

Craig J. Forsyth

University of Louisiana at Lafayette, Lafayette, Louisiana, USA

A growing body of research is exploring the relationship between power and women’s sexuality in

occupations that involve the vending of sex or the sale of sexuality. Previous research has examined

power in the field of exotic dancing on the individual level and at the interactional=organizational level. This research examines dancer power at the institutional level. Data were gleaned from

interviews with 133 female dancers in several cities and level of clubs.

POWER AND WOMEN’S SEXUALITY

A growing body of research is exploring the relationship between power and women’s sexuality

in occupations that involve the vending of sex or the sale of sexuality. Exotic dancing is an

example of how women earn money by the sale of their sexuality, which is labeled as a type

of sex work by the World Health Organization (1993). Exotic dancers perform a cluster of activi-

ties designed to stimulate the sexual fantasies of patrons (Forsyth and Deshotels 1997). They use

nudity, semi-nudity, and verbal ploys to imply sexual or erotic availability in exchange for mon-

etary compensation. While the participation of, and interest in, exotic dancing is reportedly on

the rise, it remains a deviant, or at best, a marginal occupation (Egan 2003; Barton 2002).

That this career is at once a lucrative option for women, which is increasing in popularity

and remaining stigmatized, is indeed an anomaly. In our society, money made legally is usually

an outright symbol of power. However, in spite of the exorbitant amounts of money women earn

legally in this field (Reid et al. 1994), there is much debate over whether women in the ‘‘sex for

sale’’ industry, such as topless dancers, are empowered or exploited (Barton 2002; Simmons

1998).

Previous research has examined power in the field of exotic dancing on the individual level.

Here research explored the ability of individual women ‘‘to make choices and take action under

the social and economic constraints that impede these choices’’ (Simmons 1998:125). Research

Received 20 August 2010; accepted 9 December 2010.

Address correspondence to Tina H. Deshotels, Ph.D., Department of Sociology, 326 Brewer Hall, Jacksonville State

University, Jacksonville, AL 36265, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

Deviant Behavior, 33: 140–148, 2012

Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

ISSN: 0163-9625 print / 1521-0456 online

DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2011.573370

has found that women who are exotic dancers have power at the individual level, power to earn

money, and control their actions on the job (Deshotels and Forsyth 2006). Women reported

economic power by earning more money in this field than in any other profession that was avail-

able to them. Women reported that in this profession they have the power to set their own hours

and work activities and the ability to control and profit from the salience of their sexuality. How-

ever, women also conveyed a sense of loss of the power to maintain an authentic sense of self.

Women described how acting sexual spilled over into their personal lives such that in intimate

encounters they were uncertain whether they were acting sexual, feeling sexual, or if there was a

difference. Women’s power was estranged. They did not know what their desires were but inter-

nalized other’s desires, and other people’s desires dominated their actions (Deshotels and

Forsyth 2006).

Research has also examined dancer power at the interactional=organizational level. Power at the interactional level focuses on the power to control others, specifically, in the context of exo-

tic dancing, the power to control men. Women stated that they felt powerful at this level, and

described using strategic flirting to enact their power by manipulating the sexual fantasies of

men in order to get them to adhere to their wishes (Deshotels and Forsyth 2006). Women defined

their activities in terms of competition, exploitation, and domination of men. Indeed, exotic dan-

cers frequently mentioned power over customers as an attracting mechanism to the job. ‘‘The

women in the clubs seemed to derive a sense of satisfaction at the power they perceive they have

over men in the clubs—the power to get their money, the power to excite them sexually’’ (Forsyth and Deshotels 1998:82). Women also reported that in exotic dancing establishments,

the organizational rules give dancers power over customers and over their own actions as they

either chose to enforce rules or profit in the bending of rules (Deshotels and Forsyth 2008).

However, no research has examined dancer power at the institutional level. This research is

intended to fill this gap. We define institutional power as having both a material and an ideal

component. Materially, institutional power is the ability to control resources and rewards.

Ideally, institutional power is the ability to influence ideological discourses and set normative

standards (Risman 1998).

For feminists, understanding exotic dancing has both practical and theoretical benefits. Prac-

tically, feminist theory is concerned with challenging and changing oppressive structures by

seeking them out and analyzing them (Farangis 1994:109). Theoretically, feminists are searching

for a theory of power for women. By letting women in the field of topless dancing tell their stor-

ies, this research reflexively explores the definition of power and=or exploitation in the career of exotic dancing, in particular, and sex work in general. It grounds theory in the data gained from

exploring the real lives of women in the career of topless dancing, and gives a fuller understand-

ing of the meaning of this career collectively and individually for women. The goal of this

research is to begin to integrate the voices of women in such diverse and overlapping areas

as sex worker (prostitutes, exotic dancers, bar tenders), feminist, and researcher. A theory

grounded in the real lives of women enables us to gain a fuller understanding for what this career

means for women as individuals and women as a whole, thereby informing the political debate

on sex work and adding to an understanding of female sexuality that informs a theory of power

for women.

Traditionally, women have lacked both material power and ideal power. That is, materially,

women have less access to resources and rewards than do men as they are predominantly situ-

ated in jobs that pay less and have less autonomy than the jobs that men predominately occupy

EXOTIC DANCING AND INSTITUTIONAL POWER 141

(Evertsson et al. 2009). Ideological gender norms for women have included being submissive or

powerless, and economically depended on men. Indeed, traditionally, women’s economic

options were limited to either marriage or prostitution (i.e., in the bodily service of men). In this

way, for women, sex relations and economic relations overlap, creating a relationship between

men and women that Charlotte Perkins Gilman called sexuo-economic ([1898] 1998). Gilman

argues that when women depend on relationships with men to ensure economic security, two

structures that should remain separate intertwine (Gilman [1898] 1998). Gilman suggests that

if women are economically dependent on men, human needs are subservient to market desires.

Marx ([1887] 1990) noted that market desires trumping human needs was inherent in the

functioning of the capitalist system, which requires the denial of our social relations with others

in order to dominate, compete, and exploit. Weber also noted that ‘‘the fate of our times is char-

acterized by rationalization and intellectualization and, above all, by the disenchantment of the

world’’ (1946:155). Ritzer (2006) refers to the increasing rationalization inherent in capitalism as

McDonaldization, or the process by which the principles of the fast-food industry are coming to

dominate more sectors of our society. Specifically, Ritzer outlines four dimensions of the

McDonaldization that can be applied to the sex industry. These are efficiency, predictability,

control, and calculability. In this study we use these four dimensions to investigate the extent

to which dancers are a part of a McDonalized sex industry, or the routinization of sexiness.

METHODS

We analyze data in two ways for this research. First, we interviewed 133 current and former

dancers using an interview guide that focused on their reasons to become dancers, how long they

were on the job, wages and tips earned, characteristics of the job, and activities they performed

in order to do the job. Second, we also interviewed 12 manager=owners and visited a total of 26 clubs for observation. Clubs were located in Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, Georgia, Washington,

and Alabama. Interviews lasted between 15 minutes and 4 hours. From these interviews, we

choose what we thought were exemplarily comments, comments that reflected the actual experi-

ences of dancers as we saw them. Notes were taken rather than using a tape recorder because we

felt a recorder would negatively impact dancer comfort level and therefore responses. We used a

snowball sample where the researcher builds the sample from dancers interviewed. The research-

ers first located respondents through the contacts of the authors and then asked willing parti-

cipants to recommend others for interview. We used snowball sampling because of the

difficult nature of defining and accessing a population of exotic dancers. We used grounded

theory (Strauss and Corbin 1990) and analyzed the data with our sensitizing concepts derived

from Ritzer’s dimensions of McDonaldization.

FINDINGS

Efficiency

Because dancers make most of their money from tips, they want to get as much money as poss-

ible in the shortest time possible. This means dancers try quickly to make the maximum tip from

a customer and then move on to the next one.

142 T. H. DESHOTELS ET AL.

I’ve experimented with different systems with the goal of getting the most money I can in the

shortest amount of time so I can move on.

If I spend too much time with one person I’m losing money. I like to get it (money) and go.

I realized early on to watch for the cues to see when I had maxed out his wallet.

If he’s tipping really good, I stay there for quite a while. I’ve been burned like that before though.

You have to be able to know when you’ve gotten all you can.

It’s best to leave them wanting more rather than hang on until they’re bored.

I like the quickest bang for the buck.

Therefore, in a McDonalized sex industry the main goal for the dancer is to, in the most

efficient manner possible, deliver the adequate amount of pleasure easily, quickly, and

conveniently.

Predictability

For the industry of exotic dancing, predictability is exceptionally important because in order for

sexual desires to be mass produced they must be recognizable. In other words, customers must

have the comfort of knowing what to expect from each experience (Hausbeck and Brents 2009).

In the clubs visited across the southeast and west coast of the U.S. dancers, managers, and cus-

tomers enforced product specification, thereby maintaining predictability. Managers of topless

dancing establishments reinforced a definition of beauty by hiring women who fit the ideal

image of beauty. Managers unanimously listed looks as in the top three criteria for hiring.

One manager said: ‘‘We try to hire only 10’s but we have a couple of 7s (laughs) a 2 came in

the other day.’’ The researcher asked: ‘‘What is a 10?’’ The manager replied: ‘‘A 10 is what you

would see in Playboy magazine.’’

Other dancer’s said:

My looks were my only qualification for this job.

You don’t see ugly people working in these clubs.

(name of club) for example, they were all gorgeous.

There was unanimous agreement that there is a standard of beauty that is reinforced in exotic

dance bars. There is also a hierarchy of clubs that matches the hierarchy of beauty. While our

observations and interviews were conducted at the upper tier gentlemen’s clubs one

owner=manager had other establishments that he explained were in the lower tier.

We have three bars. One is the gentlemen’s club. It’s on the top of the hierarchy. The women there

are closest to the Playboy image. The clientele is primarily upper middle class business men. We also

own what we call a neighborhood bar. The women are still good looking but not as hot as the ones in

the gentlemen’s clubs. There are exceptions though and they rake in the money. We own a trucker

EXOTIC DANCING AND INSTITUTIONAL POWER 143

bar out on the interstate too. The women who work here are on their last leg. They are either too old,

over weight. On a scale of 1–10 they are about 5. The clientele are blue collar workers, the girls

make less in tips and the guys tend to expect more for less.

Control

Control over the product was also a theme from respondents. Managers make available to dan-

cers all manner of camouflaging and beauty-enhancing devises, which emphasizes control over

one’s body. Some examples are overt in the club rules. Women in the clubs visited must wear at

least four inch heels and shave all exposed body hair. When asked about these rules managers

said: ‘‘Women are required to wear heals because high heels make women’s legs look longer

and more beautiful.’’ In addition, men in the clubs reinforce a definition of beauty by paying

women who fit this ‘‘Playboy image.’’ The dancers have direct monetary incentives for supply-

ing the recipient with the expected product. The incentive for women to embody this image is

money. Women emulate the images, thus reinforcing what is beautiful. When asked how they

prepare for work dancers explained that they remove all exposed body hair, wear body and face

make up to cover blemishes and imperfections, and choose clothing or costumes designed to

enhance their appearance. Dancers said:

When considering what I wore to work, I balanced how much money I wanted to make with what I

was willing to put up with.

Even if I’m just waitressing for the night, appearance is key. The more sexy you look, the more

money they give you for the same beer.

Dancers also use more invasive body enhancing techniques, specifically plastic surgeries like

breast implants, buttock implants, or liposuction, in order to more closely resemble the ideal

beauty image. Some dancers reported that they were loaned money by the club owner to have

surgery.

The owner paid for my titties . . . well I had to sign a loan . . . he paid the doctor. Later I figured he overcharged me . . . the owner and the doctor were probably both in on it . . . based on what other people paid for their boobs . . . the price was twice what I should have paid. But he did a great job. I made more money with my new tits. I did not get real big boobs just great ones . . . they should last longer.

Many dancers spoke about their bodies as assets and discussed ways in which they invest in

various body parts, much like people invest in other goods such as cars or homes.

I bought these boobs and my tips went through the roof.

I paid for these (points to her breasts) with tips.

Some women invest in their boobs but big boobs will sag. I invested in my butt. I’ll have this butt for

years. Look at it (pointing to her buttocks); you can set a drink on it.

144 T. H. DESHOTELS ET AL.

My body is my product because it’s what I profit from.

I take advantage of whatever assets I may have even if my asset is my ass.

Not only do dancers strive for the same look but they also had similar routines. First there is a

similarity of ‘‘stock characters’’ (e.g., biker chick, nurse, teacher, and school girl). Second, dan-

cers used the same moves while dancing and the same lines to get men to give them money. For

example, a classic move is for a dancer to throw her head back, run her hand under her chin

between her breasts, dwell on her navel, move down between her legs, and down her inner thigh.

Another classic move is to turn around, bend down, grab her ankles, and move her buttocks in a

circle. An example of a classic line is ‘‘I’m dancing just for you.’’ Because dancers’ bodies are

their assets, dancers go to great lengths to control their bodies. Strategies range from diet and

exercise to invasive plastic surgeries as mentioned above. Indeed, we found that it is common

place for plastic surgeons to frequent exotic dance establishments in order to offer their services.

Calculability

A fourth element of McDonaldization dancers use is Calculability. They do so in their interac-

tions by charging more money for certain types of dances, how long they last, or the perceived

amount of pleasure the dances should provide. Dancers calculate their interactions with custo-

mers in pleasure units, specifically songs. When dancers are on the main stage they pick the

songs they dance to considering time and styles. Timing is important in that the song needs

to be long enough to get the attention of the customers and peak their interest, but not so long

where they reveal too much. The main purpose of the dance on the main stage is to encourage

customers to buy lap dances. Lap dances usually range in price from 20 to100 dollars a dance

plus tips. Dancers also try to calculate the amount of time they spend on lap dances so they can

do as many dances as possible while earning more profit.

I use the main stage to get their attention and choose songs carefully to appeal to a particular type of

guy. It’s important that the song be the right length, just enough to get them interested.

I earn a good bit of my money on lap dances so I’m consciously trying to sell those. I use the main

stage too as a way to get the guys to compete against each other for my attention. When I do that I

can count on selling more lap dances because they want to be the one, that guy.

Dancers agreed that carefully calculating where they spent the most time was important in being

able to sell their services.

CONCLUSIONS

In summary, our research shows that dancers mold their bodies and sexuality for efficiency, pre-

dictability, control, and calculability, thereby resulting in the routinization and McDonaldization

of their bodies and their sexuality. Interviews revealed that women who fit a dominant image of

beauty and=or who are willing to undergo body-enhancing techniques will be most advantaged in terms of earning money in the sex industry. However, in order to be materially advantaged,

EXOTIC DANCING AND INSTITUTIONAL POWER 145

individual women must adopt the definition of beauty and sexuality that exits in the larger cul-

ture, thereby abdicating the power to set the agenda for creating or defining their own beauty or

sexuality. In this way,

[b]eauty is a currency system like the gold standard. Like any economy, it is determined by politics,

and in the modern age in the West it is the last best belief system that keeps dominance intact. In

assigning value to women in a vertical hierarchy according to a culturally imposed physical standard,

it is an expression of power relations in which women must unnaturally compete for resources that

men have appropriated for themselves. (Wolf 1991, p. 12)

While it is true that all women are subject to the beauty standard, the impact on dancers seems

to be exacerbated because they willingly internalize the standard in order to earn money and

gain power at the interactional level. That is, rather than an external imposition, the new struc-

ture is internal and therefore much more difficult to delineate. In addition, by internalizing and

embodying the ideal beauty image dancers recreate the dominant definition of beauty for all. In

this profession, the same ‘‘look’’ for dancers is being continuously reproduced, making them

more like commodities than the fulfillment of a desire or fantasy. Therefore, with regard to

material institutional power, individual dancers are not able to control resources and rewards

but are only able to reproduce a dominant definition in order to gain resources and rewards from

others. In this way, exotic dancing is disempowering for individual women and women as a

group.

With regard to the ideal component of institutional power, that is, the ability to influence

ideological discourses and set normative standards (Risman 1998), our research shows that col-

lectively, all women are negatively impacted by the willingness of some women to uphold the

traditional gender ideology of the sexuo-economic relation. That is, dancers recreate the norma-

tive definition that women earn economic support in the bodily service of men. Indeed, the dan-

cers in this study seem to embody an exaggerated version of traditional gender ideology that

some refer to as hyper-femininity. Characteristics of hyper-femininity include: relationships with

men are of primary importance; physical attractiveness and=or sexuality can be used to secure financial stability; and a preference for traditional patterns of sexual behavior in men (Murner

and Bryne 1991).

When dancers portray women in these exaggerated models they recreate what Gilman

referred to as morbid sex distinction ([1898] 1998). Sex distinctions are simply visual cues that

distinguish one sex from the other. Gilman argues that these distinctions have been carried to

harmful extremes and that women have been physically and sexually changed as a result.

Women have replaced other economic pursuits with attracting a man to keep them economically

stable. Furthermore, the means in which women attract men rely on accentuated sex distinctions.

This places significantly more value on the appearance of women than on men. As a result, the

economic power of women relies heavily on maintaining sex appeal. This can be seen in exotic

dancing and the McDonaldization of the sex industry. In other words, feminine standards of

beauty are so important that society has begun to mass produce it.

While this research has demonstrated that exotic dancers reinforce the ideal beauty image and

routinization of sexuality, future research should investigate the extent to which these behaviors

are evident outside of the organization of exotic dancing. For example, unlike McDonalds and

other routinized service work fields where employees undergo extensive training programs to

learn the appropriate scripts, dancers receive very little if any formal training. This points to

146 T. H. DESHOTELS ET AL.

impact of the larger cultural definitions on women’s sense of beauty and sexuality. As is true of

many so-called deviant behaviors, it could be that exotic dancing is an exaggerated version of

the current definition of normal femininity.

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TINA H. DESHOTELS received her B.A. in sociology from University of Lafayette, LA, her M.A. in sociology from Middle Tennessee State University, and her Ph.D. in sociology from

Florida State University in 2004. She is now Assistant Professor of sociology at Jacksonville

State University in Jacksonville, Alabama. Her areas of interest in teaching and research are

broad but generally fall under the umbrella of Theory, Gender, and Deviance.

EXOTIC DANCING AND INSTITUTIONAL POWER 147

MOLLIE TINNEY received a B.S. in Sociology from Jacksonville State University. She is currently a graduate student in sociology.

CRAIG J. FORSYTH is Professor and the Head of the Department of Criminal Justice and Professor of Sociology at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. He received his Ph.D. from

Louisiana State University in 1983. He is the author of over 160 journal articles, books, and

book chapters. His principal research interests are in the areas of deviance and crime.

148 T. H. DESHOTELS ET AL.

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