Questions in “Literature review”
Article
Internationalization and culture in higher education
Jacky Lumby and Nick Foskett
Abstract Internationalization has attained great significance in Higher Education, driven by both educational philosophy and commercial imperatives. Cultural change is implied as both a related process and as a goal. The article considers the multifaceted ways in which culture might be conceived and linked to different orientations to internationalization. The metaphor of ecology is used to highlight the dilemmas faced by leaders attempting to use cultural exchange as a market product while they may be simultaneously eroding the distinctiveness of cultures on which such a strategy relies. The short termism of humans in general and business in particular is argued to militate against action to protect cultural assets other than one’s own. The article suggests considered and careful lead- ership of internationalization, preserving distinctiveness and promoting equality among cultures is in the long term commercial interest of universities, as well as offering individual and societal benefits.
Keywords cultural imperialism, HE, internationalization, leadership, universities
Challenging Internationalization as Win–Win
Engagement with the idea of internationalization has taken a strong hold within Higher Educa-
tion (HE) worldwide (Brandenburg and de Wit, 2011). Its development is typically seen as a
response to the pressures of a changing world, in diverse conceptualizations reflecting a reaction
to globalization, to financial exigencies, to radically different communication technologies and
to post-colonial political shifts (Marginson and Sawir, 2005). Inhabiting the same discourse is
the concept of culture, internationalization implying for many the necessity for cultural and
intercultural transformation. Jiang (2008: 348), for example, describes internationalization as
‘reciprocal exchanges of national culture’. While the concept of culture has been strongly chal-
lenged on multiple grounds, we have argued (Lumby and Foskett 2, 2011) that it persists never-
theless because of the usefulness of its ‘differential and relativist function’ (Clifford, 1988: 274).
The article utilizes this property to explore HE organizations’ efforts to differentiate and secure
Corresponding author:
Jacky Lumby, Southampton Education School, University of Southampton, Building 32, University Road, Highfield Campus,
Southampton SO17 1BJ E, UK.
Email: [email protected]
Educational Management Administration & Leadership 2016, Vol. 44(1) 95–111 ª The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1741143214549978 emal.sagepub.com
relative positions through internationalization. Seen through the lens of cultural change, the con-
testations and outcomes of internationalization are consequently of central interest.
The article first examines internationalization, considering its provenance and growing central-
ity in HE. It then questions how we might conceive culture and in what ways it remains a differ-
entiating component of HE organizations and, particularly, how it may help distinguish approaches
to internationalization. The article argues that notions of both internationalization and culture
change are linked to contestations of power, sometimes presented as benign and sometimes as inti-
mately linked to ‘structures of domination and subordination’ (Cantwell and Maldonado-
Maldonado, 2009: 290) and that, rather than reflecting significant change, internationalization
risks extending the perennial role of education in sustaining unequal power structures.
At the heart of the article lies a fundamental view that the rush to internationalization observable
in all HE jurisdictions needs to be accompanied by a sufficiently critical analysis of some key cul-
tural and ethical implications. Internationalization in HE is often perceived by leaders as ‘win–
win’ for students, for destination countries and institutions and for source countries and institutions
(Knight, 2007). We conclude that the issues raised by a more critical analysis pose significant
ethical, cultural and hence strategic questions for university leaders, and we propose some initial
ideas on how HE leaders might be better prepared to address those questions.
Internationalization: Drivers and Manifestations
Evolution of policy contexts and policy emphases has meant that particular themes have dominated
the discourse of academics, institutional leaders and governmental policy makers at different
times. During the 1990s the dominant discourses were around marketization and decentralization.
While those themes are still important and have themselves continued to evolve, the first decade of
the 21st century has also seen the strong emergence of internationalization as a key concept, an
idea that has generated much of the strategic development and intellectual debate of an era (Yang,
2000). A simple, generic definition of internationalization is suggested by Maringe and Foskett
(2010: 1), drawing on the work of Knight (2004), de Wit (1997) and Teichler (1996), that describes
internationalization in the context of HE as ‘the integration of an international or intercultural
dimension into the tripartite mission of teaching, research and service functions’.
Internationalization has been characterized as impelled by four rationales, political, academic,
economic and cultural/social (Jiang 2008; Knight, 1997). These might be further distilled as
reflecting two distinctive drivers. One is a philosophical dimension that sees the growth of inter-
nationalization in terms of the value it adds to the educational experience of both ‘home’ and
‘international’ students, and the contribution it makes to addressing global needs and global issues.
It is rooted in the debate about the nature and purpose of education. The second is an economic and
market dimension that sees internationalization as a business opportunity, a potential income
stream and a way of expanding an educational institution’s and a nation’s operations. Engaging
beyond one’s own national boundaries opens up huge global markets for both student numbers and
for research funding. The vagaries of economic performance from state to state can be offset by
being able to engage flexibly with the strongest markets on a global scale (Brandenburg and de
Wit, 2011). And where there are constraints on the growth of ‘home’ markets, either because of
demographic changes or national economic austerity, internationalization provides an opportunity
for compensatory business activity (Rivers, 2010). For many universities, it has been seen as a
‘quick fix’ in challenging economic times, especially in a context where markets for international
96 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
student movements have continued to expand rapidly despite the most recent period of global eco-
nomic downturn (British Council, 2013).
Internationalization may be seen as both a response to the changing demands of the exter-
nal cultural context of an institution (that is, society or the global HE community expects
institutions to become more international in their perspective or outlook), and also as a pro-
cess of internal cultural change. In combination with the two key drivers of internationaliza-
tion outlined above, this will inevitably lead to a range of possible responses and outcomes
within institutions. Knight (2010), for example, indicates that internationalization may be
superficial or embedded within an organization, and that superficial signs of internationali-
zation (for example, recruitment of significant numbers of overseas students, or strong rheto-
rical commitment to internationalization within promotional and public relations material)
may not necessarily show embedded cultural change. Specifically, she identifies the ‘five
myths of internationalization’:
1. foreign students indicate an internationalized university;
2. international reputation is a proxy for quality;
3. international institutional agreements indicate internationalization;
4. international accreditations indicate internationalization;
5. global branding is a sign of internationalization.
In each case, the presence of the ‘sign’ may be no more than a formal process in operation, and
may not necessarily have led to significant evidence of cultural change throughout the organiza-
tion. Additionally each HE organization may not be uniform in development, subunits or aca-
demic/administrative staff developing faster or in different ways to others.
Foskett (2010), in his analysis of internationalization and strategies across seven universities
in the UK and 14 universities in south and east Asia, demonstrates similar gaps between the rheto-
ric and reality of cultural change. While in some institutions strong alignment between explicit
strategy and embedded cultural change is clear (institutions that Foskett describes as ‘internation-
ally engaged’ or ‘internationally focused’), others have a strong market-driven engagement with
internationalization but have made limited progress in adjusting their processes and behaviours
within and across their own university. Foskett describes these as ‘imperialist’ in their orientation
towards internationalization.
Many writers in many contexts suggest there is a relationship between internationalization and
cultural change. Ball (2012), for example, reviews the global picture of policy change over the pre-
vious two decades and concludes that the cultural changes (economic, social and cultural change
sensu stricto) of globalization may be read into the policy trends of almost every government and
thence every educational organization in most national jurisdictions. Rossi (2010) describes the
changes to HE in Italy in a similar context, concluding that the key organizational and cultural
changes that are observable relate directly to globalization and internationalization pressures. Sim-
ilar conclusions are drawn by Rivers (2010) in the context of Japan.
The growth of internationalization reflects the high value ascribed to ‘being international’ in
HE. For much of the history of universities, this has been implicit through the recognition of the
‘universality of knowledge’ and through the establishment of leading research and scholarly orga-
nizations as international bodies. Research has always been based on the exchange of knowledge
across boundaries: most research networks are global and international in character (Amit, 2010;
Teichler, 2009). The high status accorded to ‘international’ is seen in leading universities’
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 97
emphases on being ‘world class’ or ‘world-leading’ in education or research (Rivers, 2010). The
categorization of the ‘best’ research in the recent research assessment exercises in the UK as being
‘world-leading’ or of ‘international standard’ reflects this. But the reflection of high value in ‘glo-
bal’, ‘international’ or ‘cross-cultural’ elements implies a lower value for ideas associated with
‘national’, ‘regional’ and ‘local’. Indeed, in the UK research assessment exercises, research of
national or regional significance was accorded the lowest grading, and institutions with a strong
regional and local mission are typically regarded as lower-status universities within the national
comparative scene (Deem et al., 2008). Internationalization, therefore, clearly, has high cultural
value and is regarded as a key element of the cultural capital of a university.
Conceiving Culture
Much of the internationalization debate assumes that the meaning of culture is unproblematic,
despite a large literature that suggests that the concept is highly contested, its definition and
application ‘refracted through diverse functionalist, ecological, cognitive, transactionalist,
structuralist, Marxian, and hermeneutic perspectives’ (Brightman, 1995: 509). Despite the
plethora of disciplinary perspectives, Brightman outlines multiple grounds of discontent with
the clarity and utility of the concept. Throughout the 20th century, the concept’s vague def-
inition and generalized application have been the subject of repeated attack (Archer, 2005;
Lumby, 2012). In the 21st century, the argument has developed to include assertions that the
technologically driven transformation in the space–time experience of human communication
has rendered the very notion of discrete cultures untenable. However, despite frequently
rehearsed critiques, the concept persists.
Jenks’ (1993) typology of culture suggests that it is a phenomenon discernible in at least four
ways; as an outcome of the cognitive activity of the individual, as the collective product of a group,
as an artistic category embodied in concrete artefacts and ideas and as a way of life of a large social
group. Our focus in this article is on the second, the culture of a group, in this case the organization
of a university and the fourth, the culture of nations. Many argue that the culture of an organization
or a nation cannot be viewed as homogeneous (Martin et al., 2004; Said, 2004) and inevitably
includes multiple sub- and counter-cultures. Nevertheless, a widespread view persists that in an
organization (Schein, 2010) and a nation (Hofstede, 1984, 2007), a dominant culture can be iden-
tified. Indeed at organizational level, an integrationist approach (Martin et al., 2004) perceives cul-
ture as a management means of coalescing values and behaviour.
Given the long and complex history of the study of culture, the overabundance of conceptuali-
zations and longstanding dissatisfaction with them, it is unlikely that we can provide a universal
and satisfactory definition but, for the purposes of this article, culture is seen as the patterns of val-
ues, beliefs, behaviour and symbolic artefacts, which together characterize one group as distinctive
from another and underpin the usually unspoken assumptions that guide thought and action within
an organization. The fact that members are often unconscious of the nature of the assumptions in
no way detracts from the power of culture to shape human activity. We adopt culture as a heuristic
tool for its utility both in differentiating one organization from another and in enabling relative
judgements about the worth of one culture compared to another. While this inevitably entails some
simplification of the complexity of organizations, we believe it is part of a long tradition which has
viewed culture as a tool to discern patterns in human behaviour such as is necessary in order to
make meaning.
98 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
Differentiation and Relativism in Internationalization and Culture
Understanding the cultural value ascribed to being international provides interesting insights into
the ideas of ‘insider’ and ‘other’, not only the differences between HE organizations, but also their
relative status. The notion that it is common values that unite the global academic community
implies that there is a universal set of perspectives that a university must possess. Becoming inter-
nationalized may be about joining a club of like-minded members, and being an insider (Deem
et al., 2008). An alternative perspective sees becoming international as engaging with others with
clear differences, operating in different contexts and with different challenges. From this perspec-
tive, internationalization is about ensuring that a university’s staff and students understand diver-
sity and difference, and that doing so enhances their own understanding and personal academic
development (Rivers, 2008). The adoption of either stance reflects, of course, an initial cultural
position and will in turn lead to the evolution of the organization’s culture or parts of the organi-
zation in a particular direction. In the first, cultural homogeneity, linked to ideas of ‘high’ culture is
the goal. In the second, the heterogeneity of multiple distinctive cultures is to be sustained. Estab-
lishing the starting points for such cultural evolution is important in understanding the nature of
internationalization as a cultural project that powers both perceptions of difference and of relative
status.
From our discussion and the literature on the dimensions of internationalization, we believe we
can identify within the debate four positions that HE organizations adopt in relation to differentiat-
ing and locating their relative status reflecting organizational culture.
1. Internationalization is about recruiting overseas students to come to the destination country
to experience the host country’s culture, with an implicit assumption of the high value and
status of that culture. So students coming to the UK or USA, for example, would be coming
to experience British (or any Anglophone) culture with an implied presumption of the high
value both of HE and of the ‘capital’ value of Western culture in a global context (Jiang,
2008).
2. Internationalization is about cultural exchange, in which cultural differences are valued and
emphasized (Teichler, 2009).
3. Internationalization means the participation of all in a homogenized global culture
(Gibbs, 2010).
4. Internationalization is about a group of equals working together, which includes only those
who match perceived ‘world-class’ criteria of having the same culture, ‘value’ or ‘worth’ as
other members of the group. The processes and principles are ones of selection and exclu-
sion (Deem et al., 2008).
In order to explore these cultural dimensions of internationalization and their associated issues,
in the sections that follow we establish a number of ways in which the concept of culture might
provide alternative approaches to understanding internationalization.
Differential Protection of ‘Authentic’ Cultures
Of relevance to the internationalization of HE is a conceptualization of culture as rooted in anthro-
pological study of those perceived as exotic or deviant, premised on the belief that there is such a
thing as a recognizable indigenous culture, whether reflected by the individual, group or nation.
Power relationships are signalled by such a conceptualization. A binary is introduced between
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 99
those who study a culture from the outside and those who are viewed as sufficiently different to
justify study; the knower and the known. When issues of nationhood and race are integral, as in
the process of internationalization, reference to the culture of incomers uncomfortably starts to
resemble Bhabha’s (1994: 19, 67) ‘exclusionary imperialist ideologies of self and other’, leading
to ‘cultural hierarchization’. The hierarchy is clearly visible in the HE orientation to internationa-
lization discussed earlier. ‘Internationalization is overseas students coming here to experience Brit-
ish (or any Anglophone) culture’ implies that selected nations and or universities hold a culture of
greater value to incomers than their own. The culture of the host university and the culture of inter-
national students construct, to use Bhabha’s (1994: 34) distinction, ‘cultural difference, not cultural
diversity’.
As used by Bhabha, diversity is a neutral term indicating a range of distinguishing features
among a number of phenomena. Cultures are diverse. Difference carries an emotional signifi-
cance, implying a relative relationship. Cultures are different to one’s own, weaker or stronger,
superior or inferior. Difference, a sense of strangeness, provokes anxiety and defence until the
degree of potential threat is assessed and resolved (Gudykunst, 1995). A response to cultural dif-
ference may defuse a perceived threat by the minimal accommodation of token gestures, while
simultaneously resisting incursion across the boundaries of the host culture. The specific cultural
requirements of guest cultures may be accommodated in universities at the periphery by, for
example, student national societies or facilities for religious worship. However, there is no per-
ceived need fundamentally to change the university culture, for example by adopting a different
approach to pedagogy, because students are engaging, and indeed paying, to experience the host
culture. They wish to encounter difference. Rivers (2010) offers Japan as an example of where
international students are accepted but there is little enthusiasm for welcoming them among host
staff and students, and the distinction of us and them can be perceived in cultural markers. For
example:
Despite the fact that many of the students coming to Japan will be non native English speakers, insist-
ing on English-only language courses ultimately allows the Japanese to maintain the ‘us–them distinc-
tion’ – i.e., foreigners should speak English and Japanese should speak Japanese. (Rivers, 2010: 45)
By contrast, ‘internationalization is an exchange of cultures in any location’ superficially adopts a
stance related to diverse rather than different cultures. It assumes that distinguishable cultures exist
and that to some degree they retain their worth because they are distinct. Corruption of one culture,
particularly by globalizing or Western culture, is destructive of what is valued. Amit (2010: 10)
suggests that Canadian and Australian HE administrators anticipate benefits to students who pre-
serve their own culture but also become more cognisant of that of others, whether by study
exchange or by working alongside students from other nations:
We talk about international skills and competencies, um . . . cultural understanding, knowledge of
diversity, of different ways of doing things, language skills, looking at innovative ways to address
issues or solve problems. Um, flexibility, you know, being able to work together in teams, all that sort
of thing.
Exchange suggests an equal relationship, and there is evidence that many student do gain from cul-
tural exchange (Harrison and Peacock, 2010), but there is also evidence that cultural difference,
rather than cultural diversity, is in many instances the underlying organizing principle:
100 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
You know Australia is very good at getting feepaying, international students into the universities
and gets criticized for its crassness in this regard, you know, its out and out commercial approach
to education. (Amit, 201:11)
The rhetoric of diversity may overlay the practice of difference.
Visible or observable difference from the majority group generally provokes anxiety in both the
majority and minority (Gudykunst, 1995), but it is the majority that usually has more power of
agency to act to remove or reduce its anxiety. Milliken and Martins (1996) suggest that the pro-
portion of people who are viewed as different, and the more different these appear, influences the
degree of anxiety. Difference can consequently be measured across two scales; the perceived
degree of otherness, that is how different the minority appears to the majority, and ‘cultural dis-
tance’ (Iles and Kaur Hayers, 1997: 107), that is the proportion of those seen as different relative
to the comparator group, ‘diversity amount’ (Taras and Rowney, 2007: 67). As otherness increases
across both dimensions, anxiety escalates. Therefore, while universities promote the richness of
diverse cultures within their staff and student body, in practice they may set a ceiling on the pro-
portion of otherness they are prepared to accept; for example, no more than one-third of all students
to be international students in a business school. This accords with the curvilinear effect suggested
by Isles and Kaur Hayers (1997); some heterogeneity is perceived as having a positive effect, but
too much and the effect is perceived as negative.
Even when conceptualizing the internationalization of universities as sharing cultures, there is
differentially expended care to retain the integrity of culture. The host culture is the priority for
protection. Internationalization is therefore a carefully controlled change, where cultures are sub-
ject to categorization, ranking and differential protection (DiTomaso et al., 2007). Cultures may be
equal and shared, but, to paraphrase Orwell (1945), some cultures are more equal than others.
Whether the rhetorical mission is to offer the experience of the host culture to students or to share
the experience of diverse student cultures, practice suggests a primary focus on protecting the
authenticity of the host culture and using it for universities’ aggrandizement (Rivers, 2010).
Internationalization as Homogenization in a Globalized Culture
The third stance towards internationalization draws on transactionalist perspectives. If one accepts
that indigenous cultures exist, they are argued to be currently under threat and rapidly weakening
(Burbules and Torres, 2013; Knight, 2008. It is suggested that the global diasporas of people and
instantaneous technology-aided communication across the world are eradicating the immunity of
indigenous culture to cultural incursion; heterogeneous cultures, it is argued, are increasingly
replaced by a single homogenous culture through globalization (Cowen, 2009). A HE stance where
‘Internationalization is everybody as part of a homogenized, globalized culture’, captures an orien-
tation that does not assume distinguishable discrete cultures. Culture is performative, constantly
evolving, mutating, subject to and exerting cultural pressure. From this perspective, universities
engage with culture as ‘identifiable zones of sameness and difference’ (Brightman, 1995: 519)
as ‘multi’ culture and as a single academic culture spanning the world, an apparently paradoxical
conceptualization of culture as both single and many.
The idea of distinguishable and authentic national cultures is derided by some. Said (2005: 199)
suggests that a conceptualization of culture that aligns with a notion of ‘some primitive, unalloyed
pure essence of something that has been corrupted and polluted, as it were by the West’ is mista-
ken. Culture viewed as performative, that is, constructed by a fluid, persistent negotiation or
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 101
imposition of values and practice influenced by the power of the players is therefore never homo-
genous and stable. The paradigmatic consequences are highlighted by Bhabha (1994: 21) who
asks: ‘what the function of a committed theoretical perspective might be, once the cultural and his-
torical hybridity of the post-colonial world is taken into account’. If culture is conceived as a flow
of cognitive and affective practice across the world, in transactional terms, the position of the indi-
vidual or the individual organization is to influence the swiftly changing culture as strongly as pos-
sible and to seek to dominate it. A second qualifier is therefore introduced into university culture;
the latter is not only globalized but preferably elite or ‘world class’.
Culture has for a long time functioned as a socioeconomic classificatory system, a hierarchical
distinction being drawn between those who are ‘cultured’ and those who are not. Bates (1987: 85)
refers to ‘high culture’, an elite corpus of supposedly universal knowledge and values reflecting the
greatest human achievements. In fact, far from being universal, such culture largely reflects Eur-
opean art and values, its position in a culture pantheon clearly signalled by the adjective. The uni-
versity orientation, ‘Internationalization is a group of equals working together which is inclusive
only of those who match the criteria of being of the same value/worth as the others’, makes explicit
the greater value given to selected cultures, and specifically Anglophone cultures. The term ‘world
class’ is a semantic sleight of hand that suggests that the culture of greatest value is inclusive across
nations, rather than reflecting an exclusive club where a particular culture is the passport for entry,
as is arguably the case.
Rather than an inclusive pan-national culture, the term ‘world class’ signals an orientation to
internationalization that reflects Western cultural values, both in relation to academic work and
to managing HE (Altbach, 2004). Scholarly work reflects roots in Graeco-Roman Christian cul-
tures and management enacts Anglophone cultural assumptions (Lumby and Foskett, 2008). The
fact that academic discourse is now largely conducted in English is an unmistakable signal of the
provenance and domination of ‘world class’ culture (Deem et al., 2008).
Writing from the World Bank, Salmi (2008) points out that there are relatively few universities
designated world-class according to international league tables, and that these are located in a few,
mostly Western countries. Attempting to identify the characteristics of a world-class university,
Salmi highlights an abundance of resources as one key element. Being world-class appears to
imply the availability of wealth, either through accumulated endowments and or governmental
investment. Hazelhorn (2007: 43) suggests ‘that the majority of institutions ranked in the top
100 in the two international rankings are those that have adopted key aspects of the American
research university model’ reflecting the cultural values of Western, competitive mores. Abun-
dant resources are invested in star performers and outstanding facilities for both faculty and stu-
dents. An individualized, economy-driven culture is clearly indicated, for example in China’s
selective investment in a few universities which aspire to achieve world-class status (Hayhoe and
Jun, 2011).
We have argued that culture can be used as a sorting category that is neutral or hierarchical.
Universities tend to describe internationalization publicly in terms of neutral usage, as an inter-
change of equal cultures; we have argued that hierarchical usage is also clearly discernible, for
example, in recruitment literature emphasizing the ‘world-class’ status of the organization. The
first usage implies an equal interchange of cultures. The second implies the aggrandizement of one
culture and the disintegration of another, or the adoption of a supra-culture that subsumes all.
The latter phenomenon is discernible in much literature which suggests that the globalization of
culture is moving from heterogeneity to homogenization (McGuigan, 2005). Featherstone (1990:
2) argues against simple binaries, rejecting ‘the mutually exclusive terms of homogeneity/
102 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
heterogeneity, integration/disintegration, unity/diversity’, proposing that the flows, interdependen-
cies and struggles between cultures are more complex, leading to the emergence of cultures ‘which
themselves are conduits for all sorts of diverse cultural flows which cannot be merely understood
as the product of bilateral exchanges’. It may be that ‘world-classness’ is one such culture.
Adopting a Heuristic Lens: An Ecological View
A means is needed holistically to view and understand the different perspectives we have explored.
Applying the metaphor of ecology may act as a heuristic lens to culture and internationalization,
and provide insights into an overall perspective from which HE leaders might interpret and under-
stand the implications of cultural change. We have argued that culture is both inert and permeable
and, despite attempts to resist cultural incursion, the increasing degree of diversity distance and
amount (Iles and Kaur Hayers, 1997; Taras and Rowney, 2007) among international students in
itself creates pressure towards change. While the pressure may be felt throughout the organiza-
tion, it may be differentially experienced by academic or administrative staff with/without an
internationalization brief and in subunits. For example, in the UK 2010–2011 one-third or more
students in business and engineering are international compared to less than 10% in history or education (UK Council for International Student Affairs, 2014). The internal context for change
will be variable.
One of the global foci that has arisen over the last 20 years alongside globalization has been that
of sustainability and environment. This has provided a perspective on natural environments in
which the concepts of ecology and ecosystems, and of ecological processes, have been key under-
pinning ideas. Transferring those ideas to human societies provides some interesting perspectives
in relation to understanding the nature and interaction of human cultures, and may also provide a
basis for considering the consequences of cultural changes (Carroll, 1988).
In ecological terms, the arrival of a new and dominant culture will have a number of possible
effects on pre-existing cultures. It may lead to the complete loss or destruction of existing cultures
and their replacement with the new culture. Alternatively, it may lead to some form of dilution or
mutation of existing cultures by the interaction and merging of elements from both ‘old’ and ‘new’
cultures. We might also consider the project of internationalization in HE as being essentially one
in which the nature of a cultural ecosystem is changed by direct intervention. The parallels with
human intervention in ecosystems are strong; although many of the outcomes may be predictable
and desirable, others may be less obvious and, once processes of change have begun, there will be
both negative feedback and positive feedback effects that may be irreversible. We can consider this
in the context of some of the dilemmas that organizational leaders face.
Leadership Dilemmas
Leaders within organizations such as universities are frequently placed in the position of making
operational or strategic decisions on the basis of complex information and where there are conflict-
ing potential impacts of those decisions. Leading in such ambiguous contexts provides genuine
dilemmas for those with decision-making responsibilities, and decisions may well involve a set
of outcomes that includes both ‘good’ and ‘bad’ results. Taking decisions in the knowledge that,
either way, the impact may be negative for some or all stakeholders provides both an operational
and a moral dilemma.
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 103
In the context of internationalization in HE there are three broad areas of impact for leaders –
the economic sphere, where the impact is measured in terms of economic return to the individual,
the micro-cultural sphere that represents the internal culture of the organization and the organiza-
tion or the broader economy; the macro-cultural sphere that relates to the changing external cul-
tural setting of the organization.
The superficial argument in favour of internationalization suggests that, from the perspective of
leaders in organizations, it is a ‘win–win’ approach in that the impact on the organization, the indi-
vidual and wider society in respect of all three spheres is seen as beneficial. The process is seen as
bringing economic benefits to the receiving institution, the student and the states and societies that
they subsequently live and work within. In parallel, it is seen as enhancing cultural understanding
across and between societies by ensuring that both ‘home’ and ‘international’ students develop
much deeper and broader understandings of different cultures and, in terms of micro-cultures, it
is seen as delivering to the individual both a breadth of cultural knowledge and inter-cultural skills
that will enhance their own life skills and prospects (Ward et al., 2001). There is evidence
that internationalization has functioned in this way, and brought benefits for students and for
HE (Harrison and Peacock, 2010). However there is also evidence which we have briefly rehearsed
that many students and staff do not experience internationalization as a positive, and that a range of
negative experiences and outcomes are clearly discernible (Brandenburg and deWit, 2011; Gibbs,
2010; Hashimoto, 2000; Khadria, 2004; Rivers, 2010; Yang, 2002).
We would contend that the benefits identified reflect a short-term view of the impact of inter-
nationalization, as a longer-term perspective identifies cultural risks in the strategy that might
result in it being either a ‘win-lose’ position, where there are some groups or stakeholders who gain
while others are negatively impacted; or, more seriously, that it is a ‘lose-lose’ strategy in which
there are few, if any, stakeholders whose primary objectives are delivered; that, for example, HE
‘risks sacrificing the diversity of its national and cultural vitality to standardization’ (Gibbs, 2010:
242).
Here is where we might consider the parallels with changes in ecosystems. The challenges relate
specifically to the impact of the cultural exchange and interaction that lies at the heart of interna-
tionalization. Two specific processes can be identified. First, one of the key benefits of studying
abroad to international students is that they acquire and bring back to their own country the cultural
insights and understandings of engaging internationally. While this may have short-term social and
economic benefits, in the long term it may lead to the dilution or loss of the cultural characteristics
of their own culture, with the extension of ‘globalized’ cultures and an increasing challenge to
domestic cultures. Second, this process may itself lead to a reduction in cultural distance or distinc-
tiveness for future generations of potential international students from the ‘home culture’. As this
distinctiveness and difference is an important element of the attraction of international student
movement, one of the key benefits may be slowly eroded through this process.
A consequence of such processes may be that the cultural diversity and distinctiveness that is
the very basis of the cultural components of the internationalization rationale will itself be eroded
by the process of internationalization. When the value of the cultural ‘premium’ of internationa-
lization declines, then it will principally be the simple financial and economic premium that
remains. None of this is of course an argument in itself for reducing the commitment to the inter-
nationalization process. The short- and long-term economic and cultural changes may be outcomes
desired by governments and individuals, the value of which is regarded as outweighing some of the
cultural negativities that might result. Rather, it is simply important that leaders promoting inter-
nationalization in HE are aware of the full extent and breadth of the balance sheet.
104 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
Finding Leverage in the Game
University leaders may assert that they are driven by primarily educational rather than commercial
goals and make rational choices in relation to positioning their organization. Seen in this light,
internationalization is consequently an extension of age-old imperatives to share the creation and
communication of knowledge across national boundaries. Teichler (2009) points out that the 3% intra-European movement of students in the first decade of the 21st century is considerably less
than the 10% movement recorded from the 17th century. Internationalization is not new. We have suggested alternative critical interpretations that view internationalization as using the mechanism
of culture for the negotiation of power and status. From this perspective, the goals diverge from the
rhetorical commitment to protecting and valuing cultural diversity and converge with the kind of
human imperatives embedded as evolutionary strategies for survival in a competitive world. From
this perspective, the fundamental goals of any group might look rather similar to those of interna-
tionalization. For example:
1. to secure basic resources for survival;
2. to accumulate material wealth for security;
3. to increase social standing vis-à-vis other clans;
4. to promote privilege and prestige;
5. to establish alliances with other autonomous clans; and
6. to expand their resource base, wealth, and prestige sphere. (Tollefson 1995: 55)
These goals, discerned in an anthropological study of potlatching of the Alaskan Tinglit clan,
could easily be aligned with the orientations to internationalization that we have outlined and prob-
ably with the activity of most human groups.
If our hypothesis is correct, that deeply embedded competitive imperatives drive internationa-
lization, and if the intention is to move away from such goals towards those closer to the publicly
espoused educational and cultural intentions, where is the leverage for change? The long-term pro-
tection of diverse cultures or, even more problematically, the erosion of current status inequalities
among them, is a problematic and very long-term endeavour. Irving (2009) points out that there is
considerable evidence that humans choose short-term benefits over long-term delayed reward.
Such pressures are culturally shaped, as is evident from the differences in willingness to make
long-term investment among companies of different nation states. This general tendency is partic-
ularly acute in certain cultures, of which the UK and USA are notable (Hofstede, 1984, 2007). The
two nations recruiting the largest numbers of international students (UK Council for International
Student Affairs, 2014) are world leaders in taking a short-term perspective. Irving draws on Lav-
erty (2004) to suggest that not only individuals but also organizations take a short-term perspec-
tive, driven by performativity demands that leaders produce measurable results for shareholders
in the very short time-frame of their tenure.
Preparedness to wait for delayed rather than immediate rewards is dependent on their relative
size and the perceived distance. A very much larger reward may be seen to justify investment,
including time, towards that end. Rewards that are close to either the individual or the organization,
will be more compelling than those that come to the nation, or more distant groups. Viewed in this
light, the distant and long-term goal of preserving or enhancing cultural diversity is a weak force
compared with the immediate gratification of a rise in student income gained through offering a
homogenized ‘world-class’ or a supposedly superior culture (Jiang, 2008; Maringe et al., 2013)
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 105
or a high placing in the league tables (Hazelhorn, 2004). To take an analogy, even the prospect of
planetary disaster through climate change has not proved sufficient motivation to significantly shift
most individuals’ commitment to short-term benefit. Preserving and nurturing cultures and nation
state development is unlikely to prove a strong motivation for those who see that as a desirable
goal, let alone those who would support the promotion of a Western-based culture as in some sense
offering high culture to all.
Our argument is that long-term business interests and ethical outcomes may be aligned, but that
even if this was recognized, the result would be insufficiently powerful to shift behaviour designed
to achieve goals in the short term. Learning from leader behaviour in other fields, as Tenbrunsel
and Messick (2004: 224) argue, it may be that leaders are not driven by the ethics of internationa-
lization, as psychological processes ‘fade the ‘ethics’ from an ethical dilemma’. Acting in a way
that compromises ethics creates tensions which the individual seeks a psychological means to
counteract, either by eradicating awareness or by adjusting the inner narrative. Internationalization
may be one of the ‘disguised stories’ (Tenbrunsel and Messick, 2004: 13) leaders tell themselves, a
relabeling exercise whereby the perceived enrichment and positive nature of internationalization
can bleach out the potential negative consequences for some, and permit acceptance of behaviour
which might otherwise be seen as reprehensible (Khadria, 2004).
Just as thinking in relation to climate change sees the real leverage for change in finding where
opportunities for short-term benefit align with longer-term interests, so the only real chance of
shifting the less positive internationalizing trends may be to suggest that competitive advantage
lies in a different direction. Those universities that see their competitive edge in the preservation
and sharing of cultures might be persuaded to work harder at controlling the negative impact of
internationalization and the cult of world-classness. Jockeying for position in league tables based
on offering a cultural experience of a superior kind is increasingly unproductive for the majority
not represented at the top of the table. As Asian and Indian universities grow in strength and chal-
lenge, the pool of international students traveling to Anglophone countries may decline (British
Council, 2013). Adopting a market position predicated on sustainability and cultural respect might
offer a distinctive approach attractive to both home and international students. Embedding such a
market position would entail change at multiple levels.
Education for Senior Leaders in the Ethics of Business
In 1995 Ciulla noted the paucity of research and practical guidance for leaders on ethics. The finan-
cial crash of the early 21st century ushered in a flurry of studies on how senior finance and banking
leaders came to make decisions that were disastrous for their organizations and for wider society
(Bazerman and Banaji, 2004). The lessons that are emerging could be embedded much more
strongly in education programmes for vice-chancellors and leaders at other levels, at the least
encouraging awareness of the legacy of taking their organization or unit in a particular cultural
direction.
Education for Leaders at All Levels in Diversity Issues
Diversity training for HE staff is often absent or a one-off, sheep-dip type programme (Avolio,
2010). A half or one day of training in relevant legislation and anti-discrimination may provide
the illusion of equipping staff to respond sensitively to diversity but is hardly likely to achieve it
(Holladay and Quiñones, 2005). Stimulus for more self-awareness is needed, for example
106 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44(1)
challenging such ubiquitous, simplistic and apolitical metaphors for action, such as diversity as
melting pot or as salad bowl, which fade out important cultural and power relativities between
different groups.
Limiting the Number of Individuals Who Can Take Opportunist Decisions
Irving (2009: 289) suggests that a re-examination of business practice is needed:
identification of where and when trade-offs are being made between short- and long-term concerns,
deciding who has responsibility for such decisions, and limiting the range of organisational depart-
ments and individuals who are required to deal with trade-off decisions.
Universities would therefore need to constrain their activity within a long-term strategy, ensuring
individuals do not have the freedom to make deals ‘on the hoof ’, which may be outside the long-
term strategy. Entrepreneurialism might be debated and defined in ways which go beyond merely
generating income (Vidović and Bjeliš, 2006). In particular, sensitivity to the differing challenges
and dilemmas faced by staff in different roles and disciplines may be needed. Leaders in those dis-
ciplines with a high percentage of international students and those aspiring to increase a modest
market share may be driven by different strategic imperatives and have varied development and
support needs to achieve sustainable internationalization.
Reconfigure the Core Carriers of Culture: Curricula and Pedagogy
There is considerable evidence that both curricula and pedagogy differentially disadvantage
diverse students (Ryan and Carroll, 2005; Taras and Rowney, 2007) Currently development tends
to position international students as in deficit, the response being a minimum accommodation to
make peripheral change to both curricula and pedagogy. More radical change would reverse the
scenario, viewing academics and home students as in deficit in largely pursuing a monocultural
approach without being aware of it, or of the implications of doing so. Universities would need
to work much harder at equipping staff to work with multiple cultures and to resist the imposition
of a supra culture embedded in notions of being world-class (Leask and Bridge, 2013).
Both the will to change and the capacity to effect it are needed. Currently capacity is being
somewhat addressed (Altbach and Knight, 2007) but there is little attention to will. A more exten-
sive change strategy is needed and we have sketched in only some starting ideas which might be
implemented as appropriate at organizational, faculty, department and team levels.
Leading the Way
We have explored some of the multifaceted ways in which the relationship of culture and interna-
tionalization might be understood and have challenged simplistic notions of the latter as a consis-
tently win–win scenario. We have suggested that significant issues of ethics and self-interest are
intertwined in complex ways. Although leadership is commonly associated with setting values and
consequently is concerned to establish ethical boundaries, we have expressed doubt that ethics are
likely to exert sufficient force to counter economic imperatives. HE does not have a distinguished
record of avoiding elitism or fighting for equality. Lynch (2006) argues that, despite its public per-
sona as a guardian of democracy and the civic good, in HE commercially driven strategies have
generally prevailed over disinterested goals. Rather than offering futile exhortations to act for the
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 107
good of all, we would argue that, as we have discovered in the financial sector too late and to our
cost, perceived distinctions between commercial advantage and self-sacrificing morality may in
fact be deceptive; ethical behaviour may, in fact, have a long-term commercial as well as an indi-
vidual and societal return (Stiglitz, 2012; Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). ‘Win–win’ scenarios may
be an option, but not if action is constructed within the current rhetoric of internationalization.
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Author biographies
Jacky Lumby is Professor in Education at Southampton Education School, University of
Southampton. She has taught and led in secondary schools, adult and community and further
education She also worked in a Training and Enterprise Council with responsibility for the
development of managers in both business and education, managing a network which allowed
the cross-fertilization of skills and experience from education into business and vice versa.
Her recent publications include (with Fenwick G English) Leadership as Lunacy and Other
Metaphors of Educational Leadership (2010) and (with Gary Crow and Petros Peshiardis)
International Handbook on the Preparation and Development of School Leaders (2008).
Nick Foskett is Vice-Chancellor of Keele University having previously been a professor of
Education at Southampton University and Dean of the Faculty of Law, Arts and Social Sciences.
His particular interests lay in educational policy and management with a particular focus on higher
education. He is the author (with Jacky Lumby) of 14–19 Education: Policy, Leadership and
Learning (2005).
Lumby and Foskett: Internationalization and culture in higher education 111
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