M4A2

Typical perpetrator of domestic violence against women

Violent against women can be defined as any act of gender-related violence that is likely to result in, or actually results in mental, sexual, or physical suffering or harm to women, including coercion, threats of violent acts, or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether in private or public life. In some cases, men are abused by partners (Saili, Mahfoz, Labong, & Putit, 2014). However, domestic violence is in most cases directed toward women. Abusive relationships often involve an imbalance of control and power. The perpetrator uses intimidating, hurtful behaviors and words to control their partner (Saili, Mahfoz, Labong, & Putit, 2014). It might be easy for one to identify domestic violence at initial stages. While some relationships tend to be clearly abusive, abuse often begins subtly and worsen over time.

Domestic violence is about control and power. The perpetrator usually wants to dominate the survivor/victim and wants to secure all the power in the relationship and employs violence to maintain or establish power and authority (Ellsberg, et al., 2015). Perpetrators of domestic violence are often not deranged or sick, but have learned, manipulative and abusive behaviors and techniques that allow them to control and dominate others and obtain the desired responses (Ellsberg, et al., 2015). In most cases, an abuser will restrict the outlets of a victim, forbidding them from maintaining outside employment, family ties, and friends. This has an isolating impact, creating dependency and leaving victims with no external support. Perpetrators also limit the options of a survivor by disallowing access to credit cards, checking accounts, or other sources of financial independence or money.

There is no typical perpetrator of domestic violence against women, but psychologists have identified some characteristics that are common among the perpetrators (Ellsberg, et al., 2015). Many perpetrators of domestic violence against women often suffer from low self-esteem, and their sense of identity and self is often tied to their partner. Thus, if perpetrators feel they are somehow losing their victims, either through emotional detachment, divorce, separation, or pregnancy (the fear their victims will replace love for them with the love for the couple’s child), they will lash out (Gracia, 2014). In case victims leave through any of the above-mentioned methods, perpetrators usually feel they are losing their self-identity, control, and power (Ellsberg, et al., 2015). This explains why it is usually dangerous for victims during periods of divorce or separation from their partner.

Perpetrators will often do anything within their power to maintain control and ensure the victim is kept under control. This dynamic also makes intensifying violence inevitable, considering that many victims have to become emotionally unavailable, or have to physically leave, in order to ensure their survival. Perpetrators of domestic violence against women may constantly humiliate, belittle, and criticize their partners (Ellsberg, et al., 2015). Causing the victim to feel stupid, ugly, crazy, and worthless does not allow for healthy self-perception of a survivor. Low self-esteem may make the victims to feel like they deserve the abuse, which eventually affect their ability to see themselves as worthy of respect and better treatment.

Causes of domestic violence against women

Many of the research regarding the causes of perpetration of domestic violence against women are drawn from the literature on general violence and aggression (Devries, et al., 2013). Both the theory on general violence as well as that on domestic violence against women maintain that violence emanates from interactions among individual psychosocial and biological factors and social processes, but it is not clearly known how much overlap exist in the development of violent acts and behavior against women. Research on male perpetrators of domestic violence have found that some perpetrators confine their violent behavior to their intimates while others tend to be violent in general (Devries, et al., 2013). The most common causes of domestic violence against women include constant argument with one’s partner, refusal to have sex with the perpetrator, neglect of the children, going out of home without informing the partner, failure to cook properly and on time, infidelity, among others (Devries, et al., 2013). In some cases, inability to bear children also results in domestic violence against women. Alcoholism is also another major cause of domestic violence against women.

Criminal and civil legal systems regarding penalties, burden of persuasion, and key players for domestic violence against women

The United States passed the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 on September 13, 1994. The origins of the Violence Against Women Act were from the collective effort and contribution of the courts, sexual assault advocates, law enforcement agencies, the battered women’s movement, and attorneys who urged the United States Congress to formulate legislation that is aimed at protecting women from domestic violence or intimate partner violence (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014). The Violence Against Women Act led to the creation of the Department’s Office on violence against women to support a long-term federal response to intimate partner violence or violence against women (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014). The act provided a $1.6 billion within a period of six years towards the investigation and prosecution of violent acts against women and imposed mandatory and automatic restitution for the convicted individuals. Through the Services Training Officers and Prosecutors (STOP) Formula Grant Program, over $440 million was awarded from 1995 to 2000 to support 9,000 projects that help in addressing domestic violence against women (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014).

The Violence Against Women Act aids in addressing domestic violence, stalking, sexual assault, and dating violence. It focusses on the development of coordinated community care among attorneys, prosecutors, law enforcement, and victim services (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014). If funds battered women shelters and houses and support groups, in addition to offering support to the training of individuals who provide services to victims of intimate partner violence. The act also makes intimate partner violence a federal crime in situations where state lines are crossed (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014). The act provides grants to states for programs geared towards the prevention of violence against women or provision of services for victims of domestic violence. The act currently provides support for working with tribal organizations and tribes to end domestic violence, stalking, sexual assault, and dating violence against women (Modi, Palmer, & Armstrong, 2014). The civil and criminal justice system both were changed due to The Violence Against Women Act, for instance, doubling federal penalties for sex offenders who have repeated their crimes. Since opening of the act in 1994, each state has prepared laws making domestic violence a crime and each state affirmed criminal rape statutes.

References Devries, K. M., Mak, J. Y., Garcia-Moreno, C., Petzold, M., Child, J. C., Falder, G., . . . Rosenfeld, L. (2013). The global prevalence of intimate partner violence against women. Science, 1527-1528. Ellsberg, M., Arango, D. J., Morton, M., Gennari, F., Kiplesund, S., Contreras, M., & Watts, C. (2015). Prevention of violence against women and girls: what does the evidence say? The Lancet, 1555-1566. Gracia, E. (2014). Intimate partner violence against women and victim-blaming attitudes among Europeans. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 92(5), 380-381. Modi, M. N., Palmer, S., & Armstrong, A. (2014). The role of Violence Against Women Act in addressing intimate partner violence: a public health issue. Journal of Women's Health, 23(3), 253-259. Saili, J., Mahfoz, N., Labong, E. P., & Putit, Z. (2014). Domestic Violence against Women.