review essay about an article attached below

“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food: On the Emergence of “Cultural Diversity” in

Post-EU-Accession Greece Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

Abstract

In this case study, the unsystematic emergence of the politics of cultural diver- sity in a European-Union member state is examined from the perspective of the entanglement of food and national identity. Discussing the publication of texts on food generated in Greece during the last two decades, I explore the increasing visibility of a “diverse” Greek landscape, which signifies a departure from heretofore official definitions of national identity. In the selected texts, food becomes a site for endorsing the politics of “cultural diversity” and “multicul- turalism,” through use of categories such as “local,” “ethnic,” and “rural.” Therefore, formerly “incompatible,” or counter-hegemonic, versions of Greekness are [re-]deployed, thus contesting the version of an idealized mono-cultural national identity in public discourses. This emergence needs to be viewed as instances, not of subversion, but of a potential for alternative positionings vis- à-vis hegemonic definitions of national identity in the public sphere. The above emergence is strongly related to political, economic, and consumerist agendas pertaining to EU integration processes and marketplace imperatives.

Introduction

In this paper, I discuss textual production in Greece throughout the 1990s and well into the early years of the twenty-first century in which writing about food becomes particularly pertinent to articulations of national identity. I view this flourishing print culture as part of a broader cultural production in Greece that generates a potential for articulations of counter-hegemonic definitions of Greek identity. These texts constitute moments of endorsement of “cultural diversity” and “multiculturalism” in Greek public discourses, thus making space for the emergence of a different landscape of Greekness. By placing this production of texts

Journal of Modern Greek Studies 24 (2006) 415–445 © 2006 by The Johns Hopkins University Press

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within the broader historical moment known as the “new Europe,”1 this paper contributes to anthropological discussions on processes of national identity construction in Greece—particularly in the context of an increas- ing endorsement of multiculturalism in the European public sphere.

Specifically, I trace processes of “discovering” Greece’s diversity in the ways categories such as “local,” “ethnic,” and “rural” (or “folk”) are [re-]deployed in the texts selected. I draw on a heterogeneous literature on food: newspapers, popular literature, cookbooks/culinary manuals, gastronomic essays, medical studies, official publications, and texts pro- duced by food societies or organizations, etc. My reading of these texts illustrates various uses of the categories local, ethnic, and rural which reveal Greek cultural diversity—for instance, by means of promotion of a food culture, food produce, or dietary models associated with a specific geographical region or cultural group. At the same time, I identify a site for the production of discourses of diversity and multiculturalism in Greece today—a site at which various actors, such as the popular press, publishing houses, medical establishments, private sponsors, and the state and local administration, are interlocked.

I argue that the visibility—that is, the [re-]deployment or construc- tion—of categories such as “local,” “ethnic,” and “rural,” (and any relevant modalities) becomes a process of affirmation of Greekness as culturally and ethnically “diverse.” This Greekness does not draw on the ideological repository of national cultural homogeneity (a Greece of Greek-speaking Christians). This is a politically significant transcendence, deserving to be studied as product of an interface of the political and economic realities of the European integration and consumerist agendas. Part and parcel of this process is the production of a “self-exoticization,” observed to be inherent in the course of discovery of a different Greekness.

In exploring the [re-]deployment of the above categories, this case- study illustrates an emerging potential in post-EU-integration Greece for alternative positionings (if not for subversion) vis-à-vis established and hegemonic definitions of national identity in the public sphere. Therefore this study documents, not a paradigm shift, but instances of this potential in Greece today. It is argued that, increasingly since 1990, the discursive universe of national identity is not being monopolized by versions of idealized Greekness (i.e., “Hellenism”), but rather seems able to provide space for formerly non-“compatible” (i.e., non-hegemonic) versions of Greekness to emerge as official and public. Regardless of its unprogrammatic character, the feasibility of this emergence in aspects of Greek public life today needs to be identified, not as the launching of a liberating movement, but rather as the launching of politically engaged possibilities.

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Endorsing the non-hegemonic: a prerequisite of politico-economic and consumerist priorities

It is only in recent years that anthropological and other scholarly work on Greece has engaged in the study of the relationship between food and national/ethnic identity. Some themes under study have been the issue of foods and food habits crossing national borders, and the subsequent emergence of “ethnic foods” as related to perceptions of difference in contemporary Greece (Bakalaki 2000); the issue of minority identities in present-day Greece, through a study of food memory and Jewish identity in Thessaloniki (Kravva 2003); and, alcohol consumption and contesting constructions of Greek and Athenian identity in a wine-producing region of Attica (Gefou-Madianou 1998). There are also historical approaches exploring cookbooks, culinary texts, and other food-related writings of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as sites of nascent national Greek identity (e.g., Matthaiou 1988, 1998, 2004). Sutton’s (2001) work on food and memory in Kalymnos, although approaching eating as “embodied practice” and sensory experience, also contributes to anthropological inquiries on regional and national identity construction in present-day Greece.

Closest to the concerns of the present essay are the approaches focus- ing on constructions of Greekness in light of political and marketplace transformations, particularly grounded in the context of a new Europe. Ball (2003) explores modern cookbooks as sites of negotiation of local and national identities in Greece, particularly articulated in discourses of medicine and ecology. In this process, he stresses the emergence of the “local”/“regional” (here, the “Cretan” food and dietary model), and its role in shaping contemporary definitions of Greekness—albeit pertaining more to a transnational context than to the particularities of the EU political and economic context. Seremetakis’s work (1994, Part 1), relates European policy with regional cultures of commensality. Posing the issue of European-imposed regulations on the production of foods in the member-states, the author views the EU as an overarch- ing political entity regulating memory processes, lived experiences of history, and place-specific identity perceptions in the Greek context, hence marginalizing regional cultural identities. Although a fascinating contribution to thinking about the new Europe, this approach becomes a deterministic, and perhaps fatalistic, position vis-à-vis the European moment. Evocative of a certain anthropological stance professing a fondness for “bottom-up” approaches, thus feeling uneasy about taking institutional, (or “top-down”) processes into account, such a position is, furthermore, not adequately informed on issues of official European

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policy pertaining to the “protection” of local and regional interests (par- ticularly developed in the area of food). Thus, it remains uninterested in the complex workings of official politics, not only in the ways they generate new and different types of memories, but mainly in the ways the produce space, from “above,” for the visibility of local identities, and for the emergence of a politics of cultural diversity—as examined in this paper.2 Petridou (2001, 2005) explores Greek identity constructions in the marketplace by observing the commoditization processes of dairy products, and particularly focusing on the construction of marketable food products as signifiers of national identity within EU institutional frameworks. In this process, she touches on crucial issues of European regulation on the protection of local and regional culinary cultures, and of EU labeling of “traditional” foods. Thus she illustrates how an administrative entity and the marketplace can be terrains of contested definitions of national identity and cultural heritage.

The conditions of the emergence of the local, the ethnic, and the rural are complex in the sense that they pertain to processes inside and outside of Greece, as well as of the courte and longue durée. For instance, one should not overlook a significant internal dimension, such as the ideological fermentation within the intellectual circles of the Left in Greece after the dictatorship (metapolítefsi): its role has been crucial in the critique of the dominant narrative of national identity, and in preparing the ground for the emergence of a discourse of multiculturalism in the public sphere. Neither should the pivotal role of the discipline of Greek Folklore Studies be disregarded. Having contributed historically to the construction of the official (and dominant) version of national Greek identity, it did, however, privilege the local as a study object—albeit, in this process, reifying geographical space and the actors within it.

However, because their entanglement with these more “local” pro- cesses has been little investigated, my concern here is with the broader political and economic realities of the integration of the European Union and consumerist imperatives in the western marketplace. The entanglement of food and national identity in European states—such as Greece—is a process strongly related to the politics beyond the nation- state, such as European integration processes and consumerism in western societies. Therefore, viewing the EU both as a political entity and as a component of the global market, I see the emergence of local, ethnic, and rural categories as a product of an interface of overlapping agendas during the last couple of decades, pertaining to the making of the new Europe and to the commoditization of “local culture.”3

As highlighted in the work of European cultural geographers and

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rural sociologists (e.g., Ray 1997, 1998; de Haan & Long 1997; Marsden 1999), “local” and/or “regional” are today key-terms in European develop- ment policies, particularly in rural development policy.4 Under economic pressures pertaining to the desired socio-economic convergence in the EU, as well as to broader restructuring processes in western economies globally over the last couple of decades, EU development policies have adopted an increasing localism and regionalism aimed at re-formulating economic activity. Otherwise known as the politics of “endogenous development,” it has promoted the idea of an economy based on local resources. Because the “cultural identity” of a territory is beginning to be considered a local resource, locality or region tends to be defined increasingly in terms of “culture” and “heritage.” In other words, there is a broader attempt under way in EU policy to “localize economic control” and to “[re]valorize place through its cultural identity” (Ray 1998:3).

Food plays an important role in this [re]valorization process5 by emerging as a marker of local culture. In this process, a host of market- able objects is generated, such as local produce, local gastronomies, and local artisanal production of food (e.g., agro-food products and regional cuisines) (see, for example, Sociologia Ruralis 1998, 2002). Place, region, origin, geographical environment, and “traditional character” are emerg- ing as criteria by which food products and culinary histories in the EU (some of them waning under the pressures of the global economy) are being brought under a protective European “heritage” umbrella.

In this process, food also functions as a kind of “local knowl- edge”—both recovered and invented—which can function as a source of “empowerment” for the locality or the region. That is, it can promote a sense of attachment to place, and create opportunities for local socio- economic vitality (through tourism, for instance), at times by drawing from symbolisms deriving in social movements such as regionalism, ethical consumerism, and environmentalism (Ray 1998).

Therefore, an increasing connection between the economic and the cultural is taking place, unprecedented for the EU as a bureaucratic entity, but also anticipated due to its nature—and original conception—as a Common Market. Cris Shore argues that “this emphasis on ‘culture’” from the perspective of EU institutional discourse, “represents a major shift in elite approaches to European integration since the 1980s.” “‘Culture’ has become a major area of commercial activity” in the EU, therefore it is a source increasingly embraced by its economic and industrial policies (2000:25). In this process, economistic connotations are dominant in the attempts to articulate definitions of European identity: “EU policy- makers now consistently conflate the two domains such that ‘consumers’

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and ‘citizens’ are increasingly conceived as essentially one and the same thing.” Consumption is becoming a “defining feature of citizenship” in the EU (ibid.: 84).

As well as being intertwined with the economic, “culture” is also articulated in connection to a prioritization of “rights” (minority rights, human rights) in the European political agenda throughout the 1990s.6 In this process, the EU discourse of cultural diversity emerges, and claims to difference are made via deployment of a rhetoric of “culture.” The institutionalization of rights is making various “cultural” entities visible within Europe, and re-constitutes the EU as an arena of actors renegotiat- ing identities. In short, local identity may also mean ethnic identity.

A more global agenda of consumerism is closely intertwined with these processes. In the context of commoditization of the countryside in modern economies, the local can also be largely rural. As is evident in more recent re-definitions of the rural (e.g., van der Ploeg 1997), the rural is beginning to play a different role in western societies, by becoming a space for consumption and not strictly of production.7 By virtue of the emergence of activities in the secondary and tertiary sectors (i.e., in manufacturing and in consumption-and-services) agriculture is no longer the dominant activity in rural space today. According to Terry Marsden, “rural space begins to play a key role in the political economy of the modern consumerist state” (1999:507), and the rural “increas- ingly fulfils a role of socially providing a variety of marketed goods and services to non-rural people, who often wish to distance themselves from the pathologies of urban life. . . . It will expand its ‘seductive’ role in nation states as a repository for selective consumption of goods and services” (508).

Thus the emergence of the rural (also of the local as rural), has to do with the construction of rurality; that is, it has to do with dominant representations of the rural world today as a space without a strictly agricultural role, but rather with new, consumption-oriented roles which can offer “distinctive”8 ways of life (e.g., Marsden 1999; van der Ploeg 1997; Lash and Urry 1994; Urry 1995). In the context of lifestyle choices, individuals in “advanced consumer capitalist,” or “postindustrial,” societies can consume a “rural” experience today—hence the term “consumption countryside.” A core part of this experience is the consumption of food, i.e., the food of the “rural” world.

In these intertwined processes, one can see how the local, the ethnic, and the rural categories, are simultaneously overlapping and imbricated with food consumption. Local and/or rural and/or ethnic food is thus a commodity (rather, an array of commodities) which is not only place- specific but also “authentic,” “natural,” “original,” and a host of other

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relevant values constructed in this process.9 As Arjun Appadurai’s well- known argument has it, it is necessary to have increasingly “complicated criteria of authenticity” in the complex western economies, in order for products to function, and to continue to function, as commodities (1986:45).

The western consumer’s profile is strongly implicated in these processes. Local and/or rural and/or ethnic foods or dietary models are more pertinent for a rising category of middle-class (and upper-middle- class) consumers today whose role is increasingly crucial in the economy. The consumer in question engages, with increased sophistication, in the consumption of distinctive commodities.10 More specifically, he/she has a kind of “agency” shaped both by his/her economic capital and desire for distinction,11 on the one hand, and by his/her cultural capital which constitutes him/her as a “political” and “ethical” subject, on the other. This means that the consumer’s (dietary) choices are oriented towards both prestige foods and foods which abide by certain standards of ethics and political correctness, e.g., support for natural food products or for local societies/groups producing food products as a means of maintain- ing a regional or ethnic cultural identity (see Ray 1998:14–16). Viewed by some as politicization and by others as gentrification of taste, this profile emerges with the increase of “middle-class” consumers, and what, successfully or not, has been called “reflexive consumption.”12

Therefore, the “seductiveness” (Appadurai 1988:10; Marsden 1999:508) of the local/ethnic/rural food in the case of Greek (and, by extension, European) localism today, as illustrated in the textual pro- duction discussed below, can be seen as part and parcel of the “political economy of taste in the contemporary West” (Appadurai 1986:45). It is a seductiveness activated by the “local,” “ethnic,” and “rural” attributes of food, i.e., by its emergence as a distinctive commodity.

Summing up, in the case of Greece the intersection of European political and economic agendas with broader consumerist imperatives has been conducive to the emergence of the local, the ethnic, and the rural: such categories are employed, by the authors whose writings are discussed below, to signify cultural diversity and multiculturalism. This has become possible during a historical moment when certain priorities (political, economic, consumerist) have come to interlock, as indicated in this section: food-based and place-specific development agendas, Euro- pean multiculturalist agendas, and consumerist agendas pertaining to the production of distinctive food-related commodities. Food, in short, is a locus of the above imbrication of agendas, hence of re-articulations of national identity in the Greek context today.

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Affirmations of “cultural diversity”: local, ethnic, and rural

In this section it is illustrated how “Greek” food (as food product or as dietary model, for instance,) is established as a distinctive commodity largely through its re-valuation as a local, ethnic, or rural one.

1. Food and place: the discovery of the local. An unprecedented, different Greek landscape emerges in the text production—journalistic, medical, culinary, and so on—explored below. The condition for this is the “discov- ery” (alias “invention” or “construction”) of an overwhelming presence of local culture. For instance, references to place are made through the depiction of food histories of ethnic-religious groups/societies located in a specific geographical region, as is the case with the publications on the food cultures of the Jews in Thessaloniki, the Pomaks in Ksanthi (Thrace), and the various ethnic groups of Thrace (Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998, 1999; Environmental Group of the Glafki High School 2001; Eden & Stavroulakis 1997; Benroubi & Epikouros 2002). The discovered nuances of Greekness also emerge through extreme specialization and re-categorization, as, for example, in the case of various texts on food histories of smaller or larger localities such as Mt Elikonas (Viotia), Mikonos, Ithaka, and Crete; or of broader, already standardized, categories such as Epirus, the Cycladic islands, and the Ionian islands; and of categories which crosscut these divisions or further subdivide them into smaller culinary specializations, such as the foods of “western Crete” (Local Action Team-Elikonas 2001; Rousounelos 2001; Magoulas 1999; Psilakis & Psilakis 1995; Yiotis 2003; Farr Louis 2002; Farr Louis et al. 1998; Kremezi 2000; Stavroulakis 2003).

The concept of the local informs other types of codification of Greekness besides those that are strictly place-specific. This is achieved with the choice of themes such as: 1) monastic diets and diets of reli- gious fasting, as dictated by the Christian Orthodox tradition; in this case, texts claim to offer, not so much a religious experience, as a model for healthy and modern eating13 (Dositheos, archimandrite 1995; Kok- kinou & Kofina 1996; Farr Louis 2002; Voutsina 2004); 2) “vegetarian Greek” cooking (Kochilas 2005, 1999); 3) food cultures of urban Greece (Voutsina 2003; Zouraris 2003, 1998, 1991 [passim]); 4) food-related practices, such as the annual ritual of pig-slaughtering (Rousounelos 2003); 5) various local food products or food categories: Greek saffron, Greek hórta (greens), Greek breads, Greek olive oil, Greek wines, Greek cheeses, herbs and spices, and specialty products such as pastourmás and sea-salt (e.g., Kathimerini 2004, 1998; ETVA 2000, 1996, 1992; Voutsina

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1999, 1995; Lambraki 1999, 1997; Psilakis 1999; Mamalakis 2000; Davias 1998; Erevnidis 2000).

There are also themes such as the food cultures of the ancient Greeks of Southern Italy, Sicily, and Calabria (purportedly witnessed to this day in the various collectivities self-designated as “surviving” Greeks), or food cultures of places marked by the historical but politically inter- rupted existence of Greek populations, such as Asia Minor, and cities, such as Istanbul and Ismir, or regions, such as Cappadokia and Pontos (e.g., Fotìa & Nucera 1996; Bozi 2003, 1997). At the same time, works of a more scholarly character on food and drink are now acquiring a new readership by becoming attractive to a larger consumer audience: studies on “Greek” coffee and the “national” bean soup (Petropoulos 1990a, 1990b), and translations of classical texts on the dietary cultures of the ancients Greeks such as Hippocrates (1997) and Athenaeus of Naucratis (Athenaeus 1997).

Appadurai (1988) has described a similar process of localism/ regionalism in the case of culinary texts in modern India. He offers opportunities for a comparative reading particularly in regard to his observation that the construction of the national is taking place through the increasing visibility of the specific (local, regional, ethnic, etc.): the discovery of local or regional culinary heterogeneity of the Indian landscape contributes to national standardization, as he claims; it is not opposite to it. For instance, long established and broad categories, such as Tamil, Bengali, or Gujarati food, have ceased to be the dominant categories to describe India because they have had to coexist with newly visible categories referring literally to every region and micro-region of India, even down to the level of the community. The dual effect of this process is that it constructs a landscape of local diversity, on the condi- tion that it “subordinates” it “to the counterweight” of a national idiom (ibid.: 20).

Also in the Indian case, Appadurai notes the technique of “subor- dination” “to the purposes of other, more general classifications” (ibid.: 21), whereby foods are placed in entirely new contexts, as for example, from the perspective of contemporary nutritionists. In this case, broader regional classifications are used to invent and/or subsume food histo- ries, as, for instance, on the basis of one shared food ingredient. In the selected texts published in Greece, this may be observed in processes of construction of the food cultures of olive oil, greens, grains, and wine, which are used to subsume Greece under the category “Mediterranean.” In this case, Greece is grouped together with Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, Syria, Turkey, Italy, Spain, etc. as a quintessential “Mediterranean” food

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culture (e.g., Greek Society of Foods and Nutrition 1999; Trichopoulou et al. 1993; Kremezi 2000; Mamalakis 2000).

This type of codification, whereby a supra-national category encompasses the local, is observed in recent medical research on what is by now widely known as the “Mediterranean diet.” In suggesting “tra- ditional” local foods and foodways of Greece as a healthy dietary model for contemporary life, the medical discourse of the Mediterranean diet becomes a discourse of culture, regardless of its medical contribution. As a result, despite the seeming ideological transcendence of the “nation,” the discourse of the scientific community in question often seems to serve the subordination to the nation, thus subscribing to nineteenth century nationalist narratives. This is achieved particularly through uses of the concepts of the “folk” (laós) and cultural “continuity,” either Greek or Cretan—the latter perceived as par excellence Mediterranean (see, Greek Society of Foods and Nutrition 1999; Helsing and Trichopoulou 1989; Trichopoulou et al. 1993; Trichopoulou and Lagiou 1997).14

Localism, in this process, while mainly consumer-oriented and thus pertinent to an agenda of aestheticization and commodification of food, acquires ideological significance which pertains to the definition of the national. Either as invention or as visibility, the emergence of the local in the Greek case achieves legitimization of formerly “non-compatible” versions of Greek identity, hence a displacement and/or restructuring of established cultural hegemonies. One pertinent example is the to-date hegemony of French food culture in Greece, presently being displaced in order for the various “humbler” local food cultures of Greece to emerge as candidates of a different kind (see, e.g., Zouraris 1991 [pas- sim]; Matthaiou 1998).

In short, an interface of economic, political, and consumerist pri- orities shapes new articulations of Greekness through the construction of the local—possibly also opening up a space for the establishment of new hegemonies.

2. The food of the Other: the discovery of ethnic diversity. The increasing emergence of the local reveals a cultural diversity which is not merely place-specific, but ethnically specific at the same time. The Greek land- scape begins to be rendered as multi-ethnic, which is significant from the standpoint of a politics of advocacy of cultural difference. Specifi- cally, collective entities emerge officially as “different,” while at the same time maintaining their Greekness. This is more evident in the cases of non-“Greek” or contested Greek ethnicity, such as the Jews, ethnic Turks, Roma, Vlachs, and Sarakatsans, among many others, which are now being incorporated in what seems to be a different official/public

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image of Greekness. Invisible, assimilated, geographically and socially marginal, and/or of rural origin, such ethnic categories have been—in their subaltern status—incompatible with this national image, hence not registered officially as part of it.

One way in which Greece’s ethnic Others emerge in this literature is by means of individual ethnic culinary portraits identified with their respective geographies. Such is the case of the Jewish populations of Greece, in cities such as Veria, Thessaloniki, Ioannina, Volos, Komotini, Chania, etc. (e.g., Stavroulakis 1986; Benroubi & Epikouros 2002). Greece’s Others may at times emerge to the point of very detailed cat- egorization, as in the case of the cuisine of the Ma’min Judaeo-Muslim community of Thessaloniki (Eden & Stavroulakis 1997). One of the first officially-sponsored food events in honor of the historical Jewish commu- nity (among others) took place in the city of Veria in 1997, co-sponsored by the Ministry of Culture (Municipality of Veria & Ministry of Culture 1997). It was possibly one of the first times in postwar Greece that a food culture was officially depicted (and celebrated) as “Jewish,” while at the same time as part of the “Greek” cultural heritage, thus rendering Jewish identity more visible in the Greek public sphere.15

The ethnic Other may also emerge as a component of an all- encompassing national culinary portrait—in such cases, one often hears of the national being rendered as “multicultural.” A good example is the case of the Drómena events of Thrace, one of the most representative instances of conscious endorsement of the term multiculturalism by offi- cial actors in the past two decades (Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998, 1999). Specifically, a series of cultural events were orga- nized in Thrace, co-sponsored by the government and the Municipality of Komotini, for the so-called “promotion” of the food cultures of the region’s ethnic groups. The broader (declared) objective was “develop- ment” at the level of the immediate Region,16 particularly in view of the then prospective Third Community Support Framework.17

Thrace is one of the most illustrative examples of a politics of vis- ibility of difference. As a borderland and a multi-ethnic region of Greece, it has been a stigmatized part of the national space because of Greece’s symbolically loaded relationship with neighboring Turkey, and conse- quently because of the multi-ethnic component of the area’s population, particularly the “Muslim minority.” With events such as the Drómena, it is the visibility of this “difference” that official actors (i.e., the Ministry of Culture and local municipalities) come to legitimize since the previ- ous decade via the articulation of categories such as Turk, Gypsy/Roma, Pomak, etc. in their official discourse.

“Pomak” and “Gypsy” food, for instance, emerge in the Drómena as

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objects of knowledge, but also, for the first time, as distinct ethnic identi- ties, that is, not under the contested rubric “Muslim.” The emergence of these two subjects, in essence two of the most marginal peoples in Greece, whose histories have been surrounded by silence and marked by social discrimination, rhetorically incorporates them in the official definition of Greekness as categories signifying different versions of Greek identity. This way they are subsumed under a common national “heritage.” The same is achieved with the enunciation “Turkish food” (as in “Toúrkiko faí ” [sic]), to refer to the food culture of Thrace’s ethnic Turks. In this process, the use of the term “Turkish,” as with “Pomak” and “Gypsy” (instead of the official “Muslim”), is adopted by official discourse as legitimate. In this way, it legitimizes claims of self-designation by the minority, while, at the same time, doing away with the taboo surrounding such controversial categories in the Greek public sphere. This event is also crucial for the rhetorical subversion of the official designation “Muslim,” which normally subsumes—i.e., renders invisible—two smaller minorities (Pomaks and Gypsies) within a larger minority.18

Anthropologist Fotini Tsibiridou (2005), having carried out exten- sive research on issues of ethnic and minority identity in Thrace, offers one of the most comprehensive accounts for the transition towards the era of the politics of multiculturalism and cultural diversity at the local level in the area of Thrace. She helps us contextualize events of subversion such as the above, by stressing, among others, the role of EU politics in Greece’s transition towards the visibility of difference, and the necessity for the above transition. Therefore, instances such as the Drómena ought not to be interpreted as signs of collapse of the dominant definition of national identity in Greece. Rather, they ought to be viewed as instances of its contestation, at a time of new forms of management of difference within the European nation state. Despite the non systematic nature of this contestation, these instances remain politically significant. The fact that they are made possible by social actors of official power is quite crucial.19

At the same time new culinary manuals appear, with an apparent intention to avoid essentialist constructions of national cuisines: some contribute to a Greco-Turkish culinary encounter and “friendship” (e.g., Lambraki & Akin 2002), others serve as historically oriented culinary manuals on “Ottoman” food (e.g., Gerasimou 2004).

Two crucial issues arise from this discussion, which I can only briefly address here. The first has to do with the process of visibility of ethnic Others: in the literature in question, visibility often consists in romantic and ahistorical depictions of the Other, as, for instance, by framing

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them in a non privileged social milieu—i.e., as an underclass; hence the references to their “humble food.” Otherwise, these identities are framed in the rural world or in an idealized countryside, hence being attributed the “purity” of a Volksgeist. This type of framing can be seen as a feature of Greek multiculturalist politics which renders the Other more “legitimate” in terms of the hegemonic culture by means of ideal- izing and “humanizing” them.20

The second issue pertains to a crucial distinction between historical minorities and new minorities. In the processes and the texts discussed above, the emerging Greek multiculturalism addresses mainly the for- mer, rather than the new minorities (i.e., the immigrants of the past two decades). In other words, the process of visibility can be quite selective. Research ought to go one step further in exploring the agendas shaping this selective vision, which creates (but also denies) possibilities for new definitions of difference in Greece.

3. The food of the laós: the [re-]discovery of the rural. The rural is a category with powerful connotations of the “Greek nation,” a fact to which many generations of Greek intelligentsia and politicians historically have con- tributed. As such, the rural consists in the laós (the folk), i.e., the people of the rural world, a concept which signifies the inhabitants of the Greek countryside as an imagined collectivity. The rural acquired this particular nuance, and was glorified as such, thanks to the discipline of Folklore Studies from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. Drawing on European romanticism and becoming part of the project of nation-state making, Greek Folklore Studies constructed the laós as the Greek Volk—albeit an image incompatible with the then reality.21 Viewed from a hegemonic perspective of Greek cultural “continuity,” the rural populations glorified as such were, as Herzfeld put it, the Greek “self-portrait that does not always flatter” (1982:vii): “an unlettered peasantry (which) presented a potentially embarrassing contrast to the idealized image of Greece” as ancestor of Europe (6). In other words, they were a proof of the Greek “failure” to fit the image of the Westerner/the European.

The emergence of the rural in the food literature in question constitutes one further instance of compatibility: the currently emerg- ing compatibility of a formerly “unacceptable” image. This has been the image of a “non-European” Greek “folk,” that is, of a rural world unable to fit the image of the “West.”

In terms of the folkloric construction of the laós, food has been an important signifier of the Greek rural world as “carrier” of Greekness. The food, or diet, of rural populations has been particularly identified with

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the hardships, lack of resources, and isolation of life in the pre-industrial Greek countryside, as well as identified with values such as simplicity and lack of affectation which appear to make up for its “humbleness.”

In the food literature discussed, rurality emerges as an aspect of Greek cultural diversity, and, as such, runs through both locality and ethnicity. This is evident, for example, with the emergence of the subject “Pomak food,” the Pomaks being an ethnic group, and traditionally a population of mountain shepherds (Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998, 1999). What seems to be undergoing redefinition is the rural subject. Specifically, the laós does not necessarily emerge today as a homogeneous Greek-speaking Christian Volk, that is, according to the model of Greek Folklore Studies. On the contrary, it encompasses the ethnic Other, which is also constructed as a countryside identity. Dif- ferences are distinguished merely at the level of food names uttered in different tongues, and at the level of religious dietary prohibitions (e.g., Muslim versus Christian).

Although also perceived as “humble” and identified with poverty and lack of resources, the food culture of the rural folk is now re-signified as a system of knowledge addressing contemporary issues of “quality” of life and of a “healthy” relationship with “nature.” For instance, it emerges as a comprehensive dietary system based on local products and seasonal- ity. This is particularly dominant in the recent medical literature on the “Mediterranean diet” mentioned earlier, the “Greek” (or, elsewhere, the “Cretan”) version of which, is claimed to be most representative of the region’s dietary culture. The main features of this diet are reported to be an abundance of plant foods “fruit, vegetables, breads, other forms of cereals, potatoes, beans, nuts, and seeds,” olive oil “as the principle source of fat,” dairy products, “principally yogurt and cheese, in low to moderate amounts,” red meat, poultry, fish and eggs “in low to moderate amounts,” and wine “in moderation and with meals.” All of the above are purportedly accompanied by “regular physical activity,” understood as farming activity in the field or activity in the household kitchen (Wil- let et al. 1995).

Typical of a large part of this literature is a kind of writing which articulates a fascination with the countryside. This countryside is imagined predominantly in terms of the Greek “village,” the chorió, as repository of Greekness, and its rural inhabitants as “carriers” of this dietary, and by extension cultural, ethos, among other legacies they purportedly safe- guard. Here rurality is constructed through a rendering of the “village” as a community with a shared food culture and as commensal collectivity, also—subsequently—perceived as a moral collectivity.22

In this context, concepts such as nature and religion function as

429“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

moralizing elements, while the rural world—the social world of the vil- lage—is considered the most appropriate for their safeguarding. This is evident in many texts, mainly culinary ones, which, in addressing the modern reader, in reality are addressing the urban dweller, not the countryside inhabitant. In them, the calendar year is divided according to farming activities and food availability depending on the alternation of seasons. For instance, winter is a time to consume foods such as salted cod, or beef soup, or chicken soup with home-made trachaná,23 or pork in different versions, since—as the reader is reminded—it is the time to slaughter the household’s pig, in order to make the usual array of foods to stock for the year (e.g., Voutsina 2000).

Although such depictions are based on facts of life in the Greek countryside, they seem unable to avoid a stereotyping of rural Greeks as a collectivity allegedly closer to nature, living an unadulterated (by modernity) life. They are not easily convincing, at a time when realities such as the supermarket in the Greek village, or the use of conventional agricultural technology and biotechnology in agricultural production, have long been established in Greece.

In other instances, the year is divided according to the religious calendar, Christian, Muslim, or Jewish. In terms of dietary practice, there is a whole cosmology attributed to the Greek laós, which is based on the logic of religious cycles (e.g., fasting versus feasting). This entails a re- signification of practices such as fasting, or periodical abstinence from certain foods. Such practices are redeployed as a system of knowledge proposing not a metaphysics, but a “balanced,” “healthy” diet based on the cycles of nature and local produce, which—as implied—any individual may follow regardless of faith (e.g., Voutsina 2000; Kokkinou & Kofina 1996; Stavroulakis 1986; Benroubi & Epikouros 2002).

In the Drómena of Thrace, for instance, the rural and the ethnic intersect. In this case, other types of signification can take place. For instance, when categories such as “Pomak,” or “Sarakatsan,” or “Vlach” food emerge (Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998, 1999), rurality is seen as part and parcel of Greekness: that is, without having to cleanse the figure of the mountain shepherd (e.g., of the Sarakatsan), of those attributes which would potentially hint at their non-“Western” identity—i.e., of the “(noble) savage” living away from “civilization.” Something similar holds for the “Vlachs” (also largely identified with the mountain), a designation which often in Greek functions as metonymy for the lack of urban sociability, and for narrow-mindedness and provincial- ism.24 Although Vlachs and Sarakatsans are today sedentary populations, as well as assimilated with the dominant cultural group, their respective designations are not rid of a—smaller or larger—stigma of absence of

430 Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

cultural “refinement” or of “impure” Greekness.25 Therefore collective entities whose cultural “traits” or national “purity” have been topics of contestation, are now registered as “legitimate” versions of Greekness.

In other words, the rural in Greece is being drawn out of the realm of established frames of reference in order to play its “seductive role” in the nation state as “repository for selective consumption of goods and services” (Marsden 1999:508). As evident in this literature, food discourses participate in the reproduction of rurality for the sake of the modern consumer. The rural is to be consumed as heritage and as repository of authenticity, naturalness, originality, and uniqueness.

Being embedded in the practicing of selective or conscientious consumption within the western world, the re-signification of the rural is embedded, at the same time, in a reality of radically different social and economic conditions in the Greek countryside during the last few decades. In this context, the rural world is “discovering the countryside” through EU-funded programs of “integrated rural development.” Yet, this Greek countryside is far from impoverished, isolated, or deprived.26 At the same time, the urban person or the urbanized inhabitant of the Greek countryside is able to afford the time to idealize his/her rural past and/or “folk” origin, and to consume them as commodities to fulfill lifestyle choices and desires.

On “self-discovery”: new inventories of Greekness

The emergence of Greek diversity, through categories such as locality, ethnicity, and rurality, takes place through a zealous focusing on speci- ficity. This process, as any attempt for description and naming, is both revealing and productive.

Specifically, by reading the literature in question, one may iden- tify what could be rendered as an indigenous exoticism in the making. The process of visibility, or invention, of the diverse and multicultural landscape of Greekness reveals a fascination with discovery. Is this “self- exoticization” an inward-looking discovery generative of exoticizing the familiar?

For the sake of contextualizing this process, it is useful to be aware of certain “structures of feeling” pertaining to a socio-economic context in recent Greek history. Memories of hunger and deprivation, and lack of resources and nutritional variety in postwar Greece, a country which was predominantly rural until recent decades, still inhabit the collective imaginary of certain generations and social groups raised during that time period. Grain and greens, bulgur, corn, or unrefined wheat bread, olives, and carob, the “humble” foods of a once common dietary model

431“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

in the rural world, on the one hand, and meat, the object of desire, on the other, remain, to a degree, symbols of a particular traumatic past.27 A sense of repulsiveness becomes part of the memory of such “humble” materials. This memory can be productively contrasted with their re- signification today as symbols of nature, health, and authenticity. There are ample examples of such re-signification processes offered in this literature, as documented below. The project of exoticizing the “familiar” can be seen as inherent in these processes.

The main feature in this production of texts is a persistent pursuit of detailed specificity, taking place through the identification and record- ing of names. Names emerge as empowering equipment for displaying diversity: names of place, names of the material or ingredient, of the immediate landscape, and of the individual/s or group/s that turn it into food: kássa from Thrace; mirónia from Levidi; tiganópsomo from Agrinio; sikomagídes from Lefkada; kouloúres and paximádia from the Aegean islands; wild plum liqueur from the Vlachs of Mount Vermio; petimézi from Crete, Edessa, and Pontos; coffee with tahíni from the Christian monastic life.28

The authors’ apparent fixation with names reveals a fascination with “difference,” and is particularly evident when the names on display originate etymologically not in standard Greek, but in the various local accents, dialects, and idioms spoken; or, when the names are testimony of multiple ethnic encounters. For instance, Pomak food names appear in the original, i.e., mainly in Pomak and Turkish: lep; lakmi; kavourmas; tsorbas; andak; tikra.29 Jewish food names are given in Ladino (the language of Mediterranean Sephardic Jews), or Greek, or Hebrew, or in the forms Hellenized by these populations themselves: fritada; fritoles; kalsones; poyo; kon prounes; hametz; melitzanna asada; kezadikas; borek; huevos haminados; kazadikos; arodeadikos de berentzenna.30

The fascination with difference extends to acknowledgment of infor- mants’ names.31 People’s first and last names are cited, whose etymolo- gies often reveal local or ethnic origin—Jewish, Turkish, Gypsy, Pontian Greek, Armenian, or other: Rachel, Myriam and Frida; Aïsé and Jaïdé; Anásta, Siméla, and Rodáma; Anachíd; Annéta, Yiórgos, and Stella; Ms Mourvetídou; Ms Iosáfat, Ms Matalón, and Ms Benveníste; Ms Ousoultzó- glou; Ms Ali; Mr Sákaris; Ms Chatziosmán; Ms Goumousián.32

The fascination with specificity privileges particularly cultures identi- fied with pre-modern or marginal subjects, i.e., either rural, or geographi- cally peripheral, or ethnically Other. I am referring to food cultures of archetypical remote and isolated Greek peripheries, once seen by the impressionable western or urban Greek visitor/scholar as “preserving” traditions, while remaining “behind” in terms of development: remote

432 Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

lands and places associated with isolation and lack of resources, such as Karpathos, Sikinos, Kimolos, Folegandros, and Kassos; formerly poor and undeveloped regions such as Thesprotia and Akarnania; rough and arid mountain areas inhabited by shepherd populations, such as Anoyia and Sfakia in Crete, inner Mani in Peloponnese, Pramanda in Tzoumarka (Epirus); borderlands, such as Thrace, evocative of long winters and the solitude of military-border camp life, identified with “Balkaniza- tion” and with nationally “sensitive” and symbolically loaded borders between unfriendly neighbors (Greece-Turkey); quiet and “unimportant” provincial towns, such as Messologi, Amaliada, Farsala, Grevena, Kar- ditsa, Livadia, Agrinio, Trikala, Preveza.33 The formerly unattractive or inaccessible periphery is now re-mapped acquiring different identities through its food. It is thus being expelled from the realm of cultural marginality and reorganized into a new body of knowledge recorded as Greek cultural (and multi-ethnic) diversity.

The focusing on the particular becomes more intense when texts zero in on the micro-region where each food, or food material, belongs. “Humble” and “unrefined” names of place are cited, whose etymologies are suggestive of rural societies, but also contain the particularities and, often, the coarseness and harshness, of the landscape which produces each food history: Chalastra,34 Paliambela,35 Vathilakkos, Milia, Kapno- chori, Mikrovalto, Kariditsa, Kerasia, Kilada, Platanorevma, Lefkovrisi, Lefkopigi, Asproneri;36 these names are easily found by zooming in on any part of the Greek map. The lack of affectation and refinement in these names becomes a convenient means for alluding to countryside identities and/or the marginality of place.

Mention of the “humble” and “rustic” materials of the Greek rural diet and gastronomy also becomes important—barley and wheat flour, olive oil, greens and weeds, local fruits and vegetables. Rare by now mate- rials receive particular mention, such as krókos,37 krána,38 schinókarpos,39 and likískos,40 as do abandoned food-preparation technologies such as stachtónero, alousiá and alisíva,41 nisestés,42 asvestónero,43 and prozími.44

Some food names, in and of themselves, can be evocative of “low” (i.e., rural) origin: bobóta,45 alevrópita,46 kouloúra,47 chóndros, chochlií, cha- roupópsomo, fassoulórizo,48 bouraní.49 Rural origin may become particularly evident when food name deviates from the standard Greek norm to emerge in a form of a local idiom or colloquial Greek: chochlií, fassoulórizo, bouraní.50 Names do not go through a process of refinement by authors, that is, of translation into standard Greek—another instance of “fascina- tion.” The “vulgarity” and “unsophisticated” character of the folk, or the rural folk, also becomes intense with the mention of foods made of the

433“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

“abominable” parts of the animal: chirokefalí,51 moscharokefalí,52 omathiés, splinádero, gardoúba.53

Foods and their geographies, which connote the “humbleness” and “naïveté” of rural life, and the provincial lack of “sophistication” of the cultures of the countryside, are now re-deployed as material of a culturally diverse Greek identity, to be re-appropriated as national assets. Another Greek cultural inventory is in the making.54

“Eating pupsi and crana was no longer unthinkable,” says Wilk (1999:251) about a similar process of re-signification in Belize. He is thus summing up the legitimacy and aura that various “humble,” “unso- phisticated” and “low nutritional value” foods of rural background have acquired over the last couple of decades, particularly after the making of the new nation-state. Food and drink such as pupsi and crana (local river fish), gibnut (a tasty large rodent), sweet potato wine, and fever-grass tea, are presently components of the national gastronomic register, and have emerged as a source of national pride and affirmations of Belizean identity.

The above undertakings of recording rural/folk culture are differ- ent from the project of the discipline of Greek Folklore Studies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which also systematically recorded the “rural folk” culture of Greece—food “habits and customs” being one component of it. While the project of Folklore Studies was important for nation-state formation in its effort to attest to the existence of a “homo- geneous” Greek identity, i.e., Christian and Greek-speaking, it offered an idealized version of the rural folk as source of national purity and as cleansed of the ethnic Other.

It is a different emergence of the rural (and folk) that is taking place in the present. Although also deploying the rural (and folk) as a national asset, the current project is governed by a different sense of national mission, that is, by other types of priorities governed by differ- ent sets of values, such as multiculturalism and environmentalism. It is for this reason that, in the texts selected for discussion here, the world of the countryside is not cleansed of a certain kind of material which, in former historical circumstances, would not qualify as legitimate material for the public/official image of Greekness.

Summing up, I treat the discussed production of texts as indicative of a discursive production on national identity which is not entirely compat- ible with the (traditionally) official narrative of Greekness. This process has involved the creation of a new inventory of Greekness integrating identities which, by virtue of being ethnically different, or marginalized, or subaltern, would not traditionally qualify for inclusion in the dominant

434 Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

(Euro-centric) definition of national identity. Their present inclusion does not necessarily imply subversion but, rather, alignment with different priorities. I explain this process in light of a conjuncture of intertwined priorities today, which are crucial politically and economically for Greece as a member of the European Union and of a global market. It is such priorities, I argue, that may provide potential for alternative definitions of national identity in the public sphere.

This re-signification process may have various consequences, such as the idealization and glorification of the different, the marginal, and the subaltern, as well as the fascination with discovering a different Greek “self,” potentially conducive to what is referred to earlier as indigenous exoticism. Notwithstanding such consequences, this re-signification is important politically, in the sense that it provides some space for the articulation of alternative definitions of national identity, hence a pos- sibility (albeit not yet programmatic) for alternative positionings vis-à-vis the management of difference in the Greek public sphere.

Conclusion

During the last couple of decades, intertwined agendas pertaining to political, economic, and consumerist imperatives in EU states, such as Greece, afford possibilities for different significations of national identity. At the nexus of these agendas, food is becoming a privileged area for tracing emerging articulations of national identity construction. The publication of texts on food which I have discussed here, offers material for exploring the increasing visibility of a “culturally diverse” and “mul- ticultural” Greek landscape. Specifically, in these texts, food becomes a site for articulating discourses of cultural diversity and multiculturalism in the Greek public sphere, through use of categories such as local, ethnic, and rural.

The genealogical relationship between local, ethnic, and rural cat- egories is based on the shared attribute of their incompatibility with the norm: historically, categories such as locality, ethnicity, or rurality, did not fall under the official version of Greek identity. I have shown that their current endorsement—albeit fragmented and non programmatic—is achieved by means of a reversal of “incompatibility” to “compatible” dif- ference. In other words, there are certain historical circumstances today whereby confirmations of Greekness can indeed draw on categories which have not been previously acceptable for its official/public image.

Without implying a paradigm shift, or the launching of a liberating moment of some kind, I have demonstrated that use of notions such as locality, ethnicity, and rurality constitutes instances of contestation of

435“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

a definition of Greekness which remains dominant. At the same time, however, these processes call for a critical approach to the assumed “novel- ties” that they introduce—i.e., their implied “democratic” character. [Re-] deployment of categories such as ethnic, local, or rural, indeed means a de-marginalization of difference/the Other. Yet, at the same time, it means the reification and de-historicization of difference: empowerment, but also folklorization; visibility, but also commodification.

Is this seeming contradiction, with its subsequent tradeoffs, a neces- sary condition for the integration of difference in the official version of national identity and, hence, for multicultural politics? This question has been addressed by focusing on specific conditions governing the above discussed texts: political, economic, and consumption realities pertain- ing to present EU imperatives, and imperatives of the marketplace. Such a mapping contributes to an informed—hence critical—stance toward emerging proclamations on cultural diversity and multicultural politics in Greece today. Endorsements of cultural diversity do not necessarily entail a new humanism, or a turn to a romantic nationalism. At the same time, it would be hard to deny their humanist and liberalist evocations. What is more crucial, however, is that they be understood as products of specific historical conditions and of intertwined political and economic conjunctures.

UNIVERSITY OF THESSALY, GREECE

NOTES

Acknowledgements. I gratefully acknowledge that financial support for the above research was provided by the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) through the International Dissertation Field Research Fellowships (IDRF) program, in 1999.

1 By “new Europe” I refer to the political, cultural, and economic entity known as the European Union (EU), which emerged during the historical moment of the transition from Europe-as-European-Community (EC) to Europe-as-Union (hence, not merely a Common Market), i.e., from 1992 onwards.

2 On the issue of memory, see Sutton’s position, which, in a similar manner, argues against the idea of “global food” as “memory destroyer” (2001:59–71).

3 These three categories are in no sense to be seen as exhaustive but as largely overlap- ping nuances of “cultural diversity,” as well as conducive to further categorizations.

4 The latter plays a significant role in European integration, by being an integral part of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Being one of the most important and

436 Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

comprehensive policies of the EU, and absorbing the largest part of its total budget, the CAP is considered crucial for the achievement of EU enlargement and cohesion.

5 I mean food among other “resources,” such as crafts, landscapes, regional languages, historical sites, etc.

6 On the ratification by EU member-states of the “Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities” of the Council of Europe, see Council of Europe, at http://conventions.coe.int/treaty/en/Treaties/Html/157.htm.

7 That is, agricultural production. 8 In Bourdieu’s sense of distinction (1984). 9 For examples of ethnographic approaches, see, e.g., Terrio 2000; Bestor 2001; Wilk

1999; Watson 1997; Cook and Crang 1996; Appadurai 1988; Pilcher 1998; Miele and Murdoch 2002.

10 See, e.g., Miller 1987; Appadurai 1986; Lash and Urry 1994; Goodman and DuPuis 2002; Murdoch and Miele 2003.

11 See note 8. 12 On the concept of the “reflexive,” see, e.g., Lash & Urry 1994; Beck 1992; Giddens

1990. 13 I would like to mention some parallel instances of such promotion in the area of

commerce and consumption, such as the HELEXPO events (www.helexpo.gr) during the DETROP exhibitions in Thessaloniki (DETROP is one of the largest international fairs in Europe, in the area of food and drink). Various thematic food-related events are organized in this context, such as the one on the “cuisine of the monks of Mt Athos,” in 2001, co-sponsored by the Slow Food movement (www.slowfood.com). Such instances can be examined within the same study approach, that is, as products of an interface of the political, economic, and consumerist agendas suggested above.

14 For an approach to this particular emergence of the Mediterranean Diet discourse, see Yiakoumaki 2003 (Chapter 4).

15 I view this in relation to a broader development vis-à-vis the official management of difference in Greece: the recent, unsystematic, yet unprecedented efforts by the Greek state towards a politics of tolerance. This means (among others) a publicizing of Jewish history in Greece, in instances such as the official declaration of the annual day of Remembrance of the Holocaust (2004), the distribution of teaching material by the Ministry of Education for the incorporation of Jewish history in school curricula (2005), the public celebration of Jewish religious feasts in the city of Athens (Hanukkah, since 2004), the erection of Jewish monuments in Greek cities (e.g., Thessaloníki 1997), etc. Although without a precedent, such events can be explained as necessary political steps for Greece’s public image in the European and international community. Promotional events involving ethnicity can also be observed in the area of commerce. Again, the DETROP international fair in Thessaloniki co-sponsored, with the Slow Food movement in 1999, “thematic dinners” on “Jewish,” “Pontian,” and “Macedonian” cuisines. See also note 13.

16 A Region is an autonomous unit of administrative de-centralization with its own development agenda, in accordance with which the EU is divided geographically, i.e., each member-state being made up of different Regions. The concept a Europe of Regions, essentially an idea of a “weakening” of the nation-state, was introduced by Jacques Delors, former President of the European Commission and key figure in the European integration process in the 1980s and early 1990s.

17 A major source of funding for EU member states, which was earmarked to cover the time period 2000–2006. On the Community Support Frameworks, see the EU’s web site, http://europa.eu.int.

437“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

18 For a detailed analysis of this particular case, with several ethnographic examples, see Yiakoumaki 2006.

19 See note 18. 20 See note 18. 21 For a comprehensive account of this history, see e.g., Herzfeld 1982, or Kiriakidou-

Nestoros 1978. 22 With the opportunity of the “local” as a main theme in the present analysis, one

could observe that, through the projection of the concept chorió (=the “village”), the concept laós becomes local-ized –hence also acquires a geographical dimension. See Papataxiarchis 2001, for an approach to the concept chorió, in which the author is concerned with the symbolic construction of the “village” and its identification with the social collectivity of the laós. I would like to single out the author’s suggestion that, the village being identified with the laós, connotes a society of “equals,” and that this egalitarian dimension emerges par excellence in contexts of commensality.

23 A form of wheat boiled in milk, cracked, and dried, in order to be used in soups and other preparations.

24 Let me note that there are various metonymies in Greek drawing on food and attributing negative connotations to the identities in question, such as that of “cheese”: origin from the above population groups may imply that one smells “of cheese,” and may result in addressing someone a “block of cheese” (tirí ).

25 In the case of the Vlachs, this may be reactivated today with the opportunity of events such as the recent claims of “Vlach” pressure groups for acquisition of minority status. See the Greek Helsinki Monitor for a good source of information on such develop- ments (www.greekhelsinki.gr).

26 See, e.g., Louloudis et al. 2004. 27 See Sutton (2001:166–171) for an engaging reflection on “hunger memories” and

“forgetting,” and the potential of such material for anthropological analyses on perceptions of history and of national/local identity. For the historical context of periods of Greek famine and poverty, see e.g., Margaritis 1995; Pizanias 1993; Mazower 1993 (ch. 3).

28 A kind of mush with flour and olive oil as its main ingredients, eaten as breakfast in many rural parts of the region; a kind of very aromatic wild greens; bread made by frying, as opposed to baking; hand-rolled pies of fig paste; bread rings and rusks made of barley –a staple food in many rural parts of Greece; a natural grape-syrup produced by boiling the grape juice after harvesting; a coffee which is common during fasting periods of the Christian calendar. All are found in Voutsina 1998a, b.

29 Bread; sweet fried dough; browned sautéed meat (goat or beef); dried cereal used for soup; ritual rice pilaf with boiled meat; pumpkin (Environmental Group of the Glafki High School 2001; Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998).

30 Egg frittata; rice flour pancakes; cheese pastries; chicken with prunes; currant buns; eggplant with chickpeas; cheese sweets; boiled dough for making pies; oven-eggs; fried anchovy; Sephardic-Jewish eggplant dish (Stavroulakis 1986; Voutsina 1998a ,b; Benroubi & Epikouros 2002).

31 By informants, I mean the individuals throughout Greece providing the authors of these texts with information on their food culture.

32 Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998, 1999; Voutsina 2000 and 1998a, b, c, d (passim).

33 E.g., Stavroulakis 1986; Voutsina 1998a, b, c, d (passim); Elefandis 1999. 34 Etymologically, one can recognize the verb chaló (χαλώ, to ruin, to destroy), which

possibly denotes some natural catastrophe, or harsh weather conditions and landscape.

438 Vassiliki Yiakoumaki

35 A compound word made up of paliós (=old) and ambéli (=grape vine). 36 The literal translations of the following are: Deep Ditch, Apple Tree, Tobacco Village,

Little Swamp, Little Walnut Tree, Cherry Tree, Valley, the Stream by the Plane Tree, White Fountain, White Spring, White Waters. In Voutsina 1999 and 1998a, b, c, d; Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1999 (passim).

37 Saffron. A rare spice coming from the crocus flower, cultivated exclusively by one Cooperative in Greece today, and sold at a very high price (e.g., Voutsina 1999).

38 A berry-like fruit found in many parts of Northern and Central Greece; it is usu- ally dried and stocked for the winter time, to be used in food or drinks (Municipality of Komotini & Ministry of Culture 1998).

39 The seed of the plant schínos (lentisk, Pistacia lentiscus), known today more as a bush than as a plant with edible parts. The seeds are mixed in the bread dough for their aroma (Voutsina 1998a).

40 The plant “hop” (Humulus lupulus). In some parts of Greece, its white flower is dried and boiled, and used to produce a natural yeast for making bread. (Ordinarily, it is used for making beer) (ibid.).

41 Three different words referring to “ash water.” It is water boiled with ash, used as leavening agent (for bread) more commonly in the past (ibid., b).

42 A kind of corn starch (ibid.). 43 Asbestos water. Water mixed with asbestos and then separated, in order to soak in

fresh fruit and vegetables, if they are to be used in confectionery. Once they have stayed in it for a few hours, they are hardened, and thus can be boiled without coming apart (ibid.).

44 The natural (homemade) yeast for making bread (Voutsina 1995). 45 A typical coarse corn-bread eaten in many rural parts of Greece in the past (e.g.,

Voutsina 1995). The word bobóta may also function as metonymy for inferior, bad tasting bread, or bread of poverty.

46 Flour-pie (alévri=flour, píta=pie) (Voutsina 1998a). 47 Bread ring (ibid.). 48 Chóndros is a food made of wheat, coarsely ground in the hand-operated mill.

Chochlií are (free-range) snails, which, in rural areas, are hand-picked from the fields to cook. Charoupópsomo is carob bread (made of carob flour); carob used to be a substitute for sugar or sweets in many rural parts of Greece in the past. Fassoulórizo is a dish made of boiled beans and rice; it was common practice to mix pulses with rice, to make a filling dish (Psilakis & Psilakis 1995).

49 Nettle cooked with flour and oil (Voutsina 1998c). 50 Chochlií is a local (Cretan) version of the standard Greek saliggária (=snails) (see also

note 48). In the name fassoulórizo (=rice and beans) the component fassoúli is an idiomatic form of the standard form fassóli (=bean); thus its use produces connotations of a folk or rural cultural milieu. Bouraní is made of tsouknída (=nettle), a stingy weed which grows wild in the Greek countryside.

51 Cooked pig’s head (Psilakis & Psilakis 1995). 52 Cooked calf’s head (Voutsina 1998c). 53 In these three different dishes, the large intestine of an animal—pig, goat, or

sheep—is stuffed and cooked, while other innards may be used as well, such as the spleen or the liver (Psilakis & Psilakis 1995).

54 In Eric Ball’s work I have found a similar example of scholarly concern with this type of specificity of name, particularly pertaining to place name—i.e., the landscape, the environment. Drawing on examples from Greek literature, the author is concerned with how “place sense and place awareness” are interrelated with perceptions of national identity,

439“Local,” “Ethnic,” and “Rural” Food

or, in his own words, with “the intimate relationship between naming the landscape and questions of national identity” (2005:6). Although also drawing on vernacular uses, and often on romantic nationalism, the specificity examined in the present essay serves different purposes: it is product of an emergent localism generated in specific economic/political contexts (EU politics, the marketplace, etc.) within the last couple of decades, and it is largely a kind of localism intended to generate commodities.

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