Week 3 critical discussion

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Class in America

Gregory Mantsios

Americans, in general, don't like to talk about class. Or so it would seem. We don't speak about class privileges, or class oppression, or the class nature of society .... Phrases like "working class," "upper class," "capitalist class," and "ruling class" are rarely uttered by Americans.

For the most part, avoidance of class-laden vocabulary crosses class boundaries. There are few among the poor who speak of themselves as lower class; instead, they refer to their race, ethnic group, or geographic location. Workers are more likely to identify with their employer, industry, or occupational group than with other workers, or with the working class. Neither are those at the upper end of the economic spectrum likely to use the word "class." In her study of 38 wealthy and socially prominent women, Susan Ostrander asked participants if they considered themselves members of the upper class. One participant responded, "I hate to use the word 'class.' We are responsible, fortunate people, old families, the people who have something." Another said, "I hate [the term] upper class. It is so non-upper class to use it. I just call it 'all of us'-those who are well-born."

It is not that Americans, rich or poor, aren't keenly aware of class differences-those quoted above obviously are; it is that class is usually not in the domain of public con- versation. Class is not discussed or debated in public because class identity has been stripped from popular culture .... There are, however, two notable exceptions to this phenomenon. First, it is acceptable in the United States to talk about "the middle class." Interestingly enough, the term middle class appears to be acceptable precisely because it mutes class differences. References to the middle class by politicians, for example, are designed to encompass and attract the broadest possible constituency. Not only do references to the middle class gloss over differences, but they also avoid any suggestion of conflict or injustice.

This leads us to a second exception to the class-avoidance phenomenon. We are, on occasion, presented with glimpses of the upper class and the lower class (the language used is "the wealthy" and "the poor"). In the media, these presentations are designed to satisfy some real or imagined voyeuristic need of "the ordinary person." As curiosities, the ground-level view of street life and trailer parks and the inside look at the rich and the famous serve as unique models, one to avoid and one to emulate ....

We are left with one of two possible explanations for why Americans usually don't talk about class: Either class distinctions are not relevant to U.S. society, or we mistak- enly hold a set of beliefs that obscure the reality of class differences and their impact on people's lives.

Let's look at four common, albeit contradictory, beliefs about class in America that have persisted over time.

Myth 1: We are a middle-class nation. Despite some variations in economic status, most Americans have achieved relative affluence in what is widely recognized as a con- sumer society.

Myth 2: Class really doesn't matter in the United States. Whatever differences do exist in economic standing, they are-for the most part-irrelevant. Our democracy provides for all regardless of economic class: Rich or poor, we are all equal in the eyes of the law.

17 4 I CLASSISM

Myth 3: We live in a land of upward mobility. The American public as a whole is steadily moving up the economic ladder and each generation propels itself to greater economic well-being.

Myth 4: Everyone has an equal chance to succeed. Success in the United States requires no more than hard work, sacrifice, and perseverance: "In America, anyone can become a billionaire; it's just a matter of being in the right place at the right time."

In trying to assess the legitimacy of these beliefs, we want to ask several important questions. Are there significant class differences among Americans? If these differences do exist, are they getting bigger or smaller? Do class differences have a significant impact on the way we live? How much upward mobility is there in the United States? Finally, does everyone in the United States really have an equal opportunity to succeed and an equal voice in our democracy?

THE ECONOMIC SPECTRUM

For starters, let's look at difference. An examination of available data reveals that varia- tions in economic well-being are, in fact, dramatic. Consider the following:

• The richest 20 percent of Americans hold nearly 90 percent of the total household wealth in the country. The wealthiest 1 percent of the American population holds 36 percent of the total national wealth. That is, the top 1 percent own over one-third of all the consumer durables (such as houses, cars, televisions, and computers) and financial assets (such as stocks, bonds, property, and bank savings).

• There are 323,067 Americans-approximately 1 percent of the adult population- who earn more than $1 million annually. There are over 1,000 billionaires in the United States today, more than 70 of them worth over $10 billion each. It would take the typical American earning $49,445 (the median income in the United States)-and spending absolutely nothing at all -a total of 202,240 years (or over 2,500 lifetimes) to earn $10 billion.

Affluence and prosperity are clearly alive and well in certain segments of the U.S. popu- lation. However, this abundance is in sharp contrast to the poverty that persists in America. At the other end of the spectrum:

• More than 15 percent of the American population -that is, 1 of every 7 people in this country-live below the official poverty line (calculated at $11,139 for an individual and $22,314 for a family of four). In 2010, there were 42 million poor people in the United States-the largest number since the Census Bureau began publishing poverty statistics more than 50 years ago.

• An estimated 3.5 million people-of whom nearly 1.4 million are children-are homeless.

• The 2010 U.S. Census reported that more than 1 out of every 5 children under the age of 18 lives in poverty.

Reality 1: The contrast between rich and poor is sharp, and with one-third of the American population living at one extreme or the other. It is difficult to argue that we live in a classless society.

CLASS IN AMERICA I 175

While those at the bottom of the economic ladder have fared poorly relative to those at the top, so too have those in the middle-and their standing relative to the top has been declining as well.

• The middle fifth of the population holds less than 4 percent of the national wealth. • The share of wealth held by the middle fifth 30 years ago was 5.2 percent of the total.

Today's share held by the middle sector is 23 percent less than what it was 3 decades ago.

Reality 2: The middle class in the United States holds a very small share of the nation's wealth and that share has declined steadily.

The gap between rich and poor-and between the rich and the middle class-leaves the vast majority of the American population at a distinct disadvantage.

• Eighty percent of the population-that is, four out of every five Americans, is left sharing a little more than 10 percent of the nation's wealth.

• The income gap between the very rich (top 1 percent) and everyone else (the 99 percent) more than tripled over the past 3 decades, creating the greatest concentration of income since 1928 . . ..

The numbers and percentages associated with economic inequality are difficult to fully comprehend. To help his students visualize the distribution of income, the well-known economist Paul Samuelson asked them to picture an income pyramid made of children's blocks, with each layer of blocks representing $1,000. If we were to construct Samuelson's pyramid today, the peak of the pyramid would be much higher than the Eiffel Tower, yet almost all of us would be within 6 feet of the ground. In other words, a small minority of families takes the lion's share of the national income, and the remaining income is distrib- uted among the vast majority of middle-income and low-income families. Keep in mind that Samuelson's pyramid represents the distribution of income, not wealth (accumulated resources). The distribution of wealth is skewed even further. Ten billion dollars of wealth would reach more than 1,000 times the height of the Eiffel Tower.

Reality 3: Middle- and lower-income earners-what many in other parts of the world would refer to as the working class-share a miniscule portion of the nation's wealth. For the most part, the real class divide in the United States is between the very wealthy and everyone else-and it is a divide that is staggering.

AMERICAN LIFESTYLES

The late political theorist/activist Michael Harrington once commented, ''America has the best-dressed poverty the world has ever known." Clothing disguises much of the poverty in the United States, and this may explain, in part, the country's middle-class image. With increased mass marketing of "designer" clothing and with shifts in the nation's economy from blue-collar (and often better-paying) manufacturing jobs to white-collar and pink- collar jobs in the service sector, it is becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish class differences based on appearance. The dress-down environment prevalent in the high-tech industry (what American Studies scholar Andrew Ross refers to as the "no-collar move- ment") has reduced superficial distinctions even further.

Beneath the surface, there is another reality. Let's look at some "typical" and not-so- typical lifestyles.

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Name:

Father:

Mother:

Principal child-rearer:

Primary education:

Supplemental tutoring:

Summer camp:

Secondary education:

Family activities:

Higher education:

First full-time job (age 23):

Subsequent employment:

Current employment (age 38):

Current residence:

Second residence:

American Profile

Harold S. Browning

Manufacturer, industrialist

Prominent social figure in the community

Governess

An exclusive private school on Manhattan's Upper East Side Note: A small, well-respected primary school where teachers and administrators have a reputation for nurturing student creativity and for providing the finest educational preparation Ambition: "To become President"

Tutors in French and mathematics

Sleep-away camp in northern Connecticut Note: Camp provides instruction in the creative arts, athletics, and the natural sciences

A prestigious preparatory school in Westchester Country Note: Classmates included the sons of ambassadors, doctors, attorneys, television personalities, and well-known business leaders Supplemental education: Private SAT tutor After-school activities: Private riding lessons Ambition: "To take over my father's business· High-school graduation gift: BMW

Theater, recitals, museums, summer vacations in Europe, occasional winter trips to the Caribbean Note: As members of and donors to the local art museum, the Brownings and their children attend private receptions and exhibit openings at the invitation of the museum director

An Ivy League liberal arts college in Massachusetts Major: Economics and political science After-class activities: Debating club, college newspaper, swim team Ambition : "To become a leader in business"

Assistant manager of operations, Browning Tool and Die, Inc. (family enterprise)

3 years-Executive assistant to the president, Browning Tool and Die Responsibilties included: Purchasing (materials and equipment), personnel, and distribution networks 4 years-Advertising manager, Lackheed Manufacturing (home appliances) 3 years-Director of marketing and sales, Comerex, Inc, (business machines)

Executive vice president, SmithBond and Co.(digital instruments) Typical daily activities: Review financial reports and computer printouts, dictate memoranda, lunch with clients, initiate conference calls, meet with assistants, plan business trips, meet with associates Transportation to and from work: Chauffeured company limousine Annual salary: $324,000 Ambition: "To become the executive officer of the firm, or one like it, within the next five to ten years'

Eighteenth-floor condominium on Manhattan's Upper West Side, eleven rooms, including five spacious bedrooms and terrace overlooking river Interior. Professionally decorated and accented with elegant furnishings, valuable antiques, and expensive artwork Note: Building management provides doorman and elevator attendant: family employs au pair for children and maid for other domestic chores

Farm in northwestern Connecticut, used for weekend retreats and for horse breeding (investrnenV hobby) Note: To maintain the farm and cater to the family when they are there, the Brownings employ a part- time maid, groundskeeper, and horse breeder

Harold Browning was born into a world of nurses, maids, and governess. His world today is one of airplanes and limousines, five-star restaurants, and luxurious living accommoda- tions. The life and lifestyle of Harold Browning is in sharp contrast to that of Bob Farrell.

Name:

Father:

Mother:

Principal child-rearer:

Primary education:

Supplemental tutoring:

Summer camp:

Secondary education:

Family activities:

Higher education:

First full-time job(age 19):

Subsequent employment:

Present employment (age 38):

Current residence:

American Profile

Bob Farrell

Machinist

Retail clerk

Mother and sister

CLASS IN AMERICA I 177

A medium-size public school in Queens, New York, characterized by large class size, outmoded physical facilities, and an educational philosophy emphasizing basic skills and student discipline Ambition: "To become President"

None

YMCA day camp. Note: Emphasis on team sports, arts and crafts

Large regional high school in Queens Note: Classmates included the sons and daughters of carpenters, postal clerks, teachers, nurses, shopkeepers, mechanics, bus drivers, police officers, salespersons Supplemental education: SAT prep course offered by national chain After-school activities: Basketball and handball in school park Ambition: "To make it through college' High-school graduation gift: $500 savings bond

Family gatherings around television set, softball, an occasional trip to the movie theatre, summer Sundays at the public beach

A two-year community college with a technical orientation Major: Electrical technology After-school activities: Employed as a part-time bagger in local supermarket Ambition: "To become an electrical engineer·

Service-station attendant Note: Continued to take college classes in the evening

Mail clerk at large insurance firm: manager trainee, large retail chain

Assistant sales manager, building supply firm Typical daily activities: Demonstrate products, write up product orders, handle customer complaints, check inventory Transportation to and from work: City subway Annual salary: $45,261 Additional income: $6,100 in commissions from evening and weekend work as salesman in local men's clothing store Ambition: "To open up my own business"

The Farrens own their own home in a working class neighborhood in Queens, New York

Bob Farrell and Harold Browning live very differently: One is very privileged, the other much less so . The differences are class differences, which have a profound impact on the way they live. They are differences between playing a game of handball in the park and taking riding lessons at a private stable; watching a movie on television and going to the theatre; and taking the subway to work and being driven in a limousine. More important, the difference in class determines where they live, who their friends are, how well they are educated, what they do for a living, and what they come to expect from life.

Yet, as dissimilar as their lifestyles are, Harold Browning and Bob Farrell have some things in common: they live in the same city, they work long hours, and they are highly motivated. More importantly, they are both white males.

Let's look at someone else who works long and hard and is highly motivated. This person, however, is black and female .

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Name:

Father:

Mother:

Principal child-rearer:

Primary education:

Supplemental tutoring:

Summer camp:

Secondary education:

Family activities:

Higher education:

First full-time job (age 17):

Subsequent employment:

Current employment (age 38):

Current residence:

American Profile

Cheryl Mitchell

Janitor

Waitress

Grandmother

Large public school in Ocean Hill Brownsville, Brooklyn, New York Note: Rote teaching of basic skills and emphasis on conveying the importance of good attendance, good manners, and good work habits; school patrolled by security guards Ambition: "To be a teacher"

None

None

Large public school in Ocean Hill-Brownsville Note: Classmates included sons and daughters of hairdressers, groundskeepers, painters, dressmakers, dishwashers, domestics Supplemental education: None After-school activities: Domestic chores, part-time employment as babysitter and housekeeper Ambition: "To be a social worker• High-school graduation gift: Corsage

Church-sponsored socials

One semester of local community college Note: Dropped out of school tor financial reasons

Counter clerk, local bakery

File clerk with temporary-service agency, supermarket checker

Nurse's aide at a municipal hospital Typical daily activities: Make up hospital beds, clean out bedpans, weigh patients and assist them to the bathroom, take temperature readings, pass out and collect food trays, feed patients who need help, bathe patients, and change dressings Annual salary: $17,850 Ambition: "To get out of the ghetto"

Three-room apartment in the South Bronx, needs painting, has poor ventilation, is in a high-crime area Note: Cheryl Mitchell lives with her four-year old son and her elderly mother

When we look at Cheryl Mitchell, Bob Farrell, and Harold Browning, we see three very different lifestyles. We are not looking, however, at economic extremes. Cheryl Mitchell's income as a nurse's aide puts her above the government's official poverty line. Below her on the income pyramid are 42 million poverty-stricken Americans. Far from being poor, Bob Farrell has an annual income ($51,361) as an assistant sales manager that puts him above the median income level-that is, more than 50 percent of the U.S. population earns less money than Bob Farrell. And while Harold Browning's income puts him in a high-income bracket, he stands only a fraction of the way up Samuelson's income pyramid. Well above him are the 323,067 Americans whose annual incomes exceed $1 million. Yet Harold Browning spends more money on his horses than Cheryl Mitchell earns in a year.

Reality 4: Even ignoring the extreme poles of the economic spectrum, we find enor- mous class differences in the lifestyles among the haves, the have-nots, and the have-littles.

Class affects more than lifestyle and material well-being. It has significant impact on our physical and mental well-being as well. Researchers have found an inverse relation- ship between social class and health. Lower-class standing is correlated with higher rates of infant mortality, eye and ear disease, arthritis, physical disability, diabetes, nutritional

CLASS IN AMERICA I 179

deficiency, respiratory disease, mental illness, and heart disease. In all areas of health, poor people do not share the same life chances as those in the social class above them. Furthermore, low income correlates with a lower quality of treatment for illness and dis- ease. The results of poor health and poor treatment are borne out in the life expectancy rates within each class. Researchers have found that the higher one's class standing is, the higher one's life expectancy is. Conversely they have also found that within each age group, the lower one's class standing, the higher the death rate; in some age groups, the figures are as much as two and three times higher.

It's not just physical and mental health that is so largely determined by class. The lower a person's class standing is, the more difficult it is to secure housing; the more time is spent on the routine tasks of everyday life; the greater is the percentage of income that goes to pay for food, health care (which accounts for 23 percent of spending for low-income fami- lies) and other basic necessities; and the greater is the likelihood of crime victimization.

CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

School performance (grades and test scores) and educational attainment (level of schooling completed) also correlate strongly with economic class. Furthermore, despite some efforts to make testing fairer and schooling more accessible, current data suggest that the level of inequity is staying the same or getting worse ....

Family Income

More than $200,000 $160,000 to $200,000 $140,000 to $160,000 $120,000 to $140,000 $100,000 to $120,000 $80 ,000 to $100,000 $60,000 to $80,000 $40,000 to $60,000 $20,000 to $40 ,000 less than $20,000

Average Combined Scores by Income (400 to 1600 scale)

These figures are based on the test results of 1,647,123 SAT takers in 2010-2011

Median Score

1721 1636 1619 1594 1580 1545 1503 1461 1398 1323

... Students from upper-class families were twice as likely to obtain training beyond high school and four times as likely to attain a postgraduate degree .... Today, the pattern persists. There are, however, two significant changes. On the one hand, the odds of getting into college have improved for the bottom quartile of the population, although they still remain relatively low compared to the top. On the other hand, the chances of completing a 4-year college degree for those who are poor are extraordinarily low compared to the chances for those who are rich. Researchers estimate college completion is 10 times more likely for the top 25 percent of the population than it is for the bottom 25 percent.

Reality 5: From cradle to grave, class position has a significant impact on our well- being. Class accurately predicts chances for survival, educational achievement, and economic success ....

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Several recent studies have shown that there is less class mobility in the United States than in most industrialized democracies in the world. One such study placed the United States in a virtual tie for last place. Why does the United States occupy such a low position on the mobility scale? Several explanations have been offered: The gap between rich and poor in the United States is greater; the poor are poorer in the United States and have farther to go to get out of poverty; and the United States has a lower rate of unionization than other industrialized nations.

The bottom line is that very affluent families transmit their advantages to the next generation and poor families stay trapped. For those whose annual income is in six figures, economic success is due in large part to the wealth and privileges bestowed on them at birth. Over 66 percent of the consumer units with incomes of $100,000 or more have inherited assets. Of these units, over 86 percent reported that inheritances constituted a substantial portion of their total assets ....

Reality 6: All Americans do not have an equal opportunity to succeed, and class mobil- ity in the United States is lower than that of the rest of the industrialized world. Inheritance laws provide built-in privileges to the offspring of the wealthy and add to the likelihood of their economic success while handicapping the chances for everyone else.

One would think that increases in worker productivity or a booming economy would reduce the level of inequality and increase class mobility. While the wages of workers may increase during good times-that is, relative to what they were in the past-the economic advantages of higher productivity and a booming economy go disproportionately to the wealthy, a factor that adds still further to the level of inequality. For example, during the period 2001 to 2007, the U.S. economy expanded and productivity (output per hours worked) increased by more than 15 percent. During that same period, however, the top 1 percent of U.S. households took two-thirds of the nation's income gains, their inflation-adjusted income grew more than ten times faster than the income of the bottom 90 percent, and their share of the national income reached its highest peak. At the same time, the inflation-adjusted weekly salary of the average American during that 6-year economic expansion declined by 2.3 percent. Observing similar patterns in U.S. economic history, one prominent economist described economic growth in the United States as a "spectator sport for the majority of American families." Economic decline, on the other hand, is much more "participatory," with layoffs and cuts in public services hitting middle and lower-income families hardest-families that rely on public services (e.g., public schools, transportation) and have fewer resources to fall back on during difficult economic times.

Reality 7: Inequality in the United States is persistent in good times and bad. While most Americans rely on their wages or salaries to make ends meet, the rich derive most of their wealth from such income-producing assets as stocks, bonds, business equity, and non-home real estate. This type of wealth is even more highly concentrated than wealth in general. Over 89 percent of all stocks in the U.S., for example, are owned by the wealthiest 10 percent of Americans .... Putting aside illegal manipulation of the financial system, the drive to maximize corporate profit has led to job destruction (as companies seek cheaper labor in other parts of the world and transfer investments off shore); deregulation (e.g., so environmental protections don't inhibit corporate profit); and changes in tax policy that favour corporations (through loopholes) and those who rely on corporate profit for their wealth (by taxing their capital gains at lower rates).

Reality 8: The privileges that accrue to the wealthy are tied to the worlds of capital and finance-worlds whose good fortune are often the misfortune of the rest of the popula- tion .... It is not just that economic resources are concentrated in the hands of a few; so too are political resources. And it is the connection between wealth and political power that allows economic inequality to persist and grow. Moreover, as the costs of political influence rise, so does the influence of the "monied" class. Running for public office has

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always been an expensive proposition, but it's become increasingly so: It now costs, on average, $1.4 million in campaign funds to win a seat in the House of Representatives and $7 million to win a seat in the U.S. Senate. Most politicians rely on wealthy donors to finance their campaigns. Alternatively, wealthy individuals who want to make public policy often underwrite their own campaigns. The average wealth of U.S. senators, for example, is $12.6 million.

High-priced lobbyists also ensure that the interests of the wealthy and of corporate America are well represented in the halls of government. Not surprisingly, organizations that track the connection between political contributions and votes cast by public officials find a strong correlation between money and voting. It's not that the power of the economic elite is absolute; it's not. The power of the wealthy is often mitigated by social movements and by grassroots organizations that advocate on behalf of the poor and working class. The Occupy Wall Street movement-like movements that came before it--changed not only the public debate, but led to policy reforms as well. The power of the rich, however, remains so disproportionate that it severely undermines our democracy ....

Reality 9: Wealth and power are closely linked. The economic elite have a grossly dis- proportionate amount of political power-more than enough power to ensure that the system that provides them such extraordinary privileges perpetuates itself.

SPHERES OF POWER AND OPPRESSION

When we look at society and try to determine what it is that keeps most people down-what holds them back from realizing their potential as healthy, creative, productive individuals-we find institutional forces that are largely beyond individual control. Class domination is one of these forces. People do not choose to be poor or working class; instead, they are limited and confined by the opportunities afforded or denied them by a social and economic system. The class structure in the United States is a function of its economic system: capitalism, a system that is based on private rather than public ownership and control of commercial enterprises. Under capitalism, these enterprises are governed by the need to produce a profit for the owners, rather than to fulfill societal needs. Class divisions arise from the differences between those who own and control corporate enterprise and those who do not.

Racial and gender domination are other forces that hold people down. Although there are significant differences in the way capitalism, racism, and sexism affect our lives, there are also a multitude of parallels. And although class, race, and gender act independently of each other, they are at the same time very much interrelated.

On the one hand, issues of race and gender cut across class lines. Women experience the effects of sexism whether they are well-paid professionals or poorly paid clerks. As women, they are not only subjected to stereotyping and sexual harassment, they face discrimination and are denied opportunities and privileges that men have. Similarly, a wealthy black man faces racial oppression, is subjected to racial slurs, and is denied opportunities because of his color. Regardless of their class standing, women and members of minority races are constantly dealing with institutional forces that hold them down precisely because of their gender, the color of their skin, or both.

On the other hand, the experiences of women and minorities are differentiated along class lines. Although they are in subordinate positions vis-a-vis white men, the particular issues that confront women and people of color may be quite different, depending on their position in the class structure.

Power is incremental and class privileges can accrue to individual women and to indi- vidual members of a racial minority. While power is incremental, oppression is cumulative,

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and those who are poor, black, and female are often subject to all of the forces of class, race, and gender discrimination simultaneously. This cumulative situation is what is some- times referred to as the double and triple jeopardy of women and people of color.

While male/ female

1 in 14

While female head*

1 in 4

Chances of Being Poor in America

Hispanic male/female

1 in 4

Hispanic female head*

1 in 2

*Persons in families with female householder, no husband present.

Black male/ female

1 in 4

Black female head*

1 in 2

Furthermore, oppression in one sphere is related to the likelihood of oppression in another. If you are black and female, for example, you are much more likely to be poor or working class than you would be as a white male. Census figures show that the incidence of poverty varies greatly by race and gender.

In other words, being female and being nonwhite are attributes in our society that increase the chances of poverty and of lower-class standing.

Reality 10: Racism and sexism significantly compound the effects of class in society. None of this makes for a very pretty picture of our country. Despite what we like

to think about ourselves as a nation, the truth is that the qualities of our lives and the opportunities for success are highly circumscribed by our race, our gender, and the class we are born into. As individuals, we feel hurt and angry when someone is treating us unfairly, yet as a society we tolerate unconscionable injustice. A more just society will require a radi- cal redistribution of wealth and power. We can start by reversing the current trends that polarize us as a people and adapt policies and practices that narrow the gaps in income, wealth, power, and privilege. That will only come about with pressure from below: strong organizations and mass movements advocating for a more just and equitable society.