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Journal of Black Studies 2015, Vol. 46(5) 506 –520

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Article

Black Feminist-Womanist Research Paradigm: Toward a Culturally Relevant Research Model Focused on African American Girls

LaShawnda Lindsay-Dennis1

Abstract Black Feminist and Womanist theories are culturally based perspectives that take into consideration the contextual and interactive effects of herstory culture, race, class, gender, and other forms of oppression. These frameworks provide a contextualized understanding of African American girls’ experiences and perspectives. The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the current status of research about African American girls. In addition, this article demonstrates the need for a theoretical perspective that can be used to produce research that accurately examines the lives of African American girls. Major themes of Black Feminist Thought and Womanism will serve as a viable theoretical framework for studying this population. Last, principles of a Black Feminist-Womanist research model will be defined.

Keywords African American girls, Black Feminisim, Womanism, culturally responsive research

1Paine College, Augusta, GA, USA

Corresponding Author: LaShawnda Lindsay-Dennis, Department of Education, Paine College, 1235 15th Street, Candler Memorial Library 101F, Augusta, GA 30904, USA. Email: [email protected]

583664 JBSXXX10.1177/0021934715583664Journal of Black StudiesLindsay-Dennis research-article2015

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In general, African American1 girls are an understudied group in educational research (Lindsay-Dennis, 2010; Rozie-Battle, 2002). Most often, they appear in the research literature as comparison groups for African American boys and White girls. As a scholar with a vested interest in African American girls, I have noticed a shift in this area of inquiry. In 2009, the Institute for Women’s Policy Research released Black Girls in New York City: Untold Strength and Resilience (Jones-DeWeever, 2009). This report was one of the first publicly disseminated strength-focused work on African American girls. Prior to 2009, a search of public and research databases using the terms African American girls, Black girls, and African American female adoles- cents mostly resulted in empirical and theoretical sources that focused on risk behaviors (sexual behaviors, teenage pregnancy, obesity, sexual attitudes, HIV/AIDS, and drug use). Focusing on the “problems” that African American girls face pose to society has not furthered scholarship on the Black girlhood or their lived experiences. Instead, deficit-focused research reinforces a one- dimensional view of African American girls as loud, unintelligent, sexually promiscuous, and welfare dependent (Stephens & Phillips, 2003; Townsend, Thomas, Neilands, & Jackson, 2010).

A large portion of research about Black girlhood utilizes a positivistic per- spective, which focuses on variables that are “measurable” and “observable.” A positivist approach to research is based on the belief that knowledge is gained from positive verification of observable experience as opposed to introspection or intuition. Positivistic research focuses on prediction and con- trol, empirical verification, and value-free research (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006). With this perspective, it is difficult for researchers to determine the interpretive effects of metaphysical experiences. For example, positivism does not allow investigation of the residual effects of multigenerational trauma through continued oppression (Leary, 2005). Ignoring this aspect of Black girlhood fails to situate girls’ experiences and their perspectives within the appropriate cultural context. This limitation contributes to a pathological view of African American girls’ behaviors in which they are viewed out of context. Therefore, perspectives that consider the “immeasurable” aspect of Black girlhood is greatly needed (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010).

In addition, positivistic research stresses the importance of an objective and dispassionate stance in the research process. Within this framework, a realist ontological stance, which assumes that there are real-world objects apart from the human knower, is used to conduct an investigation (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006). A dispassionate researcher allegedly suspends personal bias, feelings, and thoughts about a topic and/or participants. Possessing a dispas- sionate view of research is believed to increase validity and credibility of one’s study. However, possessing an objective and dispassionate stance does

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not ensure that one’s research is credible and valid. Personal bias influences what is studied, who is studied, how it is studied, how the data are interpreted, and what conclusions are drawn (V. G. Thomas & Miles, 1995). Research that has consistently portrayed African American girls as “the problem” is a direct result of and will continue to produce one-dimensional views of African American girls’ developmental trajectory.

The Need for a Culturally Relevant Research Model

Since 2009, there has been steady increase in information about African American girls in research and public spheres. This “sudden” interest in Black girls is best documented by recent reports. These reports include Black Girls Matter: Pushed Out, Overpoliced and Underprotected (Crenshaw, Ocen, & Nanda, 2015); Unlocking Opportunity for African American Girls: A Call to Action for Educational Equity (Smith-Evans & George, 2014); The State of Girls: Unfinished Business Black/African American Girls (Girl Scouts, 2013); Race, Gender, and the “School to Prison Pipeline”: Expanding Our Discussion to Include Black Girls (M. W. Morris, 2012); Black Girls in Franklin County, Ohio: Progress, Power and Possibility (Reno, Stanley, Staats, Baek, & Jemczura, 2011); and Placing Black Girls at Promise: Report of the Rise Sister Rise Study (Frazier, Belliston, Brower, & Knudsen, 2011). These reports documented the multifaceted, complex, and unique experiences of African American girls.

Other Black female scholars have made tremendous strides to widen the scope of educational and psychological research about African American girls (Belgrave, 2009; Brown, 2009; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010; Lindsay-Dennis & Cummings, 2014; Love, 2012; A. Thomas, Speight, Turner-Essel, & Barrie, 2012; Townsend, 2008; Townsend et al., 2010; Winn, 2010). However, culturally relevant theories and research methodology to study African American girls have lagged behind the research in this area. Evans-Winters and Esposito (2010) state,

Girls of African descent are at the bottom of the social totem pole in society; thus, there is an urgent need for a theoretical framework that serves to expose, confront and eradicate race, class and gender oppression in our families, communities and schools. (p. 22)

Limitations of Developmental Theories

Given the influx of interest in this area, there is a demonstrated need to utilize culturally relevant research paradigms that do not rely solely on positivism

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and normative developmental theories (Wong & Rowley, 2001). Many devel- opmental theories are based on middle-class, White male norms. This does not suggest that challenges associated with membership in devalued racial/ ethnic, gender, and economic groups directly cause any particular develop- mental outcome. However, problems arise when deviations from White, male normative behavior is perceived as negative and interpreted as evidence of maladjustment. For example, identity development theory proposes identity formation is achieved once a youth develops a sense of self that is indepen- dent of family relationships. For girls and ethnic minorities, a sense of self is developed in relation to one’s family. Applying traditional identity theory to African American girls would suggest that they are not meeting developmen- tal trends (Townsend, 2008). In contrast, consideration of culture would help one to understand Black female identity development. Therefore, examining African American girls’ experiences within a cultural context can better inform this domain of research.

Black Feminism and Womanism: A Dual Cultural Lens

Furthering the scholarship on African American girls requires scholars to integrate existing theories and/or develop theories that provide an appropriate lens to accurately identify, name, interpret, and write about this group’s expe- rience (Few, Stephens, & Rouse-Arnett, 2003). Black Feminist Thought and Womanism are culturally based perspectives that take into consideration the contextual and interactive effects of herstory, culture, race, class, gender, and other forms of oppression (V. G. Thomas, 2004). These frameworks encour- age incorporation of African American girls’ social location in the research process. Collectively, Black Feminist Thought and Womanism situates African American girls’ development, attitudes, and behaviors in a cultural context. Although Black Feminist Thought and Womanism are different theo- retical frameworks (refer to Table 1), both theories allow for examination of the Black female psyche and social experiences, providing a means to con- textualize Black girlhood.

Black Feminist Thought centers on African American girls’ experiences and empowers them with the right to interpret their reality and define their experiences (Taylor, 1998). The guiding premise of this perspective is that “academic knowledge” and “everyday experiences” should guide research- ers’ theorizing about African American girls. In addition, Black feminism situates “academic knowledge” and “everyday experiences” within the con- text of racial, gender, and class oppression. These intersecting oppressive forces shape the collective and individual worldviews, behaviors, and out- comes of African American girls. There are four principles of Black Feminist

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Thought: (a) concrete experience as a criterion of meaning, (b) use of dia- logue in assessing knowledge claims, (c) an ethic of caring, and (d) an ethic of responsibility. Each domain lends meaning to the lived experiences of Black girls.

Adding Womanism into this discussion further contextualizes research about Black girlhood. Many scholars view Womanism as another term for, extension of, or a form of Black feminism (Banks-Wallace, 2000; Collins, 2000). However, Phillips and McCaskill (2006) define Womanism as a sepa- rate concept with its own goals, characteristics, and methods that are not equivalent to Black feminism. The central principle of Womanism is the absolute necessity of speaking from and about one’s own experiential loca- tion (Phillips & McCaskill, 2006). Womanism is a social change methodol- ogy that stems from everyday experiences of Black women and their modes of solving practical problems. The goals of Womanism include using

Table 1. Overview of Black Feminist Thought and Womanism.

Black feminist thought (Collins, 2000)

Womanism (Phillips, 2006)

Purpose Empowerment self-definition Social change Activism Ending all forms of oppression Guiding

premise African American women

share the common experience of being Black in a society that denigrates women of African descent

Black womanhood serves as the origin point for a speaking position that freely and autonomously addresses any topic or problem

Characteristics Lived experience as a criterion of meaning

Use of dialogue in assessing knowledge claims

Ethic of caring Ethic of personal accountability

Anti-oppressionist Vernacular Non-ideological Communitarian Spiritualized

Values Everyday intellectuals Lived experiences Within group diversity Outsider within status Communal mothering

Everyday experiences and problem solving

Dialogue Cultural harmony Self-help and mutual aid Arbitration and mediation Spirituality Motherhood Healing

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everyday people to solve problems, ending all forms of oppression for all people, restoring the balance between people and nature, and reconnecting humans with the spirit realm.

Womanism encourages researchers to examine intergenerational survival strategies used to achieve and maintain balance among people, nature, and the spiritual world. These survival strategies include mothering, dialoguing, using mutual aid/self-help, and spirituality as a means for solving problems. Black girls learn these strategies through socialization. Socialization constitutes the indirect and direct messages transmitted from one generation to the next that contribute to identity formation. Mothers, grandmothers, and other mothers teach/show Black girls how to use these strategies to navigate through multi- ple spaces. Womanism stresses the importance of viewing intergenerational strategies of survival as an intuitive and measurable process.

Collectively, Black feminism and Womanism acknowledge that African American girls inherit an unearned legacy of race, gender, and class oppres- sion as descendants of the only group of women that were enslaved and brought to the United States to work, to produce, and to reproduce (Collins, 2000; Shorter-Gooden & Washington, 1996). Black feminism and Womanism recognize that many African American girls thrive in a unique racial and gen- dered context, which shapes their worldviews, emotional and behavioral responses. The experiences of Black girls are clearly intersectional and can- not be adequately explained with an isolated emphasis on either race or gen- der. Black feminism and Womanism provide a dual lens for researchers to authentically investigate the nuances of Black girlhood. Also, Black femi- nism and Womanism provide a means for examining African American girls through a strength-oriented perspective by placing them at the center of anal- ysis. This dual lens forces one to examine the intersection of race, gender, class, sexuality, and socially defined markers of identity that impact Black girls’ lives.

Black Feminist-Womanist (BFW) Research: Defined

BFW research is a culturally congruent model to guide studies about African American girls. This research paradigm allows for consideration of intersec- tionality and metaphysical aspects of African American girls’ cultural perspec- tives, and demonstrates a commitment to social change and community building. This paradigm invites researchers to view their research on a con- tinuum rather than isolated acts of data collection. More specifically, this pro- cess includes examining young African American girls’ decisions and actions as outputs related to their worldviews and experiences. BFW researchers

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understand that African American girls do not develop in a vacuum. The BFW research paradigm acknowledges that only within the context of the commu- nity does the individual appear and, through dialogue, continues to emerge (Dillard, 2000). As a result, the researcher recognizes that intergenerational transmission of worldviews, behaviors, and coping mechanisms affects Black girls’ development (Banks-Wallace, 2000; Collins, 2000; Phillips, 2006).

Unlike positivistic, dispassionate research modalities, BFW research encourages active engagement and passion to guide the research process. Therefore, one’s cultural lens and experiences is not bracketed for the sake of validity and credibility. A researcher’s multiple identities (cultural, race, eth- nicity, gender, sexual, religion, and spiritual) shape her or his interest in, engagement with, and responsibility to African American girls (Dillard, 2000). A passionate, engaged approach to research forces the individual to explore the meaning of one’s lived experience and research training. This reflection process helps the researcher to determine whether those experi- ences infer with the study of Black girlhood.

A BFW researcher has a deep sense of personal and professional responsi- bility to the Black girlhood scholarship. For many African American women, research about African American girls is both an intellectual and spiritual pursuit of purpose, whereby one’s own lived experiences emerge (Dillard, 2000) and serve as an impetus for social and personal change. For many African American female scholars, the connection between their intellectual pursuits and spiritual awareness is a metaphysical reality that must be acknowledged (Heath, 2006; Phillips, 2006). Allowing these experiences to come forth in research process honors the phenomenological experience of researcher and the population under investigation. Often, this research is an extension of them. Therefore, honoring and validating the whole self in the research process creates a space for self-definition, healing, and wholeness.

Researcher Role as Bricoleur

A BFW researcher may often experience difficulty when trying to construct a literature view about African American girls using available sources within one’s academic discipline. For example, a recent search about “African American girls’ experiences in school” yielded about 30 sources; only about 15 to 20 articles have been published within the last 10 years. Constructing a literature review with these limited sources will undoubtedly provide an underdeveloped synopsis about Black girls’ experiences in schools. BFW research proposes that gathering all relevant information will help to uncover intricacies of African American girls’ lives. Therefore, using multiple sources of information provides a means to examine a variety of issues and causes of

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Black girls’ behavior (Stephens, Phillips, & Few, 2009). Therefore, it is imperative for the BFW researcher to read widely to gain a comprehensive understanding of the developmental trends and cultural strengths that African American girls employ in their everyday lives. This process includes explor- ing literature outside of one’s immediate discipline (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010).

The ability to conceptualize one’s research agenda using information from multiple disciplines is a vital aspect of BFW research. This “Jill of all trades” scholarship embraces flexibility and plurality by amalgamating multiple disciplines, multiple methodologies, and varying theoretical per- spectives. The “Jill of all trades” metaphor is drawn from the French word bricoleur, which describes a handywoman who makes use of the tools available to complete a task (Kincheloe, 2001). Bricoleurs view the research process as involving far more than one “correct” procedure and source of information. Within the African American context, a bricoleur is parallel to a quilt maker, Black woman, who stitches scraps of fabric to create a quilt that often depicts her family heritage. Similarly, the researcher stitches theoretical scraps, and methodologies to create comprehensive “quilt” cap- tures the essence of African American girls’ worldview, behaviors, and psy- chosocial outcomes (Banks-Wallace, 2000; Kincheloe, 2001; Sheared, 1994).

Not only does the BFW scholar approach research using wide lens, but she also recognizes the ethic of risk that permeates educational and social science literature (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2002). This does not translate into ignoring the risks that African American girls face; however, it does require that girls are always the focal point of the research (Collins, 2000). Centering the research on Black girls moves them from the margins to the heart of the inquiry. Based on the BFW perspective, the researcher understands that per- sonal bias influences decisions about research questions, data collection, and data analysis procedures. Instead of ignoring these nuances, acknowledgment of how personal assumptions about Black girlhood impact the investigation is critical. Although it is not necessary for one to suspend personal beliefs and experiences, it is necessary to monitor personal biases and assumptions. One strategy that a researcher can use to monitor bias is to keep extensive field notes and journal about the entire process. This information can also be used to record beliefs and judgments. Awareness of bias can lessen the likelihood of inaccurately interpreting the data, silencing the participants, and ignoring the diverse experiences and perceptions of participants (Few et al., 2003). Thus, the researcher relies on personal responsibility and self-awareness to ensure that studies conducted about/on African American girls is rigorous, authentic, and accurate (Collins, 2000).

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The BFW perspective stresses the understanding of how intersecting iden- tities and personal differences may enhance and impede a researcher’s ability to gain access to Black girls. Therefore, a researcher should not assume one’s race/ethnicity and gender will result in immediate access, trust, and insider status. Differences in experience, age, geographical location, job status, edu- cation, socioeconomic status, sexuality, and many other factors may relegate a researcher to an outsider status. To be awarded insider status, the researcher must demonstrate a level of high commitment, ethic of caring, and personal accountability to the girls and their parents.

Employing culturally congruent research methods to ensure that Black girlhood is at the center of the analysis is another component of BFW research. Placing Black girls at the center of analysis requires the use of inno- vative research methods (Few et al., 2003). One of the goals of BFW research is to provide a space for self-definition for marginalized individuals; there- fore, the sole usage of quantitative methods is often ineffective. Providing opportunities for African American girls to share their experiences is an important aspect of the self-definition process (Banks-Wallace, 2000). Research designs that facilitate dialogue, accompanied by reflection of ideas/ theories generated throughout this process, may enhance participants’ ability to speak for themselves, name their own experiences, and make decisions about their lives. Dialoging and sharing stories in the research context can provide opportunities for healing because it may allow some African American girls to share experiences, knowledge, and/or exchange wisdom that is often devalued in other settings (Lindsay-Dennis, Cummings, & McClendon, 2011). Providing this opportunity for Black girls transmits an important message communicating to them that they are capable generators, interpreters, and validators of knowledge and their lived experiences (Phillips & McCaskill, 2006).

Quantitative measures can also silence African American girls by forcing them to rate themselves and their lived experiences on scales that are cultur- ally incongruent. Many educational and psychosocial assessments, survey, and measures lack cultural validity for African American female participants (Tillman, 2002). Examining the cultural validity of research tools is an impor- tant aspect of advancing the scholarship on Black girlhood. Although quanti- tative methods have limitations, there are many advantages to this approach. Quantitative methods used in conjunction with qualitative research methods (i.e., focus groups, interviewing, and participant observation) can enrich the data. Quantitative methods utilized to expound upon reoccurring themes that emerge from several qualitative studies can further our understanding of African American girls’ development. Adding voices behind the numbers can be a powerful way to enact social change and community building.

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The BFW scholar does not assume that conducting qualitative research with African American girls is a simple task. In fact, individuals that con- duct research with this population must be prepared to engage in participa- tory witnessing. Participatory witnessing includes active engagement of the self in the research, which includes being physically present and actively involved in all aspects of steps of research plan (Taylor, 1998). Participatory witnessing may also involve sharing one’s lived experiences, paper (i.e., academic) credentials, and professional obligations with research partici- pants (Banks-Wallace, 2000). The researcher can demonstrate an ethic of personal responsibility by establishing credibility at the beginning of the research project. For example, researchers would need to show a vested interest in learning from the participants. The BFW investigator must also recognize that historical experiences of racism and unethical research have contributed to intergenerational mistrust of research. Therefore, demon- strating a commitment to the community that extends beyond data collec- tion is essential. Collaborating with participants to analyze the data will not only increase content validity but also demonstrate an ethic of caring. Reciprocal dialogue with the research community is a critical aspect of BFW research (Collins, 2000; Phillips, 2006). Dialogue that communicates the importance of “telling our stories” and acknowledges the wholeness of African American girls’ experiences strengthens the richness of the data. A dialogical relationship increases the researcher’s ability to engage partici- pants in authentic ways. It also provides a means to better understand the sociocultural, individual, and other nuanced factors that influence the vari- ables under investigation (Banks-Wallace, 2007). Researchers can gain significant additional insight into Black girlhood by observing and partici- pating in dialogue with community members (i.e., African American adult women).

Last, a researcher who embraces the BFW perspective seeks to give voice to the participants and shares their voices with them. Thus, it is important for one to develop a plan to disseminate research findings in the community where the data were collected. Sharing the results with African American girls and their families shows the researcher’s commitment to BFW research goals, particularly social change and community building. As the arbitrator between Black girls and larger society, the BFW researcher has a duty to dis- seminate the information widely through traditional (scholarly journal, pol- icy reports, books, and conference presentation) and non-traditional venues (news media outlets, social media, and community forum/workshops). Employing these strategies helps to bridge the gap between academic knowl- edge and everyday life while creating opportunities for data-driven social change and community building.

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Conclusion

The growing interests in African American girls as a social and cultural group calls for a unique methodology that contextualizes their experiences and per- spective. This article argues that Black Feminist Thought and Womanism have theoretical and methodological implications that should be used to fur- ther the scholarship about African American girls. By identifying common themes, principles, and research strategies’ within these frameworks, the BFW research paradigm has been established. This comprehensive paradigm can be used to ground the experiences and outcomes of Black girls in a cul- turally relevant, strength-focused way.

African American girls share the common devalued status of being Black and female in the United States (Collins, 2000; Phillips, 2006). Grounding investigations in BFW research principles can help to diversify the research on African American girlhood. Although commonalities among African American girls exist, this does not equate to universal truths about Black Girlhood. Many African American girls are considered to be “resilient” given their ability to adapt and achieve in contexts of familial, social, and economic risks; however, there is little investigation of this segment of the African American female population. To develop prevention and intervention pro- grams that speak to the unique and diverse needs of African American girls, there is a dire need to understand how some African American girls are able to maintain high self-esteem, develop healthy identities, achieve academi- cally, and thrive in psychologically and socially threatening environments (Fordham, 1993; E. W. Morris, 2007). BFW research provides a comprehen- sive understanding of risks; it also helps to examine the varied responses and strengths of African American girls.

African American girls are an understudied group in social science and education research (Rozie-Battle, 2002). Therefore, the BFW research para- digm calls for more systematic, authentic, well-informed research that places them at the center of the analysis. The BFW research paradigm addresses this gap by providing researchers with a culturally responsive perspective and research strategies to advance the state of Black girlhood scholarship. This paradigm furthers our understanding of the factors influencing and outcomes associated with Black girlhood: (a) racial, cultural, and gender socialization; (b) media influences on developmental outcomes; (c) cultural and economic influences on the physical health and development; (d) body image (i.e., skin color, and hair texture); (e) educational attainment, achievement, and occupa- tional goals; (f) multiple (racial, cultural ethnic, gender, sexual, religious, and spiritual) identity development; (g) experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) girls of African descent; (h) protective factors/strengths

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that influence the academic, social, and personal outcomes; (i) peer influence on social, moral, sexual and relational behaviors; (j) religiosity and spiritual- ity; (k) criminal justice issues that influence girls of African descent; (l) sup- port systems and supportive networks (family, peers, and so on); (m) experiences of molestation, incest, rape, sexual assault, and sexual exploita- tion/oppression; (n) effective prevention and intervention programs for girls of African descent; and (o) social and educational policies that affect girls of African descent. In addition to more research on African American girls, there is a need for scholarly journals, books, workshops, policies, and youth development programs that are committed to BFW principles and research goals.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica- tion of this article.

Note

1. African American and Black will be used interchangeable. Both terms refer to girls of African descent living in the United States.

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Author Biography

LaShawnda Lindsay-Dennis serves as an Associate Professor of Education at Paine College in Augusta, Georgia. Dr. Lindsay-Dennis has vigorously accepted the call to enhance the well-being and lives of Black girls globally. Her wide array of research over the past decade has created a platform that sheds light on the social determinants, racial injustices, and cultural biases that burden the progression and viability of Black girls and women. She has also mentored, implemented sustainable programs and ini- tiatives and most recently founded Black Girls Matter, Inc (April 2014).