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Pesn eq Pl 'uelul Jo sl

Isruolof, tr

jG Tnp El,rBncENCE oF THE \ftt-soNraNl MoN,{nbIr

of Germany were little more than "pawns and tools" in Berlin's hands. Tlre

American people harbored no ill will toward them, only feelings of "sympathy

and friendship," and had Germany been a self-governing nation there would

have been no war. Now, the United States had to enter the fray to fight for its

long-tirne fundamental values: "for democracy, for the right of those who

submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights

and liberties of small nations."a Again, Wilson explicitly cast himself and

America as defenders of the weak against the powerful, of cornmon folk

against autocratic regimes, of srnall nations against great powers.

The president devoted special praise in his message to the recent demo-

cratic revolution in Russia, speaking in glowing terms of the Russian people's

toppling of the Romanov autocracy and the establishment of a democratic

government. It seemed a perfect ilh-rstration of the worldwide trend away frotn

rule by fiat and toward government by consent that would, he said, define the

postwar world and would henceforth undergird the preservation of interna-

ticlnal peace. The Russian people, "in all their naive rnajesty and might," had joined the forces that were "fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and

for peace" and could now assume their rightful place in the international

partnership of self-governing peoples.t In a note he sent in late May to the

provisional government of Russia, Tililson reiterated that message, assuring the

new government that the United States was "fighting for the liberty, the self-

government, and the undictated development of all peoples." Moreover, he

was not merely interested in rnaking "pleasing and sonorous" statements but

was rather committed to taking effective measures that would guarantee the

incorporation of these principles into the postwar settlement. One such mea-

sure would be a yet-unnamed mechanism for international cooperation based

on a "common covenant," which wou.ld defend the principle of government by

consent and provide an institutional framework that would reflect the "broth-

e r h o o d o f m a n l < i n d . " 6 The text of Wilson's declaration of war address of April r9ry was widely

reported, printed, and translated around the world. Now that the United

States had entered the war, lfilson could be expected to have more influence

at the peace table, and his pronouncements were therefore given much greater

prominence in the world press. British and F'rench opinion, especially liberals

and socialists, generally greeted 'S7ilson's

war message and his subsequent proclamations with enthusiastic acclaim. In Britain, groups such as the

Union of Democratic Control, whose membership included such luminaries

as philosopher Bertrand Russell, author Norman Angell, and Labour party

leader Ramsay MacDonald, had long called for a peace settlement in which

any territorial adjustment would require the consent of the peoples involved.

Their ideas, marginal and isolated in British public discourse at the outset of

the war, increased in popularity as the war progressed, and S7ilson's ringing

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CINlXNVW dO (INIW AHJ )IOd 5NIJH5IC

Wlfllfllffilflrfrffitl lllti,, r

Tnn EmuncENcE oF THE.SfrusosreN MouBNr

'When the Boisheviks seized control of the revolution in November, they

published from the captured czarist archives copies of the secret treaties that

ih. Err.opean Allies had concluded among themselves to divide the spoils of

war, exposing and denouncing the imperialist designs of the "old diplomacy."

In the Bolshevik peace plan, announced on December 29, Leon Trotsky, the

newly appointed commissar of foreign affairs, denounced as hypocritical

Allied claims that they were fighting to guarantee the freedom of small nations,

such as Belgium and Serbia. Th.e imperial powers, he said, could not claim to

be fighting for the rights of small nations in Europe while at the same time

oppressing other national groups within their own empires:

Are they willing on their part to give the right of self-determination to

the peoples of Ireland, Egypt, India, Madagascar, Indochina, et

cetera. . . ? For it is ciear that to demand self-determination for the

peoples that are comprised within the borders of enemy states and to

refuse self-determination to the peoples of their own state or of their

own colonies would mean the defence of the most naked, the most

cynical imPerialism.

Such behavior on the part of the capitalist governments of the Allies, Trotsky

declared, was hardly surprising. They had shown no inclination to work for a

truly democratic peace nor, given their "class characterr" could they ever do so: ,,Their attitude towards the principle of

'national self-determination"' was

inevitably "not less suspicious and hostile than that of the Governments of

Germany and Austria-Hunga rY."'u

The dual challenge of Lenin and Sfilson to the old ways of European

politics and the growing appeal of their proclamations for large segments of

the British and French publics increased the pressure on leaders in London and

Paris to announce their support for more progressive, enlightened war aims.

While the Allied leaders could dismiss Lenin's critique as that of a dangerous

radical, they could not so easily ignore the president of the United States, an

indispensable ally on whose supplies, credit, and arms the European Allies

depended. Though rhe British and the French leaders, the president told his

long-time close aide and confidant, "Colonel" Edward Mandell House, did not

share his views on the peace, their dependence on American capital and

supplies would compel them in the end to accept "our way of thinking'"'a

By late ryry, the pressure on the British government, a coalition of

Liberals ancl Conservatives headed after December r9i6 by the leader of the

Liberal party, David Lloyd George, was mounting to accommodate "the

development of American thinking and the public pronouncements of Presi-

dent \Vilson" and to adopt more \Tilsonian war aims." On December 28, the

British Labour party issued a public statement that echoed Wilson's pro-

nouncements, declaring that the war could no longer be justified unless it

would mak

draw its su1

clearly in tl

conclude a t

take Russia

transfer to t

home and a that would necessary, h

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'Mpppqiffir!ffir1ii1r

40 TrIE ErvrnnccNcE oF THE \f,/nsoNraN MomExr

detailecl exposition to clate of the United States' war aims and his vision for the

postwar world. The address, which quickly became famous worldwide as the

Fourteen Points, enumerated fourteen planks on which peace must be based'

These included the general principles of open diplomacy father than secret

treaties, freedom of the seas and of trade, the reduction of armaments, and the

establishment of an "association of nations" that would guarantee the "politi-

cal independence and territorial integrity" of "great and small states alike."

Most of the points, however, were geographically specific: They called for the

evacuation and restoration of all Russian, Belgian, and French territories and

supported the "autonomous development" of the peoples of the Austrian and

ottoman empires. contrary to popqlar perceptions both at the time and iater,

the term ,,self-determination" itself was nowhere to be found in the text of

the address, though several of the points-the call for a "readjustment of the

frontiers of Italy; along "clearly recognizable lines of nationality" and for

reconstituting a Polish state along similar iines-seemed to impiy Sfilson's

support for that principle, at least in some instances'

The general outline of the peace plan proposed in the Fourteen Points

address was similar to that of \flilson's previous addresses. For the first time,

however, the president made an explicit reference to colonial questions, calling

for any settlement of colonial issues to take into account the interests of

colonial populations. Colonial claims, said point five of the fourteen, would

have to be resolved in a o'free, open minded, and absolutely impartial" manner,

and their resolution would be "based upon a strict observance of the principle

that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the

populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of

the government whose title is to be determined."" Point five was hardly an

unambiguous endorsement of colonial self-determination. First, it called

for the "interests" of colonial peoples to be taken into account rather than

their express wishes or preferences, and so ieft open the question of just

who would decide what those interests were: the people themselves or the

colonial powers? In addition, \flilson also balanced those interests, however

determined, against the "equitable claims" of the colonial governments, which

would receive equal consideration.

Nevertheless, the inclusion of an explicit reference to the rights of

colonial peoples, however tentative and equivocal, signaled the president's

dissatisfaction with the reigning imperial order in international society. Most

of the fourteen points were based on the recommendations included in the

memorandum that was submitted a few days earlier by members of the

Inquiry, a group of experts gathered by Colonel House to advise the govern-

ment on issues reiated to the peace settlement. But the Inquiry memorandum

made no reference to colonial issues, and it was Wilson himself who added

point five to the text of the address." House himself testified that "at first it was

t h o u g h t ' President a d o p t e d , I(ilson dr

and Hou in the Fo

colonial 1 \rh

of the F

"counter with the r

five migh Bolshevil

determin

in point 1

as well '

coloniali the recer been par

to the ap internati

expresse( and the r governec

vi hedged a

address. deliverec more his

the phra

tional as governe(

phrase-

hencefor this r*'ar concern( the popr qualifica

Onll' "rt

onlv to

discord.'

ez(('PJO)$TP

Jo sluoruole,, et€Rlad.rad ro alser) rou plnoarr feqr leqr luelxt tql o1 dpo

pue uorteJeplsuof, ellacor plnol,\ .,suotle;tdse Isuoltuu peusep-llea,, ,{1uO 'uort€unumrapJlos or lq8p aql

Io eslJrexo pereilelun aqt uo suonecgtlunb

JarFo aJaA{ alaqt pue 'soqsrd\ sll dp.russacau lou {d(tgeueq,, souotlepdod or{r

;o a>1ods aq 'sluro4 ueelrnoC aqt 'o a:rg lutod q plp eq sB 'ute8y

66'peureruoJ suortepdod aql Jo r5auaq orll roJ pue lsoralw or{l uT operu oq tsnw JB^a slr{l

uI pa^Io^ul tualuel$os lBlJoilJral zfuerra,,.PuB ,,'11rad .r1eqr rB a.rou8t quola)ueq

II/!r uorussruls g)F{rtt 'uollls 1o oldnulld olt}ersdrul u€r, JerllBJ lnq ,,ase.rqd

alaru E'' lou sE/v\ uoIl?urrrJOlaP-JIeS (('luesuor u.rr,ro JIeIp ziq l.1uo pauralo8

pue poteuluop, aq ,(utu eldoad puu o.'palradsa; aq tsnru suotlendse luuolt -8u,, 'peuolw aq '1uaura1ilas Sutuor aqr q

6c'uoItBuIuIJOlop-JIos,, ase.rqd aql

pareiln dlerlqnd lsrg oq reqr qceads srrlt ur sB1\. l1 'acead ar{t roJ ueld srq erolu

ecuo Sururpno 'ssa.rppe srulod Jno{ aqr sE u1\4,ou{ 'qcaads raqtoue POJa^IIaP

pue ure8e sse.r8uo3 erolaq aIuB) luaprsa.ld aql '916r 'rr drvnrqa{ uo 'ssarppe

lEtll to s{aai\, ulqtrIdt ,reploq ,rnar8 uoos rlroleqJ slq lnq 'luroambe pue pa8peq

Ilrts sEAt slurod ueeilno{ aqt ul uor}sanb leluolor arp uo uolttsod scuoslll6

s.,,'PauleaoB aql Jo luosrrof,,, oql a^rof,eJ sluoruuJerro8 ewrutlr8ol tsql lueuolnbal oqr Pue (6lueruuJarro3g1as" or rqSp el{l J0 suoluessB patruadal s(uoslllN ur passordxa

ueaq peq 'areqm,esle pue tuleer IBIuolo) aqt q qroq 'rapro

Ieuolteurelul roJ errraqts u€ruoslrlfi eqr ]o stueffiala iel]uessa oql 'uluoT

to eJuer€adde aqr or

.ror.rd saqraads elrssaJJns w petelnf,I$B peq uoslll1 /!\al^plro,^a al{t }o urd uaaq

3uo1 peq reqr soldDut.rd uo /v\arP lueluo) s1r 'e8uallBql T^eqslofl luaf,er eql

pertelJal sseJppe slutorl uaailnod al{r Jo Suplp rgrcad$ eqt eilqlg,'tuslluluoloJ

yo osodrnd pue arnleu aqt uo uorltsod Surpuurs-8uo1 sil{ t{tl/r/r sE IIa/!\ se 'sluatualunouo.rd aIuIlJE.lv\ snotrrord s6uosllrN r{llrrn luorslsuoJ sud\ aAS lutod ut

opetu IIEJ aqr (ranam.oq 'aurrt aures aqt rv 'saldoad leluolor Jo uolteulrurelep

-JIas eqr puu rusrlurradtur Jo uollrnrrsap erp roJ pur Surdaolvis {s>ilAagslog uerssng aqt or 'auo anrteruar'pa8pel{ E llaqlt 'roputofa.r E se uees eg rq8rru eng

turod 'lxatruol sql uI o"'uu1d aoead IBsrPBr u/\{o xreq} Jo tuaruerunouuE er{l qrl^/\

paruasa.rd peq .{>1slor1 pue uruaT trql a8uailer{J aql ol-.<olse;IuetuJolunoc,,

e-asuodseJ s dllelluassa sB sseJpPB eqt uees seq stulod uaeilno{ aql }o ur8r.ro oqt Jo uollela.rdrolul IuEuanlIII euo {arlor{) teqr a>ieur aq PIP dqAO,

:euole s.uosll/K seu. saldoed 1eruo10r

Jo slseJatur eqt ot pue uonsenb leruoloJ CItll of sseJPPB stulod ueailno{ eql uI

re1eJ otr uorsrf,ep aqJ sz'uortlear Jraql lnoqe pouraJuoc d1;eap se/vr osnoH puu 'slsa.lalur Jrer{l ol euerure8 os'uottsanb srqf uo seIIIV oql lFsuof, lou

PIp uoslllN

('ur€trJfl tBarg ol CIq pFo1r,\ padoq o^. PuE 'qloq sn ol alqelda))8 s€.{v\ paldope

sszl\ r{Jr{A\ qde}8ered aqr flruasord pue tI uo pu€q srq drr or ue8eq tuePlserd

eql,, tnq ,..d1ornua fuorlsanb leruolor] slqr aPe^e ol s^€q rq8lu elr rq8noqr

crNrxNVI^J {O CNIIN AHI UOd sNIrHsI{

sBfi\ tr rs{t pePPE oqr runPuEJou -uraao8 aq oqr JO sra eql uI Pep rsoprq'lra5 s,luaprsard

;o srq8g r

qrrqrn'srut ralarvr.oq ol

or{1 ro sa^l

lsnf 1o uot uBrlr ra{re pa11er rr i ue dlpreq r

Jo srurelf, 3 eqr Jo srse aldnur.rd ar 'rauueut

op ppom 'uaa

JO SlS3J3iln

8uq1er'suo (erult

tsJS a sturod uael

s,uosp46 { ro; pue *& arir Jo lualn

to ffiel ar{r tarel pue el puB uBrrlm,

PUB SerJolrJ er{l'roJ PalF n'O{rlB sels -B1pd,, aql r aql pue 'sru

leJJos uBql 'posBq aq $ or{l sE ePlnq ar{r rot uolq

_, frlffiitffiiliirr

4L TuB ErvrunGENCE oF THE \fnsoNrRw MoMsNr

In invoking the principle of self-determination, \(ilson incorporated the

novel term into his wartime ideological lexicon, adopting this phrase as his own

and assimilating it into his progtam for the postwar internationai order' Calls

tor a peace based on self-determination would henceforth largely replace in

\(ilson's rhetoric the previously ubiquitous references t0 the consent of

the governed. This substitution aimed ro neutralize Bolshevik critiques of the

Altied war aims by co-opting their language, but it did not change the essence of

\flilson,s vision in his own mind. To him, the advocacy of "self-determination"

was simply synonymous with caltring for "self-government" and lecturing on the

importance of "government by consent"'

Some of \Tilson's contemporary critics, including his secretary of state'

Robert Lansing, observed early on that \filson used the novel term self-

determination to convey old ideas. Lalsing' an international lawyer with a

conservative bent of mind, noted that the term self-determination was essen-

tially equivalent, in wilson',s usage, to the time-honored liberal principle of

consent of the governed. It was, Lansing said, a theoretically appealing idea

that was nevertheless "unsusceptible of universal applicationr" since any such

attempt would lead to excessive "change and uncertainty" in world affaits'

Lansing, in common with other critics of 'sflilson's

performance in Paris,

observed in the aftermath of the peace conference that the principle of self-

determination, loudly proclaimed in wartime pronouncements' had been vio-

lated repeatedly in the terms of the peace ffeaties. At the same time, it served as

an ,.excuse for turbulent political elements in various lands to resist established

governmental autho rltY.u'7

Partly, the disappointment in the principle and its leading champion was

a result of the ambiguous and multiple meanings that attached to the term at

the time and since. Although Wilson did borrow the term self-determination

itself from the language of the Boisheviks-socialist and Marxist theorists had

been using the term for some time*he gave it a different meaning and used it

for a different purpose. For the Bolsheviks, who always talked specifically

about .,national,' self-determination, it was a call for the revolutionary over-

throw of colonial and imperial rule through an appeal to the national identity

and aspirations of subject peoples. \X/ilson, on the other hand, rarely if ever

qualified self-determination as specifically national. Rather, he used it in a mofe

general, vaguer sense and usually equated the term with popular sovereigtty'

conluring an international order based on democratic forms of government' He

did at times, as in the cases of Poland or Italy, advocate redrawing borders

according to ethnic lines, but he still saw the principle involved as one of

consent rather than of ethnic homogeneity as such. Indeed, acutely aware as

he was of the multiethnic character of American society, his model of a self-

determining people, he could hardly have thought that ethnic homogeneity was

a prerequi*it. for the exercise of the right to self-determination.'8

In addi

ple and soug

empires of E

in the oppo:

to existing or

If revolutior

oppression h

determinatic revolutionar In the case c

tion would ,

cooperation

of colonial r

Horn'e

of self-deter

hardiy so cl

the colonia

different. Br

of imperiali

tions, and b

There was (

the more pr

the one far I

negotiationr r.ision [argr

his rhetoric

already an:i

Thus, jusr i

Bolsheviks mation. so 1

language tr

P 1 ' t h e s u

lJ of the I

Lrrief Indep

estate at \

n-orld orde

of Americi

;uppon of

pnose"' anci \l ere -con!

i:rlving to

((.uaur eaJJ Jo sa8olra,rrd pue srq8r; Jr{],, JoJ ualeq € ef,IJCItuv a>leul ol Sutru.rls

aral,\ puu (6a0ry aq ppotls ssep d.iaaa Jo uetu feqf Suruueld ,{lsnolo$uol,, aJa/v\

]nq 's;o,reopuo JrJolsrq Jraql ur ,,e8aitrtt.ld .reprtilud ou pa.rlsop,r pue ,,asod

-.rnd otenl.rd ou pauIBlJOluO,, PEi1 'ptes aq 'dt,{I 'uolsslru u1$o SIt{ 1o f.lodclns

ur srar{teJ Surpunoy otlt Jo trru8a1 aql palo^u} oq 'dqderSouof,I uetlraruv Jo

sa8eurr peJJBs tsolu aql ul seapr srq Sur.roqJuv'stuJat Surdaa.vrs rrl JapJo PIJo.AA .relrtsod aql JoJ uoISIA stq paqlJlsap luaplsald aqf 'uou.ral lunory 1€ alelsa

raurrot s,uot8utqseXg aS.ioa5 1B Pare^llep or{ ssarppe f,vq eruapuadapul Jalrq e ur t1n[to r{ilnoC aqt uO 'lllts raPloq zwo.r$ slroler{r s(uoslllN

"tlllv aql Jo q

ro^e1 ur Llearsttap urnl ol ue8aq re^a otll 'o opn aql sE (3161 1o raurulns aql d (-l

'sesod;nd pue saJuetsrrJnoJrJ .rraqt ot rr rdepe pue uoslllg Luory eSen8uel

leql elrr.ldo.rdde pue rdope ol oAour stslleuollgu leluolof, pFo/v\ ool os 'uotleru

-Jotsuert lerrorteurotur roJ ure.r8o.rd u^\o sry otul tI polEIIurISsB Pu€ s{meqslofl

eql uroq uorteururrotop-Jlos Jo uollotl aqt palelrdo;dde uoslq6 se lsnf "n,{I .patr;rado

Llanos leuorleuratur d€l$ aqt ul a8ueqr lef,iper e roJ snolxue .{pea.r1e

aJe^A leill 'e.roq.4A.eslo pue ado;ng ut 'sdno.r8 asoql 1o sada aqt uI llJolaqr slq

ol anq I€tIptsJ oroul B tual 'putut uzlto sFI ul pa8ueqrun l.1a8re1 uoIsIA

srq Surrruel q8nogr 'a8en8ue1 {r^aqslog ;o uorldope s.uoslllg 'suollerlo8au

ecead Suruotdn aql uo of,uanltur olrsrf,ap PUE tf,erlp Plal^a ol reile{Il rEJ ouo aql

pue 'euo;s l€uortuurolui aql ut o1!\t aqr to py.ranod pue luauluro:rd aJotu aql

.rey dq pa.leadde uoslrlfi'916r u1 ToAO^\or{ 'arua"ragrp lueuocltul auo selv\ aJaql 'uorleurruratep-Jlas yo aldnur.rd aqr uo

Peseq arrad E PateJol'pe qioq pue 'suotl

-EIer leuorterrralur Jo uorleurroJsuerl IErIper € roJ paller qloq 'ustler;adurt go

Ierrtrrf, d1d;eqs aro/v\ qroq tceruoldrp uado 'uvreu e paleso^p€ qlofl 'ruoretJrP

uer{t rEIItuIs eroul aq 01 pa.readde uluaT Pu€ uosllX6 (p1;oru, Ieluolor 0q1

ur dllertadsa pu€ 'pi.lorrt aql punore Luew oI 'eurrl ar{r tB tnr-reoJ3 os.'(1p.leg

aJa.^, 'tradso;te.r ut ;eadde ,{eur daqt se SuqladuroJ 'uolleururJarop-Jlas to

suorsJaA lsruruo-I puB uBrrJoslrlft aq] uea/\uog suoll)uIlsrP asar{r TOAJ,^ oH

6z'alnJ IBIIIOIOf, Jo

^\orqpe^o tdn:qe eqf q8no.n{f ueqr raq}er 's;a.arod leruolor aql Jo uot}e.radoor

ar{t qlr./v\ tno paurer ruroJar }o srssa)o.rd pnpe.r8 q8no.rtli a8raua plnod\ uotr *eLriurJolap-1as teqt pauolslllra aq 'palou ,{peaqe se 'urstletuolol

Jo ase) aql uT .surJoJal pnpe;ff 'leuorlet g8no.rqr e8ueqr alowo.rd pue osindurt ,ireuottnlolar

oql aloura.i dlaq ppol!\ 'tuasuoc dq luaruurano8 sB pausep 'uotleutulJCIlap

-ilas 'o uorterrTclde oLIt uaql 'seuriSa;r alqelunoJ)eun ')tte;)otnu dq uorssarddo

ol uorlJeeJ e Se.&\ 'peaerlaq sentssa.rSo.rd .raqlo Puu aq sE 'uot1n1o,ta.r

11 'suorlnlolal uu)lxotrt pue usISsnU Oql uI./(es 3I{ asoqf se qlns 's.rap;o Surlsxe ol

sa8ueletp d,reuortnlona.r '1eupB; lsuie8e >lre/Klnq u se 'a1o.r atrsoddo agl ul

dleslJa.rd a^ras ppo./rA. uolleululJalaP-'los reqf pedoti uoslllft'adorn? 1o sa.rrdnra

f,ruqlartlnu .d;Buoqrsor otlt tsute8e leq Suqrarm e se JI asn ol tq8nos pue e1d -rour"rd &euotlnlolal e se uolleullllJolap-Jlas A\es uiual ai]qll'uolllppe uI

se.ry\ dtrauaSo -JIOS e

Jo I3p se a.rearre d1a, jo euo sE P: s.rap.roq 8un eH'luauJuJa^ ,dlu8ta;srros . OJoru e ur tr P JO^o ]r d1a-le:

&lluapl leuor -JaAo d.reuorl ,{llergnads p

tI pasn pue 3r pBrl slsrJosrF uorleururJelal

lu urJal aqt o se,tn uordueq

Psqsrlqerse 1s sB PaAJaS tr '3r

-or^ ueeq Peq

-JIOs Jo a1dr,-''i

'sued ur efu 'ErrEfie

Plro-\l qrns due atui eapr Surlead'j yo eldnur;d i' -uosse se^\ UC e qll/14, Jerl\\r -JIas ur_Tet

I3.1 'aleJs yo d-rei:

aqt uo 8urrr

6(uoIleuItuJSlS

JO aJUASSA 3Ul

aql to senbrr,:

Jo luasuof, :l

ur erelde-l i1::

sllB) raPro rE

urao srq s€ esr,

arlt pete.rod:o:

w CINTxNVW lIO aNIInJ sHr uod sNIJHDIC

explaining the princip

Once he ar podium thr the Sorbon Rome and, Keynes, wh the Versaill of the waq the world t ;::g;:j::1::;

f hrougho I I trons car

world. Intt reported zu cable and telegraphic r84os and d sion and ar

domains in among the I r86os, follo crumbling communica common, a East. The r that it took previously r Europe to t hours.3t

The q informatior

agencies th world. Cha in Paris in r across the l spread in W immigrated

London. Rr telegraphy, Company.

'

the reports

THs EA,mncENcE oF THE'W'rrsoNIRN MotvtBwr

The United States went to war for that same goal, to $ecure not only the liberty

of the United States "but the liberties of every other people as well." The war

was an epic struggle berween autocratic regimes whose time had passed and

the progressive ideals of the present. The aftermath of this conflict would see

American ideals extended over the entire glohe, embraced by many races and

in many regions:

On the one hand stand the peoples of the world,-flot only the

peoples actually engaged, but many others who suffer under mastery'

but cannot act; peoples of many races and in every part of the

world.. .. Opposed to them, masters of many armies, stand an

isolated, friendless group of governments who speak no common

purpose but only selfish ambitions of their own which can profit but

themselves. . . governments clothed with the strange trappings and the

primitive aurhority of an age that is altogether alien and hostile to our

own.3o

N<l compromise, therefore, was conceivable, not only with the Central

Powers but also with the prewar principles of international relations. The

posrwar order, nflilson said, would have to be based on popular legitimacy

rather than on great power interests. It would be predicated on "the settlement

of every question, wheth.r of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrange-

ment, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that

settlement by the people immediately concerned." The peace settlement wor"rld

have to replace an international system based on power with an international

society in which interaction among nations would comport with the "princi-

ples of honour and of respect for the common law of civilized society that

tourrn the individual citizens of all modern states in their relations with one

another." An international organiz.ation to deter aggression and arbitrate

conflicts would embody and manage this arrangement: '\fhat we seek is the

reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the

organized opinion of mankind."s'The address at Mount Vernon was \X/ilson's

boldest formulation yet of his postwar plans, and as we will see, it resonated

widely around the world.

In the following months, Wilson continued .in his public rhetoric

to present rhe war, and the United States' role within it, in idealistic terms.

The purpose of the war, he declared repeatedlg was to secure the right of

peoples to determine their own futures, to establish the principle of equality

among narions, and to defend the rights of weak nations against the might of

strong ones. The peace settlement, he said, would have to reflect 'ofull and

unequivocal acceptance of the principle that the interest of the weakest is as

sacred as the interest of the strongest.'7" It was during these months that he

made the statements denouncing lynching and in support of female suffrage,

srll pue, 659r u1 uort€)Ulun uEIIBII JoJ relv\ ar{r Jo ilets at{l uo silodar aql

eJe*r uonelndal slr op€ru leql sdoo)s Jlls{eurnol roleur rsJS aqI 'Luedruo3

urer8alal srotnog aql 'fuedtuo) rllqnd e eurecaq tl 59gr .{q pue 'dqder8olar

ol pa^oru d1>1emb rnq lsrg te suoa8rd uo PaIIeJ osle ,(rua8e s.latrna1 'uoPuoT

ur err^res s/heu u^A.o srr{ peqsllqErsa ldueur.raD urory puel8ug ot pete.r8lurlul

puq oq/\^. talnag snrpf'o5gr u1 'sof gr puu so]gr eql uI adorng urelssrN ut pea.rds

rr se dqc{er8aler {oldtuo ot ue8eq uoos aq lnq '1auueq3 qsrl8ug aql ssorre

s/v\eu yo Suruodar dpaads ar{} rot suoa8td pesn sEA€p1 'dgerrrul '(€3r uI slrBd uI

dcuo8B snourLuode sn{ papuno;'raauotd ectrr.ras s.&\au u'seae11 solrer{J 'plJo/vr

0rl1 puno.re sradeds.daarr Jo spussnoqr ot ddoc erl/v\ palTddns leql satrua$u

s^\au leuorteuJatur Jo uorsuedxa pue qrrvror8 st{} or pol leleJr uoueruJotul

yo poads oqt uo'lc€dufi zfueuoltnloAer sll Pue gderSaler arp Jo pea.rds aql

t€'sJnoq

Jo reileru E ur olrrre A{ou plnoJ Eulr{) .ro 'etpu1 'lseE elpPIW eql or adorng

Jo sJueruv urory le^ert ol sqluoru ue^o ro s{eo^A, ua{sle^Bg PIno/lA dlsnorna.rd

ter{t sl\eu pue 'sueef,o pur sluourluoJ ssoJf,€ oAOIu ol uolletuJoJul {ool rI reql

ewn eq] Pe)nPOr fgurrlerueJp suolleJlunurtuo) crqder8ele]. Jo aslr erlJ, :lsBE

alppl14i aqr pue ersv olur dldaap paqreor sselerlr& aql fr6r Lq pue 'uotuuror

eJoru mar8 selqeJ eqr or ruawolddns Jo e^IteuJalle u€ sB uoltef,JunulruoJ

sselarr^/r. Io esn arp 'Lrnluaf, egl Io urnl aql rerJv ,tlseufp 8qb BurlqurnJf,

or{r Jo suretuop aql olul uoltrE.rrouad ueadorn1 Jo qred agr 8ur*ro11oy 'soggr

aql ur puards ol ue8aq saurl qde.r8elar'eu1r{J uI 'plro/\{ eql ul lsolsnq eql Suowe

atuBraq uoos ,taql pue 'sol,3r aql uI pIBI eJa/$, EIPq,pue lddga il suIBIuoP

qsnlrg arp or salqm qde.r8alar alqepuadaP lsrg eL{J 'uolt€rtslunuPe pue uors -uedxo lerradrur 1o rpol a{r 3u1m,o11oy uaryo-'areq^4.eslo peards uaqr pue sofgr

aqt m eJrra{uv rlt.lo51 pue adornfl ul ue8aq suorterlunruruot rrqder8alar

Jo osn aql 'aqop aql pauueds uaql .{q tsgr $lro^/\tau ssalarl^\ pue olqer

eqr q8no.rqt ureqr peleurwesslp puv 'sa8essaul eqt parnporda.r pue peuoder

e{lp suBS.ro epue8edord eurt}rel. pue setrua8e s/v\ou [EuoItBuJOtq 'plJo^/v\

aqt prmoJe soJuarpne ol Jrrolaq.r dpuaq flSurseanur s(uoslrr( poIrJEr suolt I

-Errunruruoo leqop 1o drourqf,Eu or{r 'tezn aql yo s.read IeuS aqt rnoq8norqJ

-'t:::=

on,. fuots1q ur pelpnboun plro./r^. eqt

lnoq8notql af,uenl;ur lerour ? pue a8rlserd e pado{ua,, tueplseJd aql 'rearr aqt lo

e{e/v\ etErpewl'ul aqf uT ler{l aloJ/!\ 'lesrurq uoslldr Jo pu€ dlea.rl sailIpsroA oql

to s)rlrJ) Ierluonuur pue Surqless lsotu el{t Jo euo atuof,aq plno/v\ oqm 'sauda;'1

preu,{e141ur{o[ tsnuouore qsI]IJfl Jr[I €€'ulrnl puB UEIII{ ut 'eoua.g Pu€ atuou

ur 'ra$aqlue6 pue uopuoT ut 'are1e4 rueq8urqcnfl rB 'srre4 uI euuoqros eql

te :saldrcurrd asoql /v\olloJ ol e^Eq plno^{ tuatueluas acead aqr ter{l ulnrpod

dra.re ruorJ lsrsur 01 ponupuoJ uoslll['laroelou; 'edo;ng ur peArJJE orl oJuO 'peorqc Supq8g se^, tI rlrlr.ll\{ roJ ef,Itsnf

Pus ssausnootqSrr ;o saldnur.ld aql

Jo Ieporu E sp plro/vr eqr or Jlasll luasa.rd tsnru dlenos u€JrJatuv teqt Surureldxa

oNrxNvw lro oNIIAJ sHI uod cNIrHsIc

'a8ergns aler aq leq] sqtu( sE sI lso>le31ll

PUE ilnt,, lJs

;o rq8rur atp. zhgenba;o a1

Jo tr{8u er{r ; isulJel qlsrlBi f,IrolorF rllqr

paleuosar 1r '

s(uoslrlfi sEAt aql ,(q paqet aql sI {ees ot elEJlrqJe PUE auo qlIA^. suol

luqf ,hal}os 1 -nur.rd,, eql q

IEUOrlErrJalm plnofi luaural leqr to arueld -a8uer.re lrmt

lu0walnes erF ,berunr8al rq ogl :suorl"le

IErtua) er{r {

Jno ol allls eqr pue s8u

rnq rgord r uotuurof, o uE PUE1S '

egl Jo ue( 'd.rolseru rq aql dpo 1

pue sece.r fua eas PIno^4. lf,ril puu passed pr JElf\ ar{J ..'l[an dr.raqrl aqr dpr

46 THe EN,IBncENCE oF THE'WilsoureN MonasNr

assassination of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. News from Reuters'

service became so ubiquitous in British papers that one commentator noted

in 186r: "A11 or-rr earliest information from America, India, and China, the

Cape, and even Australia, is derived from this gentleman's telegrams '"36 BY

the rg6os, news agencies like Reuters had become indispensable in the rapid

dissemination of information around the world and began to expand beyond

Europe. The first Reuters branch outside Europe opened in Alexandria in late

1865, and its first Asian branch was set up in Bombay the following year'

As they spread around the globe, the three largest international news

agencies*Havas, Reuters, and the German news service Wolff-initially fought

over territory but eventually they concluded agreements that divided the world's

news rnarkets among them. Havas naturally got the F'rench empire and Southern

Europe; \folff provided international reporting in the Habsburg empire, Scan-

dinavia, and Russia; and Reuters largely monopolized news services thror-rghout

the territories controlled by the British empire, in East Asia, and in the United

Srates, thoggh in the latter regions it saw growing competition from Japanese

and American news agencies. A few areas, such as Turkey, Egypt, and Greece,

were shared between Reuters and Havas. But British control over the global

network of undersea telegraph cabies meant that Reuters, which had developed

intimate ties with Brirish officialdom, controlled practically all news coming

into Europe from other continents, supplying the other news services with

information that they in turn passed on to their subscribers. By r9r4, Reuters

had become a "semi-official institution of the British Empire," so ubiquitous that

it became in many places a "household word."3t

During the world war, Reuters provided most of the international news

across the British empire, and its bureaus in Bombay, Cairo, and Shanghai

were the main suppliers of war news to newspapers in India, Egypt, and China'

respectively. The Associated Press, founded in 1848, was the leading news

ug.rr.y supplying international news to U.S. papers, while the countries of

Latin America received their foreign news primarily through Havas.38 The

spread of telegraphy and the global penetration of international news services

meant that the war was reported across the world simultaneously and almost

instantaneously. Readers across much of the globe could learn of events on the

battlefronts and read the proclamations of leading statesmen within a day or

two of their occurrence. Many news outlets, especially in the regions outside

Europe, did not have the resources to hire numerous foreign correspondents

who could provide them with independent perspectives on events abroad,

and they therefore depended heavily on international services for foreign

news. And since the agencies that supplied international news to much of

the globe-Reuters, Havas, the Associated Press-were associated with the

Allied powers, the tenor of the reporting was often favorable to the Allies and

hostile to t

cens0rs. Allier

around the

than the Ur World War

leading r-rp news, and 1 public opin of allies, en warfare thi

scripted arr dramaticai

the war ent done befor mans treal(

of militarr- a d i p l o m a t conducted

s o m e o f r h r

States, horl "a huge ac ^ e t e d a n d l

\Tilst

;onflict ot ::rerefore ''

ertort. The i e : r i n g : l : : e \ \ ' O n i s :

'

; e r : a i n b e : , ; : : r g o s : = - - , r - - ; :

a r i i . i .

: " " - i s : i ; ; r - . - "

: : - , i ^ - u * i

. - " - t - - ^ * ,

l . l : : r r , : : r

: * i : l : " J - _ J - ;

^ : : : . : - : : : l r l : i ' , . ; 1 -

i ' _ ; , : : :

;

'PCIloruoJd pue

poprBnSoJss aq ol psq tBr{l slassP snorJard puB slarf,uor uoslr/)N ot II€ era^\ IIL/!\ poo8 srr 'o uorldurnsse arll pue cssauJreJ pue 'ssaupalsaJalursrp 'arualoaauaq

sli Jo uorldaf,rad aql 'peo.rqu satsts pellun aqt to a8eurt aq1 'inoqe lr 8ur.rq

ppo) 'drqs"rapeal sn{ rapun 'sot€}S parlun aqr dpo teqt plro^. oq} a)ulluor

pue aqo13 or{t punoJu uorleruroJsueJt Jo uorsrl s.uoslrl)N oteururassrp or rg8nos 'a;oya:raql 't.royya JElv\ 'S'{l ar{l poluedtuome teqr u8redureJ upue8edo.rd eq;

,o..'poo8 JoJ J)uanUuI Jno slJoJJE,, 'eletrs Jo d.reta.iros slr{ plol }uaplsa.rd oql ,,'sn

8urp.re8a.r plrol!\ ar{l to uorurdo aqr srlaJJu teqr Surqi{.reaE,, :alqerrsap pue dtes -salau sE./$ uorleurJoJsueJl e teqt paf,utluol aJaA{ sJaqto;r ,{1uo paaf,)ns plnol 'rq8noqr aq 's.ile1,;e

lpuolleuJaluI ruJoJSuBJt ol uolsslur uE)IJaruV arll'ulre J€./v\

IerJnJJ B se^ , sl€aprs'n Jo eprs aql ol ..uorurdo plJo,ir\,, Suruurrvr pue 1adso8 uer -rraurv aql Surpee.rds 'uos1r1g JoC

rr(('sJeqto Jo uorlsaJJ ar{t pue 'syarlaq urstJof,

Jo uortJnJlsap ar{t 'epue8edo.rd st .rem slq} }o asod.rnd et€urrlln ag1., :souo daou

Jo asrr ri{t pue seopr plo }o osruap oqt tnoqe eq plno. A trrlltuol aW tetll Surrg8g ar{t Jo >learqtno ar{} rarys dp;oqs otor/lt qlo6. 'D 'H tsrlo^ou Llsrrrrfl eqJ 'iloJ;a

re,^a ueJrreiuv aqt ,o tuauodruoc IEJtuas e se epue8edo.rd pa,^aarl oroJeraql

pue 'stsa.ratur Jo sUJJE Jo r{selr E se,^a }I s€ sl\allplJo.,lt prre sl€opl Jo tJrltuoo

e sE qJnur se JE,l\ ar{t A\Bs 'set.le.rodtualuof, sltl Jo dueur a4r1 'uos1r4y

or'ueursa{ods Sutpeal rroq} uoslrdfi tuaprsard pue pela{ -Jeur aq ol tJnpoJd aqt sleapr u?)IJaurV tllJll. ,,(ugredwer Sursrl.reape a8nq e,,

se pe8eueur pue pauuuld ss^\ epue8udo.rd aurltrelA Jo {set aqtr 'rarrervroq 'sotu}g

patrun aql uI 'asn€r rttot.rted eq] uI porrad alp Jo srolpn? Surpeal ar{} Jo ouros

Surlsrlua'asr.rd.ratua ,{.reralrl u se,,{la8rel u8redueo epueSedo:d.rraql pe}rnprrof, r{srrrrfl oq1 'des:r6.p

IenC} eql tB sl.radxa aqr ot ryol tsoq rrclle rtteruoldrp e se epue8edo.rd . aerl or papua] tuaururalo8 qruar,l aql 'alua8ryalur L.relrlrur

Jo qrueJq u se tr po8euuu pue drrrrrrle dJetrlrur e se epue8edo.rd J€zlt petuart suerr -ra.D atltr 'paraJJlp sa1,{rs pue 'sanblur{cat 'saqoeo.tdde .rreqt tnq 'a;ro1aq euop

peq daqr Surqrdue puo.,taq tuar teqtr solll^r1re upue8edo.rd ur pa8e8tro re^a erll

ur s;anod tue.ra8rlleq ;ofetu oi{l Jo IIV 'peorqe prre otuog ]e qroq dllerrreure"lp

as€aJJur epue8edo;rd aurl.relr Jo af,rref,Sru8rs pue aless ag] lt.es 'serruJe palclr.rrs -uor a8nq yo Sursre.r oql pCIpueruop pu€ souarJos orrlua pa8e8ua leqt arsJJ€,^a

sseur pa3npoJtul r{JIr{dN'"rul5 leor5 ot{I 'sJa,/s.od lu.rlnau pue 'saruraue 'sar11e go

osoql Suorue osle lnq sarlarlos u./\\o Jratll ur dluo lou 'arurl.re,tA ur uorurdo erlqnd

Jo aruslJodurr aqt Jo eJBAAe .(13uisea.rru Sut,tiro.r8 a.rem sluauruJCIAo8 pue 'sll\ou

Ieuoueuratur SurrrouJ-rs€J puu dqde.r8ala] Jo aslJ ar{t ,ltps ru^\ aqt ot dn Surpeal sePeroP oq1 .,,t.rors${ 's'n ur alef,s pue adors paluapof,o;dun

Jo se/v\ re,lfo Plrolft lsrrd aqt Sur.rnp u8iedwer epue8edo.rd uert.ratuv aql6€'setels porrun aqt ueqr ssaJ)e sn{r Jo esn a{Btu o} pauor}rsod ranag sp^ ouo ou pue 'aqop eql punoJs s.radeds,u,au ot ssaJJ€ dsea l.1e-r.rlglal peri 'uaqt 'epuu8edord polilV

'sJosuaf,

peliy Jo qreor alqeraprsuof, or{l puo.{ag uala sre. aod lertua) aqt ot alrlsorl

pue sarllY: aql qlr^\ P; Jo qrnu o: u8ra.ro; .rog 'peo-rqe srr, sluapuodsa. aprslno suo .ro .{ep e uti aql uo stue-r

lsorule Pue SEf,IAJAS S,\\;

oql 8s'se^el to sarJtuno: s,,laau Surpe 'eulq3 pue, req8ueq5 pr s.^aeu Ieuorli

leqt snotrnbi s.ralnag 'fr6i

tllrl!\ sasr'{Jet Sultuol smar padolaaop pt

leqop ai{t ra 'arao-rg pue aseuudef uro pollun oril ur lnoq8norgr s; -uB)S 'a;rdru;

uraqln0s PUE s,Plro^\ aqt P; tq8no; dilenri S.,IAAU IEUOrtfl

:eed 3u atel ur erJPur] puo^dag pued: plde.l aqt ur ; dg nn,.'stue.r8; eqr 'eurq3 pr

Petou Jotetus

(sJalnou tuoJ

Lt cNr)rNvI/{ co oNrW aHJ uo{ sNrJHerC

"i' l r

Tnn, EuBncENCE oF THE'Wrrsourax MotuBNr

On April ry rgr7, a mere week after the United States declared war on

Germany, Wilson issued an executive order establishing the Committee on

Public Information (CPI) as the"organ responsible for the U.S. war propaganda

effort at home and abroad. The members of the committee included the

secretaries of war, state, and the navy, but the real force behind it was its

chair, George Creel. Creel, a forty-one-year-old veteran muckraking journalist,

was a long-time progressive and a keen partisan of Wilson's reform programs.

He had supported Wilson's reelection campaign, and his 1916 book 'Wilson

and

the Isswes, which defended the president's record, was said to have "mightily

pleased" the president.43 Fiercely loyal to the president and his ideals, Creel

saw the CPI as an opportunity to spread the Vilsonian gospel of progressivism

and democracy both domestically and abroad, "to drive home the absolute

justice of America's cause, the absolute selflessness of America's aims."44 It

was his inventiveness and his zeal for the liberal internationalist ideals he

worked to propagate that transformed the committee from an ad hoc impro-

visation into a highly effective propaganda machine of global reach'at

In their campaign to advertise America's war aims and peace plans at

home and abroad, Creel and his deputies at the CPI made widespread use of

recent advances in communications, such as wireless technology, and in media,

such as motion pictures, in addition to deploying more traditional propaganda

methods. There was "no medium of appeal that we did not employ," Creel

boasted. "The printed word, the spoken word, the motion picture, the poster,

the signboard.-all these were used in our camp aign."a6 The CPI produced and

distributed movies about the successes of the American war effort, which

aimed to impress audiences, both domestic and foreign, with the inevitability

of U.S. victory. It also worked to depict American society as prosperous and its

citizens as upright and diligent, and tried to carry these images "to every

community in the United States and to every corner of the world." In addition,

the committee controlled the export of commercially produced films to over-

seas markets and sought to block films that it judged to be "giving false or

misleading impressions of American life" by dealing with such unsavory

themes as crime, corruption, or dissolute behavior.aT

The CPI issued daily news bulletins to the U.S. and foreign press in

ngmerous languages and supplied magazines with ready-made feature articles

extolling the United States, its sclciety, economy, and contributions to the

Allied war effort. On the domestic front, the CPI established special divisions

that concentrated on getting out the message to specific sectors of the media,

such as the rural press, the religious press, and the labor press. The committee

also recruited speakers to praise the U.S. war effort and administration policy

to domestic audiences, most famously the "Four Minute Men," so called

because they would give four-minute patriotic speeches about the war effort

at theater intermissions. Millions of pamphlets extolling American ideals and

Viison dehir \::_urr-ra. s].1

*b':'dder :; (

r'rl1r,agz.n'Ja sl-..:-*C'n'i pli

f,:rrt'i"ne-c-s" i(

;tre- tr:. d,ozc

T;e CPI a.i

rr:i r:- n: : .*'.'-' - ; d0 _,t- .-" \& u;

;ni,' a: a:t,::-

'' 'iililllrillilllr|"'ltn|ll'l il rl: :

IBmedS '11 rnoqE sr{der8otoqd

lTrls palnqutsrp pus paredard pue (iloJJo rellr aql rnoqe srrqrqxa qlr/!\ srrpJ alels parlddns te1dsry tqqnd roJ spre) 1v\opur/!\ pug (suootJeJ (sJatsod

'o dlar.ren € of,npoJd ol stsrug patrrnrlal tI 'rJoJJe

epue8edo.id aqr olur drtsnpur Sursrlre^pe lerrretutuor aql paryerp osle Jd) or{I 'Peorqe pu? auroq le palelnrrrf, pu€ parurJd 3re^\ 'saSenSuel

Jo suszop ul .aJll

' g/ g 99 -29 7 g n-37's sa "t8uo3

p rttu4t7'u8tuduer s(loar''! yo luauoduor IErJnrr e era^a sesseJppp rrlqnd s(uoslrlfi to sxa] ar{I 'uorteruroJuJ tllqnd uo aennutuo) aqt sB u1r4,ou>l uu8;o rpue8udo.rd

arulur-.lr 'S'n aqt peptaq oq/r tsrleu.rnoI a,rrssa.rSo.rd aql olea;3 a8roag sr roplnoqs ryal ssuosll/N pulqaq olqlsl^ osly 'rq8rr lr sr 'qlrpg (ayrn puoras s(rroslrl6 'erurS.rrn

'uoure4 'tw tE '916r'h Lpf uo ssarppY .{eq aruepuedopul srq Bur"ralrlap uoslr/ft

,{F.

.:q}^

Pu? slBsPr ur uoJJa re^\ ar palle) {)s ,,.r1 z(rqod uortEJ, aellitlIruof, aL 'erpaur aqr

Ja suorsr^rp Ierf,i eqt o1 suorlr s0l3rlJB OJntei

ul sse.rd u8ra.

/;ronesun qtr Jo usleJ Surnri -Ja^o or sullg 'uorlrppe u1

.,. d;a,ra ol,, se8 srl Pue sno.radr 'filllqellrraur a' I{3lt{r\a 'tr.roga

pue pacnpo;d talsod eql .a.rr

IaaJS ,.do1dru; epue8ec{o.rd 1e 'erparu ur pue .,

Jo osn pea;dsa1 te sueld atvad

Jr'r{3e3" -o.rdur toq pE ag slBapr lsrlEr lI fr(('suIIB s(ef, OtnlosqE ei{] ar rusrarssa;So;d ;r IeaJ)

'sleepr srr dlrtq8rur,, aaeq puo uoslxa 4oo 'stuu.r8o;d tuJoJ 'tsrleu;not 3ur>1 stl se1!l 1r Purq; or{1 paPnlf,ur ea epueBedo;d .re-u uo aollrtuu]oJ ; uo Je.{4, poJelrsF

(INTXNVW dO CrNrW AHJ. UOC SNrrHgrC

CPI lacked nessmen, o

effort ofter

aeroplanes

lines into d Presir

Points, the at Mount'

CPI propal

disseminan Wilson wa

doing to w

emphasize the preside

who sound Acco

Fngland, I Australasir Indi4 Soll

CFI often r

fiere, thro

Senoe m l rlere also I

sations [u

lfom in--

Liberia- h Tilson's u

by the lrc

hcal CPI

b m d m ffiudrc' ' - t y o u t

I-[pu t-t?d

En mcfi

fffircfih fcpred, r

Ibk"v,o rw

The rcn r

W$rdcnt'r S@d b'r d

uw worfid

THs EMencENCE oF THE'$TIrsoNreN Mo*rBNt

emphasis was put on reaching the foreign-born populations within the-united

States, who were seen as requiring specill rlsy:iut,- 11d tfe foreign-

language press in the U.S.-in Swedish, Polish, Ukrainian, t.'ifu1ian, C1ech,

C*r*"rr, Horrg"ri"n,'Itatian, Russian, Serbian-was provided with translated

articles designed to combat the "ignorance and disaffection" assumed to

prevail among its readers.as^ Althorrjn the CpI did not launch its foreign operations until lare t9r7,

foreign news services filed quotes from its news sumrnariet 1nl pamphlets

from the outset and supplied them to the press in Europe and elsewhere' By

early r9r8, the CPI had opened its first offices abroad; 1o,*. ofhe most active

offices were located in Bern, Rome; Madrid, and Lisbon' The goal of the

foreign operations, Creel declared, was to "fight for the mind of mankind"

;;;;" ".;nvince the world that hope for the future lay inwilson.alone."ae rhe

United States, CPI propaganda aimed to convince the people of the world' was

a disinterested po**rf which joined the war in order to estlblish peace and

to spread justici and liberty, not for selfish gain. k would play a crucial role

in winning the war and would have a powerful voice in the peace settlement,

and the ,"1."k., nations could be sure that it, unlike its imperialist allies,

would safeguard their rights there. The U.S. influence at the peace

table would guarantee that the victory would usher in a new era in which all

nations *oid be equal, peoples would determine their own futures, and

government by consent would replace autocratic rule.tou The CpI,s Foreign Press Bureau, which was headed by the journalist and

Pulitzer prize-winrrirrg oourlist Ernest Poole, provided foreign news.oytletl

with short articles exiolling the virtues of American society: its 'osocial. and

industrial progressr" its schools, its laws, and its 'otreatment sf workers,

women and children."i'The vast majority o{ the CPI's efforts abroad were in

Europe, and to a lesser extent in Latin Amylca, but Creel's aggressive promo-

tion of the progressive \flilsonian message did not ignore other regions. Special

materials were prepared for use in East Asia, including window displays with

texts in Asian larrgo"g., for China, Korea, Japan, and parts of India't' Though

State Department diplomats often resented the activities of Creel's agents

abroad since they could not control them, for the duration of the war Tflilson's

confidence in Creel and his determination to keep control of wartime propa-

gandain his own hands protected the committee from its domestic critics.ts

since it reduced American reliance on the undersea cable network largely

controlled by the British. The CPI often sent copy intended for foreign venues

by wireles, fro* the navy station in Tuckerton, New Jersey, which was relayed

through receiving stations in London and Paris to various locales in Europe

and into Russia. \flire service in Spanish went by cables and radio to Mexico

and South America for distribution by CPI agents there. In regions where the

pornpord Id) aqi '916r d;enuef ur ssarppe aqr to sdep urqrr/N 'rapro plro.4a ^\au

or{} JoJ uorsrn ueruoslr/N ar{t Jo luauratels a^rtelrroglnp ue se Id) aql dq pare8 -edo.rd se^\ tr puu 'r.loga srqt ur tred

]eJluaf, e pedeld 'ue1d aread s,luaprsa.rd arit to uortelnf,rtre palretap lsotu aql se 'sluro.1 uoalrnod ar{t

Jo }xot aql

ss*'plJpeyg Jo LIoPuoT Jo aruog Jo slJed se d1a1a1dlrJof, se,, lt Sutntara:r od4o1 pue lr€reqeJ r{ll^A 'adorng uI se

IIa.^a se ersv ur pateurtrtessrp se/!\ 'pal.roda.r

IaaJ) 'aSessaur aq,I

(6'sJe>leads s,ealtnuruo) aql r(q pala.rd.ralul plrp sruls ornlrrd -8ur.r.oru ur parpoqua pue spreJ lsod uo palur.rc{,, era^\ drql :spor{tau pue slauuer{f, snoraurnu q8no.rqr iuaqt pateln)rrr pue patur-rd uagl pue patuisuerl seqraads s(uoslrlN Jo slxol aqr per{ s}ua8u Id) IeroJ '1e.tr.ue rror{t uodg

/j(('sorllrJe Jo elJot aqt p€q suorJBJEI)ap ;nod regr tts 'no,{

ilat ol pno"rd ur? I pue 'uouelnf,Jn lesJelrun uaal8 aJolv\ olrtnsaxo

Ieuortsu B Jo sari)aads aql d"rotsiq ur lsry rrl] ro;,, t€qt uoslr6 or patseoq

IaarJ '916r yo raruurns aqt ur pauado tr rarye req8ueq5 ur r{ruerq

Idf letol ar{l to oluelsrsse aq} qlr" t osef, retrlel or.[r ur 's.ralnag

to saqluerq IBJoI aqt dq palnqlrlsrp ere,4a sassorpp€ aql'eutq3 pue 'rd.dgg 'EIpq u1 'sa8ussorlr s(uoslrl1 Surleurruassrp ur aloJ e pedeld osle soiJua8e srvrau leuotteuJatul 'erJaqrT

puu eisrod ol Ireur Lq saqraads aql palnqrrlsrp Id) agl 'uortrppe q (.'ur uetsrl

ot paJrsap suorlgls JaAatEq.1K,, Lq pue Bas le sdrqs ,{g uorrdaJJelur JoJ suortels ssoleJr,^A s.L,r.eu eqt lrrory-aiurt eqt re dSolouqtal /v\ou p-tsef,puoJq oslB oJa^\ dtql 'Erraqrs ur rrortngrrlsrp roJ

Tcllso^lpuln pue 'od>1o1 '8urfreg ol of,uar{l pue 'req8ueqs ot 'saurddlllr{d orlt ur atr^B) }E uortels L.,reu agf qBno.rql 'araqr

ruory pue 'o8erq uus ol IroA /so.NI urory ssalorr.^il dq stxar eqt luas ua4o IdJ

aqt 'ersy r{rear ot rapro uI 'epeuel pue 'rdd8E 'eraa;g 'ec1.r1y qrnoq 'e}prll 'olrxa141'elr;aruy

lerluoJ'eu.raruy qtnos'el.raqrg'euFI)'uede['ersele.rlsny 'erssng 'eraeurpuerg 'pue11og 'puelJazlu!\S 'ured5 ',{1e11 'alue.rg 'pue18uE

ot saqraads s.uos1i16 peteln)rrr Id) or{t 'sp.rorat u/!\o slr ol Surp;orcy

esu'tB{t4 or{l ur .,{rr1od slef,rrsurv 1o alou.{aI oqt papunos orl^\ atl se,^a lI,, PUB ,,saIIV arp JoJ ueursa40ds aql se uodn pa>1001 se,{a,, luaplserd aqr eours 'segraads s.uoslr/N

Jo ((plro./$ aqr rnoq8norqt uortnqrJtslp,, ogt azrseqdue

PIno^\ tl tEtll uo ,(1.rea paplJap 'pal;oda.l ratel ioarJ

'I.I) aql s5,,'tr rrrr!\ ol Surop

a.rezvr aldoad uerl.latuv pasnoJe al{r teL{A\ puu JeAA aqf tnoqs Surdes se./v\ rroslrA tuaplsaJd teqA\ r.lueo uo aldoad aqt ile IIa],, ol repro ur epr,^aplro/!\ pateuruassip ero.4a sa8essau s(uoslr4t 'suorleraclo u8ra.ro; sll ul dllenadsa 'epue8edoJd

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((Pur>luew Jo 1 aql to leo8 ar 3AItrf,E ISOUI 3t{

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CINr)NVW CO ANrW SHr UOC CNrrHsrC

this period

tion.6' The powerful th world affau

ing for the remained, u

both the wi self-determi

For tl president's r technologie

echoed arno anticipation peoples, strr

self-determi new langual

this emergir that made i invoke the

for the recq alists, who

internationa the oppornr Paris. Then

,2 Tnp Err'TBRGENCE OF THE'wIrSONrRn MO&tE'.I{r

hundreds of thousands of postef copies of the text, both in the original and

translated into numerous languages, and these were distributed everywhere

the committee could reach.te \ffilson's subsequent major addresses received

similar treatment. By the end of the war, the president's calls for a peace based

on the principles of self-determination and the equality of -"T nations

were wiiely familiar to reading publics around the world and helped to

shape their expecrations regarding the nature and possibilities of the postwar

international order. i;i:"::'::

"\:

-l-he CpI efforrs to project

'!(ilson as the preeminent leader in the interna-

I tiorr"l arena gained in force and credibility as the tide of war turned in

favor of the nlli$ in the summer of r9r8, and $filson's principles .lvere accepted by the belligerents as. the _basis

for the armistice:uo By th:"' the phrase

Fourteen points hal ".romrrlated

meanings that far transcended the literal

content of the text itself, becoming for many shortirand for the transformation

of international society along the principles of equalitn self-determination,

ancl justice,. Although th* Bolshevikt n"A b**o th. first to call for a peace based

on self-det*r*in"tiln, and though the term itself did not appear in the text of

rhe Fourteen Points address, \flilson had made the term his own by the time of

the armistice, and he had become identified with it in the eyes of millions

around world. He had declared repeatedly after February r9r8 that the princi-

ple of self-determination was central to his vision_ of postwar international

so.i*ty, and though his specific references were always located. in Europe,

Egyptians, Indians, Chinese, Koreans, and others in the colonial world had

liitle doubt that the principle should, and would, apply to them.

W1lson's succes$ in overshadowing Lenin as the chief icon of self-deter-

mination may appear puzzling in retrospect. It is less mysterious, however; if

we consider the ielative srature and renown of the two men af the time and

their perceived influence in international affairs. In the colonial world, where

,r.*rpup*rs had few fnreign correspondents, the Bolsheviks were often viewed

through tfue Reuters lens (or that of the French Havas Agency) and so usually

appeared in a singularly unattractive light, especially after they left the war in

March rgrg with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Reports of events in Russia thus

warned of the "Bolshevist peril" spreading "destruction" and facing imminent

defeat by the anti-Bolshevik \X/hite forces. In contrast to nflilson's ubiquitous

presence and great acclaim in reports on world affairs, L9nin, if named at all,

*u, oft*r, described as a mysterious, even sinister figure.6l

Moreover, for colonial nationalists,who sought to seize the opportunity

they perceived at the peace conference, the crucial distinction between Wilson

"oi t.rrin lay in their perceived power to shape a posfi,var settlement

thar would be favorable to demands for self-determination. The Bolsheviks,

excluded from Paris and mired in civil war, were hardly in a position during

'srurEIO rror{l e>lets otr e^eq plno^,\'ool 'daq1 'srred

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