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Homeland Security & Emergency Management 2015; 12(4): 875–889

Sharon Mastracci* Human Resource Management Practices to Support Emotional Labor in Emergency Response Abstract: Based on a continuing program of research, this paper reveals several organizational measures needed if emotional labor is to be supported, including self-care plans, recruiting for self-awareness, and performance evaluations that capture more than a standard set of knowledge, skills, and abilities. The paper focuses on the experience of emergency responders, who work in extreme condi- tions that demand extensive emotional labor. Propositions are presented to link human resource management practices and individual and organizational out- comes; propositions that can inform future research and hypothesis testing in this area.

Keywords: emergency responders; personnel management.

DOI 10.1515/jhsem-2014-0060

1 Introduction In extreme working conditions, emergency responders must engage in mental processes to tune out the chaos, engage fully with the patient, and attend to the crisis at hand. Emotional labor is the mental process by which this is done. Atkins and Parker (2012) note that evidence on emotional labor “in the helping profes- sions suggests that encouraging people to become more compassionate without considering the associated self-regulatory demands can lead to staff burnout and turnover” (p. 524). As a result, “care and compassion … may well be endan- gered where they are most expected” (Rynes et  al. 2012: p. 503). Among public service workers from whom care and compassion would be expected, evidence suggests that they have become endangered (Bevan and Hood 2006) as workers increasingly suffer burnout and turnover: If care workers in high-stress jobs are

*Corresponding author: Sharon Mastracci, Department of Political Science, University of Utah, 260 South Central Campus Drive, Salt Lake City, Utah 84112, e-mail: [email protected]

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encouraged to become more compassionate without considering the emotional labor demands needed to do so, then poor care, burnout, and turnover can arise. Emotional labor suffuses care work: “Human services (is comprised of) high emo- tional-labor occupations with an associated high risk of burnout” (Lilius 2012: p. 569). This underscores the importance of identifying the organizational meas- ures necessary to support public servants and minimize burnout and turnover among these important public servants.

This paper is organized as follows: In the next section, the evolution of the individual and emotion in public services is reviewed: Due to its origins in the Progressive Era, public administration and public service scholarship reflect Scientific Management principles of the early 20th century, rather than the principles of humanism. Plant et  al. (2011) underscore the importance of the field of public administration to the development of homeland secu- rity and emergency response as professions and academic fields. The third section is comprised of an analysis of transcripts from interviews with emer- gency responders using the Gioia Methodology (Gioia et al. 2012). In the fourth section, findings of the analysis of emotional labor in emergency response are discussed, including propositions resulting from this analysis that could be used in future research. Finally, the fifth section discusses conclusions and directions for further research.

2 Background on Emotional Labor Scholarship in Public Service

Early American scholarship on the role of individuals in organizations is rooted in Scientific Management principles, which arose from the Industrial Revolution and mass production processes. From this perspective, individuals are char- acterized as part of a larger production process, as cogs in a greater machine. These principles are captured in an archetypical statement by American man- agement theorist Frederick Taylor, whose name is synonymous with Scientific Management: “In the past, man has been first, in the future the system must be first” (1912: p. 2). Characteristics of individuals do not matter in such a work- place. Workers are interchangeable and only their objective output matters to the organization. The role of the individual worker in Scientific Management is con- sistent with the role of the individual in Max Weber’s ideal bureaucracy, which “develops the more perfectly the more the bureaucracy is dehumanized, the more completely it succeeds in eliminating from official business love, hatred, and all purely personal, irrational, and emotional elements which escape calculation”

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(Weber 1922: p. 973). Taken together, the individual worker is subordinate to the system in capital-intensive mass production processes (Taylor) and also in the production of services delivered by the ideal bureaucracy (Weber). Public ser- vices, being services and not tangible goods, are not produced in a factory, but rather, by people in organizations. Weber’s ideal bureaucracy provided the blue- print for early American theorists of public service, who imported Weber into gov- ernment at the same time as the demands for a professionalized public service grew during the Progressive Era. Not everyone at that time, however, applied effi- ciency ideals from the factory floor to the public servant’s desktop. A critique of Scientific Management principles is found among scholars taking a Post-Fordist, humanistic approach to the individual in organizations, a holistic approach to theorizing about the worker as a whole person, not a cog in a mass production process. One example of this critique comes from Jane Addams, who worked alongside municipal reformers during the turn of the last century and lamented that they “fix their attention so exclusively on methods that they fail to consider the final aims of city government” (2002[1902]: p. 99). Production processes that do not account for the whole worker – emotions and all – fail to capture charac- teristics crucial to the work of public servants, and entirely fail to fit the reality faced by emergency responders. As public administration scholar Robert Kramer observes: “Governance is more than the machinery of public administration, and more than the machinery of impartial cost-benefit analysis … Human relation- ships are at the heart of governance … all public service is people … Human rela- tionships are the DNA of governance” (2003: p. 2).

Performance evaluations and job descriptions fail to capture the human dimensions of public service (Guy and Newman 2004; Mastracci et al. 2006) and are therefore stuck in an image of work forged during the industrial age by man- agement scientists blind to the human processes by which work gets done. The preoccupation with cognitive processes “can lead to theory and research that por- trays organization members as cognitive stick figures whose behavior is unaffected by emotions” (Mowday and Sutton 1993: p. 197 emphasis supplied). Madden et al. (2012) note: “We have relied on models of organizations as machines for over a 100 years. It is time to articulate organizations as reflections of our best selves – as communities where compassion, support, and positive energy are expected, natural, and normal” (2012: p. 704). Competency-based human resource manage- ment has been shown to be a strategic driver in organizational reform in emer- gency response (Hamner 2008), but an emphasis on cognitive competencies alone is incomplete. The importance of human resource management in emer- gency response has been established in the literature (Jafari et  al. 2008; Mann and Islam 2015) and emotional labor is a key aspect of human resource manage- ment and central to emergency response.

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Emotional labor is the effort to suppress inappropriate emotions and/or elicit appropriate emotions within oneself or in another person, where “appropriate” and “inappropriate” are dictated by the demands of the job. Emotional labor is so integral to some jobs that, to fail to engage in emotional labor is to fail to do the job. Public service occupations, including emergency response, are exam- ples of just such jobs performed by emotional laborers. A social worker cannot laugh at her clients’ circumstances. A police officer cannot betray anxiety or fear to criminal suspects. An emergency responder cannot panic or recoil from a patient’s gruesome injuries as she arrives on the scene of an accident. Emo- tional labor research largely began with Arlie Russell Hochschild’s study of flight attendants, where their performance of emotional labor fostered repeat business and benefitted their employer’s bottom line. Hochschild underscores the trans- actional nature of this effort: “Emotional labor is sold for a wage and therefore has exchange value … it is bought on one hand and sold on the other” (1983: p. 7). Hochschild introduced emotional labor to the study of organizations by sociolo- gists and management theorists. Among public administration and management scholars, Guy and Newman 2004 paper is the first to examine emotional labor. They hypothesize that the gender wage gap is attributable to unpaid emotional labor, and examine pay, job descriptions, and job attributes of state employees in Illinois, New Jersey, Oregon, and Florida in three selected listings in the Career Service Class: Driver license examiner, food inspector, and social service coun- selor. They find that while the food inspector earns almost as much as the social service counselor, few qualifications are required for the food inspector position, almost no demands for interpersonal skills are required, and more than three- fourths – 83 percent – of jobholders are men. In contrast, both the driver license examiner and the social service counselor require significantly more interper- sonal interaction and emotional labor, and almost two-thirds of all driver license examiners are women and more than three-fourths of all social service counse- lors are women. They conclude that unpaid and taken-for-granted emotional labor exerted by female public employees accounts for the overrepresentation of women in certain jobs – occupational segregation by gender – which in turn accounts for the gender wage gap found in these and other occupations. They call for further research on the emotional components of occupations: “As we move farther and farther away from organizations that are designed to operate assembly lines, we must devise new structures that capture today’s work and skill requirements … Making emotional labor visible is the first step, making it com- pensable is the next” (Guy and Newman 2004: p. 296).

Emotional Labor: Putting the Service in Public Service (Guy et al. 2008) contin- ued that first step, expanding upon Guy and Newman (2004) to further develop the concept of emotional labor in public service jobs. The authors addressed

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several questions: What is emotional labor? Who engages in it? Is it specific to a department? A job? To certain people? Public servants at three different agencies and departments in state and local government were surveyed and interviewed: A state-level department of corrections, a county office of Public Guardian (children and family services), and municipal-level workers in a 911 dispatch center. Analy- sis of interview transcripts and survey data reveal several conclusions. First, emo- tional labor is fundamental to quality public service and is the product of both face-to-face and voice-to-voice interaction. Emotional labor involves both elicit- ing an emotional state in another person and/or managing one’s own desired and undesired emotions, all for the purpose of doing one’s job. Oh (2012) underscores the importance of face-to-face interaction in emergency management. Second, both male and female employees engage in emotional labor. Women do not exert more emotional labor than do their male colleagues, although the nature of emotional labor differs between women and men. Third, both new employees and long-tenured ones engage in emotional labor; neither exerts more nor less emotional labor. Emotional labor is not specific to an agency or department; it is located in the job and not the jobholder; the nature of emotional labor will vary by job, however, and some jobs involve more emotional labor than others do. Fourth, emotions in the workplace are not antithetical to professionalism. Emotional labor takes skill, significant effort, and is key to getting the job done. Organizations should acknowledge emotional labor in job descriptions, hiring procedures, training and professional development materials, employee assis- tance and wellness programs, performance evaluations, and compensation practices.

Emotional Labor: Working on the Razor’s Edge (Mastracci et  al. 2012) asked how public servants engaged in emotional labor. Emergency responders in three urban areas were interviewed: Chicago, Denver, and Miami. In an instant and faced with panicked and traumatized victims, how do workers size up a situation and decide how to proceed? How do they use discretion in different situations? Answers to these questions matter – not only to provide more tangible guidance to public managers after alerting the field to the phenomenon of emotional labor, but also due to the cognitive cost of emotional labor. When one is deliberately suppressing an unwanted emotion or eliciting a desired affect – engaging in emo- tional labor – fewer resources are available for cognitive processing. Mistakes can be made on the job when engaging in emotional labor. Experimental psycholo- gists Richards and Gross (1999) directed study subjects to not react to disturb- ing images of auto accidents that they were shown. These subjects consistently performed poorly on tests of working memory compared to subjects who were not directed to suppress their reactions. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI) showed that the activation of certain areas during emotion suppression left

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fewer resources to apply to cognitive tasks like working memory tests ( Richards and Gross 1999; Gross and Thompson 2007; Pugh et al. 2011; Sheppes and Gross 2011). This is not to say that emotions obscure reasoning, in fact “there has been a growing understanding by neuroscientists that emotions are not separate from reason and that, contrary to earlier beliefs, emotions often enhance reasoning abilities” (Rynes et al. 2012: p. 507). Suppression of emotion draws resources away from cognitive task completion.

3 Emergency Responders and Organizational Support for Emotional Labor1

Respondents include police officers, firefighters, emergency medical technicians, crisis hotline workers, sexual assault nurse examiners, trauma nurses, medical examiners, public hospital administrators, and domestic violence and victim assistance workers. Public information officers are also among those interviewed, given their central role in emergency management (Hughes and Palen 2012). In all, forty-three emergency responders were interviewed, resulting in nearly 50 h of interview time. Over their careers, respondents were called to hundreds of emergencies, including several notable crises: The September 11, 2001 attack on the World Trade Center in New York City, Hurricane Andrew in south Florida in 1992, Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005, the Columbine school shoot- ings in 1999, and the 2010 earthquakes in Haiti. More than a dozen jurisdictions are represented by the respondents, including the Chicago Fire Department and Chicago Police Department, Miami-Dade Fire Rescue, Miami Police Department, City/County of Denver, and the Arvada Colorado Police.

Interviews were recorded and transcribed, resulting in the “word data” (Yanow and Schwartz-Shea 2006: p. xix) upon which interpretations and sub- sequent analytical categories are based. Using respondent voices as expert testi- mony in order “to see from the perspective of organization members” (Gioia and Pitre 1990: p. 588), patterns of behavior and decision-making in crisis response are examined from the ground up, rather than frameworks imposed onto their narratives from the top down: “through this process, researchers attempt to account for phenomena with as few a priori ideas as possible” (Gioia and Pitre 1990: p. 588). As such, no claims are made with respect to random sampling of study participants or universal representation of their narratives because,

1 A part of this section is found in Mastracci et al. (2012) Emotional Labor and Crisis Response.

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“concepts are embedded within a literature … the attempt to specify them once and for all as universal constructs violates interpretive presuppositions about the historical locatedness of scholars and actors” (Yanow and Schwartz-Shea 2006: p. xvii). The interview protocol is found in the appendix.

To examine emotional labor in emergency response, semiotic clustering is employed – a process also known as the Gioia Methodology (Gioia et  al. 2012; Gioia and Pitre 1990). This methodology allows the researcher to take “a system- atic approach to new concept development and grounded theory articulation” (p. 15), and involves three steps: First, grouping respondent direct quotes into first-order concepts, second, organizing concepts into second-order themes, and third, refining themes into broad dimensions. The “systematic presentation of both a “first order” analysis (i.e.,: an analysis using informant-centric terms and codes) and a “second order” analysis (i.e.,: one using researcher-centric con- cepts, themes, and dimensions)” introduces methodological rigor into qualitative analysis (Gioia et al. 2012: p. 18). Theory firmly grounded in word data emanates from explaining relationships among the dimensions developed in step three.

4 Findings from Qualitative Analysis Figure 1 shows the results of the three levels of analysis in the Gioia methodology: First-order analysis “tries to adhere faithfully to informant terms”. Accordingly ,

Figure 1: Data Structure from Concepts to Themes to Aggregate Dimensions.

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the items in the first column in Figure 1 are direct quotes from respondents grouped by concept. Grouping respondent quotes is the first step, resulting in first-order concepts. In the second level of analysis, “we start seeking similarities and dif- ferences among the many categories” (Gioia et  al. 2012: p. 20). In step two, the groupings made in the first step are organized and labeled. Here, I stepped back from the verbatim quotes of respondents to create “descriptive codes, categories, taxonomies, or interpretative schemes that are adequate at the level of meaning of the informants” (Gioia and Pitre 1990: p. 588). These summative categoriza- tions are recognizable to respondents. For example, several direct quotes ema- nating from interview questions about chaotic incidents, crises of confidence, or incidents when “everything went wrong” (see Interview Protocol questions 5, 6, and 7), characterize respondents’ extraordinary working conditions, from inci- dents involving children, train-vehicle accidents involving dismemberments, and dealing with the Surfside Six attempting to land on the Miami coast and enter the country illegally. Respondents would recognize this second-order theme as an apt characterization of their working conditions; therefore this theme possesses face value. Similarly, the next second-order condition in Figure 1 possesses face value, as respondents were asked directly about their awareness of their roles as public servants (Interview Protocol question 1). All first-order concepts are direct quotes from respondents. Those pieces of evidence and more were employed to develop second-order themes, which remain substantively consistent with first-order con- cepts and recognizable to respondents. In step three, “we investigate whether it is possible to distill the emergent second-order themes even further” (2012: p. 20) and group second-order themes into Aggregate Dimensions. Explaining the inter- action among Aggregate Dimensions results in theoretical propositions that are firmly grounded in the words of expert respondents. Aggregate Dimensions can then point the researcher in the direction of developing concepts, which are “pre- cursors to (measurable) constructs in making sense of organizational worlds – whether as practitioners living in those worlds, researchers trying to investigate them, or theorists working to model them” (Gioia et al. 2012: p. 16). Figure 1 is the three-column Data Structure prescribed by the Gioia methodology, which illus- trates the analytical steps taken to organize respondent quotes into themes and then into theoretical dimensions.

The ultimate objective of the Gioia methodology is to explain the relation- ships among the third step Aggregate Dimensions, resulting in “a vibrant inductive model that is grounded in the data (as exemplified by the data structure), one that captures the informants’ experience in theoretical terms” (Gioia et al. 2012: p. 22). Based on prior emotional labor research, the following relationships among the three Aggregate Dimensions shown in Figure 1 are set forth: In the context of highly visible and scrutinized work (top dimension in Figure 1) – given the public nature

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HRM Practices to Support Emotional Labor      883

of the work and a sense of public ownership due to citizens’ role as taxpayers – individual emergency responders employ organizational or individual self-preser- vation techniques (second dimension in Figure 1) in order to engage in emotional labor (third dimension above). Emotional labor is a combination of self-awareness and empathy. Self-awareness can be enhanced formally by employers that foster an environment to support the emotional labor demands on their employees, or informally by individuals emphasizing task interdependency in their organiza- tions (Grant and Patil 2012; Madden et al. 2012). It is preferable that the organiza- tion implements measures to support emotional labor, leaving emotional laborers free to do their work. Employers can foster such an environment by recruiting and hiring individuals who are aware of their emotional responses at work and who can gauge their emotional status at any given time, and by implementing practices to cultivate emotional self-awareness and ongoing emotional management such as Critical Incident Stress Debriefings and Self-Care Plans. Organizations can and should purposefully cultivate an “ethic of care” (Lawrence and Maitlis 2012: p. 641).

To adequately hire, train, develop, and evaluate workers on the basis of per- formance, organizations must address the whole worker. Workers must be able to suppress, control, and elicit their and others’ emotions as the job demands. Employers must prepare employees for emotional labor demands and equip them with the skills and resources necessary to manage their own and others’ emotions as their work situations demand – and reward them for doing it well. Self-Care strategies and post-incident Critical Incident Stress Debriefings (CISDs) help first responders address the emotional labor demands of their jobs (Flannery and Everly 2012); techniques include post-incident comprehen- sive stress debriefings, defusing sessions, and formal counseling. Emergency responders effectively engage in extreme levels of emotional labor through execution of well-planned standard operating procedures, standing orders, and intense, repeated training designed to make decision-making almost automatic. In addition, uniforms take away the individual characteristics of workers and turn them into generic responders, thereby emphasizing authority while masking demographic differences. Workers become their role. Employers acknowledging the emotional dimensions of work and the emotional labor demands on their workers provide the context within which workers can engage in emotional labor and minimize risk of burnout. Finally, articulating “How” emotional labor is done highlights the actions and behaviors employers can target in job descrip- tions and performance evaluations to make emotional labor compensable.

Self-awareness is integral to emotional labor and the expression of com- passion and empathy because “individuals will know “who they are” have a stronger sense of self-worth, hence, they will be less threatened and over- whelmed by another’s suffering” (Atkins and Parker 2012: p. 536). Hsieh et al.

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(2012) also established a link between compassion and emotional labor: As com- passion increased, cognitive dissonance – which is highly related to burnout – decreased. Among emergency responders, compassion mainly took the form of empathy for patients by public servants demonstrating self-awareness. Emo- tional labor enables compassion. For instance, an Emergency Medical Techni- cian (EMT) in Miami describes her first-hand experience as a patient, which caused her to empathize with her patients and ultimately informed her EMT practice:

I had a C-section last year and it was an emergency C-section and nobody was telling me what was going on. I thought I was going to have a panic attack. I just started crying. For the first time, I was panicked. (Since then) I have made sure even if (the patient) is in cardiac arrest, I try to talk to them because if you don’t know what’s going on, you’re scared.

Several respondents articulated their exercise of emotional labor through their principle to treat patients as if they were members of their own families, as this Chicago firefighter asks:

How would you like your mother or father to be treated? How would you like to be treated?

His Miami counterpart explains:

There’s something about having a child that allows you to put yourself in their shoes; where before I had a child, it would affect me, but not in the same way.

And a police officer in Chicago further echoes this sentiment:

A woman had too many kids in the car and they weren’t wearing seatbelts. Of course she gets into an accident. Well, they were working on one of the kids and I came up to the back of the ambulance and they were working away and I caught a glimpse of the kid. At that time my kids were about that age and it hit me. I had to go back to the car and sit for a little bit. I was thinking, “What if that was my kid?”

The importance of self-care plans to sustain self-awareness and empathy was alluded to by several respondents and directly articulated by one responder at the Columbine school shootings:

Responding to that was hideous … there were Denver SWAT officers in tears with that deer- caught-in-the-headlights look, trying to catch a breath. EMS workers – people that ordinar- ily you don’t expect to see fall apart – were falling apart left and right. It was incredibly painful to be there, and the longer the day got, the worse it got … we all had to seek pro- fessional help after Columbine. We had to bring in a psychologist to come and talk to us because it was so impactful.

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In reaction to such career- and life-changing incidents, another Denver respondent went on to develop self-care plans and require them of her staff to reduce burnout and minimize turnover:

It is a plan that requires staff to develop stretch goals in the area of physical, emotional, financial, intellectual and spiritual health so that people coming into the agency know that that’s part of the requirement, is part of the job description, is part of the annual perfor- mance review and so within the first 30 days they are creating this plan and typically meas- urable outcome oriented, and it’s amazing what people get done in a year and how great they feel about it. (The self-care plan) is a large part why some of the staff say that they remained at the agency for such a long period of time. … Some people come to this agency because they know the self-care plan exists.

A Chicago firefighter describes the circumstances needed for positive and productive CISDs:

When you get to sit in that room with those people and everyone’s honest, if you have the right personalities that take it seriously, you come to realize how everybody felt that same frustration.

The relationships theorized among the Aggregate Dimensions shown in Figure 1 as well as respondents’ direct quotes produce the following propositions, which can become testable hypotheses in subsequent research:

Proposition 1: Public servants who combine self-awareness and empathy will effectively engage in emotional labor and express compassion for their clientele. Proposition 2: Organizations that recognize and compensate for emotional labor will have lower burnout and turnover compared to organizations that do not. Proposition 3: Organizations that implement measures to support their emotional laborers like CISDs and self-care plans will have lower burnout and turnover com- pared to organizations that do not.

5 Concluding Thoughts: Emotional Labor in Emergency Response

The cost of effective emergency response is emotional labor, which is the effort to suppress or elicit emotions in oneself and/or patients and clientele. Emotional suppression draws resources away from cognitive tasks, meaning mistakes can be made. Encouraging care workers to become more passion- ate without considering the cost of emotional labor can lead to burnout and

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turnover (Atkins and Parker 2012). Evidence from research on emotional labor informs the scholarship on compassion in organizations by clarifying the concept of emotional labor and identifying how public servants engage in emo- tional labor in order to capture aspects of work that can provide organizational support for emotional laborers. Organizations can recruit for self-awareness and take steps to enhance employee self-awareness and empathy by emphasiz- ing the interrelatedness of tasks (Grant and Patil 2012). Self-Care programs and CISDs help care workers develop healthy boundaries so that they may engage in emotional labor without their work becoming all consuming. Finally, the propositions posited in this paper could be restated as testable hypotheses in further empirical work, and indeed may not be the only propositions possible from the evidence. The Gioia methodology provides a clear road map for trans- forming word data into broader categories that possess face value and remain true to respondents’ perspectives, and then develop testable hypotheses for researchers. In this way, theory can remain firmly rooted in practice and grow and evolve as emergency responders in the field react and respond to their changing contexts.

Appendix: Interview Protocol 1. When someone asks you to describe your job, what do you usually say? 2. In your line of work, do you feel a certain responsibility toward a particular

group? If so, who or what? 3. Have you ever had an incident where your abilities or credibility was ques-

tioned? For instance, has anyone ever said to you: a. Do you have any idea what I’m going through? b. Aren’t you a little young/old to be doing this? c. Do you have any idea what you’re doing? d. You don’t look/sound like a (firefighter, nurse, police officer, etc.) ______ … i. What happened? ii. What did you do?

4. Have you ever had an incident when you had to bend or break the rules (think entirely outside the box, something came out of left field, etc.)? – when you had to suddenly change course, readjust, or depart from standard operating procedure? a. What happened? b. What did you do?

5. Have you ever suffered your own crisis of confidence?

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a. What happened? b. What did you do?

6. Have you ever had a completely chaotic incident when it was up to you (there was no one else to turn to) to reestablish control? Alternatively, have you ever been called in to help someone else handle an incident? a. What happened? b. What did you do?

7. Is there a particular incident that sticks out in your mind when everything went wrong (hit the fan)? a. What happened? b. What did you do? c. What was the fallout? d. What role, if any, does this case play in the way you do your job now?

8. Is there a particular incident that sticks out in your mind when everything went right? a. What happened? b. What did you do? c. What was the fallout? d. What role, if any, does this case play in the way you do your job now?

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HRM Practices to Support Emotional Labor      889

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