socilogy 1200 words essay

POLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

power in the p:>lity invoke the idea of the state, the intellectuals, as we shall tentatively call those who usurp leadership in a Kulturgemein- sch4t (that is, within a group of people who by virtue of their pe- culiarity have access to certain products that are considered "culture goods"), are specifically predestined to propagate the "national" idea. This hapPens when those culture agents....

[The presentation breaks off here. Notes on the margin ci the manu- sc;ript indicate that Weber intended to deal with the idea and develop- ment of the nation state throughout history. The following observations were found on the margin of the sheet: Cultural prestige and power prestige are closely asSociated. Every victorious war enhances the cultural prestige (Germany It87J], Japan [19051, etc.). Whether war furthers the "development of culture" is anothe.." question, one which cannot be solved' in a "value neutral" way. It certainly does not do it in an un- ambiguous way (see Germany after 1871!). Even on the basis of purely empirical criteria it would not seem to do so: Pure art and literature of a specifically German character did not develop in the political center of Gennany.]

6. The Distribution of Power Within the Political Community: Class, Status, Party"

A. ECONOMICALLY DETERMINED POWER AKD THE STATUS ORDER. The structure of every legal order directly influences the distribution of power, economic or otherwise, within its respective community. This is true of all legal orders and not only that of the state. In general, we undd stand by "power" the chance of a man or a number of men to realize their own will in a social action even against the resistance of other.; who are participating in the action.

"Economically conditioned" power is not, of course, identical with "power" as such. On the contrary, the emergence of economic power may be the consequence of power existing on other grounds. Man does not strive for power only in order to enrich himself economically. Power, including economic power, may be valued for its own sake. Very fre- quently the striving for power is also conditioned by the social honor it entails. Not all power, however, entails social honor: The typical American Boss, as well as the typical big speculator, deliberately re- linquishes social honor. Quite generally, "mere~economic" power, and especially "naked" money power, is by no means a recognized basis of social honor. Nor is power the only basis of social honor. Indeed, social honor, or prestige, may even be the basis of economic power, and very frequently has been. Power, as well as honor, may be guaranteed by

6J Distribution of Power: Class, Status, Party the legal order, but, at least normally, it is not their primary source. The legal order is rather an additional factor that enhances the chance to hold power or honor; but it can not always secure them.

The way in which social honor is distributed in a community be- tween typical groups participating in this distribution we call the "status order." The social order and the economic order are related. in a similar manner to the legal order. However, the economic order merely defines the way in which eConomic goods and services are distributed and ~. Of COUl,;e, the status order is strongly influenced by it, and in turn reacts upon it.

Now: "classes," "status groups," and "parties" are phenomena of the distribution vf power within a community.

B. DBTElU\HNATION OF CLASS SITUATION BY MARKET SITUATION. In our terminology, "classes" are not communities; they merely represent possible, and frequent, bases for social action. We may speak of a "class" when (I) a number of people have in common a specific causal co~ponent of their life chances, insofar as (2) this component is repre- sented exclusively by economic interests in the possession of goods and opportunities for income, and (3) is represented under the conditions of the commodity or labor markets. This is "class situation."

It is the most elemental economic fact that the way in which 'the disposition over material property is distributed among a plurality of people, meeting competitively in the market for the purpose of exchange, in itself creates specific life chances. The mode of distribution, in accord with the law of marginal utility, excludes the non-wealthy from com- peting for highly valued goods; it favors the owners and, in fact, gives to them a monopoly to acquire such gocxls. Other things being equal, the mode of distribution monopolizes the opportunities for pro6table deals for all those who, provided with goods, do not necessarily have to exchange them. It increases, at least generally, their power in the price struggle with those who, being property~s, have nothing to offer hut their labor or the resulting products, and who are compelled to get rid of·

. these products in order to subsist at all. The mode of distribution gives to the propertied a monopoly on the posSibility of transferring property from the sphere of use as "wealth" to the sphere of "capital," that is, it gives them the entrepreneurial function and ali chances to share directly or indirectly in returns on capital. All this holds true within the area in which pure market conditions prevail. "Property" and "lack of property" are, therefore, the basic categories of all class situations. It does not matter whether these two categories become effective in the competitive struggles of the consumers or of the producers.

Within these categories, however, class situations are further dif-

POLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

ferentiated: on the one hand, according to the kind of property that is usable for returns; and, on the other hand, according to the kind of services that can he offered in the market. Ownership of dwellings; worksliops; wareh<?uses; stores; agriculturally usable land in large or m.all holdings-a quantitative difference with possibly qualitative con- se-quences; owqership of mines; cattle; men (slaves); disposition over mobile instruments of production, or capital goods offall sorts, especially money or objects that can easily be exchanged for money; disposition over products of one's own labor or of others' labor differing according to their vilrious distances from consumahiIity; disposition over trans- ferable monopolies of any kind-all these distinctions differentiate the, class situations of the propertied juSt as does the "meaning" which they can give to the use of property, especially to property which ha~ money equivalence. Accordingly, the propertied, for instance, may belong to the class of rentiers or to the class of entrepreneurs.

Those who have no property hut who offer services are differentiated just as much according to their kinds of services as according to the way in which they make use of these services, in a continuous or discon- tinuous relation to a recipient. But always this is the generic con nota· tion of the concept of cl<JSS; that the' kind of chance in the market is the decisive moment which presents. a 'common condition for the in· dividual's fate. Class situation is, in this sense, ultimately market situa- tion. The effect of n~ possession per se, which among cattle breeders gives the non-owning slave or serf into the power of the cattle owner, is only a fore-runner of real "class".foi:mation. However, in the cattle loan and in the naked severity of the law of debts in such communities for the first time mere "poseession" as such emerges as decisive for the fate of the individual; this is much in contrast to crop-raising communities, which are based on labor. The creditor-d.ebtor relation becomes the basis of "class situations" first in the cities, where a "credit market," however primitive, with rates of intelleSt increasing according to the extent of dearth and factual monopolization of lending in the hands of a plutocracy could develop. Therewith "class struggles" begin. ,

Those men whose fate is not detennined by the chance of using _goods or services for themselves on the market, e.g., slaves, are not, how- ever, a class in the technical sense of the term. They are, rather, a status group.

C. SOCIAL ACTION PLOWINC PROM CLASS INTBRBST._ According to our tenninology, the factor that creates "class" ~ unambiguously economic interest, and indeed, only those interests involved in the existence of the market. Nevertheless, the concept of class-interest is an ambiguous one: even as an empirical concept it is ambiguous as soon as one under-

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6] Distribution of Power: Class, Status, Party 929

stands by ft something other than the factual direction of interests follow- ing with a certain probability from the class situation for a certain aver· age' of those people subjected to the class situation. The class situation and other circumstances remaining the same, the direction in which the individual worker, for instance, is likely to pUISue his interests may vary widely. according to whether he is constitutionally qualified for the task at hand to a high, to an average, or to a low degree. In the same way, the direction of interests may vary according to whether or not social action of a larger or smaller portion of those commonly affected by the class situation, or even an association among them, e.g., a trade union, has grown out of the class situation, from which the individual may expect promising results for himself. The emergence of an associa- tion or even of mere social action from a common class situation is by no means a universal phenomenon.

The class situation may be restricted in its efforts to the generation of essentially similar reactions, that is to say, within our terminology, of "~ass behavior." However. it may not even have this result. Further- more, often merely amorphous social action emerges. For example, the "grumbling" of workers known in ancient Oriental ethics: The moral disapproval of the work-roaster's conduct, which in its practical sig- nificance was probably equivalent to an increasingly typical phenomenon of precisely the latest industrial development, namely, the slowdown of laborers by virtue of tacit agreement. The degree in which "social action" and possibly a~sociations emerge from the mass behavior of the members of a class is linked to general cultural conditions, especially to those of an intellectual sort. It is also linked to the extent of the contrasts that have already evolved, and is especially linked. to the transparency of the connections between the causes and the consequences of the class situa- tion. For however different life chances may be, this fact in itself, according to all experience, by nO means gives birth to "class action" (social action by the members of a class). For that, the real conditions and the results of the class situation must he distinctly recognizable. For ·only then the contrast of life chances can be felt not as an a~lutely given fact to he accepted, but as a resultant from either (I) the given distribution of property, or (2) the structure of the concrete economic order. It is only then that people may react against the class structure not only through acts of intermittent and irrational protest, but in the form of rational association. There have been "class situations" ,of the first category (I), of a speci6cally naked and transparent sort, in the urban centers of Antiquity and during the Middle Ages; especially then

.when great fortunes were accumulated by factually monopolized trading in local industrial products or in foodstuffs; furthermore, under certain

93° POLmCAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

conditions, in the rural economy of the most diverse periods. when agriculture was increasingly exploited in a proht-making manner. The most important historical example of the second category (2) is the class situation of the m<Xlem proletariat. -

D. TYPES OF CLASS STRUGGLE. Thus every class may be the carrier of any_one of the innumerable possible forms of class action, hut this is not necessarily so. In any case, a class does not in itself constitute a group (Gemeinscha{t). To treat "class" conceptually as being equivalent to "group" leads to distortion. That men in the same class situation reg- ularly react in mass actions to such tangible situations as economic ones in the direction of those interests that are most adequate to their average , number is an important and after all simple fact for the understanding of historical events. However, this fact must not lead to that kind of pseudo-scientific operation with the concepts of class and class interests which is so frequent these days and which has found its most classic expression in the statement of a talented author, that the individual may be in error concerning his h,1terests but that the class is infallible about its interests.

If classes as such are not groups, nevertheless class situations emerge o_lly 'On the basis of social action. However, social action that brings forth class situations is not basically action among memhets of the identical class; it is an action among members of different classes. Social actions that directly determine the class situation of the worker and the entrepreneur are: the labor market, the commodities market, and the eapitalistic enterprise. But, in its turn, the existence of a capitalistic en- terprise presupposes that a very specific kind of social action exists to- protect the pos-~sion of goods per se, and especially the power of in- dividuals to dispose, in principle freely, over the means of production: a certain kind of legal order. Each kind of class situation, and above all when it Wits uPO!1 the power of property peT se, will become most clearly efficacious when all other determinants of reciprocal relations are, as far as possible, eliminated in their significance. It is in this way that the use of the power of property in the market obtains its most sovereign importance.

Now status groups hinder the strict carrying through of the sheer _market principle. In the present context they are of interest only from this one point of view. Before we briefly consider them, note that not much of a general nature can be said about the more specific kinds of antagonism between classes (in our meaning of the term). The great shift, which has been going on continuously in the past, and up to our times, may he summarized, although at a cost of some precision: the struggle in which class situations are effective has progressivdy shifted

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6 ] Distribution of Power: Class, Status, Party 9 3 I

from consumption credit toward, nrst, competitive struggles in the com- modity market and then toward wage disputes on the labor market. The class struggles of Antiquity-to the extent that they were genuine class struggles and not struggles between status groups-were initially carried on by peasants and perhaps also artisans threatened by debt bondage and struggling against urban creditors. For debt bondage is the normal result of the differentiation of wealth in commercial cities, especially in seaport cities. A similar situation has existed among cattle breeders. " Debt relationships as such produced class action up to the days of Catilina. Along with this, and with an increase in provision of grain for., the city by transporting it from the outside, the struggle over the means .?: of sustenance emeIged. It centered in the first place around the pro- vision of bread and determination of the price of bread. It lasted through- out Antiquity and the entire Middle Ages. The propertyless Hocked together against those who actually and supposedly were interested in the dearth of bread. This 6ght spread until it involved all those com- modities essential to the way of life and to handicraft production. There w~ only incipient discussions of wage disputes in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages. But they have been slowly increasing up into modern'%' times. In the earlier periods they were completely secondary to slave· rebellions as wen as to conflicts in the commodity market.

The propertyless of Antiquity and of the Middle Ages protested against rq.onopoIies, preemption, forestalling, and the withholding of goods from the market in order to raise prices. Today the central issue is the determination of the price of labor. The transition is represented by the 6ght for access to the market and for the determination of the price of products. Such 6ghts went on between merchants and workers in the putting-out system of domestic handicraft during the transition to modern times. Since it is quite a general phenomenon we must men- tion here that the class antagonisms that are conditioned through the market situations are usually most bitter between those who actually and directly participate as opponents in price wars. It is not the rentier, the share-holder, and the banker who suffer the ill will of the worker, but almost exclusively the manufacturer and the bUSiness executives who are the direct opponents of workers in wage conflicts. This is so in spite of the fact that it is precisely the cash boxes of the rentier, the share- . holder, and the banker into which the more or less unearned gains flow, rather than into the pockets of the manufacturers or of the business executives. This simple state of affairs has very frequently been decisive for the role the class situation has played in the formation of political parties. For example, it has made possible the varieties of patriarchal socialism and the frequent attempts-formerly, at least--of threatened

POLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

status groUps to form alliances with the proletariat again~t the bour· geoisie.

E. STATUS HONOR. In contrast to classes, Stiinde (status groups) are normally groups. They are, however, often of an amorphous kind. In contrast to the purely economically determined "class situation," we wish to designate as status situation every typical component of the life of men that is determined by a specific, positive or negative, social estima- tion of honor. This honor may be -connected with any quality shared by a plurality, and, of course, it can be knit to a class situation: class dis- tinctions are linked in the most varied ways with status distinctions. Property as such is not, always recognized as a status qualification, but in the long run it is, and with extraordinary regularity. In the sub- sistence economy of neighborhood associations, it is often simply the richest who is the "chieftain." However, this often is only an honorific preference. For example, in the so-called pure modern democracy, that is, one devoid of any expressly ordered status privileges for individuals, it may be that only the families coming under approximately the same tax class dance with one another. This example is reported of certain smaller Swiss cities. But status honor need not necessarily be linked with a class situation. On the contrary, it normally stands in sharp opposition to the pretensions of sheer property.

Both propertied and propertyless people can belong to the same status group, and frequently they do with very tangible consequences. This equality of social esteem may, however, in the long run become quite precarious. The equality of status among American gentlemen, for instance, is expressed by the fact that outside the subordination de-' termined by the different functions of business, it would be considered strictly repugnant-wherever the old tradition still prevails-if even the richest boss, while playing billiards or cards in his club would not treat his clerk as in every sense fully his equal ill birthright, but would bestow upon him the condescending status-conscious "benevolence" which the German boss can never dissever from his attitude. This is one of the most important reaSOns why in America the German clubs have never been able to attain the attraction that the American clubs have.

In content, status honor is normally expressed by the fact that above all else a specific style of life ~ expected from all those who wish to belong to the circle. Linked with this expectation are restrictions on social intercourse (that is, intercourse which is not subservient to eco- nomic or any other purposes). These restrictions may confine normal marriages to within the starus circle and may lead to complete ep- dogamous closure. Whenever this is not a mere individual and socially irrelevant imitation of another style of life, but consensual action of this dosing character, the status development is under way.

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6 ] Distribution of Power: Class, Status, Party , 9 3 3

In its ~haracteIistic fotIn, stratification by status groups on the basis of conventional styles of life evolves at the present time in the United States out of the traditional democracy. For example, only the resident of a certain street ("the Street") is considered as belonging to "society," is qualified for social intercourse, and is visited and invited. Above all, this differentiation evolves in such a way as to make for strict submission to the fashion that is dominant at a given rime in society. This sub- mission to fashion also exists among men in America to a degree un" known in Germany; it appears as an indication of the fact that a given maIl puts forward a claim to qualify as a gentleman. This submissi,on decides, at least prima facie, that he win be treated as such. And this recognition becomes just as important for his employment chances in swank establishments, and above all, for social intercourse and marriage with "esteemed" families, as the qualification for dueling among Ger- mans. As for the rest, status honor is usurped by certain families resident for a 10ng time, and, of course, correspondingly wealthy (e.g. F.F.V., the First Families of Virginia), or by the actual or alleged descendants of the "Indian Princess" Pocahontas, of the Pilgrim fathers, or of the Knickerbockers, the members of almost inaccessible sects and all sorts of circles setting themselves apart by means of any other characteristics and badges. In this case stratific.ation is purely conventional and rests largely on usurpation (as does almost all status honor in its beginning). But the road to legal privilege, positive or negative, is easily traveled as soon as a certain stratification of the social order has in fact been "lived in" and has achieved stability by virtue of a stable distribution of economic power.

F. ETHNIC SEGREGATION AND CASTE. Where the consequences have been realized to their full extent, the status group evolves into a dosed caste. Status distinctions are then guaranteed not merely by conventions' and laws, but also by religious sanctions. This occurs in such a way that every physical canMct with a member of any caste that is considered to .be lower by the members of a higher caste is considered as making for a ritualistic impurity and a stigma which -must be expiated by a religious act. In addition, individual castes develop quite distinct cults and gods.

In general, however, the status structure reaches such extreme con· sequences only w~ere there are underlying differences which are held to be "ethnic." The caste is, indeed, the nonnal fonn in which ethnic communitiffl that believe in blood relationship and exclude exogamous marriage and social intercourse usually associate with one another. As mentioned before Echo VI:vi:6J, such a caste situation is part of the phe- nomenon of pariah peoples and is found all over the world. These pe0- ple fonn communities, acquire speci6c occupational traditions of handi- crafts or of other arts, and cultivate a belief in their ethnic community.

9 3 -4 POLmCAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

They live in a diaspora strictly segregated from all personal inte1COUrse, except that of an unavoidable sort, and their situation is legally pre- carious. Yet, by virtue of their economic indispensability, they are tol~ etated-, indeed frequently privileged, and they live interspersed in the political communities. The Jews are the most impressive historical example.

A status segregation grown into a caste differs in its structure from a mere ethnic segregation: the caste structure transfonns the horizontal and unconnected coexistences of ethnically segregated groups into a ver- tical social system of super- and subordination. Correctly fonnulate<!: a comprehensive association integrates the ethnically divided communities into one political unit. They di£f~r precisely in this way: ethnic cO'" existence, based on mutual repulsion and disdain, allows each ethnic community to consider its own honor as the highest one; the caste struc- ture brings about a soci~ I, subordination and an acknowledgement of "more honor" in favor of the privileged caste and status groups. This is due to the fact that in the caste structure ethnic distinctions as such have· become "functional" distinctions within the political association (warriors, priests, artisans that are politically important for war and for building, and so on). But even pariah peoples who are most despised (for example, the Jews) ace usually apt to continue cultivating the be- lief in their own specific "honor," a belief that is equally peculiar to ethnic and to status groups.

However, with the negatively privileged status groups the sense of dignity takes a specinc deviation. A sense of dignity is the precipitation in individuals of social honor and of conventional demands which a, positively privileged status group raises for the deportment of its mem- hers. The sense of dignity that characterizes positively privileged status groups is naturally related to their "being" which does not transcend itself, that is, it is related to their "beauty and excellence" (.ocw.ocayatUa). Their kingdom is "of this world." They live for the present and by ex- ploiting their great past. The sense of dignity of the negatively privileged strat:l naturally refers to a future lying beyond the present, whether it is of this life or of another. In other words, it must be nurtured by the belief in a providential mission and by a belief in a specific honor before God. The chosen people's dignity is nurtured by a belief either that in the beyoltd "the last win be the .6rst," or that in this life a Messiah will appear to bring forth into the light of the world which has cast them out the hidden honor of the pariah people. This simple state of affairs, and not the resentment which is so strongly emphasized. fn Nietzsche's much-admired construction in the Genealogy of Morals, is the source of the religiosity cultivated by pariah status groups (see above, ch. VI:vi:5);

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6 ] Distribution 01 Power: Class, Status, Party 935

moreover, resentment applies only to a limited extent; for one o£ , Nietzsche's main examples. Buddhism, it is not at all applicable.

For the rest, the development of status groups from ethnic segrega- tions is by no means the normal phenomenon. On the contrary. Since objective "racial differences" are by no means behind every subjective sentiment of an ethnic community, the question of an ultimately racial foundation of status structure is rightly a question of the concrete in- dividual ca'ie. Very frequently a status group is instrumental in the production of a thoroughbred anthropological type. Certainly status groups are to a high degree effective in producing extreme types, for they select peI'$onally qualified individuals (e.g. the knighthood selects those who are fit for warfare, physically and psychically). But individual selec- tion is far from being the only, or the predominant, way in which status groups are formed: political membership or class situation has at all times been at least as frequendy decisive. And today the class situation is by far the predominant factor. After all, the possibility of a style of ~fe expected for members of a status group is usually conditioned economically.

G. STATUS PIUVIL.;>GES. For all practical purposes, stratification by status goes hand in hand with a monopolization of ideal and material goods or opportunities, in a manner we have come to know as typical. Besides the specific status honor, which always rests upon distance and exclusiveness, honorific preferences may consist of the privilege of wear- ing special costumes, of eating special dishes taboo to others, of carrying arms-which is most obvious in its consequences-, the right to be a dilettante, for example, to play certain musical instruments. However, material monopolies provide the most effective motives for the exclusive- ness of a status group; althC'.l.gh, in themselves, they are rarely sufficient, almost always they come into play to some extent. Within a status circle there is the question of inteT'l: :!rriage; the interest of the families in the monopolization of potential bridegrooms is at least of equal importance and is parallel to the interest in the monopolization of daughters. The daughters of the members must be provided for, With an increased closure of the Status group, the C'0nventional preferential opportunities for special employmer,t grow into a leg;!] mO'iOpoly of special offices for the members, Certain goods become objects for monopolization by status groups, typically, entailed estates, and frequendy al~ the possession of serfs or bondsmen and, finally, special trades. This monopolization oc- curs positively when the status group is exclusively entitled to own and to manage them; and negatively when, in order to maintain its specific way of life, the status group must not own and manage them. For the decisive tole of a style of life in status honor means that status groups

IlOLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

are the specific bearers of all conventions. In whatever way it may be manifest, all stylization of life either originates in status groups or is at least conserved by them. Even if the principles of status conventions differ greatly, they reveal ccrtain typical traits, especially among the most privileged strata. Quite generally, among privileged status groups there is a status disqualification that operates against the performance of common physical labor. Thi~ disqualification is now "setting in" in America against the old tradition of esteem for labor. Very frequently every rational economic pursuit, and especially entrepreneurial activity, is looked upon as a disqualification of status. Artistic and literary activity is also considered degrading work as soon as it is exploited for income, or at least when it is connected with hard physical exertion. An example is the sculptor working like a mason in his dusty smock as over against the painter in his salon-like studio and those forins of musical practice that are acceptable to the status group.

H. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND EFFEcrs OF STATUS STRATIFICATION.

The frequent disqualification of the gainfully employed as such is a direct result of the principle of status stratification, and of course, of this principle's opposition to a distribution of power which is regulated exclusively through the market. These two factors operate along with various individual ones, which will be touched upon balow.

We have seen above that the market and its processes knows no personal distinctions; "functional" interests dominatc it. It knows noth- ing of honor. The status order means precisely the reverse; stratification in terms of honor and styles of life peculiar to status groups a~ such. The status order would be threatened at its very root if mere economic acquisition and naked economic power still bearing the stigma of its extra-status origin could bestow upon anyone who has won them the same or even greater honor as the vested interests claim for themselves. After all, given equality of status honor, property per se represents an addition even if it is not ovenly acknowledged to be such. Therefore all groups having interest in the status order react with special sharpness precisely against the pretensions of purely economic acquisition. In most cases they react the more vigorously the more they feel themselves threatened. Calderon's respectful treatment of the peasant, for instance, as opposed to Shakespeare's simultaneous ostensible disdain of the canaille illustrates the different way in which a firmly structured status ouk ': ~cacts as compared with a status order that has become eeonomi· cally precarious. This is an example of a state of affairs that recurs every- where. Precisely because of the rigorous reactions against the claims of property per se, the "parvenu" is never accepted, personally and without reservation, by the privileged "tatus groups, no matter how cO.!fJpleteIy

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6 ] Distribution of Power: Class, Status, Party 937

his style -of life has been adjusted to theirs. They will only accept his descendants who have been educated in the conventions of their status group and who have never besmirched its honor by their own economic labor.

As to the general effect of the status order, only one consequence can be stated, but it is a very important one: the hindrance of the free development of the market. This occurs first for those goods that status groups directly withhold from free exchange by monopolization, which may be effected either legally or conventionally. For example, in many Hellenic dties during the "status era" and also originally in Rome, the inherited estate (as shown by the old £ormula for placing spendthrifts under a guardian)H was monopolized, as were the estates of knights, peasants, priests, and especially the clientele of the craft and merchant guilds. The market is restric~ed, and the power of naked property per se, which gives its stamp to class fonnation, is pushed into the background. The results of this process can be most varied. Of course, they do not necessarily weaken the contra~ts. in the economic situation. Frequently

,they strengthen these contrasts, and in any case, where stratification by status permeates a community as strongly as was the case in all political communities of Antiquity and of the Middle Ages, one can never speak of a genuinely free market competition as we understand it today. There are wider effects than this direct exclusion of special goods from the market. From the conflict between the status order and the purely economic order mentioned above, it follows that in most instances the notion of honor peculiar to status absolutely abhors th3t which is essen- tial to the market: hard bargaining. HonQr abhors hard, bargaining among peers and occasionally it taboos it for the members of a status group in general. Therefore, everywhere some status groups, and usually the Illost influential, consider almost any kind of overt participation in economic acquisition as absolutely stigmatizing.

With some over~simplification, one might thus say that classes are stratifie.d according to tb~r relations to the production and acquisition of goods; whereas status groups are stratified according to the principles of the~r consumption of goods as represented by ,special styles of life.

. An "occupational status group," too, is a status group proper. For normally, it successfully claims social honor only by virtue of the special style of life which may be determined by it. The differences between classes and status groups frequently overlap. It is preciselYj those status communities most strictly segregated jn terms of honor (vii. the Indian castes) who today show, although within very rigid limits, a relatively high degree of indifference to pecuniary income. However, the Brah- mins seek such income in many different ways.

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POLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

As to the general economic conditions making for the predominance of stratification by status, only the following can be said. When the bases of the acquisition and distribution of goods are relatively stable, stratification by Status is favored. Every technological repercussion and economic transformation threatens stratification by status and pushes the class situation into the foreground. E~ and countries in which the naked class situation is of predominant significance are regularly the periods of technical and economic transformations, And every slowing down of the change in economic stratification leads, in due course, to the growth of status structures and makes for a resuscitation of the important role of social honor,

1. PARTIES. Whereas the genuine place of classes is within the ec0- nomic order, the place of status groups is within the social order, that is.. within the sphere of the distribution of honor. From within these spheres, classes and status groups inHuence,one another and the legal order and are in tum influenced by it. "Parties" reside in the sphere of power. Their action is oriented toward the acquisition of social power, that is to say, toward influencing social action "no matter what its content may be. In principle, parties may exist in a social club as well as in a state. As over against the actions of classes and status groups, for which this is not necessarily the case, party-oriented social action always in- volves association. For it is always directed toward a goal which is striven for in a planned manner. This goal may be a cause (the party may aim at realizing a program for ideal or material purposes), or the goal may be personal (sinecures, power, and from these, honor for the leader and the followers of the party). Usually the party aims at all < these simultaneously. Pa.rties are, therefore, only possible within groups that have an associational character, that is, some rational order arid a staff of persons available who are ready to enforce it. For parties aim precisely at influencing this staff, and if possible, to recruit from it party

'members. In any individual case, parties tna¥ reprqent interests determined

through class situation or status situation, and they may recruit their following respectively from one or the other. But they need be neither purely class nor purely status parties; in fact, they are more likely to be mixed types, and sometimes they are neither. They may represent ephemeral or endUring structures. Their means of attaining power may be quite varied, ranging from naked violence of any sort to canvassing for votes with coarse or subtle means: money, social influence, the force of speech, suggestion, clumsy hoax, and so On to the rougher or more artful tactics of obstruction in parliamentary bodies.

The sociological structure of parties differs in a basic way according

6 J Distribution of Power, Cz",s, Stat"" Pany 9 3 9 to the kind of social aCtion which they struggle to influence; that means, they differ according to whether or not the community is stratified by status or by classes. Above aU else, they vary according to the structure of domination. For their leaders normally deal with its conquest. In our general terminology, parties are not only products of modem forms of domination. We shall also designate as parties the ancient and medieval ones, despite the fact that they differ basically from modern parties. Since a party always struggles for political control (Herrschaft), its organization too is frequently strict and "authOtitarian." Because of these variations between the forms of domination, it is impossible to say any- thing about the structure of parties without discussing them first. There-

, fore, we shall now tum to this central phenomenon of all social organi- zation.

Before we do this, we should add one more general observation about classes, status groups and parties; The fact that they presuppose a lar&.er association, especially the framework of a polity. does not mean trat they are confined to it. On the contrary, at all times it has been the order of the day that such association (even when it aims at the use of military force in common) reaches beyond the st;3te boundaries. This can be seen in the [interJocalJ solidarity of interests of oligarchs and democrats in Hellas, of Guelphs and Ghibellines in the Middle Ages. and within the Calvinist party during the age of religious struggles; and all the way up to the solidarity of landlords (hternational Con- gresses of Agriculture), princes (Holy Alliance, Karlsbad Decrees [of 18191), socialist workers, conservatives (the longing of PrusSia'n con- servatives for Russian intervention in 18S0). But their aim is not neces- sarily the establishment of a new territorial dominion. In the main they aim to influence the existing polity.

NOTES

I. This is the early formulation of territorial political organization and of the state, which Weber later summarized in sec. 17 of Part One, ch. I. (R)

2. CamQTTa~well·or.s:anizedlarge-scale criminal gang operating in Southem Italy, especially Naples; first appearance c. r820; achieved effective power over Naples municipal goverllment in the 1890'S, was defeated in the elections of 1901 through the -effort of the Honest Govemment League, but Bared up repeatedly in later times, especially about 191 I. (Rh)

3. Cf. Soc. of Law. above, ch. VIILii; I and 5, and vi: I. (W) 4. Cf. in this respect the role of the "military societies" as police organs

among the Plains Indians, as described by K. N. Llewellyn and E. A. Hoebel, The Cheyenne Way (1941), esp. c. 5. (Bh)

5. Cf. E. Fischer, Schweizergeschichre (3rd cd. 1947) J 50. (Rh) 6. For a recent survey and synthesis of such studies, see R. Thumwald,

94° POLITICAL COMMUNITIES [Ch. IX

Werden, Wandel und GesUlltung von Staat und KultuT (1934); for illustrati.)ns of the type of society mentioned in the following sentences, see R. F. Barton, lfugao Law (1919) and The Kalingas (1948). (Rh)

7· See Reste rr.abischen Heidentums (sec. ed., r897; also Medina vor dem Islam (Skiz;;:en.und Vorarbeiten, vol. IV, I, 1889). (W)" ,

8. The German Customs Union (Zollverdn) was gradually established under Prussian leadership in the 1820'S and 1830'S. After January I, 18J4, it comprised all German states with the exception of Austria and two smaller states, i.e., practically' that part of Germany which under Bismarck's j('.adersh.ip emerged in 1871 as th~ new Geml1n Heich. In this development of German unity under Prussian hegemony, but also toward the exclusion of Austria, which became final through the Prussi:m-AuHrian war of r 866, the Zollverein consti- tuted an important step. (Rh)

9· Cf. Weber, Agrarverhiiltnisse, in GAzSW, 271, 273f, 295f. (W) IO. On Franz Oppenheimer, see supra, Part One, ch. II, nn. 3 and Z2. (Wi) 1r. Gaius Verres (c. 120-43 B.C.), Roman magisll:<Ite who as governor of

Sicily ruthlessly exploited the local population. On thei~ behalf he was in 70 B.C. prosecuted in the RCpclu11dae (extortion) Court bv ricero, whcse ''Verrine'' ora- tions contain much valuGible information on agr.. ,;.Il1 ('onditions--specifically, on the decline of peasant fanning in favor of capitalistic, slave-ope,ated lati{undia- in the' Roman provinces. CE. aho V;/cber, Agrarverhlllt."isse, in GAzSW, 252£. (Wi)

12. Cf. now Victor Ehrenberg, The People ,-,t Aristaphanes (New York: Schockcn paperback, 1962), chs_ V (esp. 123f.) and XI (esp. 307££.). (Wi)

13· All subheadings by Gerd:J. dud Mills. The major terminological change in this section is the elimination of \he dichotomy of "cOmm'.mal" versus "societal" action and the substitution of "group" far "community." (R)

r 4. On the bona paterna avitaque of the Roman disemancip3tion formula, d. also infra, ch. XVI:v, at n. 33- (Wi)

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