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Digital Media Literacy Education and Online Civic and Political
Participation
Joseph Kahne Mills College [email protected] 510-430-3275
Jessica Timpany Feezell UC Santa Barbara
Namjin Lee College of Charleston
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DML Central Working Papers // Youth & Participatory Politics // November 8, 2010
Digital Media Literacy Education and Online Civic and Political Participation Joseph Kahne Mills College [email protected] 510-430-3275 Jessica Timpany Feezell UC Santa Barbara Namjin Lee College of Charleston November 8, 2010 Draft: Not for citation without author permission
Acknowledgements: We are enormously grateful to many individuals and institutions for their support of this work. The MacArthur Foundation and the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Education (CIRCLE) provided funding that enabled this work. Chris Evans and Ellen Middaugh played significant roles related to the conceptualization and implementation of this study. Of course, despite all this help, we take full responsibility for our analysis and conclusions.
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D ig ita l M e d ia L ite ra c y E d u c a tio n a n d O n lin e C iv ic a n d P o litic a l P a rtic ip a tio n
There is a stark contrast between youths’ participation with new media
and their civic and political participation. Judged by traditional standards,
levels of youth civic and political commitment, capacity, and activity are the
lowest of all demographic groups and until recently have been declining
(Macedo et al., 2005). At the same time, youth are highly engaged with digital
media, such as social media, blogging, video games, and smart phones (see,
e.g., Lenhart. et al., 2010; Kahne, Middaugh, & Evans, 2008). Youth, in fact, are
frequently the generation that is closest to innovation (Krueger, 2002;
Mossberger, Tolbert, & McNeal, 2008).
Engagement with new media has the potential to help strengthen
young people’s participation in civic and political life. Educators,
policymakers, foundations, and others are considering ways to develop
desirable bridges between these two domains (for examples, see the National
Broadband Plan, the Center for Media Literacy, and the National Association
for Media Literacy Education). The present study represents one of the first
efforts to assess quantitatively how frequently digital media literacy
education occurs in U.S. high schools and whether it can increase the
likelihood that youth will engage with digital media in ways that promote the
quantity, quality, and equality of online civic and political participation.
Media literacy can be defined as “the ability to access, analyze, evaluate,
and create messages in a variety of forms” (Aufderheide & Firestone, 1993, p.
7). It describes a set of capacities related to media consumption and creation
that one can acquire. Digital media literacy extends the traditional
understanding of media literacy to include new skills that are required to
navigate today’s new media environment and includes creative production
and instruction on how to evaluate and use information critically
(Buckingham, 2003; Jenkins, 2006).
The importance of digital media literacy in relation to civic and political
life can be manifold. Digital media technologies are now a central component
of civic and political life, especially for young people. For example, Kohut
(2008) found that 37% of those ages 18–24 got campaign information during
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the 2008 presidential election from social networking sites (more than did so
from newspapers). Only 4% of those 30–39 did so and for older adults the
numbers drop still further. Similarly, 41%of those 18–29 went online during the
campaign to see candidate interviews, debates, speeches, or commercials
(Kohut, 2008). Countless Web sites provide information on political and social
issues, blogs provide exposure to varied perspectives, and a growing sector
of video games create simulations of civic action and political life. These
games expose players to a host of social issues such as global hunger, animal
rights, the environment, immigration, and urban development (see
http://www.gamesforchange.org). Moreover, youth need not be passive
consumers in relation to issues about which they care. Digital media provide
many ways for youth to voice their perspectives, share information, contact
officials, create artistic statements related to civic and political issues, and to
mobilize others (Benkler, 2007; Jenkins, 2007; Shirky, 2008).
But not all youth are tapping this potential. While some view youth as
being “digital natives” (Tapscott, 1997), studies have demonstrated that this
title does not apply to all youth (Hargittai, 2010). Digital media skills are
unevenly distributed with those from privileged backgrounds demonstrating
higher-level know-how, compared to those from lower socioeconomic status
(Hargittai, 2003, 2010; Norris, 2001).
Can digital media literacy education strengthen the bridge
between new media activity and civic and political engagement?
Unfortunately, even though many states, schools, and organizations
have signed on to advance media literacy education in our schools (see
Hobbs, 2004, for a summary of such initiatives), very little empirical research
on the effectiveness of media literacy education has been published (David,
2009; Hobbs, 2004). Indeed, we could not find a single quantitative
assessment of media literacy education among high school students in the
United States that measured its frequency or examined its impact on online
civic and political engagement. In the one study we found, Mihailidis (2009)
looked at civic learning outcomes among undergraduates at the University of
Maryland. His quasi-experimental study of 239 students found that those
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enrolled in a media literacy course increased their ability to comprehend,
evaluate, and analyze media messages. At the same time, his findings suggest
that these courses promoted negativity and cynicism about the news media
and that more could be done to promote active citizenship.
There are also very few empirical studies of the broader impact of
media literacy courses (see Hobbs & Frost, 2003). Conceptual work in this
area is more common. Jenkins (2006) argues that increased digital media
literacy education has the potential to close the digital media “participation
gap”—the variation in engagement with digital media (Hargittai & Walejko
2008) —among youth by providing the skills and opportunities that will
enable active participation in the public sphere. Other work suggests that
many more traditionally conceived literacy skills, such as interpersonal skills
and strategic planning, can be effectively taught through digital media
because of youth’s familiarity and regular use of new media (Buckingham,
2003). Buckingham, Jenkins, and many others also express the need for
critical media literacy skills; youth need support in learning how to effectively
judge the credibility of what they find online and how to identify and compare
various ideological and political messages.
In short, there are many ways that digital media literacy might
strengthen the bridge between youth, new media, and civic and political life.
Our analysis provides empirical evidence that can speak to several of these
possibilities. Specifically, we aim to address the following questions.
1. How frequently do youth experience digital media education in school contexts?
2. Can digital media literacy education foster online political participation? 3. Can digital media literacy education promote exposure to diverse
viewpoints?
4. Might digital media literacy education promote more (or less) equitable civic and political engagement?
Below, we outline our reasons for interest in these questions. We then
describe our methods, discuss our findings, and detail some implications.
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Rationales for our research questions:
Question 1: How frequently do youth experience digital media education in
school contexts?
In their handbook chapter, Brown and Schwarz (2008) write, “The state
of critical media literacy in U.S. secondary schools is difficult to determine”
(p.483). There are no nationally representative studies on which to draw. In
fact, there are no large-scale surveys at all that assess the frequency of digital
media literacy education in K-12 schools. Knowledge of the frequency of such
practices is needed if we are to consider both the potential significance of
current practices and directions for policy and practice.
Question #2: Can digital media literacy education foster more online political
participation?
Increasing youth’s online engagement with civic and political life is
generally viewed as desirable. Currently, youth report low levels of civic
commitment, capacity, and engagement. In 2008, 55% of those under 30
were judged to be “disengaged” in a report by the National Conference on
Citizenship. Moreover, on the National Assessment of Educational Progress
(NAEP) exam in civics, which assesses knowledge of key terms and
government structures as well as interpretive skills, 34% of high school seniors
failed to achieve a “basic” level of competency (NAEP, 2006). Only 9% of high
school seniors taking the exam could list two ways a democratic society
benefits from citizen participation (NAEP, 1998).
New and traditional media provide many opportunities to learn about
and discuss civic and political issues. Digital media literacy education may
expand the degree to which youth tap the affordances of the Web to engage
in civic and political activities online (such as seeking out information or
engaging in dialogue on civic and political topics) that will help offset
generally low levels of youth civic and political engagement by boosting both
online and offline engagement. In addition, studies show that when youth and
adults seek out information and participate in discussions online, it increases
their overall levels of civic acts, such as raising money for charity or
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volunteering, as well as political acts, such as working on a campaign,
attending a political speech, or voting (McLeod, Kosicki, & McLeod, 2009;
Mossberger, Tolbert, & McNeal, 2008; Shah, McLeod, & Lee, 2009).
Question #3: Can digital media literacy education promote more exposure to a
diverse array of perspectives?
It is also worth exploring whether digital media literacy education can
promote exposure to a diverse array of perspectives. In particular, many
scholars have expressed the concern that online discussions of societal issues
can become echo-chambers where individuals are primarily exposed to and
interact with those who share their ideological viewpoints (Sunstein, 2001).
There is often value in engaging with those who share one’s views. Such
experiences can promote greater civic and political participation and a deeper
and often more conceptually coherent understanding of one’s perspective
(Mutz, 2006; Jamieson & Cappella, 2008). However, a rich tradition in political
theory also details the benefits of exposure to divergent viewpoints. Such
practices have been viewed as a means of promoting reflection, of reaching a
better understanding of complex issues, and of developing a deeper
appreciation of other’s viewpoints (Arendt, 1968; Habermas, 1989; Mill, 1956).
Empirical studies have also found that exposure to divergent viewpoints can
enhance individual’s knowledge of actual public opinions, tolerance, and their
sense of the legitimacy of democratic outcomes (See Brundidge & Rice, 2009,
for a review). Integrating these two priorities, we examine youth’s exposure to
diverse perspectives—those that align with their views and those that diverge.
The value of such dual exposure was detailed by John Dewey (1916) who
argued that the strength of a democratic community could be assessed by
the number of interests that were consciously shared and by the level of full
and free interplay with those who hold alternative perspectives.
Question 4: Can digital media literacy education promote more equitable civic
and political engagement?
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Not only are levels of civic and political participation low, they are
alarmingly unequal. For example, young people with more education are far
more likely to vote than their lesser-educated counterparts (CIRCLE, 2008, p.
1). Similarly, compared to those who have no college experience, those 25 or
older who have a BA are more likely to report working with others on a
community problem (45% vs. 32%), meeting to discuss community issues
(45% vs. 21%), and volunteering in the past year (72% vs. 43%) (National
Conference on Citizenship, 2008). There are also disparities associated with
socioeconomic status (SES). Roughly 75% of those in the top 20% on
measures of SES participate in offline political activity, while the percentage
drops to about 32% for those in the bottom 20%. These disparities are also
apparent online. While 65% in the top quintile report engaging in one of five
online political activities, only 10% of those in the bottom quintile made the
same claim (Schlozman, Verba, & Brady, 2009).1
Since digital media literacy education aims to influence online civic and
political engagement, it is important to assess whether different demographic
groups receive more or fewer of these opportunities. If the provision of digital
media literacy education is inequitably distributed, it might reinforce already
existing inequalities. For similar reasons, it is important to examine whether
those who are more interested in civic and political issues receive more of
these opportunities.
M e th o d s Data
Our exploration of these questions draws on two sets of panel data. The
first panel consists of 502 California high school students who were surveyed
in 2006 when they were in their junior year and then were resurveyed a year
later in their senior year (henceforth, panel 1). Students for this panel came
from seven high schools. The districts and schools were purposively selected
to ensure a diverse range of demographic and academic characteristics. The
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Interestingly, the difference between those who had attended college and those who had not diminished markedly when it came to posting political material on blogs or engaging politically on social networking sites. While it was 28% for overall political activity, it was only 7% for these activities. (Smith, Schlozman, Verba, & Brady, 2009).
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percentage of students receiving a free or reduced-price lunch varied widely
across schools, from 1%to 83%. In addition, the sampled schools reported
average Academic Performance Index (API)2 scores ranging from the bottom
20% to the top 10% of all the high schools in California. Of those students who
identified their ethnicity, 36.7% were white, 30.8% were Asian American, 18.2%
were Latino, and 7.6% were African American.
The second panel includes 435 respondents who were initially surveyed
in their high school junior or senior years and resurveyed in 2009 after the
2008 presidential election (hereafter, panel 2). These students came from one
of 21 different school districts in California. This sample of schools covers
schools that enroll mostly white students (19.0%), ones that enroll
predominantly students of color (42.9%), and ones that are racially mixed
(38.1%). The percentages of students receiving a free or reduced-price lunch
also varied widely across schools from 0% to 92%. In addition, the sampled
schools reported average API scores from the bottom 10% up to the top 10%
of all the high schools in California. The selection of diverse schools was
reflected in the racial makeup of the high school students that participated in
our survey. Of those students who identified their ethnicity, 22.0% were white,
27.2% were Asian American, 38.5% were Latino, and 5.5% were African
American.
To minimize selection bias, we surveyed entire classes of juniors and
seniors during class time. Selection of these classes was based on class
schedules and the availability of the computer lab where the surveys took
place. We did not select classes based on students’ experiences of digital
media literacy education or on their exposure to new media in general.
We believe this data set is quite unique. Indeed, we know of no other
panel survey of a broad and diverse sample of youth that examines a range of
digital media practices that are likely supports for civic and political
engagement and opportunities for digital media literacy education.
M e a s u re m e n t
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 The API is a single-number summary of scores on several standardized tests, including in math, language arts, and science.
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Three groups of variables were created from the two sets of our panel
data: (a) indicators of new media engagement (outcome variables), (b)
measures of digital media literacy education, and (c) control variables.
Outcome Variables
We examined three dependent variables: politically driven online
participation, online exposure to diverse perspectives, and interest-driven
online participation.
Politically driven new media participation was comprised of three
questions gauging, on a six-point scale, how often respondents (a) used blogs
or social networking sites to share or discuss perspectives on social and
political issues, (b) used the Internet to get information about political or
social issues, and (c) used e-mail to communicate with others who are
working on a political or social issue. We averaged the three scores to
construct an index of politically driven new media participation. Reliability
estimates (Cronbach’s !) for this measure on the pre- and post-surveys
ranged from .72 to .82.
Exposure to divergent perspectives was measured by the degrees of
agreement with the following four statements:
(a) I’ve gotten new perspectives on societal issues because of my online
activities.
(b) I’ve had online conversations with people who have different values
or political views than I do.
(c) I’ve been able to connect with people who care about the same
things that I do through the Internet.
(d) I’ve been able to connect with people who share my views about
ways to create a better world through the Internet.
Results from exploratory factor analysis clearly indicate that these items
all load on one factor. As a result of online activities, few individuals are only
exposed to perspectives with which they agree or only to perspectives with
which they disagree (for a related finding, see Gentzkow and Shapiro, 2010).
Individuals tend either to experience both sets of perspectives or they
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experience neither. Reliability estimates (Cronbach’s !) for this measure on
pre- and post-surveys ranged from .82 to .86.
Digital Media Literacy Education
In this study, we are particularly interested in forms of digital media
literacy education that might support online civic and political engagement,
as broadly conceived. In an effort to assess the opportunities students had for
varied features of digital media literacy education, we asked four questions on
our survey. These items do not provide a nuanced picture of educational
practice, but we believe they do provide a sense of the support students
received in their classrooms.
Table 1
Frequency Distributions of Digital Media Literacy Education Items
Response categories
Items: In my classes… Never Sometim
es Often
Very
often
High school panel, % (N = 490)
…we learned how to assess the
trustworthiness of information we find on
the Web. 18.0 41.5 27.4 13.1
…we were required to use the Internet to get
information about political or social issues. 10.9 32.3 30.5 26.3
…we were required to use the Internet to
find different points of view about political
or social issues. 13.9 34.3 28.2 23.5
…we were given an assignment where we
had to create something to put on the Web. 66.5 18.7 9.0 5.9
Post–high school panel, % (N = 226)
…we learned how to assess the
trustworthiness of information we find on
the Web. 8.9 7.1 43.4 40.7
…we were required to use the Internet to get
information about political or social issues. 13.7 11.1 38.5 36.7
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…we were required to use the Internet to
find different points of view about political
or social issues. 20.8 10.6 35.8 32.7
…we were given an assignment where we
had to create something to put on the Web. 65.0 12.8 10.6 11.5
Students were asked how often in their classes they (a) had learned
how to assess the trustworthiness of online information, (b) were required to
use the Internet to get information about political or social issues, (c) were
required to use the Internet to find different points of view about political or
social issues, and (d) were given an assignment where they had to create
something to put on the Web. All these items were assessed during the
second wave of each panel. For the post–high school panel, these questions
were not asked of those who were not enrolled in an educational institution.
Table 1 provides detailed information on the frequency distribution of the
responses to each question. An index for digital media literacy instructions
was created by averaging four scores (panel 1, ! = .75; panel 2, ! = .82).
Control Variables
We employed extensive controls to isolate the effects of our
independent variables. Specifically, we controlled for general uses of new
media and for background variables that prior research had indicated might
influence our dependent variables. In particular, we controlled for students’
gender and race (Burns, Schlozman, & Verba, 2001; Marcelo, Lopez, & Kirby,
2007) and for intention to enroll in college and grade point average (GPA).
We also employed three variables to isolate the effects stemming from
political orientation. This focus reflects research that has documented a
significant relationship between the strength of political ideology and political
interest with various types of political activities (Verba & Nie, 1972;
Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993). We assessed “political ideology” on a scale
ranging from “very liberal” (1) to “very conservative” (5). To measure the
“strength of political ideology,” we folded over the political ideology measure
and took the absolute value so our measure ranged from “middle of the road”
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(0) to “very liberal or very conservative” (2). We also assessed political
interest on a standard five-point scale. In addition, we controlled for
discussion between parents and youth in order to take into account influences
from parents and family environments (see Andolina et al., 2003; Torney-
Purta et al., 2001).
General uses of new media. One potentially confounding factor in our
examination of the influence of digital media literacy education on digital
media engagement is the possibility that the relationship might be spurious,
resulting simply from the levels of general new media usage. In other words,
those who are active users of new media in general might seek new media-
related education and also actively engage in interest-driven and politically
driven activities. To control for this possibility, we included four control
variables addressing diverse aspects of new media use other than interest-
driven and politically driven online activities.
First, we took into account the amount of time the respondents spent
online as a general measure of Internet use. Time spent online was only
assessed in panel 1. Second, we included two items measuring people’s use of
new media for communicating and socializing with those around them (i.e.,
friends, family, and acquaintances). We used two items assessing how often
the respondents (a) used e-mail, text messaging, or instant messenger to
communicate with friends or family; and (b) used blogs, diary, or social
networking sites (like MySpace) to socialize with people (“friends, family, or
people you’ve met online”). Both of these two items were assessed on a six-
point scale and were correlated with each other modestly at r = .32. Finally,
since literature has indicated that there may be a relationship between some
forms of video game play and civic outcomes (Kahne, Middaugh, & Evans,
2008; Williams, 2006) we included a measure of video game play to control
for the impact of this form of online activity. Gaming was measured by a
single item asking how often the respondents played games on a computer, a
console, or a handheld device.
A n a ly tic S tra te g y
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To take advantage of our panel data, we used a lagged dependent
variable regression analysis, which included prior values of the outcome
variable as an independent control variable. By taking into account lagged
values of our outcome variables, this kind of panel model predicts the level of
a given outcome variable at time 2 while controlling for the value of that
outcome at time 1. This model provides unbiased estimates of the effects of
digital media literacy education on new media engagement by adjusting any
initial differences in the outcome variables that might exist between those
who were already active online and those who were not (Finkel, 1995; Halaby,
2004).
One shortcoming of our survey in relation to this analytic strategy
should be mentioned. Our outcome variables measure the total amount of
time youth spent doing these various activities. Thus, teacher assignments
that require engaging in these activities may be included in youth
assessments of the time they had spent doing these activities and this in turn
may inflate the relationship between digital media literacy education and
various online civic and political activities.
R e su lts a n d D isc u ssio n I. Opportunities for digital media literacy education are common, though not
universal.
At both the high school and college levels, we found that many youth receive
various forms of digital media literacy education (see table 1). Between 40%
and 57% of youth in high school said they had each of the three educational
opportunities associated with consumption of online civic and political
information “often” or “very often.” Less than 20% reported “never” having
such opportunities. These opportunities were more common at the college
level, where between 68% and 81% reported receiving each of these same
opportunities “often” or “very often.” Opportunities to create content for the
Web were much less common. Only 15% of high school youth in our survey
reported having this opportunity “often” or “very often,” and 66% reported
“never” having this opportunity. Again, these opportunities were slightly more
common for college youth with 22% receiving these opportunities “often” or
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“very often.” While our survey is not nationally representative, it is of a broad
and diverse sample. These results indicate that many youth are having these
opportunities, but that they are far from universal. There is much room for
growth in access to these opportunities.
II. Digital media literacy education can foster greater politically driven online
participation.
Regressions, controlling for demographic factors, and prior levels of
online politically driven participation indicate that digital media literacy
education provided a significant boost to rates of online politically driven
participation for both high school and college youth (see table 2). Indeed, as
indicated by the standardized betas for these opportunities, digital media
literacy education’s betas for the high school and college settings (.22 and .31)
was almost as strong a predictor of online politically driven participation as
the lagged value of the dependent variable (.28 and .35). Moreover, these
betas were larger than for other factors such as family discussion of politics
(.12 and not significant), strength of ideology (.11 and .11), and political interest
(.09 and .20).
These findings indicate that when youth have opportunities to learn
how to engage in online political activities, they become more likely to do so.
In addition, since online participation is a support for offline participation as
well, digital media literacy education may also support broader civic and
political engagement.
Table 2
Results of Regression Models Predicting Politically Driven New Media Participation
High school panel Post–high school panel
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Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2
Background variable
Female -0.12 * -0.12 * -0.03 0.00
Family discussion 0.18 *** 0.12 ** 0.08 0.08
GPA -0.03 -0.03 0.04 0.02
Conservatism -0.03 -0.02 -0.07 -0.09 #
Strength of political ideology 0.15 *** 0.11 ** 0.11 # 0.11 *
Aspiration for 4-year college 0.00 0.03 — —
African American 0.05 0.03 0.03 0.04
Hispanic 0.06 0.05 0.09 0.10 #
Asian 0.14 ** 0.11 * 0.08 0.08
Political interest 0.14 ** 0.09 * 0.28 *** 0.20 ***
General uses of new media
Time spent online 0.03 0.00 — —
Use of e-
mail/messenger/messaging 0.00 -0.01 -0.04 -0.03
Use of blogs/social media for
socializing 0.19 *** 0.19 *** 0.18 ** 0.15 **
Frequency of video gaming 0.05 0.04 0.13 * 0.12 *
Lagged values of outcome
variables
Politically driven participation,
wave 1 — 0.28 *** — 0.35 ***
Focal predictor variable
Digital media literacy education 0.25 *** 0.22 *** 0.40 *** 0.31 ***
R2 (%) 31.7 38.2 39.0 49.3
Observations 444 444 221 221
Note. Standardized OLS regression coefficients are displayed. GPA, grade point average. ***p ! .001; **p
! .01; *p ! .05; #p ! .1.
III. Digital media literacy education promotes the frequency of youth exposure to
diverse viewpoints.
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We found that digital media literacy education for high school and
college youth promotes online exposure to diverse viewpoints (see table 3).
The impact of these learning opportunities was relatively sizable. For both
high school and college youth, the impact of digital media literacy education
(.18 and .26) was slightly lower than the lagged value of the dependent
variable (.27 and .27) and greater than that of the impact of political interest
(.13 and .20), and family discussions of politics (.14 and .10). This finding is
significant, as exposure to diverse views is believed to be a valuable support
for the quality of a democratic society. In addition, as noted earlier, in a
separate study (authors, forthcoming) we find that exposure to diverse
perspectives promotes both civic and political engagement.
Table 3
Results of Regression Models Predicting Exposure to Diverse Perspectives
High school panel Post–high school panel
Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2
Background variable
Female -0.05 -0.06 -0.14 * -0.12 #
Family discussion 0.17 *** 0.14 ** 0.10 0.10
GPA -0.06 -0.04 -0.02 0.00
Conservatism -0.06 -0.05 -0.18 ** -0.17 **
Strength of political ideology 0.06 0.03 0.08 0.07
Aspiration for 4-year college 0.00 0.03 — —
African American 0.04 0.03 -0.03 -0.02
Hispanic -0.06 -0.07 0.00 0.00
Asian 0.11 * 0.07 0.22 ** 0.16 *
Political interest 0.15 ** 0.13 ** 0.27 *** 0.20 **
General uses of new media
Time spent online 0.16 *** 0.09 # — —
Use of e-
mail/messenger/messaging -0.01 -0.03 0.01 0.01
Use of blogs/social media for
socializing 0.13 ** 0.12 * 0.16 ** 0.15 **
Frequency of video gaming 0.12 * 0.09 * 0.09 0.08
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Lagged values of outcome
variables
Exposure to diverse
perspectives, wave 1 — 0.27 *** — 0.27 ***
Focal predictor variable
Digital media literacy education 0.17 *** 0.18 *** 0.27 *** 0.26 ***
R2 (%) 29.6 35.5 33.1 39.7
Observations 442 441 218 218
Note. Standardized OLS regression coefficients are displayed. GPA, grade point average. ***p ! .001; **p
! .01; *p ! .05; #p ! .1.
IV. The impact of digital media literacy education on civic and political inequality
appears mixed.
Given our findings regarding the ability of digital media literacy
education to promote desired forms of online practice, it is important to
examine how equitably these opportunities are distributed.
Regression analysis of our data indicates that a student’s race, gender,
GPA, and intention to enroll in college do not appear to exert a sizable
influence on the opportunities for digital media literacy education that
students receive (see table 4).3 Political interest was not related to media
literacy education in high school, but it was positively though modestly
associated with the level of digital media literacy education in college
settings. We suspect this was due to students’ enhanced ability to select
courses that match their interests while in college (those interested in politics
take courses where political issues are explored online). Together, these
individual background factors account for only 1.7% and 5.8% of the variation
in experiencing digital media literacy education in high school and college !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 3 Interestingly, those with lower GPAs in high school reported receiving more of these opportunities (though the effect size was relatively small). Also, women report receiving slightly more of these opportunities in college. We are not sure why this is so, but it may be related to gender differences in college majors.
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settings. The general lack of a relationship between demographic factors and
opportunities for media literacy education contrasts favorably with the
provision of many other school-based civic learning opportunities. As noted
earlier, many school-based civic learning opportunities such as opportunities
for service learning, classroom debates, or opportunities to participate in
simulations are unequally distributed (Kahne & Middaugh, 2008). Higher
achieving students, white students, and those in classrooms where the
average SES is higher tend to receive far more of these opportunities. Unlike
those findings, however, we did not see indications that opportunities for
digital media literacy education are inequitably distributed in schools.
Table 4
Results of Regression Model Predicting Digital Media Literacy Education
High school panel Post–high school panel
Background variables
Female 0.03 0.21 **
GPA -0.12 * 0.01
Aspiration for 4-year college 0.01 —
African American -0.04 0.04
Hispanic -0.05 -0.01
Asian 0.01 0.09
Political interest, T1 0.07 0.14 *
R2 (%) 1.7 5.8
Observations 475 225
Note. Standardized OLS regression coefficients are displayed. GPA, grade point average. **p ! .01; *p !
.05.
One important exception must be highlighted, however. Currently, 71%
of students nationally graduate on time from high school. In the nations’ fifty
largest cities, that rate drops to 53% (Swanson, 2009). Moreover, many high
school graduates are not engaged in post-secondary education. Educational
attainment is already a strong predicator of civic and political participation.
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Since only those enrolled in school receive these media literacy opportunities,
providing school-based digital media literacy education appears likely to
exacerbate the gap in civic and political participation between those who stay
in high school and attend college and those who do not.
Limitations
The study would be stronger if the sample was larger and was
proportionally representative of the nation’s students. As a result of these
limitations, we do not use our data to characterize the frequency of varied
media literacy opportunities in U.S. schools. In addition, this survey was
designed to capture youth online participation both in school and out. Thus,
our measure of politically driven online activity and of online exposure to
diverse perspectives did not distinguish between activities that occurred in
school and those that occurred out of school. Consequently, it is likely that
some youth counted activities that occurred as part of media literacy
education when describing their overall level of online activity. This likely
inflated the relationships we found between digital media literacy education
and the outcome variables we considered. Experimental studies designed to
test the degree to which in-school opportunities promote out-of-school
discretionary practices are clearly needed as are studies that test whether
changes in youth practice that occur are sustained over time.
Implications
This is one of the first studies to assess quantitatively the frequency of
digital media literacy education and its relationship to varied forms of online
civic and political participation. We find that several forms of digital media
literacy education are occurring within public schools in California. Although
our sample is not representative of the state, it is diverse with students from a
varied array of districts. It provides clear evidence that many youth are
currently receiving these opportunities in both high school and college
settings. These findings also demonstrate that there is substantial room to
expand students’ access to these opportunities.
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Second, we find that digital media literacy education is associated with
gains in the quantity of politically driven online activities and with higher
levels of online exposure to diverse perspectives. The relationships we found
were consistent and relatively sizable while controlling for a broad range of
demographic factors and for prior levels of online activity. Thus, these data
suggest that support and guidance may well help many youth when it comes
to fully tapping the affordances of new digital media to enhance the quality
and quantity of their online civic and political participation. As Hargittai
(2003;2010) and others have demonstrated, not all youth are digital natives
or fully engaged online. This study points to the potential value of
educational initiatives.
A vast array of curricula can provide the kinds of opportunities we
assessed in this study. There are many ways to help individuals judge the
trustworthiness of online information and to find and analyze the differing
perspectives on social issues they find online (for examples, see Project Look
Sharp, at http://www.ithaca.edu/looksharp/?action=main, and the Salzburg
Academy, at http://www.salzburg.umd.edu/salzburg/new/media-literacy-
curricula) . Given the potential benefits identified in this study, it makes sense
for curriculum developers, policymakers, and educators to continue
experimenting with and developing ways to provide these and related
opportunities.
Such efforts will be aided by a deeper understanding of how and why
digital media literacy education can promote desired practices. Educators
would benefit from a fuller picture of effective ways to help students judge
the trustworthiness of online information and to help students analyze the
different perspectives on political and social issues they locate on the Web.
Indeed, there is no doubt that more research is needed. Experimental and
qualitative case studies of specific media literacy initiatives would be
particularly valuable as a means of specifying impact and as a way of gaining
a more detailed sense of best practice.
Finally, since so many valuable educational practices are inequitably
distributed, it is striking that the digital media literacy opportunities we
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identified were relatively equitably distributed among those enrolled in
school. A core challenge for reformers is to expand the quantity and quality of
these opportunities without contributing to their inequitable distribution. In
addition to the challenge of coming up with more ways to introduce such
programs in educational curricula, an additional significant part of this agenda
requires identification of ways to promote digital media literacy education for
youth who are not enrolled in high school or college.
In sum, the strong relationships we found are encouraging and argue for
greater focus on the potential value of digital media literacy education as a
support for the quality, quantity, and equality of civic and political
engagement. Given that adolescent new media practices are youth directed
and products of their preferences, some might assume that schools can do
little to impact youth practices. To the contrary, our study indicates that
schools may be able to promote desired practices in significant ways. It is
important to examine these possibilities more fully with nationally
representative data as well as with panel data and experimental studies in
order to inform both policy and practice.
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