Decolonisation

'This book is a counter-story to Western ideas about the benefits of the pursuit of knowledge. Looking through the eyes of the colonized, cautionary tales are told from an indigenous perspective, tales designed not just to voice the voiceless but to prevent the dying - of people, of culture, of ecosystems. The book is particularly strong in situating the development of counter­ practices of research within both Western critiques of Western knowledge and global indigenous movements. Informed by critical and feminist evaluations of positivism, Tuhiwai Smith urges researching back and disrupting the rules of the research game toward practices that are more respectful, ethical, sympathetic and useful vs racist practices and attitudes, ethnocentric assumptions and exploitative research. Using Kaupapa Maori, a fledgling approach toward culturally appropriate research protocols and methodologies, the book is designed primarily to develop indigenous peoples as researchers. In short, Tuhiwai Smith begins to articulate research practices that arise out of the specificities of epistemology and methodology rooted in survival struggles, a kind of research that is something other than a dirty word to those on the suffering side of history.' PATII LATHER, PROFESSOR OF EDUCATIONAL POUCY AND LEADERSHIP, OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY AND

AUTHOR OF Getting Smart: Feminist Research and Pedagogy With/ in the Postmodern (ROUTLEDGE, 1 99 1 ) AND Troubling the Angels: Women Living With HJVIAIDS, WITH CHRIS SMITHIES (WESTVIEW, 1 997).

'Finally, a book for researchers working in indigenous context. Finally, a book especially for indigenous researchers. Linda Smith goes far beyond de­ colonizing research methodology. Our contextual histories, politics, and cultural considerations are respectfully interwoven together. Our distinctive­ ness remains distinct, but there are important places where our issues and methodologies intersect. Stories of research experiences, examples of projects, critical examination, and mindful reflection are woven together to make meaningful and practical designs related to indigenous issues and research.' JO-ANN ARCHIBALD, STO:LO NATION AND DIRECTOR OF THE FIRST NATIONS HOUSE OF LEARNING AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

'A book like this is long overdue. It will be most useful for both indigenous and non-indigenous researchers in educational and non-educational institu­ tien,s�It.will em ower indi enous students to undertake research which uses methods that are culturally sensitive an appropriate-instead-ef..dl.ese...w.hich_

out in Research Methods courses in universities which assume that researc an rese researchers occupy some kind of moral high ground from which they can observe their subjects and make judgements about them.' KONAI THAMAN, PROFESSOR OF PACIFIC EDUCATION AND CULTURE, AND UNESCO CHAIR OF

EDUCATION, UNIVERSITY OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC.

'Unda Tuhiwai Smith is the leading theorist on decolonization of Maori in New Zealand. This book opts for a dynamic interpretation of power relations

of domination, struggle and emancipation. She uses a dual framework - the whakapapa of Maori knowledge and European epistemology - to interpret and capture the world of reality for a moment in time. Thus the search for truth. in complex human relations is a never-ending quest.' RANGINUI

WALKER, FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF MAORI STUDIES DEPARTMENT AND PRO­ VICE CHANCELLOR, UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND.

We have needed this book. A cademic research facilitates diverse forms of economic and cultural imperialism by shaping and legitimating policies which entrench existing unjust power relations. Linda Tuhiwai Smith's powerful critique of dominant research methodologies is eloquent, informed and timely. Her distinctive proposals for an indigenous research agenda are especially. valuable. Decolonization, she reminds us, cannot be limited to deconstructing the dominant story and revealing underlying texts, for none of that helps people improve their current conditions or prevents them from dying. This careful articulation of a range of research methodologies is vital, welcome and full of promise.' LAURIE ANNE WHTIT, PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY,

MICHIGAN TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY.

'A brilliant, evocative and timely book about an issue that serves to both define and create indigenous realities. In recent years, indigenous people, often led by the emerging culturally affirmed and positioned indigenous scholars, have intensified the struggle to break free from the chains of colonialism and its oppressive legacy. In writing this book, Linda Tuhiwai Smith makes a powerful and impassioned contribution to this struggle. No budding researcher should be allowed to leave the academy without reading this book and no teacher should teach without it at their side.' BOB MORGAN, DIRECTOR, JUMBUNNA CAISER, CENTRE FOR ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDERS, UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, SYDNEY.

About the Author

Linda Tuhiwai Smith (Ngati A wa and Ngati Porou) is an A ssociate ro esso tf! l!!dUCini I I D't slt!f 8t ±e Iorematjppa} iesearch Institute for Maori and Indigenous Education at the University o uckland.

Decolonizing Methodologies

Research and Indigenous Peoples

L INDA TUHIWA I SMITH

Zed Books Ltd LONDON & NEW YORK

University of Otago Press DUN EO IN

Decolonizing Methodologies was first published by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London N1 9JF, UK,

and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA

and

University of Otago Press, Level 1/398 Cumberland Street, Dunedin, New Zealand Fax 64 3 479 8385, email [email protected]

in 1999

Distributed in the USA exclusively by Palgrave, a division of St Martin's Press, LLC,

175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA

Copyright © Linda Tuhiwai Smith, 1999 Twelfth impression, 2008

Printed and bound in Malaysia

Cover designed by Andrew Corbett. Laserset by Long House, Cumbria, UK.

Printed and bound in Malaysia.

All rights reserved The right of the author of

this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs

and Patents Act, 1988.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN-13: 978 1 85649 623 0 Cased (Zed Books) ISBN-13: 978 1 85649 624 7 Limp (Zed Books) ISBN-10: 1 877133 67 1 Limp (University of Otago Press)

Contents

Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1

1

2

Imperialism, History, Writing and Theory Imperialism On being human Writing history and theory Is history important for indigenous peoples? Contested histories Is writing important for indigenous peoples? Writing theory

Research Through Imperial Eyes The cultural formations of Western research The intersections of race and gender Conceptualizations of the individual and society Conceptions of space Conceptions of time

19 20 25 28 29 33 35 37

42 43 45 47 50 53

.3----<::olonizing--Knowledges- - SS- Establishing the positional superiority of Western knowledge 59 c J • • zg dte msctptines 55 Disciplining the colonized �8 Colonialism and 'Native' intellectuals 69 The 'authentic, essentialist, deeply spiritual' Other 72

Research Adventures on Indigenous Lands They came, They saw, They named, They claimed On the road to ... research

V

78 80 83

vi CONT E N T S

Organizing research 85 Trading the Other 88 Defining the indigenous 'problem' 90

5 Notes from Down Under 95 The end of one part the beginning of another 95 The new language of imperialism 97 Ten ways to be researched (colonized) 99 The new millenium 103

6 The Indigenous People's Project: Setting a New Agenda 107 The social movement of indigenous peoples 108 International mobilization 112 An agenda for indigenous research 1 15 Ethical research protocols 1 18

7 Articulating an Indigenous Research Agenda 123 Community research 125 Tribal research 128 The case study of an indigenous research initiative 129 Trainin

J indigenous researchers 134

Insider Outsider research 137

8 Twenty-five Indigenous Projects 142 The Projects 143 1 Claiming 143 2 Testimonies 144 3 Story-telling 144 4 Celebrating survival 145 5 Remembering 146 6 /ndigeni:rjng 146 7---Jntervening 147 8 Revitali:rfng +1- � r:;�,,,,2211� 148 10 Reading t49: 11 Writing 149 12 Representing 150

13 Gendering 15 1

14 Envisioning 152

15 Re.framing 153

16 Restoring 154

17 Returning 155

1 8 Democratiifng 1 9 Networking 20 Naming 2 1 Protecting 22 Cmating 23 Negotiating 24 Discovering 25 Sharing Summary

CONTENTS

9 Responding to the Imperatives of an Indigenous

vii

156 156 157 158 158 159 160 160 161

Agenda: A Case Study of Maori 163 Western critiques of Western research 164 The challenge of feminist analyses 165 The Waitangi Tribunal and Te Kohanga Reo 168 Research as an extension of knowledge -

whose knowledge? 169 The validity of Maori knowledge 172 Negotiating new relationships with non-indigenous

researchers 1 7 5 Setting the boundaries to research by non-indigenous

researchers 178

10 Towards Developing Indigenous Methodologies: Kaupapa Maori Research 183 Research by Maori 184 A local approach to critical theory 185 Kaupapa Maori research and positivism 189 How does Kaupapa Maori research proceed? 19 1 Setting strategic directions 192

Conclusion: A Personal J oumey

Index

196

200

Acknowledgements

Ahakoa he iti, he iti pounamu Although small, it is precious

I would like to thank the following people, individuals and organizations for their support and assistance in preparing this book. Graham Hingangaroa Smith, Kuni Jenkins, Margie Kahukura Hohepa, Patricia Maringi Johnston, Leonie Pihama, Cherryl Waerea-I-te-rangi Smith, Roger Dale, Alison Jones, Stuart McNaughton, Judith Simon, James Marshall, Betsan Martin, Kay Morris-Matthews, Michael Peters, the students of the Here Wananga programme, Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland, students of Te Whare Wananga o Awanuiarangi, the University of Auckland Research Committee, indigenous colleagues from Canada, Australia, Hawa'i and the United States and others who have supported and encouraged.

For their technical support I would particularly like to thank Brenda­ Liddiard Laurent, Eleanor Tedford and Tommy Perana. For valuable feedback on my writing style I thank Jenny McKnight.

For their constant support many thanks to my whanau, particularly my parents Hirini and June Mead, my sisters Aroha and Hinauri, husband Graham and daughter Kapua, sister-in-law Cherryl Wairea-I-te­ _ra.ng:i,._.my_other-Mum-�aea--and-c::>ther-extw.d�d-familJ-lllember just...f o.r_ being who they are.

ix

Introduction

From the vantage point of the colonized, a position from which I write, and choose to privilege, the term 'research' is inextricably linked to European imperialism and colonialism. The word itself, 'research', is probably one of the dirtiest words in the indigenous world's vocabulary. When mentioned in many indigenous contexts, it stirs up silence, it conjures up bad memories, it raises a smile that is knowing and distrustful. It is so powerful that indigenous people even write poetry about research. The ways in which scientific research is implicated in the worst excesses of colonialism remains a powerful remembered history for many of the world's colonized peoples. It is a history that still offends the deepest sense of our humanity. Just knowing that someone measured our 'faculties' by filling the skulls of our ancestors with millet seeds and compared the amount of millet seed to the capacity for mental thought offends our sense of who and what we are.1 It galls us that Western researchers and intellectuals can assume to know all that it is possible to know of us, on the basis of their brief encounters with some of us. It appals us that the West can desire, extract and claim ownership of our ways of knowing, our imagery, the things we create and produce, and then simultaneously reject the people who created and developed those ideas and seek to deny them further opportunities to be creators

_o£their-own-Gul-tw;e-aad-ewfl-aatiefls-.---lt-aager-s--l:l-s--when-pr-a€tie�kGd­ to the last century, and the centuries before that, are still employed to deny tfte · ali!i"'J ( j lj 1 1 1 · · 1 1 1 1 8 I I ' , tetritories, to the right of self-determination, to the survival of our languages and forms of cultural knowledge, to our natural resources and systems for living within our environments.

This collective memory of imperialism has been perpetuated through the ways in which knowledge about indigenous peoples was collected,

' classified and then represented in various ways back to the West, and then, through the eyes of the West, back to those who have been

2 DECO L O N IZI N G METHO D O L O G1ES

colonized. Edward Said refers to this process as a Western discourse about the Other which is supported by 'institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles'.2 According to Said, this process has worked partly because of the constant interchange between the scholarly and the imaginative construction of ideas about the Orient. The scholarly construction, he argues, is supported by a corporate institution which 'makes statements about it [the Orient], authorising views of it, describing it, by t_eaching about it, settling it, ruling over it'.3 In these acts both the formal scholarly pursuits of knowledge and the informal, imaginative, anecdotal constructions of the Other are intertwined with each other and with the activity of research. This book identifies research as a significant site of struggle between the interests and ways of knowing of the West and the interests and ways of resisting of the Other. In this example, the Other has been constituted with a name, a face, a particular identity, namely indigenous peoples. While it is more typical (with the exception of feminist research) to write about research within the framing of a specific scientific or disciplinary approach, it is surely difficult to discuss research methodology and indigenous peoples together, in the same breath, without having an analysis of imperialism, without understanding the complex ways in which the pursuit of knowledge is deeply embedded in the multiple layers of imperial and colonial practices.

Many researchers, academics and project workers may see -the benefits of their particular research projects as serving a greater good 'for mankind', or serving a specific emancipatory goal for an oppressed community. But belief in the ideal that benefiting mankind is indeed a primary outcome of scientific research is as much a reflection of ideology as it is of academic training. It becomes so taken for granted that many researchers simply assume that they as individuals embody this ideal and are natural representatives of it when they work with other communities. Indigenous peoples across the world have other stories to tell which not only question the assumed nature of those ideals and the pr-a�ti�es-that-they-generatt, but also serve to tell an alternative story: the history of Western research through the eyes o e co oruzeO. Thes·e­

. tance which are repeated and shared across diverse indigenous commuruttes. n , . o , indigenous peoples and their communities do not differentiate scientific or 'proper' research from the forms of amateur collecting, journalistic approaches, film making or other ways of 'taking' indigenous knowledge that have occurred so casually over the centuries. The effect of travellers' tales, as pointed out by French philosopher Foucault, has contributed as much to the West's knowledge of itself as has the systematic gathering of scientific data. From some indigenous perspectives the gathering of

I N T R O D U C T I O N 3

information by scientists was as random, ad hoc and damaging as that undertaken by amateurs. There was no difference, from these perspec­ tives, between 'real' or scientific research and any other visits by inquisitive and acquisitive strangers.

This book acknowledges the significance of indigenous perspectives on research and attempts to account for how, and why, such pers­ pectives may have developed. It is written by someone who grew up within indigenous communities where stories about research and particularly about researchers (the human carriers of research) were intertwined with stories about all other forms of colonization and injustice. These were cautionary tales where the surface story was not as important as the underlying examples of cultural protocols broken, values negated, small tests failed and key people ignored. The greater danger, however, was in the creeping policies that intruded into every aspect of our lives, legitimated by research, informed more often by ideology. The power of research was not in the visits made by researchers to our communities, nor in their fieldwork and the rude questions they often asked. In fact, many individual non-indigenous researchers remain highly respected and well liked by the communities with whom they have lived. At a common sense level research was talked about both in terms of its absolute worthlessness to us, the indigenous world, and its

"" absolute usefulness to those who wielded it as an

instrument. It told us things already known, suggested things that would not work, and made careers for people who already had jobs. We are the most researched people in the world' is a comment I have heard frequently from several different indigenous communities. The truth of such a comment is unimportant, what does need to be taken seriously is the sense of weight and unspoken cynicism about research that the message conveys.

This cynicism ought to have been strong enough to deter any self­ respecting indigenous person from being associated with research. Obviously, in this case, it has not, which leads to my other motivation for writing about indigenous peoples and research. This is a book which attempt-s-te-cle-semething-more-t han-:-deconstructing-Western-scholar­ ship simply by our own retelling, or by sharing indigenous horror stories ale 11 I 11 h lit " decolotD2Rtg fftttiit! w Uflt, deeOH§&U@f:l(§fi 1§ pm OF a much larger intent. Taking apart the story, revealing underlying texts, and giving voice to things that are often known intuitively does not help people to improve their current conditions. It provides words, perhaps, an insight that explains certain experiences - but it does not prevent someone from dying. It is with that sense of reality that the second part of �e book has been written. Whilst indigenous communities have quite valid fears about the further loss of intellectual and cultural knowledges,

4 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E TH O D O L O G I E S

and have worked t o gain international attention and protection through covenants on such matters, many indigenous communities continue to live within political and social conditions that perpetuate extreme levels of poverty, chronic ill health and poor educational opportunities.4 Their children may be removed forcibly from their care, 'adopted' or institutionalized. The adults may be as addicted to alcohol as their children are to glue, they may live in destructive relationships which are formed and shaped by their impoverished material conditions and structured by politically oppressive regimes. While they live like this they are constantly fed messages about their worthlessness, laziness, dependence and lack of 'higher' order human qualities. This applies as much to indigenous communities in First World nations as it does to indigenous communities in developing countries. Within these sorts of social realities, questions of imperialism and the effects of colonization may seem to be merely academic; sheer physical survival is far more pressing. The problem is that constant efforts by governments, states, societies and institutions to deny the historical formations of such conditions have simultaneously denied our claims to humanity, to having a history, and to all sense of hope. To acquiesce is to lose ourselves entirely and implicitly agree with all that has been said about us. To resist is to retrench in the margins, retrieve what we were and remake ourselves. The past, our stories local and global, the present, our communities, cultures, languages and social practices - all may be spaces of marginalization, but they have also become spaces of resistance and hope.

It is from within these spaces that inc�;easing numbers of indigenous academics and researchers have begun to address social issues within the wider framework of self-determination, decolonization and social justice. This burgeoning international community of indigenous scholars and researchers is talking more widely about indigenous research, indigenous research protocols and indigenous methodologies. Its members position themselves quite clearly as indigenous researchers who are informed academka.J4rjzy critical and often feminist approaches to research, and who are grounded politically in spec1 c 1n • genou ontexts -and-. · · als. Man indi enous communities and organizations have deve ope po e1es a , issues related to control over research activities and the knowledge that research produces, and have developed ethical guidelines and discussion documents. The second part of this book addresses some of the issues currently being discussed amongst indigenous communities that relate to our own priorities and problems. These priorities often demand an understanding of the ways in which we can ask and seek answers to our own concerns within a context in which resistance to new formations

I N T R OD U C T ION 5

of colonization still has to be mounted and articulated. In other words, research is not an innocent or distant academic exercise but an activity that has something at stake and that occurs in a set of political and social conditions.

If in a sense this book is simply another contribution to the ways in which social s cience researchers in general think about methodologies and approaches to research - in this case among people and communities who hold research in high disdain - it has not been written with that intention. Rather, it is addressed more specifically to those researchers who work with, alongside and for communities who have chosen to identify themselves as indigenous. A growing number of these researchers define themselves as indigenous , although their training has been primarily within the Western academy and specific disciplinary methodologies. Many indigenous researchers have struggled individually to engage with the disconnections that are apparent between the demands of research, on one side, and the realities they encounter amongst their own and other indigenous communities, with whom they share lifelong relationships, on the other side. There are a number of ethical, cultural, political and personal issues that can present special difficulties for indigenous researchers who, in their own communities, work partially as insiders, and are often employed for this purpose, and partially as outsiders, because of their Western education or because they may work across clan, tribe, linguistic, age and gender boundaries. Simultaneously, they work within their research projects or institutions as insiders within a particular paradigm or research model, and as outsiders because they rare often marginalized and perceived to be representative of either a minority or a rival interest group. Patricia Hill Collins refers to 'the outsider within' positioning of research. 5 Some­ times when in the community ('in the field') or when sitting in on research meetings it can feel like inside-out! outside-in research. More often, however, I think that indigenous research is not quite as simple as it looks, nor quite as complex as it feels! If I have one consistent message for the students I teach and the researchers I train it is that indigenou :....re.s.earclLis_a_humble_an cLhumbling-activity�------

Indigenous researchers are expected, by their communities and by the ipstitntions 'uRicll 8Alfler eftetBp te furxe eeme jfl.., f 1 i t 'i 1 • l critical analysis of the role of research in the indigenous world. In general, this analysis has been acquired organically and outside of the academy. Despite the extensive literature about the life and customs of indigenous peoples, there are few critical texts on research method­ ologies which mention the word indigenous or its localized synonyms . Critiques b y feminist scholars, b y critical theorists, b y black and African American scholars have provided ways of talking about knowledge and

6 D E C O L ONIZING M E TH O D O L O GI E S

its social constructions, and about methodologies and the politics o f research. B u t the words that apply t o indigenous researchers have been inserted into the text, then read with our own world in/ sight. I hope that what is written here provides space for further dialogue within a framework that privileges the indigenous presence, that uses 'the words' (such as colonialism, decolonization, self-determination), and that acknowledges our continuing existence. It has not been written, therefore, as a technical book about research for people who talk the language of research, but as a book which situates research in a much larger historical, political and cultural context and then examines its critical nature within those dynamics.

The term 'indigenous' is problematic in that it appears to collectivize many distinct populations whose experiences under imperialism have been vastly different. Other collective terms also in use refer to 'First Peoples' or 'Native Peoples', 'First Nations' or 'People of the Land', 'Aboriginals' or 'Fourth World Peoples '.6 Some groups prefer the labels that connect us to Mother Earth, and to deeply significant spiritual relationships. While not denying the powerful world views embedded in such terms, within my own cultural framework as within others, they are not the terms that will be used here. A recent phenomenon which partly explains such a position is the Western fascination with New Age spiritual meanings which makes our own belief systems available, yet again, for further mining and exploitation. In some contexts, such as Australia and North America, the word indigenous is a way of including the many diverse communities, language groups and nations, each with their own identification within a single grouping. In other contexts, such as New Zealand, the terms 'Maori' or tangata whenua are used much more frequently than 'indigenous' as the universal term, while different origin and tribal terms are also used to differentiate between groups. Although the word 'Maori' is an indigenous term it has been identified as a label which defines a colonial relationship between 'Maori' and 'Pakeha', the non-indigenous settler population. For many of the world's indigenous commumaes ere-ar · r terms b which they have named themselves. There are also terms by which indigenous commurutles a e­

term of insult applied by colonizers, but then politicized as a power stgru er o identity, for example the use of the term 'Black Australia' by Aborigine activists. Inside these categories for describing or labelling are other terms that describe different layers of relationships and meanings within and between different group s. Some of these terms are about the classification systems used within the local colonial context, and others are about a prior relationship with groups whose territories now span different states.

I N T R O D U C T I O N 7

'Indigenous peoples' is a relatively recent term which emerged in the 1970s out of the struggles primarily of the American Indian Movement (AIM), and the Canadian Indian Brotherhood. It is a term that inter­ nationalizes the experiences, the issues and the struggles of some of the world's colonized peoples.7 The final's' in 'indigenous peoples' has been argued for quite vigorously by indigenous activists because of the right of peoples to self-determination. It is also used as a way of recognizing that there are real differences between different indigenous peoples.8 The term has enabled the collective voices of colonized people to be expressed strategically in the international arena. It has also been an umbrella enabling communities and peoples to come together, tran­ scending their own colonized contexts and experiences, in order to learn, share, plan, organize and struggle collectively for self-determination on the global and local stages. Thus the world's indigenous populations belong to a ne!Work of peoples. They share experiences as peoples who have been subjected to the colonization of their lands and cultures, and the denial of their sovereignty, by a colonizing society that has come to dominate and determine the shape and quality of their lives, even after it has formally pulled out. As Wilmer has put it, 'indigenous peoples represent the unfinished business of decolonization'.9

The word 'indigenous' is also used in ways which are quite contrary to the definitions of the term just described, but which are legitimate meanings of the word itself. For example it is used to describe or account for the distinctiveness of colonial literary and/ or feminist tmditions. It has been coopted politically by the descendants of settlers who lay claim to an 'indigenous' identity through their occupation and settlement of land over several generations or simply through being born in that place - though they tend not to show up at indigenous peoples' meetings nor form alliances that support the self-determination of the people whose forebears once occupied the land that they have 'tamed' and upon which they have settled. Nor do they actively struggle as a society for the survival of indigenous languages, knowledges and cultures. Their linguistic and cultural homeland is somewhere else, their cul�al-ley-a:lty-is--te-seme-c:>ther-plac . rheirpower,t heirprivilege;-tlreir history are all vested in their legacy as colonizers.

P ,, c •1 Ft jeGc of das boote ts restattthtn:g �ielt , m me §ifHe tradition of 'writing back' or 'talking back', that characterizes much of the post-colonial or anti-colonial literature.10 It has involved a 'knowing­ ness of the colonizer' and a recovery of ourselves, an analysis of colonialism, and a struggle for self-determination. Research is one of the ways in which the underlying code of imperialism and colonialism is ?oth regulated and realized. It is regulated through the formal rules of Individual scholarly disciplines and scientific paradigms, and the

8 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

institutions that support them (including the state). I t i s realized i n the myriad of representations and ideological constructions of the Other in scholarly and 'popular' works, and in the principles which help to select and recontextualize those constructions in such things as the media, official histories and school curricula. Ashis Nandy argues that the structures of colonialism contain rules by which colonial encounters occur and are 'managed'.11 The different ways in which these encounters happen and are managed are different realizations of the underlying rules and codes which frame in the broadest sense what is possible and what is impossible. In a very real sense research has been an encounter between the West and the Other. Much more is known about one side of those encounters than is known about the other side. This book reports to some extent on views that are held and articulated by 'the other sides'. The first part of the book explores topics around the theme of imperialism, research and knowledge. They can be read at one level as a narrative about a history of research and indigenous peoples but make much more sense if read as a series of intersecting and overlapping essays around a theme.

One of the issues examined relates to the way research became institutionalized in the colonies, not just through academic disciplines, but through learned and scientific societies and scholarly networks. The transplanting of research institutions, including universities, from the imperial centres of Europe enabled local scientific interests to be organized and embedded in the colonial system. Many of the earliest local researchers were not formally 'trained' and were hobbyist researchers and adventurers. The significance of travellers' tales and adventurers' adventures is that they represented the Other to a general audience back in Europe which became fixed in the milieu of cultural ideas. Images of the 'cannibal' chief, the 'red' Indian, the 'witch' doctor, or the 'tattooed and shrunken' head, and stories which told of savagery and primitivism, generated further interest, and therefore further opportunities, to represent the Other again.

Travellers' stories were generally the experiences and observations of white-men-wh0se-interaeti0n ith-incligeneus---% eeiet:ie?-e�peepl� were constructed around their own cultural views of gender and se a::d:it) Qbger. cuiullb nntds Qf itniigettu as nt x , 6 I 1 , resonated with views about the role of women in European societies based on Western notions of culture, religion, race and class. Treaties and trade could be negotiated with indigenous men. Indigenous women were excluded from such serious encounters. As Memmi noted in his 'Mythical Portrait of the Colonized', the use of zoological terms to describe primitive people was one form of dehumanization.12 These images have become almost permanent, so deeply embedded are they

I N T R O D U C T I O N 9

in the way indigenous women are discussed. 'How often do we read in the newspaper about the death or murder of a Native man, and in the same paper about the victimisation of a female Native, as though we were a species of sub-human animal life?' asks a First Nation Canadian woman, Lee Maracle. 'A female horse, a female Native, but everyone else gets to be called a man or a woman.'13 Across the Pacific, Maori women writers Patricia Johnston and Leonie Pihama make reference to J oseph Banks's description of young Maori women who were as 'skittish as unbroke fillies'.14 Similarly, in Australia, Aborigine women talk about a history of being hunted, raped and then killed like animals.

Travellers' tales had wide coverage. Their dissemination occurred through the popular press, from the pulpit, in travel brochures which advertised for immigrants, and through oral discourse. They appealed to the voyeur, the soldier, the romantic, the missionary, the crusader, the adventurer, the entrepreneur, the imperial public servant and the Enlightenment scholar. They also appealed to the downtrodden, the poor and those whose lives held no possibilities in their own imperial societies, and who chose to migrate as settlers. Others, also powerless, were shipped off to the colony as the ultimate prison. In the end they were all inheritors of imperialism who had learned well the discourses of race and gender, the rules of power, the politics of colonialism. They became the colonizers.

The second part of the book examines the different approaches and methodologies that are being developed to ensure that research with indigenous peoples can be more respectful, ethical, sympathetic and useful. The chapters in the second part ought not to be read as a 'how to' manual but as a series of accounts and guidelines which map a wide range of research-related issues. Feminism and the application of more critical approaches to research have greatly influenced the social sciences. Significant spaces have been opened up within the academy and within some disciplines to talk more creatively about research with particular groups and communities - women, the economically oppressed, ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples. These discussions h�ve-beea-iafermed-a-s-mt�eh-By-th pelities-ef-gr-eups -eatside-the­ academy as by engagement with the problems which research with real, 1· · g, 1 ,1 · g, 1 · t · g I I 1 113 · 1 c 1 indigenous activists have openly challenged the research community about such things as racist practices and attitudes, ethnocentric assumptions and exploitative research, sounding warning bells that research can no longer be conducted with indigenous communities as if their views did not count or their lives did not matter.

In contemporary indigenous contexts there are some major research issues which continue to be debated quite vigorously. These can be

1 0 D E C O L O N I ZI N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

summarized best b y the critical questions that communities and indigenous activists often ask, in a variety of ways: Whose research is it? Who owns it? Whose interests does it serve? Who will benefit from it? Who has designed its questions and framed its scope? Who will carry it out? Who will write it up? How will its results be disseminated?15 While there are many researchers who can handle such questions with integrity there are many more who cannot, or who approach these questions with some cynicism, as if they are a test merely of political correctness. What may surprise many people is that what may appear as the 'right', most desirable answer can still be judged incorrect. These questions are simply part of a larger set of judgements on criteria that a researcher cannot prepare for, such as: Is her spirit clear? Does he have a good heart? W'hat other baggage are they carrying? fue they useful to us? Can they fix up our generator? Can they actually do anything?

The issues for indigenous researchers seeking to work within indigenous contexts are framed somewhat differently. If they are 'insiders' they are frequently judged on insider criteria; their family back­ ground, status, politics, age, gender, religion, as well as on their perceived technical ability. What is frustrating for some indigenous researchers is that, even when their own communities have access to an indigenous researcher, they will still select or prefer a non-indigenous researcher over an indigenous researcher. There are a number of reasons this happens, sometimes based on a deeply held view that indigenous people will never be good enough, or that indigenous researchers may divulge confidences within their own community, or that the researcher may have some hidden agenda. For quite legitimate reasons the indigenous researcher may not be the best person for the research, or may be rejected because they do not have sufficient credibility. The point being made is that indigenous researchers work within a set of 'insider' dynamics and it takes considerable sensitivity, skill, maturity, experience and knowledge to work these issues through. Non-indigenous teachers and supervisors are often ill prepared to assist indigenous researchers in these- areas_ ancl there are so few indi enous teachers that many students simply 'learn by doing'. They often get hurt and fail in the process. Ar i! lnMS iAi,� Hrticuhted by indigenouS n;searc2ers as 'being burned' or 'being done over'. The second part of the boo proVIdes some ways for thinking about such issues.

In writing a book that focuses on research I have drawn together a range of experiences and reflections on both indigenous and research issues. I have a childhood familiarity with museums, having helped my father - a Maori anthropologist - pursue his own research in the back rooms of the Auckland War Memorial Museum and other museums in the United States. I cannot really recollect how, specifically, I helped him

I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 1

because many of my strongest memories are of playing hide and seek in the cupboards and corridors. I do remember quite vividly, however, the ritual of cleansing ourselves by sprinkling water over us which my mother insisted on when we returned home. My grandmother was not too thrilled with the idea of my being in a museum at all. Many other Maori people, I was aware, were scared of what lay in the cupboards, of whose bones and whose ancestors were imprisoned in those cases. Later, my first ever paid job was as an assistant working at the Peabody Museum in Salem, "Massachusetts. I helped my father, when required, to photograph intricately carved Marquesan adzes which ships of the East India Company had taken back from the Pacific to Salem. My paid job was to work in the basement of the museum typing labels to put on the logbooks of ships which had sailed from New England during the American Revolution. What was especially ironic was that there I was, a 1 6-year-old Maori, in the basement of a museum in Salem, Massachussetts, working on material related to the American Revolution - and none of it was new to me! I had already had a strong diet of British, European and American history.

In a sense, then, I grew up in a world in which science and our own indigenous beliefs and practices coexisted. I did not become an anthropologist, and although many indigenous writers would nominate anthropology as representative of all that is truly bad about research, it is not my intention to single out one discipline over another as representative of what research has done to indigenous peoples. I argue that, in their foundations, Western disciplines are as much implicated in each other as they are in imperialism. Some, such as anthropology, made the study of us into 'their' science, others were employed in the practices of imperialism in less direct but far more devastating ways. My own academic background is in education, and in my field there is a very rich history of research which attempts to legitimate views about indigenous peoples which have been antagonistic and dehumanizing. Discussions around the concept of intelligence, on discipline, or on factors that contribute to achievement depend heavil on notions about the Other. TiT o ganrzatron o se oo knowledge, the hidden curriculum and the representation of difference in texts and scho

· ·

ave senous unp cations or m genous students as well as for other minority ethnic groups.

. My own career in research began in the health field, working along­

stde a team of respiratory physicians, paediatricians, epidemiologists and psychologists who were trying to make sense of the ways families manage asthma in young children. As coordinator of this project I had to learn very quickly how to participate in discussions o n a wide range of matters, how to gain access to some very serious bureaucratic systems

1 2 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

such a s hospital wards and emergency clinics , and how t o talk about re search to a range of audience s , from medical doctors to families with limited English language. I enj oyed the challenges of thinking about what things mean, about why things happen and about the different ways in which the world can be understood. I also enj oyed interviewing p eople and, even more, analyzing the responses they gave. While I enjoyed the hands-on level at which I was working I found that the more rewarding work involved me in trying to 'think through' a problem, 'working with' the data and bringing it together with my own readings. Mostly, however, I found that the particular issues I faced as an indigenous researcher working with indigenous research participants were never addressed by the literature, my own training or the researchers with whom I worked. Later I became involved in o ther research proj ects in education, evaluation, tribal research and community-based proj ects . I began to teach others about research and have since become involved in managing much larger research proj ects that train indigenous and non-indigenous researchers. I have spoken about research to First Nations peoples in Canada, to Hawai'ian and other Pacific Islands researchers, and to Aborigine audiences as well as to many Maori groups who have become active as re search communitie s . I supervise indigenous students carrying out their research proj ects, participate in research groups and lead some o f my own projects.

In positioning myself as an indigenous woman, I am claiming a genealogical, cultural and political set of experiences. My whakapapa or descent lines come through both my parents . Through them I belong to two different maj o r 'tribal' groups and have clos e links to others . 1 6 I n m y case, these links were nurtured through m y early years b y my extended family relationships and particularly by my maternal grand­ mother. It is through my grandmother that my sense of place became so firmly grounded. That was especially important because my parents worked away from either of their tribal territories. My grandmother insisted, and my parents supported this although she gave them no c 01ce, return to er as o ten as posst 51� en ao o re rn to my parents she would �ack food garcels for me just in case they did not teed me weH enoagftAidmugtrshe developed m me dre spmtaif relationships to the land, to our tribal mountain and river, she also developed a sense of quite physical groundedness, a sense of reality, and a sense of humour about ourselves : It may be those qualities that make me sceptical or cautious about the mystical, misty-eyed discourse that is sometimes employed by indigenous people to describe our relationships with the land and the universe. I believe that our survival as peoples has come from our knowledge o f our contexts, our environment, not from

I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 3

some active beneficence of our Earth Mother. We had to know to survive. We had to work out ways of knowing, we had to predict, to learn and reflect, we had to preserve and protect, we had to defend and attack, we had to be mobile, we had- _to have social systems which enabled us to do these things. We still have to do these things.

Politically, my dissent lines come down through my tribal lines but also through my experiences as a result of schooling and an urban background. One of my tribes, Ngati Awa, is part of what is referred to as the raupatu. The raupatu refers to those tribes whose territories were invaded and whose lands were confiscated by the New Zealand Government last century. The grievances which have come about through the raupatu form the basis of our claim to the Waitangi Tribunal. That particular dissent line is part of a legacy shared by many other indigenous peoples. My other dissent lines, however, were shaped by the urban Maori activism which occurred in New Zealand in the late 1 960s and early 1 970s. I belonged to one group, Nga Tarnatoa or 'Young Warriors', and was at one point its secretary. We had several aims, although the main two were the recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi and the compulsory teaching of our language in schools. We formed a number of different alliances with other radical groups and some of our members belonged simultaneously to two or three groups. One of my roles was to educate younger Maori students about our aims. This took me into school assemblies and to situations where young people gathered. From those beginnings I became a primary or elementary teacher, then a secondary school counsellor, a health researcher and then a lecturer at university. While my professional career was developing I also helped in the early development of Te Kohanga Reo, the Maori language nests, and was one of the group which initiated an alternative Maori elementary school movement known as Kura Kaupapa Maori. I write, therefore, from the position of an indigenous Maori woman from New Zealand. Like indigenous peoples in Australia, Canada, the United States and Western Europe I write from the context of the First World, a world described in Julian Burger's Report .from the

-Frontier simply as ricll,1-7-Despiteilie very powerfUl Issues wrucn oca e many First World indigenous peoples in Third World social conditions we stm, contparabvcly spcakihg, occupy a place of ptivrlege witimt dte world of indigenous peoples. That does not mean that indigenous peoples from the First World have better ideas or know anything more. It may mean that such things as access to food and water can be taken for granted or that the politics of food and water can be played out in vastly different ways within the First World than is possible within developing states.

One of the many criticisms that gets levelled at indigenous

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intelle ctuals o r activists i s that our Western education precludes u s from writing o r speaking from a 'real' and authentic indigenous po sition. O f course , th o s e who d o speak from a more 'traditional' indigenous point of view are criticized because they do not make sense ('speak English, what! ') . Or, our talk is reduced to some 'nativist' discourse, dismissed by colleague s in the academy as na1ve, contradictory and illogical. Alternatively it may be dismissed as some modernist invention of the primitive. Criticism is levelled by non-indigenous and indigenous communities. It po sitions indigenous intellectuals in some difficult spaces both in terms o f our relations with indigenous communities and within the Western academy. It is not a new phenomenon either, the matter having been addres s ed previously by Frantz Fanon, for example. More recent writers have situated discus sions about the intellectual within debates about post-colonialism. 1 8 Many indigenous intellectuals actively resist participating in any discus sion within the discourse s o f post-coloniality. This is because post-colonialism is viewed as the convenient invention of Western intellectuals which reins cribes their power to define the world. For each indigenous intellectual who actually succeeds in the academy, however - and we are talking relatively small numbers - there is a whole array of i s sues about the ways we relate inside and outside o f our own communities, inside and outside the academy, and between all thos e different worlds.

Language and the citing of texts are o ften the clearest markers of the theoretical traditions of a writer. In this book I draw on s elected ideas, s cholarship and literature. These may or may not be attributed to either Western or indigenous traditions . I s ay that because like many other writers I would argue that 'we', indigenous people s , people 'of colour', the Other, however we are named, have a presence in the Western imagination, in its fibre and texture, in its sense o f itself, in its language, in its silences and shadows , its margins and intersections. The selection of ideas has been informed by a preference for, and a grounding in, particular forms of analysis which are probably already evident. Like many other Maori undergraduate students who attended university in the-t9i0s I read some ex s or my formal course o s tu y an ano er set of alternative readings to keep sane, to keep connected to the rest or nry Hie and, more nnponandy, to make sense ot ifffirgs d'iat were happening around m e . Much of that alternative reading course is now collected in anthologies labelled as cultural studies.

In addition to this literature, however, are the stories, values, practices and ways of knowing which continue to inform indigenous pedagogies. In international meetings and networks of indigenous peoples, oracy, debate, formal speech making, structured silence s and other conventions which shape oral traditions remain a most important way of developing

I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 5

trust, sharing information, strategies, advice, contacts and ideas. I n Maori language there is the expres sion Kanohi kitea or the 'seen face', which conveys the sense that being seen by the people - showing your face, turning up at important cultural events - cements your membership within a community in an ongoing way and is part of how one's credibility is continually developed and maintained. 1 9 In First Nations and Native American communities there are protocols of being respectful, of showing or accepting respect and reciprocating respectful behaviours, which also develop membership, credibility and reputation. In Hawai'i kanaka Maoli, or native Hawai'ian researchers, have talked o f the many aunties, uncles and elders whose views must be sought prior to conducting any interviews in a community. In Australia Aborigine researchers speak also of the many levels of entry which must be negotiated when researchers seek information. Other indigenous researchers speak o f the long-term relationships which are established and extend beyond a research relationship to one involving familie s , communities, organizations a n d networks.

Some methodologies regard the values and beliefs, practices and customs of communities as 'barriers' to research or as exotic customs with which researchers need to be familiar in order to carry out their work without causing offence. Indigenous methodologies tend to approach cultural protocols, values and behaviours as an integral part of methodology. They are 'factors' to be built in to research explicitly, to be thought about reflexively, to be declared openly as part of the research design, to be discussed as part of the final res ults of a study and to be disseminated back to the people in culturally appropriate ways and in a language that can be understood. This does not preclude writing for academic publications but is simply part of an ethical and respectful approach. There are diverse ways of disseminating knowledge and of ensuring that research reaches the people who have helped make it. Two important ways not always addressed by scientific res e arch are to do with 'reporting back' to the people and 'sharing knowledge'. Both ways assume a principle of reciprocity and feedback.

eporttng ac to e people is never ever a one-off exercise or a task that can be si ed off on corn letion of the

·

e1r wor m orm ceremorues to family and tribal council s ; one has had his work positioned amongst the wreaths which have surrounded the casket of a deceased relation. I have travelled with another student back to an area where she carried out her interviews so that she could present copies of her work to the people she interviewed. The family was waiting for her; they cooked food and made us welcome. We left knowing that her work will be passed around the family to be read and eventually will have a place in the living room

1 6 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

along with other valued family books and family photographs. Other indigenous students have presented a symposium on their research into native s chools to an international conference, or given a paper to an academic audience. Some have been able to develop strategies and community-based initiatives directly from their own research proj ects. Some have taken a theoretical approach to a problem and through their analyses have shown new ways of thinking about issues of concern to indigenous people s .

S haring knowledge is also a long-term commitment. It is much easier for researchers to hand out a report and for organizations to distribute pamphlets than to engage in continuing knowledge-sharing proces s e s . F o r indigenous researchers , however, this i s what is expected o f u s a s w e live and move within our various communities. The old colonial adage that knowledge is power i s taken seriously in indigenous communities and many processes have been discussed and enacted in order to facilitate effective ways o f sharing knowledge . Indigenous communities probably know more than the dominant white community about is sues raised by the Human Genome Diversity Pro j ect, for example, or the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATI) agre ement. I recall, when attending the Indigenous Peoples World Conference on Education in Woollongong, New South Wale s , an Aborigine woman telling me that 'we are always waiting for them [white Aus tralia] to catch up. They still don't know. ' I use the term 'sharing knowledge' deliberately, rather than the term 'sharing information ' because t o me the responsibility o f re searchers and academics is not simply to share surface information (pamphlet knowledge) but to share the theories and analyse s which inform the way knowledge and information are constructed and repre sented. By taking this approach seriously it is pos sible to introduce communities and people who may have had little formal schooling to a wider world, a world which include s people who think j u s t like them, who share i n their struggles and dreams and who voice their concerns in similar sorts o f ways. To assum e in advance that eo le will not be interes ted in, or will not understand, the deeper issues is arrogant. The challenge always is to demystify, to decglggize

In readillg this bo ok you may well think that it is an anti-res e arch book on res earch. There i s certainly a history o f research o f indigenous peoples which continues to make indigenous students who encounter this history very angry. S ometimes they react by deciding never to do any research; but then they go out into the community and, because of their educational background and skills they are called upo n to carry out proj ects or feasibility s tudies or evaluations or to write submis sions that are based on information, data, archival records and interviews with

I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 7

elders. They are referred to a s proj ect workers, community activists or consultants, anything but 'researchers '. They search and record, they select and interpret, they organize and re-present, they make claims on the basis o f what they assemble. This is research. The processes they use can also be called methodologies. The specific tools they use to gain information can also be called methods. Everything they are trying to do is informed by a theory, regardless of whether they can talk about that theory explicitly.

Finally, a brief comment on non-indigenous researchers still research­ ing with indigenous peoples or about indigenous is sue s . Clearly, there have been some shifts in the way non-indigenous researchers and academic s have po sitioned themselves and their work in relation to the people for whom the research still counts . It is also clear, however, that there are powerful groups of researchers who resent indigenous people asking ques tions about their research and whose research paradigms cons tantly permit them to exploit indigenous peoples and their knowledge s . On the positive side, in the New Zealand context, work is being carried out in terms of bicultural research, partnership research and multi-disciplinary research. Other researchers have had to clarify their research aims and think more seriously about effective and ethical ways of carrying out research with indigenous peopl e s . Still others have developed ways of working with indigenous peoples on a variety o f pro j ects i n a n ongoing and mutually beneficial way. The discus sion about what that means for non-indigenous researchers and for indigenous peoples is not addre ssed here directly. It is not that I do not have views on the matter but rather that the present work has grown out of a concern to develop indigenous peoples as researchers. There is so little material that addresses the issues indigenous researchers face. The book is written primarily to help ourselves .

Notes

1 Thompson, A. S. (1 859), The Story of New Zealand. Past and Present - Savage and M·,;r ' J 1 1 r 1, I 1 'fl 1

· 1 , "f!l "; II t: 1 ' e smallness of the brain is produced by neglecting to exercise the higher faculties of the mind, for as muscles shrink from want of use, it is only natural that generations of mental indolence should lessen the size of brains', Vol. 1, p. 8 1 .

2 Said, E . (1 978) , Orientalism, Vintage Books, London, p . 2. 3 Ibid. p . 3. 4 See, for a summary of issues, Burger, J. (1 987), Report from the Frontier. The State of

the World's Indigenous Peoples, Zed Books, London. 5 Collins, Patricia Hill ( 1 9 9 1 ) , 'Learning from the Outsider Within: the Sociological

Significance of Black Feminist Thought', in Bryond Methodology. Feminist Research as

1 8 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

Lived Research, eds M . M . Fonow and J . A . Cook, Indiana University Press, Bloornington.

6 Aga Khan, Sadruddin, and Hassan bin Talal (1 987) , Indigenous Peoples, a Global Quest for Justice: a Report for the Independent Commission on International Humanitarian Affairs, Zed Books, London.

7 For background see ibid. and Wilmer, F. (1 993) , The Indigenous Voice in World Politics, Sage, California.

8 Burger, J. (1 990) , The Gaia At/os of First Peoples, Gaia Books, London. 9 Wilmer, The Indigenous Voice, p. 5.

10 I am not quite sure who said it first but several writers and texts have employed this concept in their titles and writing. Salman Rushdie wrote that the 'Empire writes back to the center'. African American women writers have taken the theme of 'talking back' or 'back chat' in similar ways to which Maori women speak o f 'answering back'. Also important was a critical text on racism i n Britain written by the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham (1 982) : The Empir8 Strikes Back: Race and Racism in 1970s Britain, Hutchinson.

1 1 Nandy, A. ( 1 9 89) , The Intimate Ene"!J: Loss and Recovery of Se!f under Colonialism, Oxford University Press, Delhi.

1 2 Memmi, A. (1 965) , The Colonizer and the Colonized, expanded edition ( 1 9 9 1 ), Beacon Press B oston, pp. 79-89.

13 Maracle, L. (1 996) , I Am Woman. A Native Perspective on Sociology and Feminism, Press Gang Publishers, Vancouver, p . 2 1 .

1 4 J ohnston, P . and L . Pihama, (1 994) , 'The Marginalisation of Maori Women', in Hecate, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 8 3-9 7 . '

1 5 See for example, Smith, L. T. (1 985) , 'Te Rapunga I Te Ao Maori', in Issues of Research and Maori, eds, G. H. Smith and M. K Hohepa, Research Unit for Maori Education, Education Department, University of Auckland.

16 The term 'tribal' is problematic in the indigenous context but is used commonly in New Zealand to refer to large kinship-based, political groupings o f Maori. Our preferred name for a 'tribe' is iwi.

1 7 Burger, Report From the Frontier, pp. 1 77-208. 18 See, for example, essays by Spivak, Gayatri (1 990) , The Post-Colonial Critic, ed. S.

Harasym, Routledge, New York. 19 Bishop, R. and T. Glynn (1 992) , 'He Kanohi Kitea: Conducting and Evaluating

Educational Research', in New Zealand journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 1 25-35 .

C H A P T E R 1

Imperialism, History,

Writing and Theory

The master's tools will never dismantle the master's house.

Audre Lordet

Imperialism frames the indigenous experience. It is part of our story, our version of modernity. Writing about our experiences under imperial­ ism and its more specific expression of colonialism has become a significant project of the indigenous world. In a literary sense this has been defined by writers like Salman Rushdie, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and many others whose literary origins are grounded in the landscapes, languages, cultures and imaginative worlds of peoples and nations whose own histories were interrupted and radically reformulated by European imperialism. While the project of creating this literature is important, what indigenous activists would argue is that imperialism cannot be struggled over only at the level of text and literature. Imperialism still hurts, still destroys and is reforming itself constantly. Indigenous peoples as an international group have had to challenge, understand and have a shared language for talking about the history, the sociology, the psychol­ ogy and the politics of imperialism and colonialism as an epic story telling of huge devastation, painful struggle and persistent survival. We have become quite good at talkin that kind of talk most often amon st

story tellirig and other common sense ways o passing on both a narra­ tive of history and an attitude about history. The lived experiences of imperialism and colonialism contribute another dimension to the ways in which terms like 'imperialism' can be understood. This is a dimen­ sion that indigenous peoples know and understand well.

In this chapter the intention is to discuss and contextualise four concepts which are often present (though not necessarily clearly visible) in the ways in which the ideas of indigenous peoples are articulated;

1 9

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imperialism, history, writing, and theory. These terms may seem to make up a strange selection, particularly as there are more obvious concepts such as self-determination or sovereignty which are used commonly in indigenous discourses. I have selected these words because from an indigenous perspective they are problematic. They are words which tend to provoke a whole array of feelings, attitudes and values. They are words of emotion which draw attention to the thousands of ways in which indigenous languages, knowledges and cultures have been silenced or misrepresented, ridiculed or condemned in academic and popular discourses. They are also words which are used in particular sorts of ways or avoided altogether. In thinking about knowledge and research, however, these are important terms which underpin the practices and styles o f research with indigenous peoples. Decolonization is a process which engages with imperialism and colonialism at multiple levels. For researchers, one of those levels is concerned with having a more critical understanding of the underlying assumptions, motivations and values which inform research practices.

Imperialism

There is one particular figure whose name looms large, and whose spectre lingers, in indigenous discussions of encounters with the West: Christopher Columbus. It is not simply that Columbus is identified as the one who started it all, but rather that he has come to represent a huge legacy of suffering and destruction. Columbus 'names' that legacy more than any other individual.2 He sets its modern time frame (500 years) and defines the outer limits of that legacy, that is, total destruction.3 But there are other significant figures who symbolize and frame indigenous experiences in other places. In the imperial literature these are the 'heroes', the discoverers and adventurers, the 'fathers' o f colonialism. In the indigenous literature these figures are n o t so admired; their deeds are definitely not the deeds of wonderful discoverers and conquering heroes. In the South Pacific, for example it is the British �lo e ames oo , w ose expe ttons a a very c ear sctentl c purpose and whose first encounters with indi enous

what Cook brought to the Pacific includes: 'capitalism, Western political ideas (such as predatory individualism) and Christianity. Most destructive of all he brought diseases that ravaged my people until we were but a remnant of what we had been on contact with his pestilent crew. ' 4 The French are remembered by Tasmanian Aborigine Greg Lehman, 'not [for] the intellectual hubbub of an emerging anthrologie or even with the swish of their travel-weary frocks. It is with an arrogant death that

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 2 1

they presaged their appearance . . . . ' 5 For many commuriities there were waves of different sorts of Europeans; Dutch, Portuguese, British, French, whoever had political ascendancy over a region. And, in each place, after figures such as Columbus and Cook had long departed, there came a vast array of military personnel, imperial administrators, priests, explorers, mis sionaries, colonial officials, artists, entrepreneurs and settlers, who cut a devastating swathe, and left a permanent wound, on the societies and communities who occupied the lands named and claimed under imperialism.

The concepts of imperialism and colonialism are crucial ones which are used across a range of disciplines, often with meanings which are taken for granted. The two terms are interconnected and what is generally agreed upon is that colonialism is but one expression of imperialism. Imperialism tends to be used in at least four different ways when describing the form of European imperialism which 'started' in the fifteenth century: (1) imperialism as economic expansion; (2) imperialism as the subjugation of 'others'; (3) imperialism as an idea or spirit with many forms o f realization; and ( 4) imperialism as a discursive field of knowledge. These usages do not necessarily contradict each other; rather, they need to be seen as analyses which focus on different layers of imperialism. Initially the term was used by historians to explain a series of developments leading to the economic expansion of Europe. Imperialism in this sense could be tied to a chronology of events related to 'discovery', conquest, exploitation, distribution and appropriation.

Economic explanations of imperialism were first advanced by English historian J. A. Hobson in 1 902 and by Lenin in 1 9 1 7.6 Hobson saw imperialism as being an integral part of Europe's economic expansion. He attributed the later stages of nineteenth-century imperialism to the inability of Europeans to purchase what was being produced and the need for Europe's industrialists to shift their capital to new markets which were secure. Imperialism was the system of control which secured the markets and capital investments. Colonialism facilitated this expan­ sion by ensurin that there was Euro ean control, which necessaril meant securing and subjugating the indigenous populations. Like Hobson. LenirLras mpceroed vrith the umys in wll.i&R ueeen,ie expanston was lifl ed to imperialism, although he argued that the export of capital to new markets was an attempt to rescue capitalism because Europe's workers could not afford what was being produced.

A second use of the concept of imperialism focuses more upon the exploitation and subj ugation o f indigenous peoples. Although economic explanations might account for why people like Columbus were funded to explore and discover new sources of wealth, they do not account for the devastating impact on the indigenous peoples whose lands were

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invaded. B y the time contact was made in the South Pacific, European s , a n d m o r e particularly the British, h a d learned from their previous encounters with indigenous peoples and had developed much more sophisticated 'rules of practice '.7 While the s e practices ultimately lead to forms of subj ugation, they als o lead to subtle nuances which give an unevenne s s to the story of imperialism, even within the s tory of one indigenous s ociety. While in New Zealand all Maori tribes, for example, lo s t the maj o rity of their lands , not all tribes had their lands confiscated, were invaded militarily or were declared to be · in rebellion. Similarly, while many indigenous nations signed treaties, other indigenous communities have no treatie s . Furthermore, legislated identities which regulated who was an Indian and who was not, who was a metis, who had lost all s tatus as an indigenous person, who had the correct fraction of blood quantum, who lived in the regulated spaces o f reserves and communiti e s , were all worked out arbitrarily (but systematically) , to s e rve th e interests of the colonizing society. The specificiti e s of imperialism help to explain the different ways in which indigenous p e oples have s truggled to recover histori e s , lands , languages and basic human dignity. The way arguments are framed, the way dis s ent is controlled, the way settlements are made, while certainly drawing from international precedents, are als o situated within a more localized discursive field.

A third maj or use of the term is much broader. It links imperialism to the spirit which characterized Europe ' s global activitie s . MacKenzie defines iffiperialism as being 'more than a set o f economic, political and military phenomena. It is also a complex ideology which had widespread cultural, intellectual and technical expre s sion s ' . 8 This view of imperialism locates it within the Enlightenment spirit which signalled the trans­ formation of economic, political and cultural life in Europe. In this wider Enlightenment context, imperialism b e comes an integral part of the development of the modern state, of science, of ideas and of the 'modern' human person. In complex ways imperialism was als o a mode through which the new states o f Europe could expand their economies , t:lu'oug �eas an - scovenes cou:J.cl e acl ea: ncl�s sNt; ­ and through which Europeans could develop their sense o f European­ ness. I he llltpettif nnagntauon ettabled Emupean naUotts to nnagutc fixe p o s sibility that new worlds , new wealth and new possessions existed that could be discovered and controlled. This imagination was realized through the promotion of science, e c onomic expansion and political practice.

The s e three interpretations o f imperialism have reflected a view from the imperial centre of Europ e . I n contrast, a fourth use of the term has been generated by writers who s e understandings of imperialism and

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 23

colonialism have been based either on their membership of and experience within colonized societies, or on their interest in under­ standing imperialism from the perspective of local contexts. Although these views of imperialism take into account the other forms of analysis, there are some important distinctions. There is, for example, a greater and more immediate need to understand the complex ways in which people were brought within the imperial system, because its impact is still being felt, despite the apparent independence gained by former colonial territories. The reach of imperialism into 'our heads' challenges those who belong to colonized communities to understand how this occurred, partly because we perceive a need to decolonize our minds, to recover ourselves, to claim a space in which to develop a sense of authentic humanity. This analysis of imperialism has been referred to more recently in terms such as 'post-colonial discourse', the 'empire writes back' and/ or 'writing from the margins'. There is a more political body of writing, however, which extends to the revolutionary, anti­ colonial work of various activists (only some of whom, such as Frantz Fanon, actually wrote their ideas down) that draws also upon the work of black and African American writers and other minority writers whose work may have emerged out of a concern for human and civil rights, the rights of women and other forms of oppression.

Colonialism became imperialism's outpost, the fort and the port of imperial outreach. Whilst colonies may have started as a means to secure ports, access to raw materials and efficient transfer of commodities from point of origin to the imperial centre, they also served other functions. It was not just indigenous populations who had to be subjugated. Europeans also needed to be kept under control, in service to the greater imperial enterprise. Colonial outposts were also cultural sites which preserved an image or represented an image of what the West or 'civilization' stood for. Colonies were not exact replicas of the imperial centre, culturally, economically or politically. Europeans resident in the colonies were not culturally homogeneous, so there were struggles within the colonizin communi about its own identi . Wealth and

rmpen sm, a partlc ar re zanon o e rmpen imagination. It was also, in part, an image of the future nation it would become. In this image lie images of the Other, stark contrasts and subtle nuances, of the ways in which the indigenous communities were perceived and dealt with, which make the stories of colonialism part of a grander narrative and yet part also of a very local, very specific experience.

A constant reworking of our understandings of the impact of imperialism and colonialism is an important aspect of indigenous cultural

24 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

politics and forms the basis o f an indigenous language o f critique. Within this critique there have been two maj or strands. One draws upon a notion of authenticity, of a time b e fore colonization in which we were intact as indigenous people s . We had absolute authority over our live s ; we were born into and lived in a universe which w a s entirely o f our making. We did not ask, need or want to be 'discovered' by Europe. The second strand o f the language o f critique demands that we have an analysis of how we were colonized, of what that has meant in terms of our immediate past and what it means for our present and future. The two strands intersect but what is particularly significant in indigenous discourse s is that solutions are posed from a combination of the time b e fore, colonized time, and the time b e fore that, pre-colonized time. Decolonization encap sulates both sets of ideas.

There are, however, new challenges to the way indigenous peoples think and talk about imperialism. When the word globalization is substituted for the word imperialism, or when the prefix 'post' is attached to colonial, we are no longer talking simply about historical formations which are still lingering in our consciousne s s . Globalization and conceptions of a new world order repre s ent different s orts o f challenges for indigenous p eople s . While being o n t h e margins o f the world has had dire consequences, being incorporated within the world's marketplace has different implications and in turn requires the mounting of new forms of resistance. Similarly, post-colonial discus sions have also stirred some indigenous resistance, not so much to the literary reimagining of culture as being centred in what were once conceived o f as t h e colonial margins, b u t to t h e idea that colonialism is over, finished busines s . This is best articulated by Aborigine activist Bobbi Syke s , who asked at an academic conference on po st-colonialism, What? Po st­ tolonialism? Have they l e ft?' There is also, amongst indigenous academics, the sneaking suspicion that the fashion of p o s t-colonialism has become a strategy for reinscribing or reauthorizing the privileges o f non-indigenous academics because the field o f 'po st-colonial' discourse has been defined in �ays which can still leave out indigenous peoples, our ways of -Irnowing and our currerr concem· .«.-----------

Re search within late-modern and late-colonial condition s continues telcn&cssly and brntgs wtLh tL a ne� �ave of expi0ii86Ii, mseu.et} , exploitation and appropriation. Re searchers enter communities armed with goodwill in their front pockets and patents in their back pockets, they bring medicine into villages and extract blood for genetic analysi s . No matter h o w appalling their behaviours, h o w insensitive a n d o ffensive their personal actions may be, their acts and intentions are always j u s tified as being for the 'good of mankind'. Research of this nature on indigenous peoples is still j u s tified by the ends rather than the means,

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 25

particularly if the indigenous peoples concerned can still be po sitioned as ignorant and undeveloped (savage s) . O ther researchers gather traditional herbal and medicinal remedies and remove them for analysis in laboratories around the world. Still others collect the intangible s: the belief systems and ideas about healing, about the universe, about relationships and ways of organizing, and the practices and rituals which go alongside such beliefs , such as sweat lodges, massage techniques, chanting, hanging crystals and wearing certain colours. The global hunt for new knowledges , new materials, new cures , supported by inter­ national agreements such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATI) brings new threats to indigenous communities. The ethics of research, the ways in which indigenous communities can protect themselves and their knowledges, the understandings required not just of state legislation but o f international agreements - these are the topics now on the agenda o f many indigenous meetings.

On Being Human

The faculty of imagination is not strong!J developed among them, although they permitted it to run wild in believing absurd superstitions.

(A. S . Thompson, 1 859)9

One o f the supposed characteristics o f primitive peoples was that we could not use otir minds or intellects. We could not invent things, we could not create institutions o r history, we could not imagine, we could not produce anything of value, we did not know how to use land and other resources from the natural world, we did not p ractice the 'arts' o f civilization. By lacking s u c h virtues w e disqualified ourselves, n o t just from civilization but from humanity itself. In other words we were not 'fully human'; some o f us were not even considered partially human. Ideas about what counted as human in association with the power to define people as human or not human were already encoded in imperial and colonial discourses prior to the period of imperialism covered here. 1 0 --lmperialistn-pro¥iclM-the-meaiJ.S--thwugh-whiGla-<;g.a<;�p.ts-G£wha.H:-GtH'l as human could be applied systematically as forms of clas sification, for eua"'l'le tl t ''tl l j 1 1 J j ( , 1 1 1; £ 1 ti F liF6 • i 1j In conj unction with imperial power and with 'science ' , the se clas sifica­ tion systems came to shape relations between imperial powers and , indigenous societie s .

S a i d h a s argued that t h e 'oriental' wa'S partially a creation of t h e West, based on a combination of images formed through scholarly arid imaginative works . Fanon argued earlier that the colonized were brought into existence by the settler and the two, settler and colonized, are

26 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

mutual constructions of colonialism. In Fanon's words 'we know each other well'.11 The European powers had by the nineteenth century already established systems of rule and forms of social relations which governed interaction with the indigenous peoples being colonized. These relations were gendered, hierarchical and supported by rules, some explicit and others masked or hidden. The principle of 'humanity' was one way in which the implicit or hidden rules could be shaped. To consider indigenous peoples as not fully human, or not human at all, enabled distance to be maintained and justified various policies of either extermination or domestication. Some indigenous peoples ('not human'), were hunted and killed like vermin, others ('partially human'), were rounded up and put in reserves like creatures to be broken in, branded and put to work.

The struggle to assert and claim humanity has been a consistent thread of anti-colonial discourses on colonialism and oppression. This struggle for humanity has generally been framed within the wider discourse of humanism, the appeal to human 'rights', the notion of a universal human subject, and the connections between being human and being capable of creating history, knowledge and society. The focus on asserting humanity has to be seen within the anti-colonial analysis of imperialism and what were seen as imperialism's dehumanizing impera­ tives which were structured into language, the economy, social relations and the cultural life of colonial societies. From the nineteenth century onwards the processes of dehumanization were often hidden behind justifications for imperialism and colonialism which were clothed within an ideology of humanism and liberalism and the assertion of moral claims which related to a concept of civilized 'man'. The moral justifica­ tions did not necessarily stop the continued hunting of Aborigines in the early nineteenth century nor the continued ill-treatment of different indigenous peoples even today.

Problems have arisen, however, within efforts to struggle for humanity by overthrowing the ideologies relating to our supposed lack of humanity. The arguments of Fanon, and many writers since Fanon,

ave 15een en c1ze - or essen z1ng our 'na re-;--for taKing or granteO.­ the binary categories of Western thought, for accepting arguments sapporwtg clrltatif telauvtty, lot clantmtg an aadtenuctty winch ts ovcrly idealistic and romantic, and for simply engaging in an inversion of the colonizerl colonized relationship which does not address the complex problems of power relations. Colonized peoples have been compelled to define what it means to be human because there is a deep under­ standing of what it has meant to be considered not fully human, to be savage. The difficulties of such a process, however, have been bound inextricably to constructions of colonial relations around the binary of

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 27

colonizer and colonized. These two categories are not just a simple opposition but consist of several relations, some more clearly appositional than others . Unlocking one set of relations most often requires unlocking and unsettling the different constituent parts of other relations. The binary of colonizer/ colonized does not take into account, for example, the development o f different layerings which have occurred within each group and across the two group s . Millions o f indigenous peoples were ripped from their lands over several generations and shipped into slavery. The lands they went to as slaves were lands already taken from another group of indigenous peoples. Slavery was as much a system of imperialism as was the claiming of other peoples' territories. Other indigenous peoples were transported to various outposts in the same way as interesting plants and animals were reclimatized, in order to fulfil labour requirements. Hence there are large populations in some places of non-indigenous groups, also victims of colonialism, whose primary relationship and allegiance is often to the imperial power rather than to the colonized people of the place to which they themselves have been brought. To put it simply, indigenous peoples as commodities were transported to and fro across the empire. There were also sexual rela­ tions between colonizers and colonized which led to communities who were referred to as 'half-castes' or 'half-breeds', or stigmatized by some other specific term which o ften excluded them from belonging to either settler or indigenous societies. Sometimes children from 'mixed' sexual relationships were considered at least half-way civilized; at other times they were considered worse than civilized. Legislation was frequently used to regulate both the categories to which people were entitled to belong and the sorts of relations which one category of people could have with another.

Since the Second World War wars o f independence and struggles for decolonization by former parts of European empires have shown us that attempts to break free can involve enormous violence: physical, social, economic, cultural and psychological. The struggle for fre edom has been viewed by writers such as Fanon as a nece ssarily, inevitably violent process etween two orces oppose to each o er y e1r very nature ' . 1 2 Fanon ar�es further that 'Decolonization which sets out to change the order o fle world fs, obViouslY, a programme of cbmplete disorder. ' 1 3 This introduces another important principle embedded in imperialism, that of order. The principle of order provides the under­ lying connection between such things as: the nature of imperial social relations; the activities of Western science; the establishment of trade; the appropriation of sovereignty; the es tablishment of law. No great conspiracy had to occur for the simultaneous developments and activities which took place under imperialism because imperial activity

28 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

was driven b y fundamentally similar underlying principle s . N andy refers to the s e principles as the 'code' or 'grammar' of imperialism. 1 4 The idea o f code suggests that there is a deep structure which regulates and legitimates imperial practices.

The fact that indigenous societies had their own systems o f order was dismi s s e d through what Albert Mernmi referred to as a serie s of negations: they were not fully human, they were not civilized enough to have systems, they were not literate , their languages and modes o f thought were inadequate. 1 5 A s Fanon and later writers such as Nandy have claimed, imperialism and colonialis m brought complete disorder to colonized people s , disconnecting them from their hi s tori e s , their landscapes, their languages , their s o cial relations and their own ways o f thinking, feeling and interacting with the world. I t was a pro c e s s o f systematic fragmentation which can still b e seen in the disciplinary carve­ up of the indigenous world: bones, mummi e s and s kulls to the museums, art work to private collectors, languages to linguistics, 'customs' to anthropologists, beliefs and behaviours to p sychologists. To dis c over how fragmented this pro c e s s was one needs only to stand in a museum, a library, a bookshop, and ask where indigenous peoples are located. Fragmentation is not a phenomenon of p o s tmodernism as many might claim. For indigenous peoples fragmentation has been the consequence o f imperialism.

Writing, History and Theory

A critical aspect of the struggle for self-determination has involved que s tions relating to our history as indigenous peoples and a critique o f how we, as the O ther, have been represented or excluded from various accounts. Every i s s ue has b e e n approached by indigenous peoples with a view to rewriting and rerighting our position in his to ry. Indigenous p e oples want to tell our own stories, write our own versions, in our own ways, for our own purp o s e s . I t is not simply about giving an oral account or a genealogical naming of the land and the events wl:m:" rage over 1 , u a very power ul need to give te · ony et restore a spirit, to bring back into existence a world fragmented and dytng. I he sense of lnstory conveyed by Utcse approaches ts not tire s ame thing as the discipline of hi story, and so our accounts collide, crash into each other.

Writing or literacy, in a very traditional sense o f the word, has been used to determine the breaks b e tween the past and the present, the beginning o f history and the development o f theory. 1 6 Writing has been viewed as the mark of a superior civilization and other s o cieties have been j udged, by this view, to be inc apable o f thinking critically and

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 29

obj ectively, or having distance from ideas and emotion s . Writing is part of theorizing and writing is part of history. Writing, history and theory, then, are key sites in which Western research of the indigenous world have come together. As we saw at the beginning of this chapter, however, from another perspective writing and especially writing theory are very intimidating ideas for many indigenous students. Having been immersed in the Western academy which claims theory as thoroughly Western, which has constructed all the rules by which the indigenous world has been theorized, indigenous voices have been overwhelmingly silenced. The act, let alone the art and science, of theorizing our own existence and realities is not something which many indigenous people assume is pos sible. Frantz Fanon's call for the indigenous intellectual and artist to create a new literature, to work in the cau s e of constructing a national culture after liberation still stands as a challenge. While this has been taken up by writers of fiction, many indigenous scholars who work in the s ocial and other sciences struggle to write, theorize and research as indigenous scholars.

Is History Important for Indigenous Peoples?

This may appear to be a trivial question as the answer most colonized people would give, I think, is that 'yes, history is important'. But I doubt if what they would be responding to is the notion o f history which is understood by the Western academy. Poststructuralist critiques of history which draw heavily on French poststructural thought have focused on the characteristics and unders tandings of history as an Enlightenment or m odernist proj ect. Their critique is of both liberal and Marxist concepts of history. Feminists have argued similarly (but not nec e s s arily from a po ststructuralist position) that history is the story o f a specific form o f domination, namely o f patriarchy, literally 'his-story'.

While acknowledging the critical approaches of poststructuralis t theory and cultural studies t h e arguments which are debated at this level are not new to indigenous people s . There are numerous oral s tories ----whicb-teH.-of-wha:r ir mearrs-;- -wharirieehrl:iin:, to-be-presenr whi:te history is erased b e fore your eyes, dismissed as irrelevant, ignored or ref\t!eret! lt3 &!e lnna&e fltvl11!')3 or dftmken ota peol'le. lne nega&on of indigenous views of history was a critical part of asserting colonial ideology, partly because such views were regarded as clearly 'primitive' and 'incorrect' and mostly because they challenged and resisted the mission of colonization.

Indigenous peoples have also mounted a critique of the way history is told from the perspective of the colonizers. At the same time, however, indigenous groups have argued that history is important for

30 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

unders tanding the present and that reclaiming history i s a critical and e s s ential aspect of decolonization. The critique o f Western history argues that history is a modernist proj e c t which has developed alongside imperial beliefs about the Other. History i s assembled around a set o f interconnected ideas which I will summarize briefly here . I have drawn on a wide range of discus sions by indigenous people and by writers such as Robert Young, ] . Abu-Lughod, Keith J enkins , C . SteadmanY

1. The idea that history is a totaliifng discourse The concept of totality assumes the pos sibility and the de sirability o f being able t o include absolutely all known knowledge into a coherent whole. I n order for this to happen, classification systems, rules o f practice and methods had to be developed to allow for knowledge to be s elected and included in what counts as history.

2. The idea that there is a universal history Although linked to the notion o f totality, the concept o f universal assumes that there are fundamental characteristics and values which all human subjects and s o cieties share. It is the development of the s e universal characteristics which are o f historical interest.

3. The idea that history is one large chronology History is regarded as being about developments over time . I t charts the progres s of human endeavour through time. Chronology is important as a method because it allows events to be located at a point in time. The actual time events take place als o makes them 'real' or factual. In order to begin the chronology a time of 'discovery' has to be e s tablished. Chronology is als o important for attempting to go backwards and explain how and why things happened in the past.

4. The idea that history is about development Implicit in the notion of development is the notion of progre s s . This assumes that societies move forward in stages o f development much as a o i o fa o t grows into a-fully-- cleveleped-a du:lt-- huma:rr- being:-T--he-earliesr phase of human development is regarded as primitive, simple and wmQiieaN o I 1 p RtS) becotne 1@§§ prtffHB v e, more civilized, more rational, and their social structures become more complex and bureaucrati c .

5. The idea that history is about a se(f-actualiifng human subject In this view humans have the potential to reach a stage in their development where they can be in total control o f their faculties. There is an order of human development which move s , in stages , through the

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 3 1

fulfilment of basic needs, the development o f emotions, the develop­ ment of the intellect and the development of morality. Just as the individual moves through these stages, so do societies .

6. The idea that the story if history can be told in one coherent narrative This idea suggests that we can ass emble all the facts in an ordered way so that they tell us the truth or give us a very good idea of what really did happen in the past. In theory it means that historians can write a true history of the world.

7. The idea that history as a discipline is innocent This idea says that 'facts ' speak for themselves and that the historian simply res earches the facts and puts them together. Once all the known facts are assembled they tell their own story, without any need of a theoretical explanation or interpretation by the historian. This idea also conveys the sense that history is pure as a discipline, that is, it is not implicated with other discipline s .

8. The idea that history is constructed around binary categories This idea is linked to the historical method of chronology. In order for history to begin there has to be a period of beginning and some criteria for determining when something begin s . In terms of history this was o ften attached to concepts of 'discovery', the development of literacy, or the development of a specific social formation. Everything before that time is designated as prehistorical, belonging to the realm of myths and traditions, 'outside' the domain.

9. The idea that history is patriarchal This idea is linked to the notions of self-actualization and development, as women were regarded as being incapable o f attaining the higher o rders of development. Furthermore they were not significant in terms of the ways societies developed because they were not present in the ffil£eatler-aeies-- t>1�--hierarchies-wh-e-re-c- ges soc1 or po nc -� e were being determined.

Other kry ideas I n ters ecting this set of ideas are some other important concepts . literacy, as one example, was used as a criterion for asses sing the development of a society and its progres s to a stage where history can be said to begin. Even places such as India, China and J apan, however, which were very literate cultures prior to their 'discovery' by the West, were invoked through other categories which defined them as

32 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

uncivilized. Their literacy, in other words, did not count as a record o f legitimate knowledge.

The German phil o s opher Hegel is usually regarded as the 'founding father' of history in the sense outlined here. This applies to both Liberal and Marxist views . 1 8 Hegel conceived of the fully human subject as someone capable of 'creating (his) own history'. However, Hegel did not simply invent the rules o f history. As Robert Young argues, 'the entire Hegelian machinery simply lays down the operation o f a system already in place, already operating in everyday life ' . 1 9 I t s hould also be self­ evident that many of the s e ideas are predicated on a sense of O therne s s . They are views which invite a comparison with 'something/ someone else' which exists on the outside, such as the oriental, the 'Negro ', the j ew', the 'Indian', the 'Aborigine'. Views about the Other had already existed for centuries in Euro p e , but during the Enlightenment the s e views became more formalized through s cience, philo sophy and imperialism, into explicit systems o f classification and 'regimes o f truth'. The racialization o f the human subj ect and the social order enabled comparisons to be made between the 'us ' of the West and the 'them ' o f the Other. History was the story o f people who were regarded a s ful!J human. O thers who were not regarded as human (that is, capable o f self­ actualization) were prehistoric. This notion is linked also to Hegel's master-slave construct which has been applied as a psychological category (by Freud) and as a system of s ocial ordering.

A further set of important ideas embedded in the moderni s t view o f history relates t o the origins (cau s e s) and nature o f s o cial change. The Enlightenment proj ect involved new conceptions of society and o f the individual based around the precepts o f rationalism, individualism and capitalism. There was a general belief that not only could individuals remake thems elves but so could societie s . The m odern industrial s tate

o ma e story were e peop e w o eve ope e underpinnings of the s tate - the economists, scientists, bureaucrats and philo sophers. That they were all men of a certain class and race was 'natural' because they were regarded (naturally) as fully rational, self­ actualizing human beings capable, there fore, of creating social change, that is history. The day-to-day lives of 'ordinary' p eople, and o f women, did not become a concern o f history until much more recently.

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 33

Contested Histories

For indigenous people s , the critique o f history is not unfamiliar, although it has now been claimed by postmodern theories. The idea o f contested stories a n d multiple discourses about t h e past, by different communities, is clo s ely linked to the politics of everyday contemporary indigenous life. I t is very much a part of the fabric of communities that value oral ways of knowing. These contested accounts are stored within genealogie s, within the landscape, within weavings and carvings, even within the personal names that many people carried. The means by which these his tories were stored was through their systems of knowledge. Many of thes e systems have since been reclas sified as oral traditions rather than histories.

Under colonialism indigenous peoples have struggled against a Western view of history and yet been complicit with that view. We have often allowed our 'historie s ' to be told and have then become outsiders as we heard them being retold. Schooling is direcdy implicated in this pro c e s s . Through the curriculum and its underlying theory of know­ ledge, early schools redefined the world and where indigenous peoples were positioned within the world. From being direct descendants o f s ky and earth parents, Christianity positioned some of us as higher-order savages who deserved salvation in order that we could become children o f God. Maps of the world reinforced our place on the periphery of the world, although we were still considered part of the Empire. This included having to learn new names for our own lands. Other symbols of our loyalty, such as the flag, were also an integral part o f the imperial curriculum.20 Our orientation to the world was already being redefined as we were being excluded systematically from the writing of the history of our own lands . This on its own may not have worked were it not for the actual material redefinition of our world which was occurring simultaneously through such things as the renaming and 'breaking in' o f the land, the alienation and fragmentation of lands through legislation, the forced movement o f people off their lands , and the social consequences w c res te m g sic ess and mortality rate s .

Indigenous attem ts t o reclaim land lan a e kno 1 ve usu y mvo ve conteste accounts o e past by

colonizers and colonized. These have occurred in the courts , before various commissions, tribunals and official enquiries , in the media, in Parliament, in bars and on talkback radio. In these situations contested histories do not exist in the same cultural framework as they do when tribal or clan histories, for example, are being debated within the indigenous community itself. They are not simply struggles over 'facts' and 'truth'; the rules by which these struggles take place are never clear

3 4 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

(other than that w e as the indigenous community know they are going to be stacked against us) ; and we are not the final arbiters of what really counts as the truth.

It is because of these is sues that I ask the question, 'Is history in its modernist construction important or not important for indigenous peoples?' For many people who are presently engaged in research on indigenous land claims the answer would appear to be self-evident. We as sume that when 'the truth comes out' it will prove that what happened was wrong or illegal and that therefore the system (tribunals, the courts, the government) will set things right. We believe that history is also about justice, that understanding history will enlighten our decisions about the future. Wrong. History is also about power. In fact history is mostly about power. It is the story o f the powerful and how they became powerful, and then how they use their power to keep them in positions in which they can continue to dominate others. It is because of this relationship with power that we have been excluded, marginalized and 'Othered'. In this sense history is not important for indigenous peoples because a thousand accounts of the 'truth' will not alter the 'fact' that indigenous peoples are still marginal and do not possess the power to trans form history into justice.

This leads then to several other questions. The one which is most relevant to this book is the one which asks, ' Why then has revisiting history been a significant part of decolonization?' The answer, I suggest, lies in the intersection o f indigenous approaches to the past, of the modernist history proj ect itself and of the resistance strategies which have been employed. Our colonial experience traps us in the proj ect of modernity. There can be no 'postmodern' for us until we have settled some business of the modern. This does not mean that we do not understand or employ multiple discourses, or act in incredibly contra­ dictory ways, or exercise power ourselves in multiple ways . It means that there is unfinished business, that we are still being colonized (and know it) , and that we are still searching for justice.

Coming to know the past has been part of the critical pedagogy of 0 a . s ories is to hok.l--alternative--

knowled�es. The pedagogical implication of this access to alternative f&ioWfedgt:s is dtatiheycan fortn dte basts of kllcrna8ve �i}§ cif t1Ubtg things. Transforming our colonized views of our own history (as written by the West) , however, requires us to revisit, site by site, our history under Western eyes. This in turn requires a theory or approach which helps us to engage with, understand and then act upon history. It is in this sense that the site s visited in this book begin with a critique of a Western view of history. Telling our stories from the past, reclaiming the past, giving testimony to the injustices of the past are all strategies

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 35

which are commonly employed by indigenous peoples struggling for justice. On the international scene it is extremely rare and unusual when indigenous accounts are accepted and acknowledged as valid inter­ pretations of what has taken place. And yet, the need to tell our stories

. remains the powerful imperative of a powerful form of resistance.

Is Writing Important for Indigenous Peoples?

As I am arguing, every aspect of the act of producing knowledge has influenced the ways in which indigenous ways of knowing have been represented. Reading, writing, talking, these are as fundamental to academic discourse as science, theories, methods, paradigms. To begin with reading, one might cite the talk in which Maori writer Patricia Grace undertook to show that 'Books Are Dangerous'.21 She argues that there are four things that make many books dangerous to indigenous readers: (1) they do not reinforce our values, actions, customs, culture and identity; (2) when they tell us only about others they are saying that we do not exist; (3) they may be writing about us but are writing things which are untrue; and ( 4) they are writing about us but saying negative and insensitive things which tell us that we are not good. Although Grace is talking about school texts and journals, her comments apply also to academic writing. Much of what I have read has said that we do not exist, that if we do exist it is in terms which I cannot recognize, that we are no good and that what we think is not valid.

Leonie Pihama makes a similar point about film. In a review of The Piano she says: 'Maori people struggle to gain a voice, struggle to be heard from the margins, to have our stories heard, to have our descriptions of ourselves validated, to have access to the domain within which we can control and define those images which are held up as reflections of our realities. ' 22 Representation is important as a concept because it gives the impression of 'the truth'. When I read texts, for example, I frequently have to orientate myself to a text world in which the centre of academic knowledge is either in Britain, the United States _or__Westero Europe; in which words such as 'we' 'us' 'our' 'I' actuall� exclude me. It is a text world in which (if what I am interested in rates 6l AiMAlii'BA) I Aoua leosgsd d.lat 1 he'ons Par#?' jp the Third \XlgrJd Pa!#J' in the 'Women of Colour' world, part!J in the black or African world. I read myself into these labels part!J because I have also learned that, although there may be commonalities, they still do not entirely account for the experiences of indigenous peoples.

So, reading and interpretation present problems when we do not see ourselves in the text. There are problems, too, when we do see ourselves but can barely recognize ourselves through the repres entation. One

36 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

problem o f being trained to read this way, or, more correctly, o f learning to read this way over many years of academic study, is that we can adopt uncritically similar patterns o f writing. We begin to write about ours elves as indigenous peoples as i f we really were 'out there', the 'Other', with all the baggage that this entails . Another problem is that academic writ­ ing is a form of s electing, arranging and presenting knowledge. It privi­ leges s ets of texts, views about the history of an idea, what is sues count as significant; and, by engaging in the same process uncritically, we too can render indigenous writers invisible or unimportant while reinforcing the validity of other writers. If we write without thinking critically about our writing, it can be dangerous . Writing can also be dangerous b ecause we reinforce and maintain a style of discourse which is never innocent. Writing can b e dangerous becau s e sometimes we reveal ours elves in ways which get misappropriated and used against us. Writing can be dangerous becau s e , by building on previous texts written about indigenous peoples, we continue to legitimate views about ourselves which are hostile to us. This is particularly true o f academic writing, although j o urnalistic and imaginative writing reinforce the s e 'myths'.

The s e attitudes inform what is sometime s referred to as either the 'Empire writes back' di scourse or post-colonial literature. This kind of writing assum e s that the centre does not nece s s arily have to be located at the imperial centre .23 It is argued that the centre can be shifted ideo­ logically through imagination and that this shifting can recreate history. Another perspective relates to the ability of 'native' writers to appro­ priate the language of the colonizer as the language of the colonized and to write so that it captures the ways in which the colonized actually use the language, their dialects and inflections, and in the way they make sense of their lives . Its other importance is that it speaks to an audience of people who have also been colonized. This is one of the ironies of many indigenous p eople s ' conferences where issues of indigenous language have to be debated in the language of the colonizers. Another variation o f the debate relates to the use o f literature to write about the terrible things which happened under coloniali sm or as a consequence

-O-UGffifli.aJi.s.ffr.- These- t1:>pies-1nevitably-impl±cated-the-cotorri:zersamh"hm-­ /iterature. in the processes of cultural domination.

J' 1 11 I sici: n, espu gsed bt Jifi'!tttft tt€erAiMe s, £ tJgtf@ �a Thiong'o, was to write in the languages of Africa. For Ngugi wa Thiong'o, to write in the language o f the colonizers was to pay homage to them, while to write in the languages of Africa was to engage in an anti-imperialist struggle. He argued that language carries culture and the language of the colonizer became the means by which the 'mental universe of the colonized' was dominated.24 This applied, in Ngugi wa Thiong'o's view, particularly to the language o f writing. Whereas oral

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 37

languages were frequently still heard at home, the use of literature in association with schooling resulted in the alienation of a child from the child's history, geography, music and other aspects of culture.25

In discussing the politics o f academic writing, in which research writing is a subset, Cherryl Smith argues that 'colonialism, racism and cultural imperialism do not occur only in society, outside of the gates of universities'.26 Academic writing, she continues, is a way o f '"writing back" whilst at the same time writing to ourselves'.27 The act of 'writing back' and simultaneously writing to ourselves is not simply an inversion of how we have learned to write academically.28 The diffe rent audiences to whom we speak makes the task somewhat difficult. The scope of the literature which we use in our work contributes to a different framing of the issues. The oral arts and other forms of expression set our landscape in a different frame of reference. Our understandings of the academic disciplines within which we have been trained also frame our approaches . Even the use o f pronouns such as ' I ' and 'we' can cause difficulties when writing for several audiences, because while it may be acceptable now in academic writing, it is not always acceptable to indigenous audiences.29

Edward Said also asks the following questions : 'Who V{tites? For whom is the writing being done? In what circumstances? Thes e it seems to me are the questions whose answers provide us with the ingredients making a politics of interpretation.'30 These questions are important ones which are being asked in a variety o f ways within our communities. They are asked, for example, about research, policy making and curriculum development. Said's comments, however, point to the problems of interpretation, in this case of academic writing. 'Who' is doing the writing is important in the politics of the Third World and African America, and indeed for indigenous people s ; it is even more important in the politics of how these worlds are being represented 'back to' the West. Although in the literary sense the imagination is crucial to writing, the use of language is not highly regarded in academic discourses which claim to be s cientific. The concept of imagination, when employed as a sociological tool, is often reduced to a way of seein and understandin dre worl , or a way o un erstan g how people either construct the world or are constructed b the world. As Toni M

·

e a way o s anng e world.31 This means, according to Morrison, struggling to find the language to do this and then struggling to interpret and perform within that shared imagination.

Writing Theory

Research is linked in all disciplines to theory. Research adds to, is generated from, creates or broadens our theoretical understandings.

3 8 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

Indigenous peoples have been, in many ways, oppressed b y theory. Any consideration of the ways our origins have been examined, our histories recounted, our arts analysed, our cultures dis s ected, measured, torn apart and distorted back to us will suggest that theories have not looked sympathetically or ethically at us. Writing research is often considered marginally more important than writing theory, providing it results in tangible benefits for farmers, economists, industries and sick people . For indigenous peoples, most of the theorizing has been driven by anthropological approache s . The s e approaches have shown enormous concern for our origins as peoples and for aspects o f our linguistic and material culture.

The development of theories by indigenous scholars which attempt to explain our existence in contemporary society (as opposed to the 'traditional' society constructed under modernism) has only just begun. Not all the se theories claim to b e derived from some 'pure' sense of what it means to be indigenous , nor do they claim to be theories which have b e en developed in a vacuum separated from any association with civil and human rights movements , o ther nationalist struggles or other theoretical approaches. What is claimed, however, is that new ways of theorizing by indigenous scholars are grounded in a real sense o f, and sensitivity towards, what it means to be an indigenous person. As Kathie Irwin urge s, 'We don't need anyone else developing the tools which will help us to come to terms with who we are. We can and will do this work. Real power lies with tho s e who design the tools - it always has. This power is ours '.32 Contained within this imperative is a sense o f being able t o determine priorities, t o bring t o t h e centre those issues o f our own choosing, and t o discuss them amongst ourselve s .

I am arguing that theory at i t s most simple level is important for indigenous people s . At the very least it helps make sense of reality. It enable s us to make assumptions and predictions about the world in which we live. It contains within it a method or methods for selecting and arranging, for prioritising and legitimating what we see and do. Theory enables us to deal with contradictions and uncertainties. Perhaps more s1gru 1can y, lt gtves us space o p , ro-strategize;- to-take--gr earer­ control over our resistances. The language of a theory can also be used as a way of orgari1s1hg and detetnmmtg acbon. It Amps QS tO ititetF 1 what is being told to us, and to predict the consequences of what is being promised. Theory can als o protect us becau s e it contains within it a way of putting reality into perspective. If it is a good theory it also allows for new ideas and ways o f looking at things to be incorporated constantly without the need to search constantly for new theori e s .

A dilemma p o s e d by s u c h a thorough critical approach t o history, writing and theory is that whilst we may rej ect or dismiss them, this does

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 39

not make them go away, nor does the critique nece s s arily offer the alternatives. We live simultaneously within such views while needing to pose, conte st and struggle for the legitimacy of appo sitional or alternative histories , theories and ways of writing. At some points there is, there has to be, dialogue across the boundaries of oppo sitions . This has to be because we constandy collide with dominant views while we are attempting to trans form our lives on a larger scale than our own localized circumstances . This means struggling to make sense of our own world while als o attempting to transform what counts as important in the world of the powerful.

Part o f the exercise is about recovering our own stories o f the past. This is inextricably bound to a recovery o f our language and epistemo­ logical foundations. It is also about reconciling and reprioritizing what is really important about the past with what is important about the present. The s e issues raise significant questions for indigenous communities who are not only beginning to fight back against the invasion of their communities by academic, corporate and populist researchers, but to think about, and carry out research, on their own concerns. One of the problems discus sed in this firs t section of this book is that the methodologies and methods of research, the theories that inform them, the questions which they generate and the writing styles they employ, all become significant acts which need to be considered carefully and critically before being applied. In other words, they need to b e 'decolonized'. D ecolonization, however, does not mean and has not meant a total rej ection o f all theory or res e arch or Western knowledge. Rather, it is about centring our concerns and world views and then coming to know and understand theory and research from our own perspectives and for our own purpo s e s .

As a s i t e o f struggle research h a s a significance for indigenous peoples that is embedded in our history under the gaze o f We s tern imperialism and Western science. It is framed by our attempts to es cape the penetra­ tion and surveillance of that gaze whilst simultaneously reordering and reconstituting ourselves as indigenous human beings in a state o f nngrun crisis . Research has n o t been neutral i n its obj ectification of the Other. O b j ectification is a process of dehumanization. In its clear s tg Western koourledge research has gener�ed a barticular relationship to indigenous peoples which continues to e pro lemattc. At the same time, however, new pres sures which have resulted from our own politics o f self-determination, of wanting greater participation in, or control over, what happens to us, and from changes in the global environment, have meant that there is a much more active and knowing engagement in the activity of research. by ilidigenous people s . Many indigenous groups, communities and organisations are thinking about, talking about,

40 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

and carrying out research activities o f various kinds. I n this chapter I have sugge sted that it is important to have a critical understanding of some of the tools of research - not j u s t the obvious technical tools but the conceptual tools, the ones which make us feel uncomfortable, which we avoid, for which we have no easy response.

I lack imagination you stg No. I lack language. The language to clarify my resistance to the literate . . . .

Cherrie Moraga33

Notes

1 Lorde, Audre (1 979) , The Master's Tools will Never Dismantle the Master's House', comments at The personal and the Political' panel, Second Sex Conference, reproduced in Moraga, C . and G. Anzaldua (1 981), This Bridge Called A{y Back, Kitchen Table Women of Color Press, New York, pp. 98-1 0 1 .

2 See Sale, K . (1 990) , The Conquest of Paradise, Christopher and the Columbian Legaty, Alfred Knopf, New York.

3 See· Churchill, W. (1 994) , Indians Are Us? Culture and Genodde in North America, Common Courage Press, Maine.

4 Trask, H. K. (1 993), From a Native Daughter, Common Courage Press, Maine, p . 7. 5 Lehman, G. ( 1 9 96) , 'Life's Quiet Companion', paper, Riawunna Centre for

Aboriginal Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia. 6 Giddens, A. (1 989) , Sodology, Polity Press, Cambridge, pp. 5 30-3. 7 The term 'rules of practice' comes from Foucault. See, for this encounter,

Salmond, A. (1 991), Two Worlds, First Meetings Between Maori and Europeans 1642- 1 772, Viking, Auckland.

8 Mackenzie, ] . R. (1 990) , Imperialism and the Natural World, Manchester University Press, England.

9 Thompson, A. S. (1 859) , The Story of New Zealand: Past and Present, Savage and Civilized, J ohn Murray, London, p. 82 .

. 1 0 Goldberg, D. T. (1 993) , Radst Culture, Phiiosopf?y and the Politics of Meaning, Blackwell, Oxford. See also Sardar, Z . , A . Nandy and W. Davies (1 993), Barbaric

thm-,-A-Man!foJ'to--oj--We.rtern-&d.rm;-Pluto --Fress; tondon. 1 1 Fanon, Frantz (1 990) , The Wretched of the Earth, Penguin, London.

�� �;� pp ?k8

I M P E R I A L I S M , H I S T O R Y , W R I T I N G A N D T H E O R Y 41

and the West, Routledge, London; Abu-Lughood, J. (1 989), 'On the Remaking of History. How to Reinvent the Past', in Remaking History, Dia Art Foundation, Bay Press, Seattle, pp. 1 1 1 -29; Steadman, C. (1 992) , 'Culture, Cultural Studies and the Historians', in Cultural Studies, eds G. Nelson, P. A. Treicher and L. Grossberg, Routledge, New York, pp. 6 1 3-20; Trask, From a Native Daughter.

1 8 Young, White lv[ythologies. 1 9 Ibid. p. 3 . 20 Mangan, J . (1 993) , The Imperial Curriculum - Racial Images and Education in the British

Colonial Experience, Routledge, London. 21 Grace, P. (1 985) , 'Books are Dangerous', paper presented at the Fourth Early

Childhood Convention, Wellington, New Zealand. 22 Pihama, L. (1 994) , 'Are Films Dangerous? A Maori Woman's Perspective on The

Piano', Hecate, Vol. 20, No. 2, p. 241 . 23 Ashcroft, B., G. Griffiths and H. Tiffin (1 989) , The Empire Writes Back, Theory and

Practice in Post-colonial Literatures, Routledge, London. 24 Thiong'o, Ngugi Wa ( 1 9 86) , Decolonirjng the Mind.· The Politics of Language in African

Literature, James Currey, London. 2 5 Ibid. 26 Smith, C.W. (1 994) , 'K.imihia Te Matauranga: Colonization and Iwi Development',

MA thesis, University of Auckland, New Zealand, p . 1 3. 27 Ibid., p. 1 3 . 28 van Dijk, T. A. (1 989) , Elite Discourses and Racism, Sage Publications, Newbury

Park, California. 29 Smith, L. T. (1 994) , 'In Search of a Language and a Shareable Imaginative World:

E Kore Taku Moe, E Riro i a Koe', Hecate, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 1 62-74. 30 Said, E. ( 1 9 83) , 'Opponents, Audiences, Constituencies and Community', in The

Politics of Interpretation, ed. W. J. T. Mitchell, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, p. 7.

31 Morrison, T. (1 993), Pkfying in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, Vintage Books, New York.

32 Irwin, K. (1 992) , 'Towards Theories of Maori Feminisms', in Feminist Voim: Women 's Studies Texts for Aotearoal New Zealand, ed. R du Plessis, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 5.

33 Moraga, Cherrie (1 983) , quoted by G. Anzaldua, in 'Speaking Tongues: a Letter to 3rd World Women Writers', in This Bridge Called MY Back, p. 1 66.

C H A P T E R 2

Research Through Imperial Eyes

Many critiques of research have centred around the theory of knowledge known as empiricism and the scientific paradigm of positivism which is derived from empiricism. Positivism takes a position that applies views about how the natural world can be examined and understood to the social world of human beings and human societies. Understanding is viewed as being akin to measuring. As the ways we try to understand the world are reduced to issues of measurement, the focus of und�r­ standing becomes more concerned with procedural problems . The challenge then for understanding the social world becomes one develop­ ing operational definitions of phenomena which are reliable and valid. The analysis in this chapter begins with a much broader brushstroke. Most indigenous criticisms o f research are expressed within the single terms of 'white research', 'academic research' or 'outsider research'. The finer details of how Western s cientists might name themselves are irrelevant to indigenous peoples who have experienced unrelenting research of a profoundly exploitative nature. From an indigenous per­ spective Western research is more than just research that is located in a positivist tradition. It is research which brings to bear, on any study of indigenous peoples, a cultural orientation, a set o f values , a different conce tualization o f such thin s as time s ace and sub " ectivi different and competing theories of knowledge, highly specialized forms of langpagr and S!P1rtpres gf pourer

In this chapter I argue that what counts as Western research draws from an 'archive' of knowledge and systems, rules and values which stretch beyond the boundaries of Western science to the system now referred to as the West. Stuart Hall makes the point that the Wes t is an idea or concept, a language for imagining a set of complex stories , ideas, historical events and social relationships . Hall suggests that the concept of the West functions in ways which (1) allow 'us' to characterize and classify societies into categories, (2) condense complex images of other

42

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 43

societies through a !)Stem of representation, (3) provide a standard model of comparison, and ( 4) provide criteria of evaluation against which other societies can be ranked. 1 The se are the procedures by which indigenous peoples and their societies were coded into the Western system o f knowledge.

Research contributed to, and drew from, these systems of clas sifica­ tion, representation and evaluation. The cultural archive did not embody a unitary system of knowledge but should be conceived of as containing multiple traditions of knowledge and ways of knowing. Some know­ ledges are more dominant than others, some are submerged and outdated. Some knowledges are actively in competition with each other and some can only b e formed in association with others. Whilst there may not be a unitary system there are 'rules' which help make sense of what is contained within the archive and enable 'knowledge' to be recognized. These rules can be conceived of as rules of classification, rules of framing and rules of practice.2 Although the term 'rules' may sound like a set of fixed items which are articulated in explicit ways as regulations, it als o means rules which are masked in some way and which tend to be articulated through implicit understandings of how the world works. Power is expressed at both the explicit and implicit levels. Dissent, or challenges to the rules, is · manageable b ecause it also conforms to the s e rules, particularly at the implicit level. Scientific and academic debate in the West takes place within these rules. Two maj or examples o f how this works can be found in Marxism and Western feminism. Arguably, Western feminism has provided a more radical challenge to knowledge than Marxism because of its challenge to epistemology: not just the body of knowledge and world view, but the science of how knowledge can be understood. Even Western feminism, however, has been challenged, particularly by women o f colour, for conforming to some very fundamental Western European world views, value systems and attitudes towards the Other. Indigenous peoples · would probably claim to know much of this implicitly but in this chapter some fundamental ideas related to understandings of being human, of how humans relate to the world, are examined. Differences between

es tern an m genous conceptions of the world have always provided stark contrasts. Indigenous beliefs were considered shocking. abhorrent and barbanc and were pnme targets for the efforts of nus s10nane s . Many of tho s e beliefs s till persist; they are embedded in indigenous languages and stories and etched in memorie s .

The Cultural Formations of Western Research

Forms o f imperialism and colonialism, notions of the Other, and theories about human nature existed long before the Enlightenment in

44 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

Western philosophy. Some scholars have argued that the key tenets of what is now seen as Western civiliz ation are based on black experiences and a black tradition o f scholarship, and have simply been appropriated by Western philosophy and rede fined as Western epis temology.3 Western knowledges , philosophies and definitions of human nature form what Foucault has referred to as a cultural archive and what s ome people might refer to as a 'storehouse' o f histories, artefacts , ideas, texts and/ or image s , which are clas sified, preserved, arranged and repre sented b ack to the West. This s torehouse contains the fragments, the regions and levels of knowledge traditions, and the 'systems ' which allow different and differentiated forms of knowledge to be retrieved, enunciated and represented in new contexts . 4 Although many colonized peoples refer to the West, usually with a term o f their own, as a cohe sive system of people, practices, values and language s, the cultural archive of the West repres ents multiple traditions of knowledge. Rather, there are many different traditions of knowledge and moments of history in which philo sophical ideas are sometimes reformed or transformed, in which new knowledges lead to new sets of ideas.

Foucault also suggests that the archive reveals 'rules o f practice' which the West itself cannot neces sarily des cribe because it operates within the rules and they are taken for granted. Various indigenous p eoples would claim, indeed do claim, to be able to describe many of those rules of practice as they have been 'revealed' and/ or perpetrated on indigenous communities. Hall has suggested that the Western cultural archive functions in ways which allow shifts and transformations to happen, quite radically at times, without the archive itself, and the modes o f clas sifications and systems o f repre s entation contained within it, being destroyed. This sense of what the idea o f the West represents is important here because to a large extent theories about res earch are underpinned by a cultural system of classification and representation, by views about human nature, human morality and virtue, by conceptions o f space and time, by conceptions of gender and race. I deas about these things help determine what counts as real. Systems o f classification and representat:J.on ena e erent tra t:J.ons or ragments o tra nons to be retrieved and reformulated in different contexts as discoursehl and men to be played out 1n systems of power and domtnation, W1 real material consequences for colonized people s . Nandy, for example, discus ses the different phase s o f colonization, from 'rapacious bandit­ kings' intent on exploitation, to 'well-meaning middle cla s s liberals' intent on salvation as a legitimation o f different forms o f colonization.5 These phases of colonization, driven by different economic needs and differing ideologies of legitimation, still had real consequences for the nations, communities and groups of indigenous people being colonized.

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 45

These consequences have led Nandy to describe colonization as a 'shared culture' for tho s e who have been colonized and for tho se who have coloniz ed. This means, for example, that colonized . peoples share a language of colonization, share knowledge about their colonizers, and, in terms of a political project, share the same struggle for decolonization. I t also means that colonizers, too, share a language and knowledge of colonization.

The Intersections of Race and Gender

David Theo Goldberg argues that one of the consequences of Western experiences under imperialism is that Western ways of viewing, talking about and interacting with the world at large are intricately embedded in racialized discourses.6 Notions o f difference are discussed in Greek philosophy, for example, as ways of rationalizing the essential characteristics and obligations of slaves.7 Medieval literature and art represent fabulous monsters and half-human, half-animal creatures from far-off plac e s . According to Goldberg, concern about these images led to 'observers (being] overcome by awe, repulsion and fear of the implied threat to spiritual life and the political state'.8 Goldberg argues that whilst these early beliefs and images 'furnished models that modern racism would as sume and trans form according to its own lights ', there was no explicit category or space in medieval thought for racial differentiation.9 What did happen, according to Goldberg, was that the 'savage' was internalized as a psychological and moral space within the individual that required 'repres sion, denial and dis ciplinary restraint'. 1 0 In Goldberg's analysis, modernity and the philosophy of liberalism (which underpins modernist discourses) transformed these fragments of culture into an explicit racialized discourse. Race, as a category, was linked to human

· reason and morality, to science, to colonialism and to the rights o f citizenship i n ways that produced the racialized discourse and racist practice s of modernity. 1 1

Western concepts of race intersect in complex ways with concepts o f gen e r . en er r e ers n o t JUSt t o e r o es o women a n o w tho s e roles a r e constituted b u t t o the roles of m e n a n d of the relations between men and women. Ideas aboUt gender diff'erence and what that means for a society can similarly be traced back to the fragmented artefacts and representations of Western culture, and to different and differentiated traditions of knowledge. The desired and undesired qualities of women for example, as mothers, daughters and wive s, were inscribed in the texts of the Greeks and Romans, sculptured, painted and woven into medieval wall hangings, and performed through oral poetry. Different historical ideas about men and women were enacted through social institutions

46 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

such as marriage, family life, the class sys tem and ecclesias tic orders . 1 2 These institutions were underpinned b y economic systems, notions o f property and wealth, and were increasingly legitimated in the West through Judaeo-Christian beliefs . Economic changes from feudal to capitalist modes of production influenced the construction o f the 'family' and the relations of women and men in Western societie s . Gender dis tinctions and hierarchies are also deeply encoded in Wes tern language s . It is impos sible to speak without using this language, and, more significantly for indigenous people s , it is impos sible to translate or interpret our societies into English, French or Cas tilian, for example, without making gendered di s tinction s .

T h e process o f en-gendering descriptions o f t h e Other has h a d very real consequences for indigenous women in that the ways in which indigenous women were des cribed, objectified and repre s ented by Europeans in the nineteenth century has left a legacy of marginalization within indigenous societies as much as within the colonizing society. In New Zealand many o f the s e issues are the subject of a claim brought by a group of prominent Maori women to the Waitangi Tribunal. The Waitangi Tribunal was e s tablished to hear the claims by Maori relating to contraventions of the Treaty of Waitangi . 1 3 B e fore this Tribunal, the Maori women taking the claim are having to e s tablish and argue, using historical texts, research and oral testimonies, that the Crown has ignored the rangatiratanga, or chie fly and sovereign s tatus, of Maori women. To argue this , the claimants are compelled to prove that Maori women were as much rangatira (chi e fs) as Maori men. At a very simple level the 'problem' is a problem of translation. Rangatiratanga has generally been interpreted in English as meaning chieftains hip and sovereignty, which in colonialism was a 'male thing'.

This claim illustrates the complexities which Stuart Hall raised. Several different and differentiated sets of ideas and repre sentations are to be 'retrieved' and 'enunciated' in the historically specific context of this claim. In summary the s e may be clas sified as: (1) a legal framework in­ herited from B ritain, which includes views about what constitutes admissible evidence and valid res earch; (2) a 'textual' orientation, which will prizye�e the written text (seen as expert and research-based) gyer ora:I tes tunonies (a conces sion to indigenous 'elders ') ; (3) views about science, which will allow for the efficient selection and arrangement of 'facts'; (4) 'rules o f practice ' such as 'values' and 'morals', which all parties to the pro c e s s are assumed to know and to have given their 'con­ sent' to abide by, for example, notions o f 'goodwill' and 'truth telling'; (5) ideas about subjectivity and objectivity which have already deter­ mined the constitution of the Tribunal and its 'neutral' legal framework, but which will continue to frame the way the case is heard; (6) ideas

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about time and space, views related to history, what constitutes the appro­ priate length of a hearing, 'shape' of a claim, size of the panel; (1) views about human nature, individual accountability and culpability; (8) the selection of speakers and experts, who speaks for whom, whose know­ ledge is presumed to be the 'best fit' in relation to a set of proven 'facts'; and (9) the politics o f the Treaty of Waitangi and the way tho se politics are managed by politicians and other agencies such as the media. Within each set of ideas are systems of classification and representation; epistemological, ontological, juridical, anthropological and ethical, which are coded in such ways as to 'recognize' each other and either mesh together, or create a cultural 'force field' which can screen out competing and appositional discourse s . Taken as a whole system, these ideas determine the wider rules o f practice which ensure that Western interests remain dominant.

Conceptualizations of the Individual and Society

Social s cience research is based upon ideas, beliefs and theories about the s ocial world. While it is acknowledged that people always live in some form of social organization (for example, a family unit, an efficient hunting and gathering unit, a pastoral unit, and increasingly larger and more effective and sophi s ticated variatio n s of those basic units) , We stern forms o f res earch also draw on cultural ideas about the human 'self and the relationship between the individual and the groups to which he or she may belong. Such ideas explore both the internal workings of an individual and the relationships between what an individual is and how an individual behave s . These ideas suggest that relation s hips between or among groups o f people are basically cau s al and c a n be ob served and predicted. Some earlier accounts of how and why individuals behave as they do were based on ideas which often began with a creation story to explain the presence of people in their specific environment and on unders tandings of human behaviour as being connected to some form o f external force, such as spirituall powerful beings, 'gods' or sacred obj ects. Human activity was seen to be caused b

· · pean soc1ettes wo not have made much distinction between human beings and their natural environment. Classical Greek philosophy is regarded as the point at which ideas about these relationships changed from 'naturalistic' explanations to humanistic explanations. Naturalistic explanations linked nature and life as one and humanistic explanations separate people out from the world around them, and place humanity on a higher plane (than animals and plants) because of such characteri s tics as language and reason. 1 4 Socrates, Plato and Aristotle

48 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

are regarded a s the founders o f this humanistic tradition o f knowledge. Human nature, that is, the essential characteristics of an individual

person, is an overarching concern of Western philosophy even though 'human' and 'nature' are also seen to be in opposition to each other. Education, research and other scholarly traditions have emerged from or been framed by debates relating to human nature. The separation between mind and body, the investing of a human person with a soul, a psyche and a consciousness, the distinction between sense and reason, definitions o f human virtue and morality, are cultural constructs. These ideas have been transformed as philosophers have incorporated new insights and discoveries, but the underlying categories have remained in place. From Aristotle and Plato, in Greek philosophy, the mind-body distinction was heavily Christianized by Aquinas. French philosopher Descartes developed this dualism further, making distinctions which would relate to the separate disciplines required to study the body (physiology) and the mind (psychology) . His distinctions are now referred to as the Cartesian dualism. Hegel reasoned that the split was dialectical, meaning that there was a contradictory interplay between the two ideas and the form of debate required to develop these ideas. It must be remembered, however, that concepts such as the mind or the intellect, the soul, reason, virtue and morality are not in themselves 'real' or biological parts of a human body. Whilst the workings of a mind may be associated in Western thinking primarily with the human brain, the mind itself is a concept or an idea. In Maori world views, for example, the closest equivalent to the idea of a 'mind' or intellect is associated with the entrails and other parts of the body. The head was considered tapu for other reasons.

What makes ideas 'real' is the system of knowledge, the formations of culture, and the relations of power in which these concepts are located. What an individual is - and the implications this has for the way researchers or teachers, therapists or social workers, economists or journalists, might approach their work - is based on centuries of philosophical debate, principles o f debate and systems for organizing -Whole-soGi�� --pE@die-attld--Ga-t:hese---id�ese-i cleas-- eens-titate- reali- . Reality cannot be constituted without them. When confronted by the adt rr stj I , · E !l · ti s, '¥6' s' )j 5 1 azn zeiJieJ as representing something 'better', reflecting 'higher orders' o f thinking, and being les s prone to the dogma, witchcraft and immediacy of people and societies which were so 'primitive'. Ideological appeals to such things as literacy, democracy and the development of complex s ocial structures, make this way of thinking appear to be a universal truth and a necessary criterion of civilized society. Although eighteenth- and nineteenth-century forms of colonization brought Christian beliefs

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 49

about the soul and human morality to indigenous peoples, these concepts were discussed in Western traditions prior to Christianity. Christianity, when organized into a system of power, brought to bear on these basic concepts a focus of systematic study and debate which could then be used to regulate all aspects of social and spiritual life.

The individual, as the basic social unit from which other social organizations and social relations form, is another system of ideas which needs to be understood as part of the West's cultural archive. Western philosophies and religions place the individual as the b asic building block of society. The transition from feudal to capitalist modes of production simply emphasized the role of the individual. Concepts of social development were seen as the natural progression and replication of human development. The relationship between the individual and the group, however, was a major theoretical problem for philosophy. This problem tended to be posed as a dialectic or tension between two irreconcilable notions. Hegel's dialectic on the self and society has become the most significant model for thinking about this relationship. His master-slave construct has served as a form of analysis which is both psychological and sociological, and in the colonial context highly political.

Rousseau has a particular influence over the way indigenous peoples in the South Pacific came to be regarded, because of his highly romanticized and idealized view of human nature. It is to Rousseau that the idea of the 'noble savage' is attributed. This view linked the natural world to an idea of innocence and purity, and the developed world to corruption and decay. It was thought that the people who lived in the idyllic conditions of the South Pacific, close to nature, would possess 'noble' qualities from which the West could relearn and rediscover what had been lost. This romanticized view was particularly relevant to the way South Pacific women were represented, especially the women o f Tahiti and Polynesia. The view soon lost favour, or was turned around into the 'ignoble savage', when it was found that these idealized humans actually indulged in 'barbaric' and 'savage' customs and were capable of

-whar were-vi a ac s o grave tn)US ce an '<iesp1ca ty . Just as in the psychological traditions the individual has been central,

56 Mt!hin soetofogtdd traihuons tlie mihVIdaif IS assmned to be ftle bas1c unit of a society. A maj or sociological concern becomes a struggle over the extent to which individual consciousness and reality shapes, or is shaped by, social structure. During the nineteenth century this view of the individual and society became heavily influenced by social Darwinism. This meant, for example, that a society could be viewed as a 'species' of people with biological traits . 1 5 'Primitive' s o cieties could be ranked according to these traits, predictions could be made about their

50 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

survival and ideological j ustifications could b e made about their treatment. Early sociology came to focus on the belief systems of these 'primitive' people and the extent to which they were capable of thought and of developing 'simple' ideas about religion. This focus was intended to enhance the understandings of Western society by showing how simple societies developed the building blocks of clas sification systems and modes of thought. These systems, it was believed, would demonstrate how such social phenomena as language developed. This in rurn would enable distinctions to be made between categories which were fixed - that is, the structural underpinnings of society - and categories which people could create, that is, the cultural aspects of the life-world. It also reinforced, through contrasting associations or appositional categories, how superior the West was .

Conceptions of Space

Similar claims can be made about other concepts, such as time and space. These concepts are particularly significant for some indigenous languages because the language makes no clear or absolute distinction between the two: for example, the Maori word for time or space is the same. Other indigenous languages have no related word for either space or time, having instead a series o f very precise terms for parts o f these ideas, or for relationships between the idea and something else in the environment. There are positions within time and space in which people and events are located, but thes e cannot necessarily be described as distinct categories of thought. Western ideas about time and space are encoded in language, philosophy and science. Philosophical conceptions of time and space have been concerned with: (1) the relationships between the two ideas, that is, whether space and time are absolute categories or whether they exist relationally; and (2) the measurement of time and space.16 Space came to b e seen as consisting o f lines which were either parallel or elliptical. From these ideas , ways of thinking which related to disciplines of study emerged (for example, mapping and geograpliy, measurement an geometry, monon an p ys1cs . ese distinctions are �enerall� �art of a taken-for-�ted view of the world. Spauihzed lang age is 1 quendy used ih bo everyday and acadentit discourse s .

Henri Lefebvre argues that the notion of space h a s been 'appropriated by mathematics' which has claimed an ideological position of dominance over what space meansY Mathematics has constructed a language which attempts to define with absolute exactness the para­ meters, dimensions , qualities and pos sibilities of space. This language of space influences the way the West thinks about the world beyond earth

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 5 1

(cosmology) , the ways in which society i s viewed (public/private space, city/ country space) , the ways in which gender role s were defined (public/ domestic, home/work) and the ways in which the social world of people could be determined (the market place, the theatre) . 1 8 Compartrnentalized, space can b e better defined and measured.

Conceptions of space were articulated through the ways in which people arranged their homes and towns, collected and displayed obj ects o f signi ficance, organized warfare, set out agricultural fields and arranged gardens, conducted busines s , displayed art and performed drama, separated out one form of human activity from another. Spatial arrange­ ments are an important part of social life. Western classifications of space include such notions as architectural space, physical space, psychological space, theoretical space and so forth. Foucault's metaphor of the cultural archive is an architectural image. The archive not only contains artefacts o f culture, but is itself an artefact and a construct of culture. For the indigenous world, Western conceptions o f space, of arrangements and display, of the relationship between people and the landscap e , of culture as an object of study, have meant that not only has the indigenous world been represented in particular ways back to the West, but the indigenous world view, the land and the people, have been radically transformed in the spatial image of the West. In other words, indigenous space has been colonized. Land, for example , was viewed as something to b e tamed and brought under control. The landscape, the arrangement of nature, could be altered by 'Man': swamps could be drained, waterways diverted, inshore areas filled, not simply for physical survival, but for further exploitation of the environment or making it 'more pleasing' aes thetically. Renaming the land was probably as powerful ideologically as changing the land. Indigenous children in schools, for example, were taught the new names for places that they and their parents had lived in for generations. These were the names which appeared on maps and which were used in official communica­ tions. This newly named land became increasingly disconnected from the son s and chants used b indi enous eoples to trace their historie to bring forth spiritual elements or to carry out the simple st o f feJimgpjes More significgptly hgvreyer space vm appropriated ft9m 111 ·genous cultures and then 'gifted back' as reservations, reserved pockets o f land for indigenous people who once posses sed .ru.I o f it.

Other artefacts and images o f indigenous cultures were also classified, stored and displayed in museum cases and boxes, framed by the display cases as well as by the categories of artefacts with which they were grouped. Some images became part of the postcard trade and the adver­ tising market or were the subject of Western artistic interpretations of indigenous peoples. Still other 'live' and performing examples were put

52 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

'on stage' as concert parties to entertain Europeans. Indigenous cultures became framed within a language and a set of spatialized representations . 1 9

A specific example of the colonization o f a n indigenous architectural space and of indigenous spatial concepts can be found in the story of the Mataatua, a carved Maori house built in 1 87 5 as a wedding gift from one tribal group to another. The New Zealand Government negotiated and gained agreement to send the Mataatua to the British Empire Exhibition at Sydney in 1 879. The house was displayed according to the aesthetic and economic sense o f the exhibition's curators:

F indi ng that it would cost at least 700 pounds to erec t it in the ordinary manner as a Maori house, the walls were reversed so that the carvings showed on the outside; and the tota l cost, includin g paintin g and roofing with C hinese matting was reduced to 1 65 pounds.20

A 'Maori House', displayed inside-out and lined with Chinese matting was seen as an important contribution by New Zealand to the Sydney Exhibition. As argued by its original owners,

the house itself had undergone a transformation as a result of being assimil ated into a B ritish Empire Exhibition. It changed from being a 'l iving' meeting house whi ch the people used and had become an ethnologi cal curiosity for strange people to look at the wrong way and i n the wrong place. 2t

Having gained agreement for this single purpose, the New Zealand government then appropriated the house and sent it to England, where it was displayed at the South Kensington Museum, stored for fo'rty years at the Victoria and Albert Museum, displayed again at the Wembley British Empire Exhibifi.en in 1 924, shipped back to New Zealand for a South Seas Exhibitio� � Dunedin in 1 925, and then 'given', by the government, to the Otago Museum. Ngati Awa, the owners of this house, have been negotiating for its return since 1 983. This has now been agreed upon by the New Z e aland government after a case put to the Waitangi Tribunal, and the 'door lintel' of the Mataatua has been returne as a symbolic gesture prior to the return o f e entire ouse over the next two years.

Space t s often vtewed tn Western tlllriking as betng stattc or divorced from time. This view generates ways of making sense of the world as a 'realm of stasis', well-defined, fixed and without politic s . 22 This is particularly relevant in relation to colonialism. The establishment o f military, missionary o r trading s tations, t h e building of road s , ports and bridge s , the clearing of bush and the mining of minerals all involved proce s s e s of marking, defining and controlling space. There is a very specific spatial vocabulary of colonialism which can be assembled

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 5 3

around three concepts: ( 1 ) the line, (2) the centre, and (3) the outside. The 'line' is important because it was used to map territory, to survey land, to establish boundaries and to mark the limits of colonial power. The 'centre' is important because orientation to the centre was an orientation to the system of power. The 'outside' is important because it positioned territory and people in an appositional relation to the colonial centre; for indigenous Australians to be in an 'empty space' was to 'not e xist'. That vocabulary in New Zealand is depicted in Table 2. 1 :

Table 2 . 1 T h e spat i a l vocabu l a ry of colon i a l i s m i n n i neteenth-century Aotearoa

The L i n e T h e Centre The Outside

maps mother country e m pty l a n d

c h a rts London terra nullius roads magi strate's res ide nce u n i n h a b i ted

bou n d a r i e s redoubt, stockade, barracks u noccu p i ed

pegs prison u nc h a rted

s u rveys m i s s i o n stat i o n reserves

c l a i m s Pa rl i ament Maori pa fences store Kainga hedges C h u rc h Marae sto n e wa l l s E u rope b u r i a l gro u nds

tracks port backgro u nd

genealogies foregro u n d h i nte r l a n d

peri meters flagpo l e

Conceptions of Time

Time is associated with social activity, and how other people organized their daily lives fascinated and horrified Western observers . The links between the industrial revolution, the Protestant ethic, imperialism and science can be discussed in terms of time and the organization of social life. Chan es in the mode of r du

· · ·

revo utlon, an emergtng m1 e c ass a e to generate wealth and make distinctions in their lives between work, leisure, education and religion, and a working-class evangelical movement which linked work to salvation contributed to a potent cultural mix. In Africa, the Americas and the Pacific, Western observers were struck by the contrast in the way time was used (or rather, not used or organized) by indigenous peoples . Repre sentations of 'native life' as being devoid of work habits, and of native people being lazy, indolent, with low attention spans, is

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part o f a colonial discourse that continues to this day. There were various explanations advanced for such indolence; a hot climate, for example, was viewed as a factor. Often it was a simple association between race and indolence, darker skin peoples being considered more 'naturally' indolent.

An example o f how integral time is to social li fe can be found in the j ournals of J o seph Banks. B anks accompanied Cook on his first voyages to the S outh Pacifi c . The Royal Society supervised the Greenwich Observatory which eventually set the world-wide standard of time measurement (Greenwich mean time) and was ins trumental in organizing Cook's voyage to Tahiti in 1 769 to observe the transit o f V e n u s . Throughout this j ourney Banks kept a detailed diary which documents his observations and reflections upon what he s aw. The diary was a precise organization o f his life on board ship, not only a day by day account, but an account which included weather reports, lists o f plants and birds collected, and details o n the people h e encountered. Life on board the Endeavour was organized according to the rules and regulations of the B ritish Admiralty, an adaptation o f British time. N o t o nl y did the diary m e asure time, but there w e r e s cientific instruments on board which als o measured time and place. As an observer, B anks s aw the Pacific world through his own sense o f time, hi s observations were prefaced by phrases such as, 'at daybreak', 'in the evening', 'by 8 o'clock', 'about noon', 'a little b e fore sunset'.23 He confe s s ed, however - after describing in detail such things as dre s s , ornaments, tattooing, house construction and lay-out, clothing, gardens, net making, the women, food, religion and language, and after des cribing visits he and a companion made at particular times to o b s erve the p eople eating, carrying out their daily activities and sleeping - that he was unable to get a 'complete idea' of how the people divided time.

The connection between time and 'work' became more important after the arrival o f mis sionaries and the development of more systematic colonization. The belief that 'native s ' did not value work or have a sense o f time rovided ideological j u s tification for exclusionary practices which reached acro s s such areas as educatJ.on, an eve opment an em lo ent. The evan elical mis sionaries who arrived in the Pacific had a VIew o s vatJ.on tn w c were em e e et er ower English or puritanical New England work practices and value s . It was hard work to get to heaven and 'savages' were expected to work extra hard to qualify to get into the queue. This also meant wearing 'decent' clothes designed more for hard labour in cold climate s , eating 'properly' at 'proper' meal times (before and after work) and reorganizing family p�tterns to enable men to work at some things and women to support them.

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 5 5

Lineal views o f both time and space are important when examining Western ideas about history. Here, the Enlightenment is a crucial point in time . Prior to this period of Western development was an era likened to a period of 'darkness' (the 'Age o f Darkness) which 'coincided' with the ris e of power to the east. This era was followed by reformation within the Church of Rome. During the se periods of time, which are social 'constructions' of time, society was said to be feudal, belief systems were based on dogma, monarchs ruled by divine authority, and literacy was confined to the very few. People lived according to myths and stories which hid the 'truth' or were simply not truths . These stories were kept alive by memory. The Enlightenment has also been referred to as the 'Age of Reason'. During this period history came to be viewed as a more reasoned or s cientific understanding of the past. History could be recorded systematically and then retrieved through recourse to written texts. It was based on a lineal view o f time and was linked closely to notions of progre s s . Progress could be 'measured' in terms of techno­ logical advancement and spiritual salvation. Progres s is evolutionary and teleological and is present in both liberal and Marxist ideas about history.

Different orientations towards time and space, different po sitioning within time and space, and different systems of langu�ge for making space and time 'real' underpin notions of past and pres ent, of place and of relationships to the land. Ideas about progress are grounded within ideas and orientations towards time and space. What has come to count as history in contemporary society is a contentious issue for many indigenous communities because it is not only the story of domination; it is also a story which as sumes that there was a 'point in time' which was 'prehistoric'. The point at which society moves from prehistoric to historic is also the point at which tradition breaks with modernism. Traditional indigenous knowledge ceased, in this view, when it came into contact with 'modern' societies, that is the West. What occurred at this point of culture contact was the beginning of the end for 'primitive' societies. Deeply embedded in thes e constructs are systems of classi­ fication and representation which lend themselves easily to binary -oppositions;-dmdisms, and hierarchical-orderings-of-the---worl-rl--.----

One of_ the concepts through which Western ideas about the indi­ wldtita iHt! Et:lffiffitHHfY, ftBO&i m¥te ilfii4 SfSAee, lffiOMeage ilfl8 FeSE&eh, imperialism and colonialism can be drawn together is the concept of distance. The individual can be distanced, or separated, from the physical environment, the community. Through the controls over time and space the individual can also operate at a distance from the universe. Both imperial and colonial rule were systems of rule which stretched from the centre outwards to places which were far and distant. Distance again separated the indiv�d�als in power Jrom the subj ects they governed. It

5 6 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

was all s o impersonal, rational and extremely effective. I n research the concept of distance is most important as it implies a neutrality and objec­ tivity on behalf of the researcher. Distance is measurable. What it has come to stand for is obj ectivity, which is not measurable to quite the s ame extent.

Re search 'through imperial eyes' des cribes an approach which as sumes that Western ideas about the most fundamental things are the only ideas pos sible to hold, certainly the only rational ideas, and the only ideas which can make sense of the world, of reality, of social life and of human beings. It is an approach to indigenous peoples which still conveys a sense of innate superiority and an overabundance of desire to bring progre s s into the lives of indigenous peoples - spiritually, intellectually, socially and economicallY, It is research which from indigenous perspectives 'steals' knowledge from others and then uses it to benefit the people who 'stole' it. Some indigenous and minority group researchers would call this approach simply racist. It is research which is imbued with an 'attitude' and a 'spirit' which assumes a certain ownership of the entire world, and which has established systems and forms of governance which embed that attitude in institutional practices. These practices determine what counts as legitimate research and who count as legitimate researchers. B e fore assuming that such an attitude has long since disappeared, it is o ften worth reflecting on who would make such a claim, res earchers or indigenous peoples ? A recent attempt (fortunately unsucces s ful) to patent an indigenous person in the New Guinea Highlands might sugge st that there are many groups of indigenous peoples who are still without protection when it comes to the activities of research.24 Although in this particular case the attempt was unsuccessful, what it demonstrated yet again is that there are people out there who in the name of science and progre s s still consider indigenous peoples as specimens, not as humans.

Notes

I Hall, S. (f992) , "lhe West and the Formations of Modernity, eds S. Hall

2 Bernstein, B. ( 1 9 7 1 ) , 'On the Classification and Framing of Knowledge', in Knowledge and ControL New Directions for the Sociology of Education, ed. M. F. D. Young, Collier Macmillan, London, pp. 47-69.

3 See for example, Bernal, M. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , Black Athena, The A.froasiatic Roots of Civilisation, Vintage, London.

4 Foucault, M. (1 972) , The Archaeology of Knowledge, trans. A . Sheridan Smith, Pantheon, New York.

5 Nandy, A. (1 989) , The Intimate Enenry: Loss and Recovery of Se!f Under Colonialism,

R E S E A R C H T H R O U G H I M P E R I A L E Y E S 5 7

Oxford University Press, Delhi, p . xi. 6 Goldberg, D . T. (1 993) , Racist Culture, Philosopi?J and the Politics of Meaning,

Blackwell, Oxford. 7 Ibid., p. 23. 8 Ibid., p. 23. 9 Ibid., p. 23.

1 0 Ibid., p. 23. 11 Ibid., pp. 4 1 -60. 12 Erler, M. and M. Kowaleski ( 1 9 8 8) , Women and Power in the Middle Ages, University

of Georgia Press, Athens. 13 The Treaty of Waitangi was signed berween Maori chiefs and the British Crown

in 1 840. The Waitangi Tribunal was established by Parliament under The Treaty of Waitangi Act 1 975. This Act established the Tribunal with the brief of hearing claims by Maori that the Crown had contravened the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. This applied to recent grievances. The Tribunal was given powers to recommend actions to the Crown. The Act was amended in 1 985 in order to extend the scope of claims back to 1 840.

14 Brennan, ) . F. (1 991), IWcist Culture, The History and Systems of Psychology, third edition, Prentice Hall International, New Jersey.

1 5 Goldberg, IWcist Culture, pp. 62-9. 16 In the fifth century Zeno, for example, posited a series of paradoxes which

centred around rwo ideas, one which suggests that space and time are continuous, and one which suggests that they are made up of divisible parts. Others have argued since Zeno that there can be no such thing as 'empty' space because, if it is empty, it does not exist.

17 Lefebvre, H. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , The Production of Space, Blackwell, USA. 1 8 See for example, Williams, R. (1 973) , The Country and the Ciry, Paladin, London.

See also Fanon, Frantz (1 967) , The Wretched of the Earth, Penguin, London, p. 30. Fanon talks about 'zones ' where natives live and 'zones ' where settlers live. For him, the border berween the rwo are clear and there is no possibility of reconciliation.

1 9 See also, Gidley, M., ed. (1 994) , Representing Others, White Views of Indigenous Peoples, University of Exeter Press.

20 Appendices to the Journals o f the New Zealand House of Representatives, 1 880, H5: 2.

2 1 Te Runanga o Ngati Awa (1 990) , Nga Karoretanga o Mataatua Whare. The Wanderings of the Carved House, Mataatua, Ngati Awa Research Report 2, Whakatane, New Zealand.

22...Massq,-D..-f1 993j, 'Polil;jGs-arui- -SfY*et:fim?,-in-Piace-and-the-PolitiCHJjfdmlitr,eds­ M. Keith, and S. Pile, Routledge, London, pp. 1 41 -6 1 .

23 BeagWT I C (1262) The Endeauaur Tqymgl oUwph Banks AnwJS 99a Pwlu1S son, y ey.

24 See account of this attempt in Third World Resurgence, No. 63, p. 30.

C H A P T E R 3

Colonizing Knowledges

We have a history of peop le putting Maori under a microscope in the same wtg a scientist looks at an insect. Tbe ones doing the looking are giving themselves the power to define.

Merata Mita1

In the previous chapter the metaphor of an archive was used to convey the sense by which the Wes t drew upon a vast history of itself and multiple traditions of knowledge which incorporate cultural views o f reality, o f time and space. This chapter argues that the form o f imperialism which indigenous peoples are confronting now emerged from that period of European history known as the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment provided the spirit, the impetu s , the confidence, and the political and economic structures that facilitated the search for new knowledge s . The project o f the Enlightenment is often referred to as 'modernity' and it is that proj ect which is claimed to have provided the stimulus for the industrial revolution, the philosophy of liberalism, the development of disciplines in the sciences and the development o f public education. Imperialism underpinned and w a s critical t o thes e developments . Whilst imperialism is often thought o f a s a system which drew everything back into the centre, it was also a system which distribute maten s an 1 eas ou ar s . · a's notiorrof- 'positional--­ su eriori ' is useful here for conceptualizing the ways in which know- e ge an c e were a

military strength. Knowledge was als o there to be discovered, extracted, appropriated and distributed. Processes for enabling these things to occur became organized and systematic. They not only informed the field of study referred to by Said as 'Orientalism' but other disciplines of knowledge and 'regimes of truth'. It is through these disciplines that the indigenous world has been represented to the West and it is through thes e disciplines that indigenous peoples often research for the fragments

5 8

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 59

of ourselves which were taken, catalogued, studied and s tored. It is not the intention o f this chapter to tell the history o f Western knowledge but rather to draw that history down into the colonized world, show the relationship between knowledge, research and imperialism, and then discuss the ways in which it has come to structure our own ways o f knowing, through the development o f academic disciplines and through the education of colonial elites and indigenous or 'native' intellectuals. Western knowledge and s cience are 'bene ficiaries ' of the colonization o f indigenous peoples . T h e knowledge gained through our colonization has been used, in turn, to colonize us in what Ngugi wa Thiong'o calls the colonization 'of the mind'.2

Establishing the Positional Superiority of Western Knowledge

The proj ect of modernity signalled the end of feudalism and absolutist authority, legitimated by divine rule, and announced the beginning of the modern state. The new state formation had to meet the requirements o f an expanding economy based on maj or improvements in production. The indus trial revolution changed and made new demands upon the individual and the political system. The modern state was wrested from the old regime of absolutist monarchs by the articulation o f liberal political and economic theorie s . 3 As a system of ideas, liberalism focuses on the individual, who has the capacity to reason, on a society which promotes individual autonomy and self-interest, and on a state which has a rational rule of law which regulates a public sphere of life, but which allows individuals to pursue their economic self-interest. Once it was accepted that humans had the capacity to reason and to attain this potential through education, through a systematic form of organizing knowledge, then it became pos sible to debate these ideas in rational and 'scientific' ways.

The development o f scientific thought, the exploration and 'discovery' by Europeans o f other worlds, the expansion o f trade, the establi s hment of colonies, and the systematic colonization o f indigenous p-eoptes-in-the-eighteenth-ancl-affieteeath-te-n-tarie ate-alLfacets of tb e modernist proj ect. Modernism is more than a re-presentation o f

60 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

fuelled b y new discoveri e s ; and cultural map s were charted and territories claimed and contested by the major European p owers . Hence some indigenous pe oples were ranked above o thers in terms o f such things as the belief that they were 'nearly human', 'alm o s t human' or 'sub-human'. This often depended on whether it was thought that the peoples concerned p o s s e s s e d a ' s o ul ' and could therefore be 'offered' salvation and whether or not they were educable and could be o ffered schooling. These systems for organizing, clas sifying and storing new knowledge, and for theorizing the meanings of such discoveries, constituted research . In a colonial c ontext, however, this research was undeniably als o about power and domination. The instruments or technologies o f research were also instruments of knowledge and instruments for legitimating various colonial practice s .

The imaginary line between 'east' and 'west', drawn i n 1 493 b y a Papal Bull, allowed for the political division of the world and the struggle by competing Wes tern s tates to e stablish what Said has referred to as a ' flexible po sitional superiority' over the known, and yet to become known, world.6 This p ositional superiority was contested at several levels by European powers . Thes e imaginary boundaries were drawn again in Berlin in 1 934 when European p owers sat around the table once more to carve up Africa and o ther parts of 'their' empire s . They continue to be redrawn. Imperialism and colonialism are the specific formations through which the West came to 'see', to 'name' and to 'know' indigenous communities . The cultural archive with its systems o f repre s en tation, codes for unlocking systems o f classification, and fragmented artefacts of knowledge enabled travellers and o b servers to make sense of what they s aw and to repre s ent their new- found knowledge back to the West through the authorship and authority of their representation s .

Whilst colonialism a t a n e c onomic level, including i t s ultimate expre s sion through slavery, opened up new materials for exploitation and new markets for trade, at a cultural level, ideas, images and expenences a out e er ne pe lmpe--and-del:ineate--t:he-esseafi.al- differences between Europe and the rest. Notions about the O ther, which ilieady eXisted ih dte Emopcan mUt@fl:ilf:ldli, ,. ett re s · 11 · the framework of Enlightenment philos ophies , the industrial revolution and the scientific 'dis c overi e s ' of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuri e s . When discussing the s cientific foundations o f Western research, the indigenous contribution to the s e foundations is rarely mentioned. To have acknowledged their contribution would, in terms of the rules o f res earch practice , b e as legitimate as acknowledging the contribution of a variety of plant, a shard of pottery o r a 'preserved head of a native' to research. Furthermore, according to B azin, 'Europeans

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 6 1

could not even imagine that other people could ever have done things before or better than themselves'.7 The objects of research do not have a voice and do not contribute to research or s cience. In fact, the logic of the argument would suggest that it is simply impossible, ridiculous even, to suggest that the object of research can contribute to anything. An object has no life force, no humanity, no spirit of its own, so there­ fore 'it' cannot make an active contribution. This perspective is not deliberately insensitive; it is simply that the rules did not allow such a thought to enter the scene. Thus , indigenous Asian, American, Pacific and African forms o f knowledge, systems of classification, technologies and codes of social life, which began to be recorded in some detail by the seventeenth century; were regarded as 'new dis coverie s' by Western science . 8 The se discoveries were commodified as property belonging to the cultural archive and body of knowledge o f the West.9

The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries also constituted an era of highly competitive 'collecting'. Many indigenous people might call this 'stealing' rather than 'collecting'. This included the collecting of terri­ tories, of new species of flora and fauna, of mineral resources and o f cultures . J ames Clifford, for example, refers to ethnography as a science which was

[a] form of culture coyecting . . . [which] highlights the ways that diverse experiences and facts are selected, gathered, detached from their original temporal occasions, and given enduring value in a new arrangement. Collecting - at least in the West, where time is generally thought to be linear and irreversible - implies a rescue of phenomena from inevitable historical decay or loss.1 o

The idea that collectors were actually rescuing artefacts from decay and destruction, and from indigenous peoples themselves, legitimated practices which also included commercial trade and plain and simple theft. Clearly, in terms of trade indigenous peoples were often active participants, in some cases delivering 'made to order' goods. The different agendas and rivalries of indigenous groups were also known to have been incorporated into the commercial act1V1t1es o uropean s . Hence muskets could be traded and then u s e d to ursue traditional enermes or one group o peop e eo e use o ea the enslavement o f another group who were also their traditional rivals. Indigenous property is still s aid to be housed in 'collections', which in turn are housed either in museums or private galleries, and art and artefacts are often grouped and classified in the name of their 'collector'. These collections have become the focus o f indigenous people s ' attempts to reclaim ance s tral remains and other cultural items (known in the West as 'artefacts') belonging to their people.

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I t i s important to remember, however, that colonialism was not just about collection. It was also about re-arrangement, re-pres entation and re-distribution. For example, plant species were taken by J o seph B anks for the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew. H ere they could be 'grown, studied, and disbursed to the colonial stations, a centre of plant transfers on the s cientific level, and o f the generation and publication o f know­ ledge about plants ' . 1 1 The British Empire became a global laboratory for re search and development. N ew species of plants and animals were introduced to the colonie s to facilitate development and to 'strengthen' indigenous species . This point is worth remembering as it contrasts with the view, sometimes referred to as a diffusionist explanation, that knowledge, people, flora and fauna simply dis bursed themselves around the world. This botanical colonization had already been succ e s s fully carried out in other places: for example, maize, sweet potatoes, and tobacco from South America had been widely distributed. In the centre o f this collection and distribution network was the imperial 'home' country. The colonies were peripheral satellites which gained acc e s s to thes e new knowledges and technologies through 'recourse to the writings of authors in the centre ' . 1 2 One effect o f this system o f redistribution was the interference caused by new species t o the ecologies of their new environments and the eventual extinction of several species of bird and animal life . D In the case of New Zealand, Cherry! Smith argue s that, ecologically, the indigenous world was colonized by weeds . 1 4

Among the other significant consequences o f ecological imperialism - carried by humans, as well as by plants and animals - were the viral and bacterial diseases which devastated indigenous population s . This devastation or genocide was, in the accounts o f many indigenous peoples , used deliberately as a weapon of war. Stories are told in Canada, for example, of blankets used by smallpox victims being sent into First Nation communities while the soldiers and settlers camped outside waiting for the people to die. There were several ideologies which !egitimatea�rerrrimpacr- on --i:nd:igeno-us- -hea!l:b---a£�11-b�rng These supported racial views already in place but which in the later lilltetccnilt ccrtlury beeii¥ie metettsbtgl) leghitn:zce 1 1 3 11 ' i tj Ei , views of s o cial Darwinism. The concept of the 'survival of the fittest', used to explain the evolution o f species in the natural world, was applied enthusiastically to the human world. I t became a very powerful belief that indigenous peoples were inherently weak and therefore, at some point, would die out. There were debates about how this could be prevented, for example, through miscegenation and cultural assimilation, and whether this, in fact, was 'desirable' . Judgements on these issues circled back or depended upon prior considerations as to whether the

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indigenous group concerned had s ouls , could be saved, and also could be redeemed culturally. Influential debates on these matters by Catholic scholars such as Bartolome de Las Casas took place during the sixteenth century. In nineteenth-century N ew Zealand some of the debates delved right down into the supposed fecundity rates of indigenous women and the better prospects for racial survival if miscegenation occurred. There were very s erious s cientific views put forward to account for the demise o f the indigenous populations. Some views included: sterility caused by the 'licentiousne s s ' of the women, a vegetable diet, infanticide and abortion. O ther causes were

· put down to a sense of 'hopele ssne s s ' and

lack of spirit, which came about through contact with 'civilization' . 1 5 But there were also state policies (federal, provincial and local) o f

'benign neglect' which involved minimal intervention (the 'infected blanket' strategy) while people suffered and died. There were also more proactive policies based around such ideas as 'Manifest Des tiny' which sanctioned the taking of indigenous lands by any mean s . 1 6 Ward Churchill and other indigenous writers classify these actions as part of the Columbian legacy o f genocide . 1 7 In relation to the diseases and dis­ ease which the West is said to have introduced to indigenous peoples , the bigger question has always been the extent t o which the impact o f disease is a n inevitable consequence of contact with the West. The signifi­ cance of the issues which this question raises emerges when we examine, in a later chapter, the world-wide search currently being undertaken amongst indigenous populations for genetic solutions to Western dis­ eases. Aborigine activist Bobbi Sykes has an 'acid test' for the Western impact on indigenous health which consists of two list s : one a list o f diseases introduced b y Europeans t o Aboriginal people, the other a list of diseases introduced by Aboriginal people to European s . There are no items listed on the second list. That empty space tells a very potent story.1 8

The globalization of knowledge and Western culture constantly reaffirms the West's view of itself as the centre of legitimate knowledge, the arbiter of what counts as knowledge and the source of 'civilized'

:wledge This form of global knowledge is generally referred to as 'universal' knowledge, available to all and not really 'owned' by anyone, Uult; ic llAiil AQA 'l?i1Sii5A E'&laQ)gn; make clgjms to it \Jlhep clgjms ljke that are made history is revised (again) so that the story of civilization remains the story of the West. For this purpose, the Mediterranean world, the basin of Arabic culture and the lands east of Constantinople are conveniently appropriated as part of the story of Western civilization, Western philosophy and Western knowledge . 1 9 Through imperialism, however, these cultures, peoples and their nation s tates were re­ positioned as 'oriental', or 'outsider' in order to legitimate the imposition o f colonial rule. For u;cligeri"'ous peoples from other plac e s , the real

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les son to b e learned i s that w e have no claim whatsoever to civilization. It is something which has been introduced from the West, by the West, to indigenous p eople s , for our benefit and for which we should be duly grateful.

The nexus between cultural ways o f knowing, scientific discoveries, economic impulses and imperial power enabled the West to make ideological claims to having a superior civilization. The 'idea' o f the West became a reality when it was re-presented back to indigenous nations through colonialism. By the nineteenth century colonialism not only meant the imposition of Western authority over indigenous lands , indigenous modes o f production and · indigenous law arid government, but the imposition of Western authority over all aspects of indigenous knowledges , languages and cultures . This authority incorporated what Said refers to as alliance s between the ideologies, 'cliches ' , general beliefs and understandings held about the Orient and the views of 'science' and philo sophical theori e s . 20

For many indigenous peoples the maj or agency for imposing this positional superiority over knowledge, language and culture was colonial education. Colonial education came in two basic forms : missionary or religious schooling (which was o ften residential) followed later by public and secular schooling. Numerous accounts acro s s nations now atte st to the critical role played by schools in assimilating colonized peoples, and in the systematic, frequently brutal, forms of denial of indigenous language s , knowledges and cultures . Not all groups of indigenous peoples , however, were permitted to attend school - some groups being already defined in some way as 'ineducable' or just plain troublesome and delinquent. Furthermore, in many examples the indigenous language was used as the medium of instruction and access to the colonizing language was denied specifically. This policy was designed to deny opportunities to participate as citizens.

Colonial education was also used as a mechanism for creating new indigenous elites . I t was not the only mechanism for producing elite -groupS0J:s-the-traditional-h±erarehies--wiclli:n-afi-fltlige-aeH eGiety- wh converted to the colonial ideology also formed part of the elite group. �ehoottng helped tdendf) c=tencedl ecua nu 1 11 g' RI 6 ' more advanced education. Many of the s e students were sent away to boarding schools while others were sent to the metropolitan centre in Europe for their university s tudi e s . In these settings, and through their learning, students acquired the taste s , and sampled some of the benefits and privilege s , o f living within the metropolitan culture. Their elite status came about through the alignment of their cultural and economic interests with thos e of the colonizing group rather than with thos e of their own society.

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 6 5

School knowledge systems however, were informe d b y a much more comprehensive system of knowledge which linked universitie s , scholarly societie s and imperial views of culture. Hierarchies of knowledge and theories which had rapidly developed to account for the discoveries o f the new world were legitimated a t the centre. Schools simply reproduced dome s ticated versions of that knowledge for uncritical consumption. Although colonial universities saw themselves as being part of an international community and inheritors of a legacy of Wes tern know­ ledge, they were als o part of the historical processes of imperialism. They were e s tablished as an e s sential part o f the colonizing proce s s , a bastion of civilization and a sign that a colony and its settlers had 'grown up'. Attempts to 'indigenize' colonial academic institutions and/ or individual disciplines Within them have been fraught with maj or s truggles over what counts as knowledge, as language, as literature, as curriculum and as the role of intellectuals, and over the critical function of the concept o f academic freedom.21

Colonizing the Disciplines

Academic knowledges are organized around the idea of disciplines and fields of knowledge. These are deeply implicated in each other and share genealogical foundations in various classical and Enlightenment philos o ­ phie s . Most o f t h e 'traditional' disciplines are grounded in cultural world views which are either antagonistic to other belief systems or have no methodology for dealing with other knowledge systems . Underpinning all of what is taught at universities is the belief in the concept of s cience as the all-embracing method for gaining an understanding o f the world. Some of the s e disciplines, however, are more directly implicated in colonialism in that either they have derived their methods and under­ standings from the colonized world or they have tested their ideas in the colonies . How the colonized were governed, for example, was determined by previous experiences in other colonies and by the prevailing theories abouLrace,-g..endet:,-climate- and-oth�GOO-ts-­ generated by 'scientific' method s . Classification system s were developed specjficgllu to cgpe uAtla tAt AN:Q66 ef eeu IIee f! le ,age e e I Jt i 1 J 11 discoveries of the 'new world'. New colonies were the laboratories o f Wes tern science. Theories generated from the exploration and exploita­ tion of colonies , and of the people who had prior ownership of thes e lands , formed the totalizing appropriation of the Other.

Robert Young argues that Hegel

articulates a philosophical structute of the appropriation of the other as a form of knowledge which uncannily simulates the project of nineteenth century imperialism; the construction of knowledges which all operate

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through forms of expropriation and incorporation o f the other mimics at a conceptual level the geographical and economic absorption of the non­ European world by the West.22

David Goldberg claims that notions of the Other are more deeply embedded in classical philosophy but became racialized within the framework of liberalism and the ideas about people and s o ciety which developed as disciplin e s through liberalism.23 In an interesting discussion on the discourses which employ the word 'civilization', J ohn Laffey suggests that the word 'civilization' entered Anglo-French usage in the second part of the eighteenth century, enabling the distinction to be drawn between thos e who saw themselves as civilized and tho s e who they then regarded as the 'savages ' abroad and at home.24 As a standard o f judgement, according to Laffey, the word 'civilized' became more defined with the help of Freud and more specialized in the way different disciplines employed the concept. One such use was comparative and allowed for comparisons between children and savages or children and women, for example. This way of thinking was elaborated further into psychological j ustifications for the dis tinctions between the civilized and the uncivilized. Freud's influence on the way disciplines developed in relation to colonialism is further explored by Marianna Torgovnick, who examines the links between Freud and anthropology in her analysis of Malinowski ' s book 'The Sexual Life o f Savage s'.25 According to Turgovnick,

Freud's explanation o f the human psyche in terms of sexuality under­ girded their endeavors and influenced the structure of many ethnographic enquiries at this stage of the discipline's development even when those enquiries suggested (as they often did) modifications of Freudian paradigms, such as the Oedipus complex.26

Other key intellectuals have also been referred to as not s o innocent philosophers o f the truth. Henry Louis Gates Jr names Kant, Bacon, Ham�ff�t=Hl-and..Hegel as 'grea · al racialists' who have been influential in defining the role o f literature and its relationship to 1 · ,3 , '31 lj ' 1 ige ef tktt lilack person's hpmanity would be the mastering of the very e s s ence of Western civilization, the very foundation of the complex fiction upon which white Western culture has been constructed . . . . ' 27

Of all the disciplines, anthropology is the one most closely associated with the study o f the O ther and with the defining o f prirnitivism,28 As Adam Kuper argued, 'The anthropologists took this primitive s o ciety as their special subj ect, but in practice primitive society proved to be ' their own society (as they understood it) seen in a distorting rnirror.29 The

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ethnographic 'gaze' o f anthropology has collected, classified and repre sented other cultures to the extent that anthropologists are often the academics popularly perceived by the indigenous world as the epitome of all that it is bad with academics. Haunani Kay Trask accuses anthropologists o f being 'takers and users' who 'exploit the hospitality and generosity of native people '.30 Trinh T. Minh-ha makes similar references to anthropology and anthropologists, including those whose intent now is to train Third World anthropologists. 'Gone out of date,' she says, 'then revitalised, the mis sion of civilizing savages mutates into the imperative of "making equal" . ' 31 In writing a history of geography, Livingstone refers to this discipline as the 'science of imperialism par excellence'.32 His comment relates to geographical studies into such things as the mapping o f racial difference, the links which were drawn between climate and mental abilities , the use of map makers in French colonies for military intelligence and the development of acclimatization societies .33 As sugge sted above in the Introduction, history is also implicated in the construction o f totalizing master dis courses which control the Other. The history o f the colonies, from the perspective of the colonizers, has effectively denied other views of what happened and what the significance of historical 'facts' may be to the c olonized. 'If history is written by the victor,' argues J anet Abu-Lughod, 'then it must, almost by definition, "deform" the history of the others . ' 34 D onna Awatere claims that, 'The process of recording what happened auto­ matically favours the white occupiers because they won. In such a way a whole past is "created" and then given the authority of truth. '35 These comments have been echoed wherever indigenous peoples have had the opportunity to 'talk back' to the academic world.

While disciplines are implicated in each other, particularly in their shared philosophical foundations, they are also insulated from each other through the maintenance of what are known as disciplinary boundaries . Basil Bernstein has shown how this works in his paper on the 'classification and framing of knowledge'.36 Insulation enables disciplines to develop independently. Their histories are kept separate

-an"d-'pur�orrcep ts-ohcademic- -freedo�eareh-fer-�;�rul­ 'democracy' underpin the notion of independence and are vigorously defend@t! ey MfeH@etttlt§. iHSMMlt) ptYbibtb :& cJig iptitte ft 111 dt ' side', enabling communities of scholars to distance themselves from others and, in the more extreme forms , to absolve themselves of responsibility for what occurs in other branches of their discipline, in the academy and in the world.

In the context of research and at a very pragmatic level researchers from different projects and different research teams can be in and out of the same community (much in the way many government social

6 8 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

s ervices are in and out o f family homes) , showing 'as a collective' little responsibility for the overall impact of their activities. At other levels criticism of individual researchers and their proj ects is deflected by the argument that thos e researchers are different in some really significant ' s cientific' way from others. How indigenous communities are supposed to work this out is a mystery. There are formal organizations of disciplines, res earchers and communities o f scholars, many o f which have ethical guidelines. These �rganizations are based on the idea that scholars consent to participate within them as scholars, as profes sionals, or as ethical human beings. Not all who carry out research in indigenous communities belong to, or are bound by, such collegial self-discipline.

Disciplining the Colonized

The concept o f discipline is even more interesting when we think about it not simply as a way o f organizing systems o f knowledge but also as a way o f organizing people or bodies . Foucault has argued that discipline in the eighteenth century became 'formulas o f domination' which were at work in schools, hospitals and military organizationsY Techniques o f detail were developed t o maintain discipline over the body. The colonizing of the Other through discipline has a number o f different meanings. In terms of the way knowledge was used to discipline the colonized it worked in a variety of ways. The most obvious forms o f discipline were through exclusion, marginalization and denial. Indigenous ways of knowing were excluded and marginalized. This happened to indigenous views about land, for example, through the forced imposition o f individualized title, through taking land away for 'acts o f rebellion', and through redefining land as 'waste land' or 'empty land' and then taking it away. Foucault suggests that one way discipline was distributed was through enclosure. This i s the o ther side o f exclusion in that the margins are enclosure s : reserved lands are enclo sures, schools enclo se, but in order to enclo se they also exclude, there is something on the outside. Disci line is also partitioned, individuals separated and space compartmentalized. This allowe or e ctent supervt s . on for '

· tinctions to be made between individuals. This form o f discipline wor e at e curnc urn eve , for selecting out 'native' children and girls for domestic and manual work. It worked also at the asses sment level, with normative tests designed around the language and cultural capital of the white middle clas ses.

The deepest memory o f discipline, however, is of the sheer brutality meted out to generations of indigenous communities. Aborigine parents in Australia had their children forcibly removed, sent away beyond reach

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and 'adopted'.38 Native children in Canada were sent to residential s chools at an age designed to systematically destroy their language and memories of home. There is a growing body of testimony from First Nations people in Canada which tells of years of abuse, neglect and viciousne s s meted out to young children by teachers and staff in s chools run by various religious denominations.39 These forms of discipline were supported by paternalistic and racist policies and legislation; they were accepted by white communities as necessary conditions which had to be met i f indigenous people wanted to become citizens (of their own lands) . The s e forms of discipline affected people physically, emotionally, linguistically and culturally. They were designed to destroy every last remnant o f alternative ways of knowing and' living, to obliterate collective identities and memories and to impose a new order. Even after the Second World War, when the post-colonial period was b eginning according to some cultural studies theorists, many indigenous people s around the world were still not recognized as humans, let alone citizens. The effect o f such discipline was to silence (for ever in some cases) or to suppre s s the ways of knowing, and the languages for knowing, of many different indigenous people s . Reclaiming a voice in this context has also been about reclaiming, reconnecting and reordering tho s e ways of knowing which were submerged, hidden or driven underground.

Colonialism and 'Native' Intellectuals

The position within their own societies of 'native' intellectuals who have been trained in the Wes t has been regarded by those involved in nationalist movements as very problematic. Much of the discus sion about intellectuals in social and cultural life, and their participation in anti-colonial struggles, is heavily influenced by Marxist revolutionary thought, is framt:d in the language of appositional discourse, and was written during the p,ost-war period when struggles for independence were under way. 40 Included within the rubric of 'intellectual' by liberation writers such as Frantz Fanon are also artists, writers, poets, teachers,

-c-lerks,--B-ffieials,--the-petit-be·tffgeeisie--aa d --e ther-pr -efes sienals-- eagagecl--ia­ producing 'culture'. Their importance in nationalist movements is related

1t · 1 "d:ici a ze ltLi:tn, zeh:zl:Cl:h t a 1 · t A' · rg J s, and to their implicit leadership over 'the people' as voices which can legitimate a new nationalist consciousness.

At the same time, however, these same producers and legitimators of culture are the group most closely aligned to the colonizers in terms of their class interests, their values and their ways of thinking. This view was restated in 1 984 by Donna Awatere who wrote that ' [Colonial Maori] . . . are noticeable because they have succeeded as white in some

7 0 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

section o f white culture; economically, through the arts, at sport, through religion, the universities, the profession s . '41 There were con­ cerns that native intellectuals may have become estranged from their own cultural values to the point of being embarrassed by, and hostile towards, all that tho s e values repres ented. In his introduction to C e s aire's Return to k[y Native Land Mazisi Kunene wrote that, 'tho s e [students] who returned despised and felt ashamed of their semi-literate or illiterate parents who spoke inelegant patois' .42 In New Zealat;J.d the few Maori who were trained at universities in the last part of the nineteenth century are generally viewed positively as individuals who retained a love for their culture and language and who were committed in the context o f the times to the survival of indigenous people. What is problematic i s that this group of men have been named by the dominant non-indigenous population as individuals who represent 'real' leadership. They have been idealized as the 'saviours o f the people' and their example remains as a 'measure' of real leadership.

As Fanon has argued, the problem o f creating and legitimating a national culture 'represents a special battlefield'43 and intellectuals are important to this battle in a number of different ways. In recognizing that intellectuals were trained and enculturated in the West, Fanon identifies three levels through which 'native' intellectuals can progress in their journey 'back over the line' .44 First there is a phase of proving that intellectuals have been as similated into the culture of the occupying power. Second comes a period o f disturbance and the need for the intellectuals to remember who they actually are, a time for remembering the past. In the third phase the intellectuals seek to awaken the people, to realign themselves with the people and to produce a revolutionary and national literature.45 In this phase the 'native writer progressively takes on the habit of addressing his [sic] own people'.46

Fanon was writing about Algeria and the structure of French colonialism in Africa. He himself was trained in France as a p sychiatrist and was influenced by European philosophie s . One o f the problems of connecting colonialism in New Zealand with its formations elsewhere is that New Zea:Iand, like ana a and ustr a, was ea y p · · e er-as­ a white dominion within the British Empire and Commonwealth, with d'ie ihdigenous poptdaiions being nilimnaes. %hdst geograpfnciHy on the margins of Europe, they were economically and culturally clos ely attached to Britain. Within these states the indigenous people were absolute minorities. The settlers who came arrived as permanent migrants . For indigenous peoples in these places this meant a different kind of experience with colonialism and different pos sibilities for decolonization. What it also points to is that indigenous intellectuals have emerged from different colonial and indigenous systems . In the

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Pacific I slands, for example, scholars come from maj ority cultures and independent island nations but they have also been incorporated at a regional level into the metropolitan cultures of Australia and New ZealandY Hau'ofa argues that 'the ruling clas ses of the South Pacific are increasingly culturally homogeneous. They speak the same language, which is English; they share the same ideologies and the same material life styles . . . . ' 48

Currently the role of the 'native' intellectual has been reformulated not in relation to nationalist or liberationary discourses but in relation to the 'post-colonial' intellectual. Many intellectuals who position themselves as 'post-colonial' move acro s s the boundaries o f indigenous and metropolitan, institution and community, politics and scholarship. Their place in the academy is still highly problematic. Gayatri Spivak, who writes as a post-colonial Asian/Indian intellectual working in the United S tate s , argues that Third World intellectuals have to position themselves strategically as intellectuals within the academy, within the Third World or indigenous world, and within the Western world in which many intellectuals actually work. The problem, she argues , for Third World intellectuals remains the problem of being taken seriously.

For me, the question 'Who should speak?' is less crucial than 'Who will listen?'. 'I will speak for myself as a Third World person' is an important position for political mobilisation today. But the real demand is that, when I speak from that position, I should be listened to seriously; not with that kind of benevolent imperialism . . . . 49

Spivak acknowledges that the task of changing the academy is difficult: 'I would s ay that if one begins to take a whack at shaking the structure up, one sees how much more consolidated the oppo sition i s . '50

The role of intellectuals, teachers, artists and writed in relation to indigenous communities is s till problematic, and the rhetoric of libera­ tion still forms part of indigenous discourse s . Indigenous communities continue to view education in its Western, modem, sense as being critical to development and self-determination. While criticizing indige­ aetis--peeple--w h0- have -been- educated-at"Universities;-on-one-ha:nd;-rmmy­ indigenous communities will struggle and save to send their children to 1111 s ·,) n die d:ntt 'ftteti!i ts " • 9£) temt Mlltlf, tft@fl@@ M fridigenoas communities towards the role of Western education and those who have been educated in universities. This is reflected in many contexts in struggles over leadership, representation and voice between thos e perceived as 'traditional' and those s e e n either a s the 'radical s ' or simply as having Western credential s . In Australia, the term 'flash blacks' encompas s e s both those who are well educated and thos e who have high-flying j o b s . In N ew Zealand one struggle over the value of Wes tern

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education was played out in the 1 9 80s through a process o f reprivileging of 'elders' and a reification of elders as the holders of all traditional knowledge and a parallel deprivileging of the younger, frequendy much b etter educated members (in a Western sense) o f an iwi (tribe) . Maori academics who work away from their tribal territories can easily be criticised because they live away from home, and are perceived there fore as being distanced from the people . At the s ame time they are drawn into tribal life whenever a crisis occurs or there are additional demands for specialist knowledge and skills. The bottom line, however, is that in very fundamental ways they still remain members of an iwi with clo s e relations t o families and other community tie s .

The 'Authentic, Essentialist, D eeply Spiritual' Other

At a recent international conference held in New Zealand to discuss issues related to indigenous intellectual and cultural property rights, the local newspapers were informed and invited to interview some o f the delegates . One news reporter thought it would be a good idea to have a group photograph, suggesting that it would b e a very colourful feature for the newspaper to highlight. When she and the photographer turned up at the local marae (cultural centre) they were so visibly disappointed at the modey display o f track suits, j eans and other items of 'modern' dress, that they chose not to take a photograph. 'Oh, I forgot to come as a native', j oked one of the delegates . 'My feathers got confiscated at the airport when I arrived . ' 'I suppose my eyes are too blu e . ' 'Are we supposed to dre s s naked?' As we have seen, the notion of 'authentic' is highly contested when applied to, or by, indigenous people s . 'Authorities' and outside experts are often called i n to verify, comment upon, and give judgements about the validity of indigenous claims to cultural beliefs, values, ways of knowing and historical accounts . Such is sues are often debated vigorously by the 'public', (a category which usually means the dominant group) , leading to an endless parading o f 'nineteenth cen ' views o f race and racial difference. Questions of who is a 'real indigenous' person, what counts as a re 1n genous

' · dis la s 'real cultural values' and the criteria used to assess the c aractertstlcs o au ent1c1ty are reque conversation and political debate. The s e debates are designed to fragment and marginalize those who speak for, or in support o f, indigenous issues. They frequendy have the e ffect als o of silencing and making invisible the presence of other groups within the indigenous society like women, the urban non- status tribal person and those whos e ancestry or 'blood quantam' is 'too white'.51 I n Tasmania, where experts had already determined that Aborigines were 'extinct', the voices of

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 7 3

tho s e who s till speak a s Aboriginal Tasmanians are interpreted a s some political invention of a p eople who no longer exist and who there fore no longer have claims .

Recent poststructural and psychoanalytical feminis t theorists have argued against the claims made by earlier generations of feminists that women as a group were different, because their e s sence as women was fundamentally, undeniably different, and that therefore their 'sisterhood' would be a natural meeting place for all women. Pedagogically, e s sential­ ism was attacked because of its assumption that, because of this e s s ence, it was neces sary to b e a woman and to experience life as a woman before one could analyse or understand women's oppres sion. Third World women and women of colour also attacked this assumption because it denied the impact of imperialisms, racism and local histori e s on women, who were different from white women who lived in First World nations. The concept of authentic, which is related to e s sentialism, was also deconstructed but more so from p sychoanalytic perspective s because the concept as sumed that if we strip away the oppres sions and psychological cons equences of oppression we would ftnd a 'pure' and authentic 'self One of the maj or problems with the way words are deftned is that these debates are often held by academics in one context, within a speciftc intellectual discour s e , and then appropriated by the media and popular pre s s to serve a more blatant ideological and racist agenda.52 As Trinh T. Minh-ha put it when writing of anthropologists in particular, 'But once more th� spoke. Th� decide who is "racism-free or anti-colonial", and they seriously think they can go on formulating criteria for us . . . . '53

I n the colonized world, however, these terms are not necessarily employed in the s am e way that First World academics may have used them. The term 'authentic', for example, was an appositional term used in at least two different ways . First, it was used as a form o f articulating what it meant to be dehumanized by colonization; and, second, for reorganizing 'national consciousne s s ' in the struggles for decolonization. The beli e f in an authentic self is framed within humanism but has been politicized by the colonized world in ways which invoke simultaneous �r duer-appea:l-to -an--idea:lized---.pas-t -waea-th �as -tlO­ colonizer, to our strengths in surviving thus far, to our language as an wmtEctrupled ffitk t§ (§tif msturtes, LG che II±Isl "t f 1 1 ; I Ill abilities to create and control our own life and death, to a sense of balance among ourselves and with the environment, to our authentic s elves as a people . Although this may seem overly idealize d , the s e sym­ bolic appeals remain strategically important in political struggles. Furthermore the imputing o f a Western psychological 'self, which is a highly individualized notion, to group consciousne s s as it is centred in many colonized s o cieties, is not a straightforward translation of the

74 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

individual to the group, although this i s o ften the only way that Westerners can come to understand what may constitute a group. The purpose of commenting on such a concept is that what counts as 'authentic' is used by the West as one of the criteria to determine who really is indigenous, who is worth saving, who is still innocent and free from Western contamination. There is a very powerful tendency in research to take this argument back to a biological 'essentialism' related to race, because the idea of culture is much more difficult to control. At the heart of such a view of authenticity is a belief that indigenous cultures cannot change, cannot recreate thems elves and still claim to be indigenous . Nor can they be compli cated, internally diverse or contra­ dictory. Only the West has that privilege.

The concept of essentialism is als o discussed in different ways within the indigenous world. It is accepted as a term which is related to human­ ism and is seen therefore in the same way as the idea of authenticity. In this use of the word, claiming essential characteristics is as much strategic as anything else, because it has been about claiming human rights and indigenous rights. But the e ssence of a person is also dis­ cussed in relation to indigenous concepts o f spirituality. In these views, the essence o f a person has a genealogy which can be traced back to an earth parent, usually glo ssed as an Earth Mother. A human person does not stand alone, but shares with other animate and, in the Western sense, 'inanimate' beings, a relationship based on a shared 'essence' of life. The significance of place, of land, o f landscape, o f other things in the universe, in defining the very e ssence o f a people, makes for a very different rendering o f the term e s sentialism as used by indigenous peoples.

The arguments of different indigenous peoples based on spiritual relationships to the universe, to the landscape and to stones, rocks, insects and other things, seen and unseen, have been difficult arguments for Western systems of knowledge to deal with or accept. These arguments give a partial indication o f the different world views and .alrem. · f comin to know and of bein , which still endure within the indigenous world. Concepts of spirituality which stlaruty · cl then to claim are critical sites of resistance for indigenous peoples. e v ues, att1tu es, conce and language embedded in beliefs about spirituality represent, in many cases, the clearest contrast and mark of difference between indigenous peoples and the West. It is one of the few parts of ourselves which the west cannot decipher, c�ot understand and cannot control 0 0 0 yet.

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 75

Notes

1 Mita, M. (1 989) , 'Merata Mita On . . .', in the New Zealand Listener, 14 October, p. 30. 2 Ngugi Wa Thiong'o (1 986) , Decoloniifng the Mind: the Politics of Language in African

Literature, J ames Currey, London. 3 Jaggar, A. (1 983), Feminist Politics and Human Nature, Harvester Press, Sussex. 4 Hall, S. (1 992) , 'The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power', Chapter 6 of

Formations of Modemi!J, eds S. Hall and B. Gielben, Polity Press and Open University, Cambridge, pp. 276-320.

5 Goonatilake, S. (1 982) , 'Colonies: Scientific Expansion (and Contraction)', in Review, Vol. 5 , No. 3, Winter, pp. 41 3-36.

6 Said, E. (1 978) , Orientalism, Vintage Books, New York, p. 7. 7 Bazin, M. (1 993) , 'Our Sciences, Their Science', in Race and Class, Vol. 34, No. 2,

pp. 35-6. 8 Goonatilake, 'Colonies'. 9 Adas, M. (1 989) , Machines as the Measure of Man. Science, Technolo!J and Ideologies of

Western Dominance, Cornell University Press, Ithaca. 1 0 Clifford, J. (1 988) , The Predicament of Culture, Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature,

and Art, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, p. 23 1 . See also on the topic of collection, Arnes, M. ( 1 9 86) , Museums, The Public and Anthropolo!J, University of Columbia Press, London.

1 1 Brockway, L. H. (1 979) , Science and Colonial Expansion. Tbe Role of the British Rqyal Botanical Gardens, Academic Press, New York, p. 1 87.

12 Goonatilake, 'Colonies', p. 432. 13 Crosby, A. W. (1 986) , 'Biotic Change in Nineteenth Century New Zealand', in

Review, Vol. 9, No. 3, Winter, pp. 325-37. 14 Smith, C. W. (1 994) , 'Kirnihia te Matauranga, Colonization and Iwi Development',

MA thesis, University o f Auckland, p. 23. 1 5 Pool, D. L. (1 977), The Maori Population of New Zealand 1 769-1971, Auckland

University Press and Oxford University Press, Auckland, pp. 75-1 05. 16 Churchill, W. (1 994) , Indians Are Us? Culture and Genocide in Native North America,

Common Courage Press, Maine. 1 7 Ibid., pp. 28-42. 1 8 Sykes, R. B. (1 989) , Black Majori!J, Hudson Hawthorn, Victoria, p. 1 85. 19 Bernal, M. (1991 ) , Black Athma, Tbe Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilizatioh, Vintage,

London. 20 Said, E. Orientalism, pp. 205--6. 21 See, for examples of these debates in relation to indigenous issues, Ngugi wa

__ '.f'_ ... . ·eag!e--(-!9ser,-De.oloni-:{jng-the-Min�Politia- 4-Languag� J ames Currey, London, and Haunani Kay Trask (1 993) , From a Native Daughter, Cgmmgq Cgurage pgss Mail

22 Young, R. (1 990) , White My] ologies, Wnhng, Hutory and the West, Routiedge, London, p. 3 .

· 23 Goldberg, D . T. (1 993) , Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning, Black­ well, Oxford.

24 Laffey, J. F. (1 993) , Civilization and its Discontmted, Black Rose Books, New York. 25 Torgovnick, M. (1 990) , Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modem Lives, University of

Chicago Press, Chicago. 26 Ibid., p. 7. 27 Gates, H. L. (1 994) , 'Authority (White) Power and the (Black) Critic: It's All

76 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

Greek to Me', in Culture/Power/ History, eds N . Dirks, G . Eley and S . B . Ortner, Princeton University Press, New J ersey.

28 S tocking, G. Jr (1 987) , Victorian A nthropolo�, The Free Press, London. 29 Kuper, A. (1 988) , The Invention of Primitive Sociery, Routledge, London, p. 5 . 30 Trask, H. K (1 993) , From a Native Daughter, Common Courage Press, Maine. 31 Minh-ha, Trinh T. (1 989), Woman, Native, Other, Indiana University Press,

Bloornington, p. 59. 32 Livingstone, D. (1 992) , The Geographical Tradition, Blackwell, Oxford. 33 !bid , p. 2 1 6 . 3 4 Abu-Lughod, ]. (1 989) , ' O n the Remaking o f History: How t o Reinvent the Past',

in Remaking History, Dia Art Foundation, Bay Press, Seattle, p. 1 1 8. 35 Awatere, D. ( 1 9 83) , 'Awatere on Intellectuals: Academic Fragmentation or

Visionary Unity', article in Craccum, Auckland University Students' Association, 3 May, Auckland, pp. 6-7.

36 Bern stein, B. (1 9 7 1 ) , 'On the Classification and Framing of Knowledge' in Knowledge and ControL· New Directions for the Sociolo� of Education, ed. M. F. D. Young, Collier Macmillan, London, pp. 47-69.

37 Foucault, M. (1 977) , Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. A. Sheridan, Penguin, London, p. 1 37 .

38 This practice i s known popularly a s the 'stolen children' policy but a n official inquiry was conducted by the Australian government called 'A National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families'. This was completed in 1 997.

39. A government commission to investigate the abuses in the residential school system for Indian children was recently completed by the Canadian government. For further background read Furness, E. (1 995), Victims of Benevolence: The Dark Legacy of the Williams Lake Residential School, Arsenal Pulp Press, Vancouver; Haig­ Brown, C. (1 988), Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School, Tillacurn Library, Vancouver in L. Taine, ed. (1 993) , Residential School.r: the Stolen Years, University of Saskatechewan Press, Saskatson.

40 Gramsci's views on the intellectual have been influential, among other Marxist views. So too have the existentialist views of Jean Paul Sartre who wrote the introduction to Fanon's book, The Wretched of the Earth. A critique of these influences on Fan on, in particular, can be read in Young, White Mjthologies.

41 Awatere, D. ( 1 9 84), Maori Sovereignty, Broadsheet, Auckland, p. 83. 42 Cesaire, A. (1 969) , Return to Mj Native Land, translated by John Berger and Ana

Bostock, introduction by Mazisi Kunene, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, p. 24. 43 Fanon, F. (1 996T,-The--Wfftebed-oj-the-lia�gum�ndon.,- p.�'-'----- 44 Ibid., pp. 1 78-9.

46 Ibid., p. 1 93. 47 Hau'ofa, E. (1 987) , The New South Pacific Society: Integration and

Independence', in Class and Culture in the South Pacific, eds A. Hooper, S. Britton, R. Crocombe, ] . Huntsman and C. Macpherson, Centre for Pacific Studies, Uni­ versity of Auckland, Institute for Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, pp. 1-1 5 .

4 8 !bid, p. 3. 49 Spivak, G. (1 990) , 'Questions o f Multiculturalism', in The Post-Colonial Critic:

Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues, ed. S . Harasayam, Routledge, New York, pp. 59-60.

C O L O N I Z I N G K N O W L E D G E S 77

50 Spivak, G. (1 990), 'Criticism, Feminism and the Institution', in The Post-Colonial Critic, p. 6.

5 1 'Blood quantum' refers to the 'amount' of native blood one has and is used in places such as Hawai'i to determine eligibility access to Hawai'ian lands and identity. It is based on racial beliefs that the more indigenous peoples inter­ married the more assimilated or 'watered down' they became. Conversely if they did not inter-marry they remained 'pure'.

52 Similar debates occur over a word such as 'invention', where anthropologists may talk to each other about the invention of culture; the media can then accuse indigenous people of inventing culture to serve their own interests at the expense of the dominant group. Tills occurred in New Zealand over an article written by A. Hanson (1 9 9 1 ) , The Making of the Maori: Culture Invention and its Logic', in American Anthropologist, pp. 890-902. One of the larger daily newspapers took the article and turned it into the following headline: 'US EXPERT SAYS MAO RI CULTURE INVENTED', Dominion, Saturday 24 February.

53 Minh-ha, Trin T., Woman, Native, Other, p. 59.

C H A P T E R 4

Research Adventures

on Indigenous Land

As mentioned earlier, travellers' tales and other anecdotal ways of repre senting indigenous peoples have contributed to the general impressions and the milieu of ideas that have informed Western know­ ledge and Western constructions of the Other. There has been recent theorising o f the significance of travel, and o f location, on shaping Western understandings of the O ther and producing more critical understandings o f the nature of theory. 1 bell hooks, in describing black representations o f whitenes s , writes of these journeys as being acts o f terror which have become part o f o u r memory.2 While travelling theory may focus on the location of tho se who travel, the attention here is on the people who se bodies , territori e s , beli e fs and values have been travelled through. One particular genre o f travellers' tales relates to the 'adventure s ' experienced in the new world, in Indian country, or Maoriland, or some other similarly named territory. Thes e adventures were recounted with some relish; they told stories of survival under adversity and recorded eye witn e s s accounts o f fabulous, horrible, s ecret, never- seen-before-by-a-European ceremonies , rituals or events . From an indigenous perspective all early Westerners were travellers who came with a mis sion (scientific, religious or entrepreneurial) , rather than with -11-Sense-ef-ad�-ey-.an ided to sta . The sense of adventure and spirit which is contained in histories of science and biograp e s o • i 11 .• , g e !!li!Wilfle gf bqw wqgdr� and exciting the discoveries of 'new s cientific knowledge' fram e new world were perceived in the West. Mis sionaries and traders also conveyed that sense o f adventure in their accounts . For missionaries there was the huge and exciting minefield of lost and fallen souls who needed rescuing. The savagery, abhorrence and 'despicability' of the natives challenged their very vocabulary. For traders, the opportunities were equally immense, their field o f operations covering vast continents and ocean s .

Although always e thnocentric and patriarchal, travellers ' accounts

7 8

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remain interesting because of the details and sometimes perceptive (and on occasions reflective) comments made by some writers of the events they were recording. There was a consciousness expre s sed in some accounts of the 'need' to record what was seen in the interests of expanding knowledge and of the need to write things down before too many changes occurred to the peoples being observed. There were also artistic representations of indigenous peoples that had wide appeal to audiences in Europe. Many travellers, including women, were aristocratic and had the resources to travel; they were available for speaking engagements on their return home. 3 Various scientific societies and gentlemen's clubs were keen to discuss and debate the travel exploits of such people . The more romanticized versions of travellers fed the public imagination with tales of daring and gallantry. An example of this is the story of Pocahontas.

This chapter discusses some o f the ways in which the more informal systems for collecting information on and about indigenous societies became more formally constituted and institutionalised within the New Zealand colonial context. One o f the reasons why this i s important is that the more formal thes e systems became, the more authoritative and influential they were. What may have begun as early fanciful, ill-informed opinions or explanations of indigenous life and customs quickly entered the language and became ways of repres enting and relating to indigenous peoples . In the case of religious missionaries the viewpoints expre s s ed were designed as much to justify further financial support from their central base as to justify any ideological motivation s . The more horrendous and evil the people, the stronger the imperative was to carry out God's work. Many of thes e early travellers' views are now taken for granted as facts and have become embedded in the language and attitudes of non-indigenous people towards indigenous people s . They continue to frame the discourses on indigenous issues of a particular society and account in part for the very specific use of language, in­ cluding terms of abuse, the sorts of is sues which are selected for debate and even the types o f resistance being mounted by indigenous people s .

-lfistlrn:mgh b o dr dre -organization- e-f -i:nter-est-e-d--poopl�tG- leat:necL societies and the institutionalization of their ideas and attitudes that the lhiecuons and ptloH82§ 6£ it!Sl2Mth itn in rg t £ 1 i eee shaped. The role in this proce s s of well-intentioned officials, missionaries , traders and travellers, who became familiar with indigenous custom s , languages and made important friends, is a complex one. They were o ften identified as 'friends' of the natives to be used, reviled, sometimes honoured by their own societies and by their indigenous host society. They often formed relationships with indigenous women, had children, were gifted lands and things of value. Others became more

80 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

s erious scholars intent o n recording the details o f what they viewed as a dying culture. Many als o reinvented themselve s , so to speak, beginning their adventures perhaps as traders and ending them as highly respected 'orientalists'. Others built their careers as government soldiers intent on killing resistant indigenous populations and then became teachers or surveyors, magistrates or s e ttler-elected politicians.

They C ame, They Saw, They Named, They Claimed

In the Pacific context, research on indigenous Maori by Europeans began in a systematic way from Cook's first voyage. Prior to that time Abel Tasman's observations and encounters with Maori (which were not happy ones) had infiltrated into the general consciousness of Europeans as travellers' tales .4 Maori were represented as savages and, according to Salmond, his descriptions 'gave Maori a bloodthirsty reputation in Europe'.5 Tasman is also credited as the man who 'discovered' and 'named' New Zealand. Although Salmond argues that 'not much can be learned about Maori life from this voyage',6 Tasman and his crew nevertheless signalled the start of recorded observations of Maori which has since led some Maori to claim that we 'are the most researched people in the world'.? Similar claims are made by other indigenous people who can trace back even further the beginnings of their recorded encounters .

Cook's voyages to New Zealand are more important to Maori in that the link to science and research was much more explicit. His first voyage was funded partially by the Royal Society in order that the transit o f Venus could be obs erved in Tahiti. T h e j o urney also included the southern place s already known as New Zealand and Australia. J o seph B anks was regarded highly as a botanist and sailed with Cook, taking his own small entourage of eight people. His observations o f plant life and his penchant for collecting plants and birds also included observations of Maori and the otential of N ew Zealand as a colony. Banks 's journal covers a number of topics which were of great interes t at that tune an was full of comparisons with o ther places known to the British. The e;.se wtth which compansons coUld be made remforce the unpenai eye with which Banks saw the land and all that was part of it. While at one level this ability could be called knowledge, it was imperial knowledge that measured everything new against what was known by Banks himself. He noted the quality of the natural resources and commented on the 'immense quantity of woodland, which was yet uncleared, but promised great returns to the people who would take the trouble of Clearing it'.8 He noted the 'properest place we have yet seen for

R E S E A R C H A D V E N T U R E S O N I N D I G E N O U S L A N D S 8 1

establishing a colony' along what h e called the River Tham e s . 'The River Thames would furnish plenty of fish, and the soil make ample returns of any European Vegetables sown in it. ' 9 After describing the landscape, insects and butterflies, sea animal s , birds, vegetables, cultivated plants and fruits, B anks described the people - the men, then the women - with the s ame detached eye. He comments on their appearances and their dispositions, still making comparisons with other 'Islanders' (South Sea I s landers) they had previously met. He goes on to write about their clothing, their houses, their food, their technology, their weaponry, death ceremonies, religion and language. H e commented on what he liked and on what disgusted him, and made suppositions which attempted to explain what he considered 'curious'. In short, his work constituted a pre-ethnography of thos e sections of Maori society which B anks encountered.

Unlike Tasman, who visited only one coastline, Cook circum­ navigated N ew Zealand and proceeded to rename the entire country at will. This renaming was at one level entirely arbitrary, responding to the fortunes or mis fortunes of those on board the ship and to the impressions gained from out at sea of the land they were observing. Other names, however, recalled the geography and people of Britain. These names and the landmarks associated with them were inscribed on maps and charts and thus entered into the West's archive a s the spoils o f discovery. The renaming of the world has never stoppe d . After the Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1 840 and settlement by British settlers became more intensive, township s , s treets and regions were renamed after other parts of the British Empire. Some towns took on names which reflected Britain's battles in other parts o f its Empire, such as India, or Britain's heroes from its various conquests o f other nation s . Naming t h e world h a s b e e n likened by Paulo Freire t o claiming the world and claiming those ways of viewing the world that count as legitimate. 1 0

I f the first encounters with Europeans were ones in which indigenous eople were observed as research o�ects,-What-clid-that-m€aa-fe£-M-a&ri.

Salmond argues that these observations, or what she r e fers to as 'jptetpretatiue =occnAtir&' Qee�;tee8 fteth y , ill 1 f · £ f 1 exercising a considerable degree of agency over how they saw the se first Europeans and pursuing their own agenda. 1 1 The master narrative has been the one established from European accounts, while Maori inter­ pretations remained as oral stories. The difficulty with trying to extract specific reactions to 'research' is that, for the most part, Maori people involved did not 'know', in the sense that we would now expect them to know, that they were being researched. Research could not be disconnected from other European activities. 'Researchers' were also

82 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

mis sionaries, amateur botailists, surveyors, officials, traders - any Euro­ pean, in fact, who was able to write or draw pictures. Indeed, many Euro­ peans managed to combine several occupations into one life. Colenso, for example, began life in New Zealand as a printer, was ordained as a minister and then awarded medals as a botailist. In between his ordination and honours as a botailist he had a child with a Maori woman while still married, was defrocked, and then reinstated as a minister. 12

During the Land Wars which took place in New Zealand in the 1 860s the multiple roles o f colonists became far more problematic for some tribes, as military men who led campaigns against Maori then became resident magistrates or land commi s sioners who presided over the alienation of Maori land, or interpreters in trials or land dealings, or, in later life, 'reliable' and respected source s on Maori beliefs and customs . 1 3 Their authority as experts i n Maori things was vested i n the whole structure of colonialism so that while engaging in very colonial operations with Maori, they also carried out investigations into Maori life which later were published under their names. Through their publications they came to be seen by the outside world as knowledge­ able, informed and relatively 'obj ective'. Their 'informants' were relegated to obscurity, their colonial activities seen as unproblematic, and their chronic ethnocentrism viewed as a sign of the time s .

A t o n e level, all the Europeans who wrote about their travels, their time in residence and their experiences with indigenous peoples contributed to the larger research encounter which occurred between the colonizing world and indigenous worlds. For example, there were a number of books published in the nineteenth century which told the stories of life in the New Zealand colony and of contact with Maori through the eyes of British colonists. These 'adventures ' idealized some aspects o f life in the colony and obviously, as autobiographies, put the authors at the centre of events. At the same time, the actual experience the writers had and their encounters with 'real life savages ' continually fed the imaginations of people 'back home'. On the basis of these stories and the hard-sell of settlement corn ailies, new migrants set off for their own adventures in the colonies armed with all their new y acquu:e mjsjoformation ahgut the availability of land, indigenous land, and the opportunity to make new lives .

Those observers o f indigenous peoples whose interest was of a more 'scientific' nature could be regarded as being far more dangerous in that they had theories to prove, evidence and data to gather and specific languages by which they could classify and describe the indigenous world. So, for example, skulls were measured and weighed to prove that 'primitive' minds were smaller than the European mind. 1 4 This was the 'science' of crailiometry. 1 5 Other stories are told of burial caves being

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'discovered' and examined for the precious 'artefact s ' which were left with the dead, of can,:ed houses being dismantled and shipped to England, of dried and shrunken heads sold and exported back to museum s . This side of the research encounter, with the inducements that sometimes went with the exchange of 'artefacts', has left a long­ lasting resentment among indigenous peoples , who are now attempting to have items and the remains of ancestors returned to their own people.

On the Road to . . . Research

Some amateur scientists developed a passion for their work which extended to more systematic studies o f indigenous people s . In New Zealand George Grey, Percy Smith and Elsdon Best - among a number o f other collectors and appreciators of Maori knowledge - represent the kinds o f increasingly systematic research encounters which occurred between Maori and Europeans in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thes e encounters remain influential in that they also involved an attitude to indigenous peoples which was a complex mixture o f colonial exploitation and fo stered dependence. They h a d a deep sympathy towards Maori people as an ideal while being hostile towards those Maori who fell short of this construct. They were also driven by the need to collect volumes of material. Sir George Grey, who served as a colonial o fficial in Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, is described by Stocking as a 'benevolent administrative despot [with an] iron willed personality' and a 'systematic propagator of Anglo-Saxon imperialism in a period o f colonial retrenchment' . 1 6 Stocking also refers to Grey, however, as 'one of the more perceptive ethnographers of his day and author of some of the most influential ethnographic work this century'Y As Governor, Grey collected around him a number o f Maori chiefs and confidants. Much o f his material on Maori was gathered from his close friendships with chiefs whose names mean little to the non­ Maori audience and who se knowledge has been rendered entirely invisible .

coth-Percy-Smith-aml- Etsdon--B- esr were -co±on:i: officiafs- who­ surveyed Maori land on one hand and observed Maori life on the other. I erey Srntm, who �a:§ Older &iifi BE§t, e, Eftf!UA�) �E€ft¥fi@ �tik E} Of General. Elsdon Best has been acknowledged as a N ew Zealand-born ethnologist of high standing in the scientific community because o f his years of meticulous study o f Maori culture. He spent some time in the Armed Constabulary and was sent to Taranaki to 'put down' the pas sive resistance o f Te Whiti. His senior officer and brother-in-law, Captain Gudgeon, and Percy Smith, who was also at Taranaki, later became the founding members of the Polynesian Society. Percy Smith became Best's

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mentor and after Best left the Armed Constabulary h e followed Smith to the heavily forested and isolated Urewera in the eastern B ay of Plenty in 1 895 to assist in the building of a road through the lands o f Tuhoe. B e s t remained in the Urewera until 1 9 1 0. In 1 900 he became a health inspector in the Mataatua District and then became the ethnologist at the Dominion Museum. Most o f B est's research was carried out among the people of Tuhoe .

Best's research amongst Tuhoe is probably the m o s t significant early work on Maori because it was clearly conceived by Best as res earch, and followed many o f the conventions now associated with social science. This includes systematic note taking, checking and rechecking of source s , interviews with informants and, eventually, the publication of results . At the same time, however, he was not involved with Tuhoe simply as a researcher. He was employed initially as paymaster-storeman for the road works and was expected to ease the communications between the road workers, who were British, and the chiefs o f Tuhoe , who did n o t actually desire t o have a road built through their lands . 1 8 H e was t o play this intermediary role between Maori and colonial o fficials for the rest o f his life. Colonial officials clearly saw Best as a 'friend of the Maori', but how Maori, particularly Tuhoe, regarded him has been left largely to anecdote and unrecorded storie s . 1 9

Revisiting some o f Best's material suggests that the people o f Tuhoe did react to Be st, the researcher, in a number o f ways. There were acts o f openness and generosity as well as occasions of hostility and resistance. Best, for his part, was deeply committed to his pursuit of knowledge, but was also generous and willing to learn from his mistake s . H e either paid or gave a 'gift' t o s o m e o f his informants. It is unclear where this practice came from; it is pos sible to interpret it in terms of es tablished Maori values o f gifting or in a less sympathetic context of bribery. On the other hand, Best had to work hard to gain the trust of the learned 'experts ' known as tohunga. According to Elsdon Craig, his nephew and biographer, there were a number of incidents which shed some light on how the people dealt with the researcher. B e s t was

etenrune to get access to e arms o ow e ge e Q- by loimngzz­ which were more 'sacred', and at one level he was an opportunist who exploited £nendsfl1ps with cfrlets and zv/Janga. In return, tt appea:rs Brat he was treated with respect; his mistakes were forgiven and his intense questioning answered with patience. Some o f the things B e s t experienced are still important today in Maori contexts; for example, the use of spiritual 'chants' known as karakia to protect knowledge and to open a discus sion about sacred things. Meetings or hui were called to discuss collectively relevant issues o r concern s . There were also the 'little tests and barriers' that were put b e fore Best Gust as Best tested their

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knowledge) . Many o f the 'strategies' employed by the people need to be considered within a context. First, this was a context in which Maori, even Tuhoe who had been cut off from much contact with Europeans, no longer had control over their own lives or lands and were dealing with hostile officials. A friend such as Best was an important friend to have in the circumstances. Second, the strong belief was held at the time that the Maori race was dying, or that civilization was occurring so rapidly that the 'traditional' needed to be recorded as rapidly as possible before it became polluted or lost. The exchange of highly sacred forms of knowledge for sheer physical survival seems to be a pragmatic solution to the encroachment of colonization, but it did not occur as a full-scale divulging of things held to be important. Best did give up on some pursuits but put his change of tack down to the lack of importance of the topic, not his failure to discover anythin$·

Best gained his knowledge from the tohunga of Tuhoe, and some from other tribe s . He sought the most knowledgeable and most respected tohunga who had access to the kind of knowledge he thought would reveal the most profound aspects of primitive culture. Their knowledge existed within a much wider cultural framework which was under attack by the colonial urge to civilize and assimilate Maori. In 1 907 tohunga were out­ lawed through the Tohunga Suppression Act which sought to prevent tohunga from practising 'quackery'. While Best lives on as an expert, the names of his informants and the rest of their knowledge lie buried in manuscripts and archives.

Organizing Research

Scientific and learned societies were very important for the organization of science in eighteenth-century Europe.20 This was a new development based on similar systems for the organization of other cultural activities such as salons, gentlemen's clubs and religious orders. The Royal Society of London and the Paris Academy were established in the 1 660s as were a few others.21 They grew partly in resistance to the role universities then pla:yecl-as--religieus-iflstitucien , where--seieflee-was-expeetecl :e-etmf�:rm­ to theological prescriptions. For the most part these earlier models were = Si iace(i id:t taiclt) FJU!U: ng :zn::i fii :tte !ifit:d; 5 G dte:i:t buW:oi uf funding. By the eighteenth century, however, scientific societies had become associated with secular government and received support from government sources.22 This shift allowed for the systematic exchange and distribution of ideas and for the growth of some form of consensus among a community of scientists. The disciplines, particularly those in the social sciences, were being formed around this consensual groupings of scientists.

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I n the nineteenth century the s cientific drive assumed that there were universal models of human society and human nature, and that s o cieti e s deemed to be more primitive could contribute t o s cience by showing the most simple, most fundamental systems of social organization. Learned s o cieties were an important part of the way the s e ideas were organized and then redistributed. Certainly in New Zealand, fellows and members o f various societie s came, looked, named and then wrote about their own encounters with the flora, fauna and people they met. S o cieties developed within N ew Z e aland in the latter part o f the nineteenth century to further assist the se s cholarly pursuits. Learned s o cieties exerted some form of ethical control over their members, partly by encouraging the view that they were good scholars with open minds , and mostly b y insisting that they should b e gentlemen with the 'right conduct'.23 Access to the s tatus of gentleman and scholar was based o n class divisions a n d wealth. T h e significance of these s ocieti e s for indigenous peoples , however, is that they d e fined, produced and repro­ duced 'culture': not just scientific culture, but the culture of knowledge, the culture o f elitism, the culture o f patriarchy.

J o s eph B anks was already a member of the Royal Society when he set forth on Cook's first voyage to the South Pacific in 1 769. In fact the Royal Society partially funded the voyage and Banks was wealthy enough to bring four servants with him. This scientific interest in the Paci fic began with Roggeveen's voyage, funded by the Dutch West India Company in 1 72 1 . The s e earlier expeditions were driven by several different objectives from the search for a treasure-filled El Dorado and other trade pos sibilities to s cientific interes t in, and speculations about, the nature of human beings , exploring in particular Rou s seau's view o f the noble savage. With colonization a s a primary obj ective, i n the nineteenth century scientific intere st s hifted, according to Sorrenson, towards more ethnographic des criptions .24 Implied in the urgency for describing indigenous cultures was the sense that these cultures were becoming 'contaminated' by contact with the Wes t and were likely to die out. Literary and learned societies were established alongside other setder activities, and -by-thrl -868s --there-wer�e-r- ef -suGh-societies­ functioning in N ew Zealand. These culminated in 1 867 with the pas sing of feg:tsfa&on C!bibHsifi!ftg me 1 Jl!.. %tiZl::n I Ins ·, I 1 t nPJie museum. This occurred b e fore the establi s hment of the University o f N e w Zealand. The Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute provided the first scholarly N ew Zealand j o urnal for the publication o f research on Maori.

The Polynesian Society was e s tablished in 1 892. Percy Smith' s initial proposal conforms to the view that central to the scientific endeavour there was the need for a community o f s cientists, and for a system o f

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communication which allowed for the production o f ideas. Smith saw the need for a S ociety which would allow for 'communication, co­ operation and mutual criticism between tho se interested in studying Polynesian anthropology, ethnology, philology, history, manners and customs of the Oceanic races, and preservation of all that relates to such subjects in a permanent form'.25 The comparative emphasis was reflected in the membership , with the first patron being the Hawai'ian Queen Lili'iokalani. Two other Hawai'ian women joined and in fact the Hawai'ian women appear to be the only women members when the Polynesian Society was established. There were two Maori men and a Samoan who were also invited to j oin.

Percy Smith and Elsdon Best exerted considerable influence over the way Maori histories were theorized. Their theories on the origin o f Maori can be summarized in two 'orthodoxies' which have become taken for granted despite being challenged and discredited. Percy Smith is regarded as having established the chronology of Maori migration through a method of analysing Maori genealogies and attributing an 'average' life span to each generation. Through this 'method', dates and time spans were e s tablished and the myth of the 'Great Fleet' entered the way the Maori past has been framed historically and geographically. This 'myth' says that the main group of Maori people arrived in New Zealand in about 1 300 AD in a Great Fleet of canoes. Elsdon Best was a supporter of the idea that there were some Maori who s e origins were more 'Melane sian' and who, as a people, must have been conquered and assimilated by the more aggressive Maori of Polynesian ancestry. This belief reinforced the second maj or myth, namely the myth of the Moriori. This 'myth' says that there was a more peaceful group of people in New Zealand before the Maori arrived and because Maori were naturally more aggres sive they conquered and wiped out the Moriori. The power of the s e two 'myths' lies partly in the fact that they have shaped the unders tandings about Maori of generations of both indigenous and non-indigenous s chool children, and partly in that they have also shaped academic discourses on Maori by scholars set on ----proving-urdisproving various- origin <:heurie . 'fhe- greatcrideological significance of the myths, however, is that they support and give legtf!ifflliey f6 &re role or eonqttesE ana ril'igrli861'i ih eofomu&on. By 'demonstrating' that conquest and then migration were integral to indigenous patterns of s ettlement it suggested that thes e were natural and universal processes of human settlement which, under Western modes of colonization, were much more civilized and humane - for which the indigenous Maori ought to be duly grateful.

Academic research on Maori became oriented to such debates and obsessed with des cribing various modes of cultural decay. The 'fatal

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impact' o f the West o n indigenous societies generally has been theorized as a phased progression from: (1) initial discovery and contact, (2) population decline, (3) acculturation, ( 4) as similation, (5) 'reinvention' as a hybrid, ethnic culture. While the terms may differ acro ss various theoretical paradigms the historical descent into a state of nothingness and hopelessness has tended to persist. Indigenous perspectives also show a phased progression, more likely to be articulated as: (1) contact and invasion, (2) genocide and destruction, (3) resistance and survival ( 4) recovery as indigenous peoples . The sense of hope and optimism is a characteristic of contemporary indigenous politics which is o ften criticized, by non-indigenous scholars , because it is viewed as being overly idealistic.

While Western theories and academics were describing, defining and explaining cultural demise, however, indigenous peoples were having their lands and resources systematically stripped by the state; were becoming ever more marginalized; and were subjected to the layers o f colonialism imposed through economic and social policies. This failure of research, and of the academic community, to address the real social issues of Maori was recalled in later times when indigenous disquiet became more politicized and sophisticated. Very direct confrontations took place between Maori and some academic communities . Such confrontations have also occurred in Australia and other parts of the indigenous world, resulting in much more active resistances by communities to the presence and activities of researchers .

Trading the Other

In a recent newspaper headline a New Zealand politician is quoted as saying, in reference to a highly politicized debate on the funding of Maori television, that 'Maori should be paid in blankets'.26 Apart from providing, yet again, a very good example of the power and persistence of colonial discourses, the comment illustrates the economic under­

innin s of cultural imperialism. There is a direct relationship between the expansion of knowledge, the expansion o tra e an e expanston of empire. That relationship continues. although in the reframed discourse of globatizatton 1t ts referred to as the relattonship between the expansion of technology/information, the expansion of economic opportunities and the expansion of 'the market'. Although much has been written about the development of trade and the role of traders and trading companies in imperialism, including the role of indigenous entrepreneurs in the process, the indigenous world is still coming to grips with the extent to which the 'trade' of human beings, artefacts, curios, art works, specimens and other cultural items has s cattered our

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remains acros s the globe. The term 'trade' assumes at the very least a two-way transaction between those who sold and tho se who bought. It further assumes that human beings and other cultural items were commodities or goods and were actually available ' for sale '. For indigenous peoples those assumptions are not held. From indigenous perspectives territories, peoples and their possessions were stolen, not traded.27

Many indigenous respons e s to Western 'trading' practices have generally been framed by the Western juridical system and have had to argue claims on the basis of proven theft, or of outrageously unj ust rates o f exchange (one hundred blankets and fifty beads do not buy one hundred million hectares of land for the rest of eternity) . The more difficult claims have attempted to establish recognition of indigenous spirituality in Western law. Even when evidence is overwhelmingly in favour of an indigenous case, there are often statutes of limitation which determine how far back in time a claim can reach, or there are international agreements between states, or some institutions just refuse in principle to consider the possibility that an indigenous group have a claim at all. The legacy, however, of the fragmentation and alienation of a cultural 'estate' over hundreds of years is that the material connection between people, their place, their language s , their beliefs and their practices has been torn apart.

The real critical question in this discussion relates to the commercial nature o f knowledge 'transfer', regardless o f what knowledge is collected or how that knowledge has been collected or is represented. In this sense, the people and their culture, the material and the spiritual, the exotic and the fantastic, became not just the stuff of dreams and imagination, or stereotypes and eroticism but of the first truly global commercial enterprise: trading the Other. This trade had its origins before the Enlightenment, but capitalism and Western culture have transformed earlier trade practices (such as feudal systems of tribute) , through the development of native appetites for goods and foreign de sires for the strange; the making of labour and consumer markets; the protection of tra e route s , mar ets an pracnces; an e crea on o sys ems for - �otecting the�ower of the rich and maintaining the powerle ssness of

e poor. Tta g ffie Odrer IS a vase mdasuy based on tlte posruonif superiority and advantages gained under imperialism. It is concerned more with ideas, language, knowledge, image s, beliefs and fantasies than any other industry. Trading the Other deeply, intimately, defines Western thinking and identity. As a trade, it has no concern for the peoples who originally produced the ideas or images, or with how and why they produced those ways o f knowing. I t will not, indeed, cannot, return the raw materials from which its products have been made. It no

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longer has an administrative Head Office with regional o ffices to which indigenous peoples can go , queue for hours and register complaints which will not be listened to or acted upon.

In its contemporary formations trading the Other i s , for bell hooks in an e s s ay called 'Eating the Other', a 'commodification of o therness', which, she argues, 'has been so successful because it i s offered as a new delight, more intens e , more satisfying than normal ways of doing and feeling'.28 hooks als o p oints out how easily and dangerously trading the Other c an be incorporated into black politic s where communities o f resistan c e s are replaced by communities o f consumption. Maori academic Graham Smith lists some o f the new ways in which Maori indigenous culture is being prepared for trade in the 'new right' e conomic framework that dominates the New Zealand scene. These include the commodification of such things as: treaty rights, identity, traditional knowledge, traditional customs, traditional organizations, land titles, fauna and flora. 29 While all of thes e items previously have been the subj ect o f e fforts to remove, control and assimilate, the 'new' attacks are aimed at what remains of the indigenous e s tate and are a very sharp reminder of how control over the agenda, the terms of reference, and the pro c e s s e s for settling the unsettled busine s s of indigenous matters i s still held and determined by the colonizing maj ority. Indigenous peoples who have actively resisted moves to create regional free trade areas as part of the global market place are viewed as a maj or barrier to free trade. Trading the O ther is big busine s s . For indigenous peoples trading o urselves is not on the agenda.

Defining the Indigenous 'Problem'

I t might s eem curious to link travellers and traders with the m o re serious endeavours o f amateur researchers and s cientists. From indigenous perspectives the finer distinctions between categories of colonizers were not made along the lines of science and the rest. It was more likely to be a distinction between tho s e who were ' friends' and tho s e who were not. ne o e sttes w ere "if erent owleoges a out m genous

eo les intersect is in discussions on 'The . . . (inserl name rf indigenous grou ro em . wa 'indigenous problem' is a recurrent theme in all imperial and colonial attempts to deal with indigenous p eople s . I t originates within the wider discourse s of racism, sexism and o ther forms of positioning the Other. Its neatn e s s and simplicity gives the term its power and durability. Framing 'the . . . problem', mapping it, describing it in all its different manife s tations, trying to get rid of it, laying blame for it, talking about it, writing newspaper columns about it, drawing cartoons about it,

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teaching about it, researching it, over and over . . . how many occasions, polite dinner parties and academic conferences would be bereft of conversation if 'the indigenous problem' had· not been so problematized?

Concern about 'the indigenous problem' began as an explicitly militaristic or policing concern. The problem was articulated in terms of 'putting down rebellions' or 'getting rid of ' recalcitrant rebels. Individual chiefs or leaders who resisted various attempts to control them were labelled as rebels and the 'real problems' and media accounts helped whip up a frenzied hatred of these individuals by white settlers. The level of hatred legitimated attempts to 'hunt them down' or to 'protect the people' from their own leadership. The systematic undermining of the legitimacy of indigenous leaders was part of the wider strategy for colonization. This strategy has not gone away as contemporary indige­ nous activists are also represented in the same ways. Even when leaders used passive resistance and simply withdrew from any participation in white society their actions were regarded as provocative and likely to encourage rebellious thinking. In New Zealand one example of the use of passive ' resistance in Taranaki in the 1 870s by a leader called Te Whiti was interpreted by the government as a challenge to European sovereignty and civilization and a sustained war was waged in which Te Whiti and his people did not retaliate. Te Whiti and other leaders were labelled as fanatics and their followers as disillusioned and unthinking followers whose minds had been taken over. Eventually Te Whiti's community at Parihaka was invaded, the leaders were arrested and the community destroyed.30

Once indigenous peoples had been rounded up and put on reserves the 'indigenous problem' became embedded as a policy discourse which reached out across all aspects of a government's attempt to conp:ol the natives. Both 'friends of the natives' and those hostile to indigenous peoples conceptualized the issues of colonization and European encroachment on indigenous territories in terms of a problem of the natives. The natives were, according to this view, to blame for not accepting the terms of their colonization. In time social olicies - for examp e, 1n e th and education - were also viewed as remedies for the 'indigenous problem'. By the 1 960s this approach had been theorized repeatedly around nottons of cUltural depnvatton or cUltural deficit

which laid the blame for indigenous poverty and marginalization even more securely on the people themselves. The 'indigenous problem' had by then also become an academic discourse in which research played a crucial role. Many Maori people who grew up in New Zealand in that era believed that we were to blame. Other indigenous peoples shared the same belief. Problematizing the indigenous is a Western obsession. The discourse has shifted away from cultural deficit views to cultural

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diversity views. Even within the se views the indigenous can b e perceived as a problem because many are considered 'inauthentic' and too ungrateful. The belief in the 'indigenous problem' is still present in the Western p syche. It has been portrayed by some writers as a deeply held fear and hatred of the O ther.31

A continuing legacy o f what has come to be taken for granted as a natural link between the term 'indigenous' (or its subs titutes) and 'problem' is that many researchers, even tho s e with the best of intentions, frame their research in ways that as sume that the locus of a particular res earch problem lie s with the indigenous individual or community rather than with o ther social or structural issue s . For example, researchers inve stigating poor health or educational under­ achievement among indigenous communities often focus on the community as the sole source of the problem and, because this is their focus, obviously fail to analyse or make sense o f the wider social, economic and policy contexts in which communities exist. O ften their res earch simply affirms their own beliefs. For indigenous communities the issue is not just that they are blamed for their own failures but that it is also communicated to them, explicitly or implicitly, that they them­ s elve s have no solutions to their own problems . This view i s exacerbated by media and politician rhetoric about the general hopeles sness or corruption o f indigenous communities and indigenous peoples . This environment provides an absolutely no-win position and sets up the conditions for nurturing deep resentment and radical resistance from indigenous groups . In the research context the terms 'research' and 'problem' are also closely linked. It becomes somewhat complicated for indigenous researchers to discuss 'research', 'problem' and 'indigenous ' without individuals or communities 'switching off because of the history of defining indigenous peoples as . . . the problem. For many indigenous communities research itself is taken to mean 'problem'; the word research is believed to mean, quite literally, the continued construction o f indigenous peoples as the problem.

Notes

1 For example, Clifford, ] . a n d Gregory, D. (1 994) , Geographical Imaginations, Blackwell, Cambridge.

2 hooks, b . (1 992) , Black Looks, Race and Representation, B o s ton, South End Pre s s , pp. 1 65-78 .

3 Stocking refers to some travellers as 'gentlemen travellers' who had a 'scientific inclination'. Stocking, G . Jr (1 9 87) , Victorian Anthropology, The Free Pre s s , p . 92.

4 Salmond, A. (1 9 9 1 ) , Two Worlds, First Meetings Between Maori and Europeans 1 642- 1 712, Viking, Auckland.

·

R E S E A R C H A D V E N T U R E S O N I N D I G E N O U S LA N D S 9 3

5 Ibid., p. 8 2. 6 Ibid., p . 84. 7 This claim is made, for example, by Syd J ackson in an article for the magazine

Metro, 1 987, Vol. 7, No. 73, pp. 1 90-1 , but the claim has been around much longer. I have heard the same claim made in Australia by Aborigine people, by a Sami woman while in New Zealand, in the United States and in Canada by Indian and First Nations people.

8 Beaglehole, J. C. (1 962), The Endeavour journal of joseph Banks 1 768- 1 17 1 , Angus and Robertson, Sydney, p. 3.

9 Ibid., p . 4 . . 1 0 Freire, P . (1 987), literary: Reading the Word and the World, Routledge and Kegan

Paul, London. 1 1 Salmond, Two Worlds, p . 1 2 . 1 2 Rowse, A. L . (1 989) , Th e Controversial Colensos, Dyllansow Truran Cornish

Publishing, Cornwall. 1 3 Captain Gilbert Mair and Major William Mair are two such examples. Both

brothers were active in the Land Wars. William was involved in campaigns against Ngati Awa and then acted as an interpreter for Ngati Awa men who were put on trial. Gilbert was an interpreter during the Land Wars and -was then made a captain during a campaign against Te Kooti. Gilbert Mair later became very influential in matters relating to Maori land.

1 4 Thompson, A. S . (1 859) , The Story of New Zealand. Past and Present - Savage and Civilized, John Murray, London, p. 8 1 .

1 5 Gould, Stephen Jay ( 1 9 8 1 ) , The Mismeasure of Man, Penguin Books, London. 16 Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, p. 8 1 . 1 7 Ibid., p . 8 1 . 1 8 Craig, E . (1 964), Man of the Mist: A Biography of Elsdon Best, Reed, Wellington. 1 9 See also Sisson, J. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , Te Waimana. The Spring of Mana, University of Otago

Pres s , Dunedin. 20 McClellan, J. E. (1 985), Science Reorganized.· Scientific Societies in the Eighteenth Century,

Columbia Press, New York. 21 See Salmond, Two Worlds, pp. 97-1 00, for a discussion of the Royal Society. 22 McClellan, Scien&e Reorganized. 23 Ibid., p. 29. 24 Sorrenson, M. P. K (1 992) , J.taniftst Destiny, The Po!Jnesian Society over 1 00 Years,

The Polynesian Society, Auckland. 25 Ibid., p . 24. 26 Sun� News, Independent News Auckland, Ltd., 2 February 1 997, p . 1 1 . 'No

Clouds but B" Storm Blows Maori Should be Paid in Blankets Fumes Act Leader Richard Prebble', columnist Barry Soper.

27 The word 'stolen' is used �uite literall� when indigenous peoples talk about land. Margo Thmrderb&d. The tatne iot ar FdUd, fur what grew or cuidd be grown on it, for the resources in it, and for our clean air and pure water. They stole these things from us, and in taking they also stole our free ways and the best of our leaders, killed in battle or assassinated. ' Cited in W. Rose (1 992) , The Great Pretenders. Further Reflections on Whiteshamanism', in The State of Native Ameri&a; Genocide, Colonization, and Resistan&e, ed. M. A. Jaimes, pp. 403-22.

28 hooks, p . 2 1 . 29 Smith, G. H . (1 995), 'New Formations of Colonization', i n Th e Fis&al Enveloped.

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to the sharp edges o f the range s . D o tted within each settlement are marae, the wooden, carved meeting houses and community venues built by extended familie s . Some of these are over a hundred years old, others more recent. B e side each marae is a neatly maintained cemetery which almos t always has the signs of a recent burial, of newly piled earth and dying wreath s . The people of this iwi have a reputation for being fiercely independent, proud and nationalistic; the women of the iwi are seen as b eing e s p e cially assertive and confident, s trident according to some accounts . I t is an image which is consciously fo s tered in the way we are s ocialized. Culturally, in terms of our language, songs and customs, the iwi has always been strong. It is an iwi o f many leaders, o f many orators . Many of whom die young.

Unemployment, ill health and poverty underpin what on the surface look like idyllic conditions . Young p eople are s ent away to seek further education and employment. Many people live on welfare benefits. Once in a while, someone dies violently; others simply die o f heart disease, cancer, respiratory disease, diabete s , rheumatic fever, suicide, accidents. Many of tho se who die do s o away in the cities and are brought home for burial. In the mid- 1 9 80s a cyclone inflicted huge devastation on the region: flood damage, stock damage, land washed out to sea. The cyclone brought a temporary respite in unemployment as work schemes were developed to repair the damage . I n the mid- 1 9 8 0 s als o , a government economic restructuring programme began which too k away farm subsidies, privatized state indus tries and instituted a raft of 'user­ pays' polici e s . This signalled New Z e aland' s neo -liberal e conomic experiment, one that resulted in huge redundancies and tore the heart out of the Maori labour force. From time to time police helicopters s c an the hillsides for crops of cannabis . In the township that I come from there is a church for every marae. In fact, there are more churches than would seem pos sible in such a small community. While the churche s on the marae are usually Anglican, the religion brought to Maori by early mis sionaries, the churche s which are on the main street are the churches o f the Latter Day Saints, the Seventh Day Adventists, the A s sembly of God. For a while there was an un ergroun camp 'gn whR:h- resuite ·

urnin down of several churches. Disillusioned young people try an ma e s e n s e o e1r ves w programm e s to prepare fo r work in commurutle s where no one i s employing. Television imports American culture a n d educates the tastes o f the young for labelled clothes and African American rap.

In the town is the local tribal radio station which beams out the news and local music in the tribal dialect of both English and Maori languages. Local iwi politics are discussed regularly along with the finer details o f t h e m o s t recent rugby gam e s . T h e marae have a ll been renovated and

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new ones are being built or contemplated. When gatherings are held, providing food for the visitors is still a maj or mark o f tribal hospitality and we alth . In summer this region is famous for the provision o f crayfish and s e a eggs and other foods from the sea. Despite unemploy­ ment people still work hard, the young are expected to contribute to the collective needs o f their extended familie s . People are still expected to care for the sick and the elderly. Children's laughter and mischie f are s till highly valued. The Runanga, or tribal council, has been grappling with the issues of economic development. Forestry, fishing, aquaculture, and ecotourism raise new hopes. Multinational companies talk business with tribal leaders . New mis sionaries and traders make their way into the region. Some tribal leaders talk economic development, others talk self-determination. Other tribes have vigorously pursued a corporate ethos and have attempted to turn collective knowledges and resources into corporate asset bases and financial wealth. Most tribes are ·Struggling to take care of themselves . People are s till trying to survive.

I s this imperialism? No, we are told, this is post-colonialism. This is globalization. This is economic independenc e . This is tribal develop­ ment. This i s progres s . Others tell us that this is the end o f modernism, and therefore the end o f imperialism as we have known it. That busine s s is now over, and so are all i t s associated proj ects s u c h a s decolonization. People now live in a world which is fragmented with multiple and shifting identities, that the oppre s sed and the colonized are so deeply implicated in their own oppre s sions that they are no more nor l e s s authentic than anyone e l s e .

Whi l e t h e Wes t might be experiencing fragmentation, t h e proce s s of fragmentation known under its older guise as colonization is well known to indigenous peoples . We can talk about the fragmentation of lands and cultures. We know what it is like to have our identities regulated by laws and our languages and customs removed from our lives . Fragmentation is not an indigenous proj ect, it is something we are recovering from. While shifts are occurring in the ways in which indigenous peoples put ourselves back together again, the greater proj ect is about recentring -indigern:>us--iclent:iti es-ea- a-l�t-Sbaie _____________ _

lite r� C'W LiftgUAJti! gf littp eti tliiill

While not exactly the generic indigenous tribe, the tribe I have described above s hare s many o f the conditions which beset other indigenous communities as we b egin the twenty- first century. The economic, cultural and s cientific forms o f imperialism associated with the nine­ teenth and early twentieth c enturies have been reformulated. The geography o f empire has been redrawn. The North-South divide has

9 8 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

become a more meaningful way o f distinguishing between what were once referred to as First, Second, Third and Fourth worlds. Territories are called markets, interes ting little backwaters are untapped potentials and tribal variations of culture and language are examples of diversity. Evangelicals and traders still roam its landscape, as fundamentalists and entrepreneurs . Adventurers now hunt the sources of viral di s e a s e s , prospectors mi n e for genetic diversity a n d pirates raid ecological systems for new wealth, capturing virgin plants and pillaging the odd j ungle here and there. Food is packaged up and sold as a Me-something, ready to go . Television beams in live from America with the latest world news, world murder trials , world icons, world music, world sports, world weather and world shopping. The imperial armies assemble under the authority of the United N ations defending the principles of freedom, democracy and the rights of capital. Dispatches from the war zones are ins tantly sent acro s s the Internet. Two Russian cosmonauts hurtle around space along with a growing pile o f technological space j unk. Companies are trying to ship toxic waste into the Pacific, defined in their eyes as 'empty land', unused by the natives who populate its islands.

Some of the categories through which we have understood the world with s ome certainty have been challenged by the so-called new realities, new s o cial identiti e s , new power alliances with which we are now confronted. New analys e s and a new language mark, and mask, the 'something' that is no longer called imperialism. For indigenous people s , one term that h a s signalle d t h e striking shift in di scourse is 'post­ colonial ' . Naming the world as 'post-colonial' i s , from indigenous perspectives, to name colonialism as finished busines s . In Bobby Sykes's cryptic comment post-colonial can only mean one thing: the colonizers have left. There is rather compelling evidence that in fact this has not occurred. And, even when they have left formally, the institutions and legacy o f colonialism have remained. Decolonization, once viewed as the formal process of handing over the instruments of government, is now recognized as a long-term process involving the bureaucratic, cultural, linguistic and psychological divesting of colonial power.

n genous peop e s oo · av �rl;irowever: -tlrey-have-r egr<7upecl, learned from past experiences, and mobilized strategically around new iffiances. I he elders, dte WOIIICil and V itfi(§ti§ mssenr1ng . Ol€1Sb ichin indigenous communiti e s maintain a collective memory and critical conscience of past experienc e s . Many indigenous communiti e s are spaces o f hope and pos sibilities, despite the enormous odds aligned against them. Some indigenous peoples use a new language. Sovereignty and self-determination still dominate the talk but there are terms like 'negotiate', 'reconcile', and ' settle'. Many indigenous communitie s , tribes and nations are in dialogue with the states which once attempted by all

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means pos sible to get rid of them. Serious intellectual thought is going into the considering the possibilities of new arrangements between states and indigenous peoples . The terms 'indigenous rights ' or 'indigenous peoples and self-determination' appear from time to time in academic conferences, in the talk of major political figures and busine ss leaders. I read novels written by indigenous writers and can talk with colleagues from other nations who share similar interests . Perhap s it is not all entirely depres sing. Then again, perhaps it is.

A new generation of indigenous elites also walk acro s s the landscape with their c ell phone s , bri e fc a s e s and assets . C orporate chiefs and corporate warriors attempt to make deals with the new brokers of power and money. I n developing countries these elites still protect the interests o f the big W e s tern power blo c s . Many such leaders, though totally corrupted and evil, are kept in power by the very state s which espouse democracy and human rights. Other indigenous leaders have become separated from their own indigenous value system and have been swept up into the game s and machinations o f a world they only partly understand. Divide and rule still operates as a basic strategy for dealing with indigenous peoples. It still operates because unfortunately it still works.

Ten Ways to be Researched (Colonized)

Scienti fi c and technological advanc e s thi s century place indigenous peoples and other marginalized and oppressed groups at extreme risk in the next century. The search is still on for the elixir of life, no longer gold this time but DNA, cures for Western diseases, and the other ways of finding enlightenment and meaning. The mix of s cience, cultural arrogance and political power continues to present a serious threat to indigenous p e o ple s . As J erry Mander has argued, the unrelenting imperative of corporations and governments to promote technology as a s olution to our lives is the same imperative which s uppresses and destroys indigenous alternatives . 1 The most fundamental clash between

__ Western....a.ndindigenous belief systems, in Mander's view,_s.tems from a belief held by indigenous peoples that the earth is a living entity, Mother ijtrrh 2 Ereft!: t;flie l;u,lief jeelj�!!88YS YtWiaiili ilRQ fFililfiili li8&itW: liW!!IiolfiS and relations are derived, which place indigenous views in direct opposition to Wes tern values.

The colonizing proj ects listed below are not new. The projects are all under way in one form or another. Indigenous knowledges, cultures and language s , and the remnants of indigenous territories, remain as sites o f struggle. Attempts b y governments and companies t o fl o o d territories in order to build hydroelectric dam s , to destroy rain forests in order to

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mine the lands beneath, to poison the land, the waterways and the air bring indigenous groups into direct confrontation with a wide range o f We s tern power blocs which include s cientific communities, environ­ mental organization s , local and national governments and their bureaucracies, rich country alliances, multinational corporations and the media.

Embedded within each o f these sectional interests are views about knowledge, more specifically about the inherent dominance o f Western knowledge. Local or indigenous knowledges are even more at risk now than ever b e fore. According to Vandana Shiva, 'Over and above rendering local knowledge invisible by declaring it non-existent or illegitimate, the dominant system also makes alternatives disappear by erasing and des troying the reality which they attempt to represent.'3 According to Aroha Mead, the 'mi s appropriation o f indigenous knowledge' is e s c alating and i s particularly virulent in key areas of res e arch such as the environmental sciences and medicine.4

The language o f imperialism may have changed, the specific targets of colonization may have shifted and indigenous groups may be better informed, but imperialism still exists.

1 Havingyour genealogy and identity (cell-lines) stolen, patenteti copied The 'vampire' proj ect or The Human Genome Diversity Pro j e c t (HU GO) is t h e large s t and best-known attempt t o map t h e genetic diversity o f isolated and threatened indigenous communitie s . It is not, however, the only proj ect in town as there are other example s o f companies o r countries attempting t o patent human genetic materials.5 The US government had als o attempted, through its National Institute o f Health, to patent an individual of the Hagahai people o f Papua N ew Guinea. For indigenous peoples the dehumanizing of the theft so that it is classified as 'scientific' knowledge is part o f a process which has a long history. Aroha Mead sugge sts that the scientific community goes to great lengths to 'de-humanise the human-ne s s of genes ' through the process o f copying and reproducing synthetic varietie s . 6

2 Havin.g the umbilical cord blood of aborted babies Jarmed' Mo st mdigenous peoples regard blood, dre placenta and iftemtnh itS something 'special'. For Maori people it is regarded as 'still active' and highly tapu. The afterbirth used to be buried in the land. The Maori term for land and afterbirth are the same word, whenua. Hospitals until very recently refused to recognize Maori requests to take the afterbirth away and have it buried. Now that the blood from the cord and the afterbirth have been shown to be useful for treating certain sorts of diseases, there has been a request from some medical professionals in New Zealand to

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'farm' (their word) the cord blood from aborted foe tuses. Whil e non­ indigenous p eople will also find that difficult, they are more likely to be persuaded by arguments that the cord blood is useful, and that 'farming' it will not harm anyone as long as the mother gives consent, because they have no other cultural grounds on which to object. Maori do object culturally.

3 Havingyour cultural institutions and their rituals patented either by a non- indigenous person or by another indigenous individual

Strange as this may seem, apparently an attempt was made by a non­ indigenous N ew Age male to patent the N orth American Indian sweat lodge ceremony because the Indians were not 'performing it correctly'.7 The current fashion of patenting anything likely to b e desired by others in order to both control and profit from it is placing great pres sure on indigenous communities to ptotect themselves . Profiting from art and designs is already common, as art can be marketed through the Internet with very limited controls and by mass reproduction on T -shirts, tea towels and other tourist items. It is pos sible also to buy bottled kava 'tea' used in Pacific kava or ava ceremonies and to purchase various beauty products invented and used by indigenous peoples.

4 Scientific and political reconstruction of a previousfy extinct indigenous people With new advances in science and the knowledge being extracted by proj ects such as the Human Genome Diversity Proj ect, it is now pos sible to replicate the genetic structure of peoples who no longer exist as long as some tissue sample is available, for example in a corpse or mummified remains. Science can theoretically do that already; politics can ensure that the newly created indigenous p e ople are s ocially constructed as well . N ew indigenous peoples can b e recreated as experimental pure populations to be farmed and exploited much like laboratory rat s . Or, they can be invented as land claimants with much more ancient claims to territori e s . If Wes tern scientists are left to determine such an outcome it is sure to be utterly devastating. As Aroha

ead-at- gued; --4f -they -die-threligh--r -aeism- thef-l--hriag-4 em- baek-ia---2§­ years. The racism will still be there but then science can do anything! '8

5. PJing and then coming back to life as a flock of sheep or variety of tomatoes This is not about spiritual reincarnation but about the capabilities o f science and genetic engineering t o change or create n e w species o f life.9 Unlikely, one may think, but already in New Zealand a Scottish company has attempted to breed sheep which have human genetic material in their make-up . The purpose is to produce milk that contains a gene resistant to emphysema. The consequences for humans and animals o f eating

1 02 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

genetically engineered foo d have yet t o unfold. The immediate benefits for treating illnesses or prolonging human life or growing bigger and redder tomatoe s that are resistant to disease are considered adequate as j u s ti fi cations for actio n s that will have long-term cons equences for people.

6. Commodifying indigenous spiritualiry This is not so new - but the spirituality industry will continue to expand as people, particularly t h o s e in First World nations, b e come more uncertain about their identitie s , rights, privileges and very existence. New Age group s currently appropriate indigenous spiritual b elie fs at will ; some claim to be inhabited by indigenous spirit guides while others merely interpret their 'own' (individualized) dreams as an indigenous spiritual experience. Writers and poets have also created a mystique around their work whi c h , as W endy Ro s e has argued, 'aspires to "embody the Indian", in e ffect "becoming" the "real" Indian ' . 1 0 De spite prote s tations that spirituality is an experience through which non­ indigenous p eople aim to help people, it i s clearly a profitable experience.

7 Creating virtual culture as authentic culture For tho s e who can afford it, virtual reality can already substitute for exotic travel and armchair voyeurism. Art collections from museums can now b e viewed from anywhere in the world and ancient ruins can be reconstructed and entered by a tourist who never needs to leave home. According to Tasmanian Aborigine J immy Everett, 'White people actually "farm" Aboriginal culture . . . moulding it into static stereotyped images o f what is accepted by white Australians as being Aboriginal. Anything that doesn't fit the white criteria is rejected on the presumption that it is not wholly Aboriginal . '1 1 'Scientific' knowledge o f peoples can be created for virtual experience and conversations can b e designed b e twe en ancient warriors and modern day o b s ervers. Cultural differences can b e controlled by s electing and p u s hing buttons . Dehumanization o f the Other continu e s .

Whereas t h e tastes o f indigenous peop e s or commo e s o a e w once developed literally as tastes for alcohol and sugar, television now provides the medium through which the tastes for American culture are fed in a constant barrage of advertising. Indigenous communities notice it most in the young, who s e new heroes have become American sports or rap stars, who s e language is p eppered with American expre s sions and who s e interactions with adults have b e come tainted with the s o cial relations of middle-class white America. Consumption and the constant

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need to p o s s e s s more and more 'things' become more important for many young people than the collective value syste m s of their own communiti e s . The danger is that consumption masks economic and political inequalities and numbs people into believing that they are autonomous 'choosers' in a culturally neutral marketplac e .

9 Creating sovereign reseroations for the elite Indigenous people s h ave argued strenuou sly for th e right to self­ determination and the right to establish sovereign nations within their tribal territori e s . Th e s e arguments have been mounting against a backdrop of social fragmentation in the West. The city is the dominating metaphor for the apparent breakdown of Western social values, systems and practices. Although now quite established as a term, the idea o f the 'urban jungle', evil and pervasive, crime-laden and populated by savages , presents the middle clas ses with new challenges t o what counts a s their domain. The very wealthy have always been able to e s cape , while the middle cla s s e s have been able to move out to suburbia or go on holiday from time to time. The middle classes, however, are als o shifting more permanently into their own security zones with privatized police forces and self- contained s o cial s e rvice s . The pos sibility of dis engaging thems elves from the Other through the e s tablishment of sovereign reserves is not too far- fetched.

10 Denial of global citizenship Indigenous peoples have already exp erienced the denial o f their humanity and many indigenous peoples have struggled for recognition of their citizenship within the states which colonized them. The new global political entities being established under such arrangements as GAIT and other regional free market zones make participation within these zones dependent on certain sorts of compliance s such as doing away with any protections of local economies and cultures . It costs to belong. To refuse to pay or to pull out will effectively deny nation states and their members citizenship status within the global world order.

The New Millennium

For Maori, the end of night and the beginning of day is an important spiritual time. The first breath of life in a new-born baby, the beginning of a season, the opening of a new meeting house, the start of a new proj ect - all are imbued with both a sense of optimism and a sense o f uneas e . Rituals are performed and people are brought together t o make the transition from one state of being to another a peaceful and settled proces s . If things do not go well it is thought that maybe the rituals were

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not carried out properly o r that important issues were not addressed before the assumption o f a new b eginning. It is after all very arrogant of humans to as sume a beginning, to name it and set its date, when we are such minor beings in the universe, really only the earth's caretakers and not its dictators .

For indigenous peoples the beginning of a new century is really a continuation of a struggle that began five centuries ago. The optimism that prevails is based on the belie f that now more than ever before in the last 500 years indigenous peoples are better able to respond. The following chapter will discuss some of the attempts made by indigenous peoples to re-position strategically around international alliances in ways which have reinforced a sense of movement towards a positive future. But that is an optimistic view. The pes simistic view is that we are dying and that the legacy of the presence of indigenous peoples on earth will be obliterated. Indigenous peoples are positioned along both ends of that continuum. It is not surprising that in New Zealand the renewed focus on warrior traditions has come at a time when Maori p eople sense a turning point which could go either forward or backward. For Maori that tradition is to be found in the o ften quoted saying of the chief Rewi Maniapoto, Ka whawhai tonu matou, ake tonu ake, 'we will fight on for ever and ever'. The context of change, instability and uncertainty faced by post-industrial societies p o sitions indigenous peoples and indigenous issues in different sorts of spaces with different pos sibilities. For many indigenous leaders these possibilities are hopeful, the spaces are spaces to be claimed. In the process of global changes indigenous peoples are socially interested activists rather than passive bystanders. Perhaps it is this positioning that o ffers greater pos sibility for the survival of indigenous peoples.

While the language of imperialism and colonialism has changed, the sites of struggle remain. The struggle for the validity of indigenous knowledges may no longer be over the recognition that indigenous peoples have ways o f viewing the world which are unique, but over proving the _authenticity o f, and control over, our own forms of knowledge. The debates about intellectual and cultural property rights cast the contestation a£ kooudedge ;o a nev' frame The cgmmodificarion of knowledge as intellectual property, of collective knowledge as public knowledge, and of knowledge as value-added takes the struggle into another set of cultural interpretations. Now indigenous peoples have to prove that what was used for centuries to heal an illness was something which was 'discovered' and then had a value added to that discovery through some sort of scientific proces s . The notion of authenticity is critical in this arena because it is often crucial to the arguments mounted by indigenous peoples in relation to knowledge and culture. Even if the

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grounds of the debate have shifted, the clash b e tween science and indigenous knowledge remains cons tructed around the intere sts o f s cience . I n the new century indigenous peoples will continue t o have to defend and seek to protect indigenous knowledges and cultures .

A t the same tim e indigenous peoples o ffer genuine alternatives t o the current dominant form of development. Indigenous peoples have philo sophies which connect humans to the environment and to each other and which generate principles for living a life which is sustainable, respectful and p o s sible . J erry Mander's chart of distinctive differences b e tween technological and nativ e s peoples p o s e s starkly contrasting world views which have generated starkly different ways o f organizing s ocial, political, economic and spiritual life . 1 2 In quite small but effective proj ects many of the s e indigenous alternatives have been incorporated into such diverse spheres as restorative justice programme s using healing circl e s , community h e alth initiatives using holisti c indigenous inter­ ventions, government consultation models for dealing with com­ munitie s , group conferencing models for resolving young p eople's care and protection, hospital practices incorporating native healers, museum practice s involving indigenous owners of artefacts, and indigenous pedagogical styles in the clas sroom. Many such initiatives involved huge political debates and re sistance from agencies and powerful interests, but once established they have been discussed at international conferences and inter-government meetings as i f the whole idea came about through the generosity of non-indigenous people.

What is more important than what alternatives indigenous peoples o ffer the world is what alternatives indigenous peoples o ffer each other. The strategies that work for one community may well work for another. The gains made in one context may well be applied use fully in another. The sharing o f resources and information may assist groups and com­ munities to collaborate with each other and to protect e ach other. The development of international protocols and strategic alliances can provide a more sus tained critique of the practices of s tates and comorations. The survival of one community can be-ce lebJ:ated-b :Y-- ­ another. The spiritual, creative and political resources that indigenous peoples cgp drapr CO frgm each otbc:t fstliHrid¥ A1tiliR9ofi;rree f<er eael, et), E Sharing is a good thing to do, it is a very human quality. To be able to share, to have something worth sharing gives dignity to the giver. To accept a gift and to reciprocate gives dignity to the receiver. To create something new through that process o f sharing is to recreate the old, to reconnect relationships and to recreate our humanness.

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Notes

Mander, J . (1 9 9 1 ) , In the Absence of the Sacred· the Failure of TechnologJ and the Survival of the Indian Nations, Sierra Club Books, San Francisco.

2 Ibid. , pp. 2 1 2-24. 3 Shiva, V. (1 9 9 3) , Monocultures of the Mind, Zed Books, London, Third World

Network, Malaysia, p. 1 2. 4 Mead, A. (1 994) , 'Misappropriation of Indigenous Knowledge: the Next Wave o f

Colonization', in Nga Tzkanga, Nga Taonga. Cultural and Intellectual Prvperry Rights - The Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Research Unit for Maori Education, Monograph 23, University of Auckland.

5 See, for example, Third World Resurgence, 1 995, No. 63, pp. 9-30. 6 Mead, A. (1 995), 'The Integrity of the Human Gene: Genes and Whakapapa',

paper presented to the New Zealand Health Res earch Council C o n s e n s u s Development Workshop, Health Research Council, Auckland, N e w Zealand.

7 Whitt, L. (1 995), 'Indigenous Peoples and the Cultural Politics of Knowledge', in Issues in Native American Cultural Identity, Peter Lang Publishing, New York, pp. 223-72.

8 Mead, A. (1 993) , 'Cultural and Intellecrual Property Rights of Tangata Whenua', paper presented to Women in Science Conference, Wellington, September 1 993, reprinted in Nga Tzkanga Nga Taonga. Cultural and Intellectual Prvperry Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Research Unit for Maori Education, Monograph 23, University of Auckland.

9 See Mander, J. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , pp. 1 6 1 -77. 1 0 Rose, W. (1 992) , 'The Great Pretenders: Further Reflections o n Whiteshamanism',

in The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance, ed. M. Annette Jaime s, South End Press, Boston, pp. 403-2 1 .

1 1 Everett, J . (1 994) , 'Australian Museums: a Role to Play in a Changing Indigenous Environment', in Issues in the Control of A boriginal Knowledge, Research Unit for Maori Education, Monograph 2 1 , University of Auckland.

1 2 Mander, J . (1 9 9 1 ) , pp. 2 1 5- 1 9 .

C H A P T E R 6

The Indigenous Peoples ' Proj ect:

Setting a New Agenda

While the previous chapters have attempted to explain why indigenous peoples have an abhorrence and distrust of research, the following chapters shift the focus towards the developments that have occurred in the field of res earch that have been conceptualized and carried out by indigenous people working as researchers in indigenous communities. Often because o f the reasons outlined in the previous chapters, the burden of history makes the positioning of an indigenous person as a researcher highly problematic. And yet the indigenous context has changed dramatically and in some areas there is a huge interest being shown by indigenous peoples in research, more specifically in particular kinds of research. ' It is out of these contexts that a field of indigenous research is being formed. It is a field which privileges indigenous con­ cerns, indigenous practices and indigenous participation as researchers and re searched. The following chapters discuss different aspects of indigenous research.

This chapter sets out the framework of the modern indigenous people s ' proj ect. This is a proj ect which many of its participants would argue has been defined by over 500 years of contact with the West. In this sense it might also be described as a modernist resistance struggle. For most of the past 500 years the indigenous people s ' proj ect has had one maJ or pnonty: surozva . s as ent e sumv ---rrom the ef ects of a sustained war with the colonizers, from the devastation of diseas e s , tfom ffie dfslocadon from lands and territories, from the oppres sions of living under unjust regimes ; survival at a sheer basic physical level and as peoples with our own distinctive languages and culture s . Whilst for many indigenous peoples across the world survival at a basic human level is s till the priority concern, the indigenous people s ' proj ect was reformulated around a much wider platform o f concerns following the Second World War and more particularly from the 1 96 0 s . Some of thes e concerns were struggled for through violent revolution or armed

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resistance, others have been born out o f the 'decolonization o f the mind' strategies and still others have been nurtured and sustained within the cultural systems o f every indigenous community. The significance of the period and the reformulation o f the indigenous peoples ' proj ect that unfolded during this era is that a new agenda for indigenous activity has been framed that goe s beyond the decolonization aspirations of a particular indigenous community towards the development of global indigenous strategic alliances . The chapter will discuss two aspects o f the indigenous peoples ' proj ect: the social movement o f indigenous peoples which occurred from the 1 960s and the development of an agenda or platform o f action which has influenced indigenous research activities .

The Social Movement of Indigenous Peoples

The activities of indigenous peoples can be understood at one level simply as an indigenous social movement which started as a movement o f people and became a movement of peoples. The movement developed simultaneously out o f the survival strategies and cultural systems which have nurtured people, their values and their beliefs within their own communities, reserves, tribes and nations for over 500 years . It is often referred to as cultural revitalization but that term tends to imply that cultures needed rescuing. While that is an element it is not the only one. Depending on the context, different indigenous writers have explained the movement as one born out of the frustrations o_f urbanization, out of traditional revivalism, out of the grassroots, or out of the reserve s . 1 What is agreed is that generally the movement began out o f sight (o f the dominant society) b e fore bursting on to the national and international stages . According to Franke Wilmer,

indigenous peoples use all of the strategies typically associated with s ocial movements and interest group s . Where possible, they participate

. direcdy

in the political process of national government. Where this is not p o ssible r effective;-they-ha-ve-meeilised-.tesistance efforts

· and other kinds of direct, 'extraordinary' politics'.2

In explauung the emergence fh New ieiland of radieil MliQd Ytg:ani:Zilt• tions, Ranginui Walker writes that they 'were an underground expres sion o f rising political consciousness'.3

In New Zealand the movement for Maori has been contested, debated, developed, refined, prioritized and shaped by radical action. The journey towards a wider movement by Maori has been fraught with political strife and social conflict. It has witnessed the challenges of a younger generation of Maori to the .dominant hegemony held by Maori

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in the 1 960s and 1 970s, and the challenges of Maori across the multiple sites of education, health, development, government policy and of the non-indigenous society generally. Some of the signposts which have marked this journey include such activities as the Land March of 1 97 4, Waitangi Day protests from 1 97 1 , the occupation of Bastion Point (1 978) and of Raglan Golf Course (1 978) , the disruption of the Springbok Rugby Tour (1 9 8 1 ) , Te Kohanga Reo (1 982) , the Maori Education Development Conference (1 984) , the Maori Economic Development Conference (1 9 85) and Kura Kaupapa Maori (1 9 86) . While political protests are still a feature of Maori action, what needs to be seen alongside the protests are the range of initiatives and cultural revitalization proj ects which have been advanced. For Maori a purpose­ ful dream has been conceptualized partially around key cultural concepts such as tino rangatiratanga (sovereignty) , whanau, hapu, iwi (extended family, sub-tribal groupings and tribe) , te TYJO (Maori language) and tikanga Maori (Maori cultural customs) . These concepts, which are embedded in the Maori language and world view, provided a way of coming together on Maori terms. What is better known is that the Treaty of Waitangi provided an organizing framework for dialogue with the dominant interests of New Zealand society and of government while education, health, justice and Maori development have provided more defined sites of struggle.

In Australia Aborigines across all states had had a long struggle for recognition as citizens of Australia and for land rights. Resistance is traced back prior to the Second World War. The 1 960s saw the taking of direct action across several different states and the Northern Territories. Challenges were made by Aborigine groups for title to lands which were consistently refused by the courts and the state governments . One petition over land rights was made by the Yirrkala people on bark and written in their own language. 4 Substantive citizenship rights at a federal level for all Aborigines, including the right to be counted in the census, were not won until after a national referendum was held in 1 967 to change the Australian constitution. Although the referendum was

-ev�h(}lmiagl:y- suppot:tiv:e,-i.WS-it:oniC-tha uvh ite Australians were asked to vote on whether indigenous Australians could have rights in their own 1 1' J3 1 g i• !] f!HtiNf:itJB @Q A'Wt jp iti'elf '?dicallr traosfgw the lives of Aboriginal people.5 The struggle over land rights after 1 967 is similarly signposted with direct action, petitions, a tent embassy in 1 972, silent protests during white Australia's celebration of two hundred years of settlement in 1 988, challenges both through the courts and state governments . The Mabo court decision which overturned the doctrine of te"a nullius has resulted in political retrenchment by a conservative Commonwealth government aimed at containing native title and

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appeasing the powerful non-indigenous interests o f groups such a s the pas toralists and mining companies.

Similar protest actions over land rights, language and cultural rights, human rights and civil rights were taking place literally across the globe, from the very northern reaches of the Sami people in Norway, to Welsh language actions, Basque protests in Spain, to different indigenous peoples in the Middle East, Africa, North, Central and South America, the Philippine s , India, Asia and the Pacific. All these national struggles have their own independent histories but the rising profile of political activities occurring on a world-wide scale did give a renewed impetus to other indigenous group s . The social movement contains many features which reflect both a huge diversity of interests and obj ective s , o f approaches a n d ways o f working, and a unity of spirit and purpose. While rhetorically the indigenous movement may be encapsulated within the politics of self-determination it is a much more dynamic and com­ plex movement which incorporates many dimensions, some o f which are still unfolding. I t involves a revitalization and reformulation of culture and tradition, an increased participation in and articulate rej ection o f Western institutions, a focus on strategic relations and alliances with non-indigenous groups . The movement has developed a shared inter­ national language or discourse which enables indigenous activists to talk to each other across their cultural differences while maintaining and taking their directions from their own communities or nations .

The international social movement o f indigenous peoples is a t all levels highly political. It intersects in complex and o ften contradictory ways with the internal politics o f many indigenous nations. According to Gerald Alfred, 'It has been said that being born Indian is being born into politics . I believe this to be true; because being born a Mohawk of Kahnawake, I do not remember a time free from the impact o f political conflict'.6 For Maori people it was o ften the Treaty of Waitangi which framed the political talk. Both the cultural institutions which encouraged oral debate and the sense of inj u s tice which fuelled the debates made politics i f eve da life. The ressure internally is frequently manifested through struggles over leadership, over w at counts as '&a�itagool' and mrer which jnteresfj within the community are being privileged by particular deals and se ements .

The strength of the movement is to be found in the examples of how communities have mobilised locally, the grassroots development. It is at the local level that indigenous cultures and the cultures of resistance have been born and nurtured over generations. Successful initiatives have been developed by communities themselves using their own ideas and cultural practice s . Considerable reserves o f confidence and creativity within many communities have generated a wide range of social,

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educational, health, and artistic initiative s . The cultural and linguistic revitalization movements have tapped into a set of cultural resources that have recentred the roles of indigenous women, of elders and of groups who had been marginalized through various colonial practice s . These groups in the community were often the groups w h o h a d retained 'traditional' practices, had been taught by elders, were fluent in the language and had specialized knowledges pertaining to the land, the spiritual belief systems and the customary lore of the community.

While some communities focused primarily on cultural revitalization, o thers, either as separate organizations or as small groups o f individuals, became much more intent on engaging in reorganizing political relations with the s tate. Challenges have been made by indigenous communities with varying degrees of succ e s s both through the courts and through the legislature. The constitutional challenges made by indigenous nations have deeply dis turbed the colonial comfort of some state s . In the case o f Canada, for example, such challenges by First Nations peoples to the constitutional crisis in relation to Quebec forced the issue o f indigenous rights on to the agenda. There have been wide-ranging claims which have challenged the legitimacy o f the doctrines upon which colonial states have built their foundations. Australian Aborigines have consistently challenged the doctrine o f te"a nullius or 'empty land' which has been used to deny the advancement of any claims to territory. O ther indigenous peoples have asserted claims based on treaties. Still others have simply asked for an apology. Many of the claims made on the state have been based on the legitimacy, from the perspective o f indigenous peoples , o f being the first peoples of the land. To Wilmer, 'The indigenous voice speaks critically to the narrative (some would say myth) of the nation-state - the hierarchical, incorporative, coercive state that exists, in part, to facilitate the process of creating economic surplus on an international scale'.?

It can be argued that indigenous claims on the state were part o f a much greater crisis of legitimacy faced by modern nation s tates in the face of widespread cultural and economic shifts. Indigenous activism as se led-around, rwas-partuf,- some-often uneas-y-allianees--wit:h-ethe marginalized groups in society - white feminists, socialists, communists, anb-ractsls, chmch a:e8vlsi§ M¥8 li�dti¥ tttdons. In I le 2eiltdAzncl pt agains t the rugby tours to or from South Africa mobilized widespread actions involving anti-racist groups , middle-clas s organizations and Maori group s . In Australia the Aboriginal land rights and anti-racism struggles were often conflated, although this did not necessarily gain the support of other ethnic minorities for the Aboriginal cau s e . Alliances with non-indigenous groups were a significant part in some places o f the general politics. The s e alliances were always regarded by indigenous

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groups a s problematic, however; in New Zealand, for example, D onna Awatere argued that 'These alliances are necessary becau s e changes cannot occur with the Maori on our own. White p eople have cut acro s s class barriers to unite on t h e basis of white hegemony; that is, white domination of the Maori. To overcome this requires a restructuring o f t h e white alliance'.8 O thers argued a more fundamental p o sition that alliances with non-indigenous organizations and individuals were totally unneces sary. Certainly many indigenous people whos e contacts with whites had been overwhelmingly negative had no trust whatsoever in the activities or intentions of non-indigenous groups or individuals .

International Mobilization

Frustrations at working within the nation state led some indigenous communities towards e stablishing or reestablishing, in some c a s e s , inter­ national linkages or relations with other indigenous c ommunities. Michael Dodson, an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social J ustice Commissioner, suggests that for indigenous peoples 'It is in our disadvantage and our s truggle for the recognition o f our rights that we are united. ' 9 The process however too k time as communities re­ discovered themselves and connected nationally, regionally, linguistically and then internationally. Wilmer lists a chronology o f the formation of indigenous organizations which shows a development over 20 years which brought together the different indigenous groups from the N orth, the Amazon and Latin America, Canada, the United State s, Aus tralia and N ew Zealand. Subsequent indigenous world conferences have had dele­ gates from all parts of the glob e . The international mobilization of indigenous peoples has occurred in alliances with many supportive non­ indigenous organizations working in the field o f human rights. Publishing networks based in the North have assisted in the distribution of information and funding assistance has been provided to facilitate indigenous participation at important events.

For indigenous p eoples both international relations (relations e een nations) an&-resi-s-tam:to nrovements-b:ave--:r iristory going back--­

both prior to, and after, contact with the West. 1 0 Under European nnpenihsm miligenous peoples were f'MiH6fiM \iiltli1H ne.. pu:ltdt:i¥1: formations which ruptured previous relations, strategic allian c e s , trade routes and ways of communicating with other indigenous nations. The a s sertion of European s overeignty over indigenous peoples effectively s hifted the focus of indigenous international relations to a colonizerl colonized relationship. Hence, in the New Z e aland example, e fforts by Maori to redres s grievances were directed at the Queen of England and there are several examples in the nineteenth century and this century of

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petitions and delegations to London being sent specifically to the Queen. Similar delegations were sent from Australia, Canada and o ther colonies of the British Empire. In the United States trips by the representatives and chiefs of various Native American nations, including the delegations from the sovereigns of the Kingdom of Hawai'i, were made to Washing­ ton DC to see the President. In the French colonies it was to Paris. The international relations established by indigenous peoples in this context existed within the boundaries of empire, defined within these boundaries more as domestic matters than as 'international' relations . 1 1 The close and often intimate relationship that indigenous peoples presumed to have with sovereigns or heads of state because they had been represented as protectors and 'great fathers and mothers of the natives' was always disappointing. Indigenous peoples invested huge amounts of energy and belief in the notion that appeals to the centre of power would work. Many indigenous groups developed or had in place already quite sophisticated ways of conducting encounters between themselves and the heads of state or high-ranking dignitaries. The protocols involved were enormously respectful of colonial officials, even those whose status and powers were low. The lack of respect and the ridicule which was o ften displayed to indigenous delegations by imperial and colonial powers has never been forgotten by those communities.

The development of international indigenous relations which began after the Second World War needs to be seen within the context of indigenous struggles for self-determination which were occurring at the grassroots level. In New Zealand, Australia and Canada as in the United States, the rise of indigenous activism paralleled the activism surround­ ing the civil rights movement, women's liberation, student uprisings and the anti-Vietnam War movement. Rebecca Robins links the 'upsurge of Indian activism' in the United States 'to a more generalized breakdown - manifested in the civil rights and Black liberation movements, student power and anti-war movements, and incipient Chicano rights and women's liberation movements'.12 In many ways indigenous protests have been written out of the way this period has been characterized as a s1gru cant storical moment for modernity. In 'genous strategies or action were pursued vigorously! however, and international links were made through protest acttons and the mounttng of vartous stands and events. Tent embassies were established by Aborigines in Australia 1 972 and by Maori in New Zealand. Land and building occupations were also effective strategies for gaining the attention of the world's media and of the authorities. Many of the 'leaders' of protest events were targeted by the police and other surveillance authorities as the 'enemies within'. In New Zealand, policemen who were Maori were used in the front lines to break up the Bastion Point occupation, similar state strategies were

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used elsewhere. I n the United S tates the case o f Leonard Peltier is one used to illustrate the involvement of the Federal Bureau o f Investigation in the targeting for 'neutralization' o f an indigenous activist. 1 3

One o f the flrst post-war initiatives b y indigenous groups i n the inter­ national arena was mounted by an organization called the North American Indian Brotherhood (NAIB) which originated in British Columbia in the 1 9 50s under the leadership of Andrew Paull. NAIB sent a delegation to the United Nations.14 Ties between First Nations com­ munities in Canada and Native American communities in the United States were already closely bound by traditional relationships. Later visits were made by different indigenous communities from Canada to New Zealand through the efforts of George Manuel who headed the National Indian Brotherhood of Canada between 1 970 and 1 97 6 . 1 5 These small­ scale initiatives were followed by the American Indian Movement (AIM) , which facilitated a maj or international meeting involving a wide range of international indigenous delegations . From this meeting and under the strong leadership of individuals like Russell Means and Jimmy Durham emerged the International Indian Treaty Council in 1 97 4. 1 6 Almost simultaneously across the border in Canada the National Indian Brotherhood established the W odd Council of Indigenous Peoples in 1 975. Both these organizations sought status as non-government repre­ sentatives to the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOq of the United Nations . 1 7

Whilst new forms of resistance were being nurtured quietly within indigenous communities in the 1 9 50s, international moves were being undertaken, o ften involving the support of human rights and other non­ government and non-indigenous organizations. In 1 9 57 the International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted Convention 1 07, 'The Convention of Indigenous Populations' which was one of the flrst international instruments to recognize indigenous issues . 1 8 This convention did not contain all that indigenous people wanted but was significant in its recognition and use of the term 'indigenous'. A later initiative in the 1 9 70s was undertaken throu h the commis sioning of a report known now as the Cobo Report after its c auperson, artmez ooo,- oy tlle

· ssion on the Prevention of Discrimination s e eca e o

various initiatives at the international level were being advanced, often by sympathetic officials and with the s upport of non-indigenous groups and non-government organizations already attached to the United Nations .

A k e y issue i n the international debates h a s focused on the term 'peoples ' . It is regarded as crucial by indigenous activists because it is peoples who are recognized in international law as having the right to self-determination. As argued by Thornberry,

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The legal discourse on the indigenous has moved through consideration of the rights of infidels, native sovereignty, the doctrine of terra nullius, 'Christian right', the empty lands doctrine, the paternalistic doctrine of guardianship, and all the incidents of the civilising mission of the Powers. Indigenous groups entered the twentieth century with hardly a remnant of any former 'subj ect' status in international law. 1 9

So within indigenous discourses the term 'people s' h a s become an important linguistic symbol of our identification as self-determining peoples . According to Michael Dodson, 'By any reasonable definition, indigenous peoples are unambiguously "peoples " . We are united by common territories, cultures , traditions, historie s , languages, ins titutions and beliefs. We share a sense o f kinship and identity, a consciousne s s as distinct peoples a n d a political will t o exist as distinct people s . ' 20 The struggle to b e accorded this definition and status is continuing through the drafting process of the Draft Declaration for the Protection o f Indigenous People s ' Rights which was developed by the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous People s . As the member states o f the United Nations in the end will be the forum who approve the Declara­ tion, its progre s s through the drafting and consultations is not only highly educative but extremely political, with member states po sitioning themselves in ways which advance their own image at one level while protecting their own s overeignty at another.

An Agenda for Indigenous Research

The social movement of indigenous peoples unleashed a whole array of activities and bursts o f energy. Looking backwards it is pos sible now to identify themes and sub-projects which have come to engage different groups of indigenous peoples . It is also pos sible to discus s the ways in which many of the themes which emerged in the late 1 9 60s have been developed or shaped in the intervening years. The se themes constitute an agenda for action. The agenda connects local, regional and global efforts which are moving towards the ideal of a self-determining indige- nous wor . 1s no c ear ye now �ld--nllghrsiratungsidc: the- current situation of nation states . It is not assumed even that nation StaleS witt lletessarlfy telllatil as effccfivc pott&eil wa:ys of orgMHimg polities . The rise in influence of different sorts of power blo c s which cut acro s s the nation state, such as multinational corporations, regional economic alliances and globally based interest groups suggests a possible s p ace for indigenous people s .

The research agenda is conceptualized here as constituting a pro­ gramme and set o f approaches that are situated within the decoloniza­ tion politics o f the indigenous peoples ' movement. The agenda is

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focused strategically on the goal o f self-determination o f indigenous peoples. Self-determination in a research agenda becomes something more than a political goal. It becomes a goal of social j ustice which is expre ssed through and acros s a wide range of psychological, social, cultural and economic terrains . It necessarily involves the proce sses of trans formation, of decolonization, of healing and of mobilization as peoples. The processes, approaches and methodologies - while dynamic and open to different influences and pos sibilities - are critical elements o f a strategic research agenda.

Figure 6 . 1 is a simple representation of an indigenous re search agenda. The chart uses the metaphor of ocean tides. From a Pacific people s ' perspective the sea is a giver of life, it sets time and conveys movement. Within the' greater ebb and flow of the ocean are smaller localised environments which have enabled Pacific peoples to develop enduring relationships to the sea. For Polynesian p eoples the significant deity of the sea is Tangaroa. Although there are many directions that can be named, the chart takes the Maori equivalent of the four direc­ tio n s : the northern, the eastern, the s outhern and the western. The tides represent movement, change, proc e s s , life, inward and outward flows o f ideas, reflections and actions . T h e four directions named here - decolonization, healing, transformation and mobilization - represent pro c e s s e s . They are not goals or ends in themselve s . They are proces s e s which connect, inform and clarify t h e tensions between t h e l o c al , the regional and the global. They are proces ses which can be incorporated into practices and methodologies.

Four maj or tides are represented in the chart as: survival, recovery, development, self-determination. They are the conditions and states o f being through which indigenous communities are moving. It is not sequential development - the survival o f peoples as physical beings, of language s , o f social and spiritual practices, of social relations, and of the arts are all subject to some basic prioritizing. Similarly, the recovery of territories, of indigenous rights, and histories are also subj ect to

_prioritizing and to reco · cion that indigenous cultures have changed inexorably. Recovery is a selective process, o ten respon g · · · lanned a roach. This is related to the reality that indigenous peop es are not In con o an continuing set of external conditions. In reality this means that specific lands and designated areas become a priority because the bulldozers are due to start destruction any day now.

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F i gu re 6 . 1 The I n d i genous Research Age n d a

Self-determination

1 1 7

The indigenous research agenda is broad in its scope and ambitious its intent. There are some things which make this agenda very ferent from the re search agenda of large scientific organizations or o f :ious national science research programmes. There a r e other elements , wever,whidnrre-simi:tar-unny-researclrprograrnme-which-connects­ earch to the 'good' of society. The elements that are different can be tnd Ht key w otds such as Hci&ng, @EEOlOM!AftOH, Sfilrltam, f@EU • et) . ese terms seem at odds with the research terminology of Western ence, much too politically interested rather than neutral and obj ective. e intentions conveyed by the se terms, however, are embedded in ious s ocial science research methodologies . The belief, for example, .t research will 'benefit mankind' conveys a strong sense o f social ponsibility. The problem with that particular term, as outlined in :vious chapters, is that indigenous peoples are deeply cynical about

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the capacity, motives or methodologies o f Western research to deliver any benefits to indigenous peoples whom science has long regarded, indeed has classified, as being 'not human'. Because of such deep cyni­ cism there are expectations by indigenous communities that researchers will actually 'spell out' in detail the likely benefits of any research.

Ethical Research Protocols

The huge credibility problem the research community faces with indigenous peoples has also been addressed within an indigenous agenda. Initially the problem was framed entirely in the negative, with indigenous individuals, communities and organizations reacting to research as something done only by white researchers to indigenous peoples . These reactions positioned indigenous communities as powerless and research as disempowering. There seemed little space for changing that perception. The nexus of debates rising out of the indigenous move­ ment, discus sions raised by other interested groups in relation to ethical research and shifts in some social science paradigms (to be discussed in Chapter 9) have created space for negotiating better research relation­ ships . Some scholarly communities of scientists may have well­ established ethical guidelines, many have not. Even if such communities have guidelines, the problem to be reiterated again is that it has been taken for granted that indigenous peoples are the 'natural obj ects' of research. It is difficult to convey to the non-indigenous world how deeply this perception of research is held by indigenous peoples.

Many o f the ethical issues have been raised by interested groups in relation to the rapid advances of science and technology and the rapid disappearance of diversity. In the debate about ethics distinctions are drawn between legal requirements and ethical codes of conduct. Indigenous groups argue that legal definitions of ethics are framed in ways which contain the Western sense of the individual and of individualized property - for example, the right of an individual to give his or her own knowled e, or the right to give informed consent. The social 'good' against which ethical stan ar s are etemune 1s

the individual and individualized Community an in genous ng ts or Vlews 1n s area recognized and not respected. Indigenous peoples have attempted through the development of instruments such as treaties, charters and declarations to send clear signals to the world's scientific and research communities that open-cast mining approaches to research (see, take and destroy) are absolutely unacceptable. D ebates within the indigenous world about intellectual and cultural property rights are taking place against the background of rampant prospecting in the biodiversity and

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pharmaceutical fields. Cultural ethics or indigenous codes of conduct are being promulgated by different organizations often as a sheer act of survival.

The charter of the Indigenous Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forests signed in Penang (1 993) includes statements referring to the collective rights of peoples to intellectual and cultural property, participation by indigenous peoples in the management of proj ects, promotion of health systems, control over own knowledges, and an insistence that 'all investigations in our territories should be carried out with our consent and under j oint control and guidance (Article 45) '. The Mataatua Declaration on Cultural and Intellectual Property Rights of Indigenous Peoples signed in Whakatane, New Zealand (1 993) addresses these issues by declaring that 'indigenous peoples of the world have the right to self-determination and in exercising .that right must be recognized as the exclusive owners of their cultural and intellectual property. It insists that the first beneficiaries o f indigenous knowledge must be direct indigenous des cendants of that knowledge. ' The Declaration calls on governments and states 'to develop policies and practices which recog­ nise indigenous peoples as the guardians of their customary knowledge and have the right to protect and control dissemination of that know­ ledge and that indigenous peoples have the right to create new knowledge based on cultural traditions'. The Declaration is one of several indigenous peoples' declarations. Other international indigenous statements and declarations which aim to protect indigenous rights and enforce ethical standards include: the Amazon Basin Declaration, the Kari Oca Declaration 1 99 3 , the Pan American Health Organization, the Native Pan-American Draft Declaration, the Blue Mountain Declaration, the International Alliance of the Indigenous Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forests Charter 1 9 93, and the Coolangatta Statement on Indigenous Rights in Education, 1 99 3 . There are many other such statements being prepared at local community level.

In the New Zealand context research ethics for Maori communities extend far beyond issues o f individual consent and confidentiality. In a

· cu 'on of what may consttrute sounclethica:t-prim:iptes- -for re·s-e·a:rc in Maori communities, Ngahuia Te Awekotuku has identified a set of tesponstbihtics winch researchers have Eo Aiaori pcof5Ie. 1 let frame work is based on the code of conduct for the New Zealand Association of Social Anthropologists, which in turn is based on the American Anthropological Association's guidelines.22 Te Awekotuku sets out fairly basic guidelines aimed at respect for and protection o f the 'rights, interests and sensitivities' of the people being studied. There are, however, some culturally specific ideas which are part of what is referred to as Kaupapa Maori practices .23 These are not prescribed in codes of

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conduct for researchers, but tend t o b e prescribed for Maori researchers in cultural terms:

1 Aroha ki te tangata (a respect for people) . 2 Kanohi kitea (the seen face, that is present yourself to people face

to face) . 3 Titiro, whakarongo . . . korero (look, listen . . . speak) . 4 Manaaki ki te tangata (share and host people, b e generous) . 5 Kia tupato (be cautious) . 6 Kaua e takahia te mana o te tangata (do not trample over the mana

of people) . 7 kaua e mahaki (don't flaunt your knowledge) .24

These sayings reflect just some of the values that are placed on the way we behave. They are very different from the 'public' image of Maori society as a forum for ritual, oratory and chiefly leaders, but they are the kinds of comments which are used to determine if someone has 'good' qualities as a person. There are several other proverbs and sayings which contain the ideals and aspirations which are worth seeking, as well as the moral messages for tho s e who decide not to conform to the rules of practice.

From indigenous perspectives ethical codes of conduct serve partly the s ame purpose as the protocols which govern our relationships with each other and with the environment. The term 'respect' is consistently used by indigenous peoples to underscore the significance of our relationships and humanity. Through respect the place of everyone and everything in the universe is kept in balance and harmony. Respect is a reciprocal, shared, constantly interchanging principle which is expressed through all aspects of social conduct. Haig-Brown and Archibald write that, 'to be in harmony with oneself, other members of the animal kingdom, and other elements of nature requires that First N ations people respect the gift o f each entity and establish and maintain respectful, reciprocal relations with each'.25 The denial by the West of humani to indi enous peoples , the denial of citizenship and human rights, the denial o f the right to s e t-Cletermmatton - ill-----nlese

nstrate al abl the enormous lack of res ect which has marked

Notes

1 See, for example, Alfred, G. R. (1 995) , Heeding the Voices of our Ancestors. Kahnawake Mohawk Politics and the Rise of Nationalism, Oxford University Press, Toronto; Awatere, D. (1 984), Maori Sovereignry, Broadsheet, Auckland; Jaimes, M. A., ed.

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(1 992) , The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance, South End Press, Boston; Walker, R. (1 990), Ka Wbawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without End, Penguin, Auckland; Wilrner, F. (1 993), The Indigenous Voice in World Politics, Sage, Newbury Park.

2 Wilrner, The Indigenous Voice, p. 1 35 . 3 Walker, Ka Whawhai, p. 2 1 0. 4 Lippman, L. ( 1 9 8 1 ) , Generations of Resistance. The Aboriginal Struggle for Justice,

Longman Cheshire, Melbourne, p. 49 5 See, for example, Sykes, R. (1 989) , Black Mqjority, Hudson Hawthorn, Victoria.

Roberta (Bobbi) Sykes was herself an activist during the 1 970s and her book is an analysis of the conditions of Aborigines in the 21 years since the changes to the constitution were made. It paints a stark picture across the fields of justice, housing, health, education, employment and human rights.

6 Alfred, Heeding the Voices, p. 1 . 7 Wilrner, The Indigenous Voice, p . 1 94. 8 Awatere, Maori Sovreignty, p. 34. 9 Dodson, M. (1 996), Fourth . Report of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity

Commission, Australian Government, Commonwealth of Australia, p. i. 1 0 Radha Jhappan, C. (1 992) , 'Global Community? Supranationational Strategies of

Canada's Aboriginal Peoples', in journal of Indigenous Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 , pp. 59-97.

1 1 Morris, G. T. (1 993) , 'International Structures and Indigenous Peoples', in Indigenous Peoples Politics: An Introduction, eds Marc Sills and G. T. Morris, Fourth World Centre, University of Colorado, pp. 22-45.

1 2 Robbins, R. (1 992) , 'Self-Determination and Subordination: the Past, Present and Future of American Indian Government', in The State of Native America, ed. J aimes, p. 1 0 1 .

1 3 Van der Wall, J . (1 992), 'A Warrior Caged; the Continuing Struggle o f Leonard Pettier', in The State of Native America, ed. Jaimes, Boston, pp. 2 9 1 -3 1 0.

1 4 Sanders, D. E. (1 977) , The Formation of the World Council for Indigenous Peoples, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs Document 29, Copenhagen, pp. 1 0-1 2.

15 Ibid., p. 1 1 . 1 6 Morris, G. T. (1 992) , 'International Law and Politics: Towards a Right to Self­

Determination for Indigenous Peoples', in The State of Native America, ed. Jaimes, p. 76.

17 The International Indian Treaty Council was granted ·consultative status to ECOSOC in 1 977 and the World Council for Indigenous Peoples was granted

tatu in 1 979 For further information see Aga Khan, Sadruddin and Hassan bin Talal (1 987), Indigenous Peoples: A G/Qbal Quest for justice, a Report for the Independent

orris, ntematlon pp. 5 5-86.

· umanitarian Issues Zed Books London.

19 Thornberry, P. (1 9 9 1 ), International Law and the Rights of Minorities, Clarendon Press, · Oxford, p. 332. 20 Dodson, M. (1 994) , 'Voices of the Peoples - Voices of the Earth; Indigenous

Peoples - Subjugation or Self-determination?', in Voices of the Earth, ed. Leo van der Vlist, International Books, NCIP, Netherlands, pp. 24-5.

21 Te Awekotuku, N. and Manatu Maori (1 9 9 1 ) , He Ttkanga Wbakaaro. Researr:h Ethics

1 22 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

in the Maori Communi!), Manatu Maori, Wellington. 22 New Zealand Association of Social Anthropologists Principles of Professional

Responsibility and Ethical Conduct (adopted in 1 987 and amended in 1 990) . 23 See Chapter 9 . 2 4 I have selected these sayings, having heard them u s e d on several occasions a s

evaluative comments on people. The saying 'Titiro, whakarongo, korero' comes from Te Atarangi, the Maori language programme for adults. It seems to be a basic code of conduct in a number of situations for researchers. Actually these sorts of sayings are often spoken by the kuia, or older women, on a morae as they watch, vety keenly, what people are doing.

25 Haig-Brown C . and Archibald, J. (1 9 9 6) , 'Transforming First Nations Research with Respect and Power', in Qualitative Studies in Education, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 245-67 .

C H A P T E R 7

Articulating an

Indigenous Research Agenda

Diary notes

1 99 1 Ottawa. [Husband] Graham and I invited as guest delegates to attend the All Chiefs Special Conference on Education, hosted by the Assembly of First Nations, sat with friends from the Squamish delegation, the Pacific links are very strong.

1 99 1 Published journal of Maori women's writings Te Pua.

1 992 [Sister] Aroha in official delegation to Rio de Janeiro for Earth Summit.

1 993 January 1 st attended gathering of Ngati Porou for celebration of the International Year for Indigenous Peoples, convened women's meeting.

1 993 Whakatane, Mataatua. Gathering of indigenous delegates to discuss cultural and intellectual property rights, organized by Aroha, conference produced the Mataatua Declaration on Cultural and Intellectual Property Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

1 993 Wollongong, New South Wales, World Indigenous Peoples Conference on Education. Attended along with several thousand others, including about two thousand Maori. Conference issued the Coolangatta - tatemen'-------------------------

1 994 Aroha away overseas involved in discussions on the Convention on Etofogtcil Otverstty. 1 994 Wellington, meeting of Maori health researchers, developed draft declaration on Maori health research.

1 994 Academic adviser for Te Wananga o Awanuiarangi, tribal university.

1 995 Prepared submission on behalf of Ngati Awa for the Waitangi Tribunal.

1 23

1 24 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

1 99 5 Began research proj ect o n Maori truancy.

1 996 Saskatechewan, invited workshop on indigenous issues, opportunity to spend time with indigenous people working across fields of education, law, health, community.

1 996 Graham attended indigenous workshop in New South Wales , worked on indigenous research e thi c s document.

1 996 Developed proposal for research institute .

1 996 Research project on community diversion.

1 997 Invited to speak about research to indigenous programme in Western Aus tralia.

1 997 Panel speaker at a conference on educational research.

As previous chapters have indicated, res earch is highly institutionalized through disciplines and fields o f knowledge, through communities and interest groups o f scholars, and through the academy. Re search is also an integral part of political structure s : governments fund research directly and indirectly through tertiary education, national s cience organizations, development programmes and policies. Rich nations spend vast amounts of money on research across every dimension pos sible to imagine. Poor nations also spend huge amounts o f money on research. Corporations and industries fund their own research and are sometimes funded by governments to carry out research. Their research programmes can involve large amounts of money and resources, and their activities take place acro s s several parts of the globe. Non-government organizations and local community groups also carry out research and involve themselves in the analysis and critique o f research. All o f these research activities are carried out by people who in some form or another have been trained and socialized into ways o f -t:hinki.ng, o .£ d e fining and o f making sense o f the known and unknown: It seems rather difficult to conceive of an articulation o an rn genous ·

· self-determination, how- ever, is also to imagine a world in whic rn genous peop es active participants, and to prepare for the pos sibilities and challenges that lie ahead.

This chapter reports on the development of indigenous initiatives in research and discus s e s some o f the ways in which an indigenous res earch agenda is currently being articulated. It is striking that for indigenous peoples there are distinctly different ways of thinking about and naming research. Often proj ects are not referred to as research despite having

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research as a central core of the proj ect activity. In addition to reasons outlined in earlier chapters about the general regard for research by indigenous peoples , there is another reason for a reticenc e in naming an activity or proj ect as research. Research is also regarded as being the domain of experts who have advanced educational qualifications and have acces s to highly specialized language and skill s . Communities carrying out what they may regard as a very humble little proj ect are reluctant to name it as research in case it provokes the scorn and outrage of 'real' researchers . Furthermore, indigenous communities as part o f t h e self-determination agenda d o engage quite deliberately i n naming the world according to an indigenous world view. What researchers may call methodology, for example, Maori researchers in New Zealand call Kaupapa Maori research or Maori-centred research. This form o f naming is about bringing t o the centre and privileging indigenous values, attitudes and practices rather than disguising them within Westernized labels such as 'collaborative research'. Institutions such a s the academy and maj or funding agencies maintain and reinforce the idea that research is a highly specialized skill which by definition 'has to be' developed and supported at a distance from the community.

There are two distinct pathways through which an indigenous research agenda is being advanced. The first one is through community action proj ects, local initiatives and nation or tribal research based around claim s . The second pathway is through the spaces gained within institutions by indigenous research centres and studies programme s . Although t h e community-based approach is often said to have greater community control and ownership than it is pos sible to achieve through the academy, that is not always or necessarily the case. Community­ based proj ects are often conceptualized, funded and directed by researchers who have been trained within a discipline or paradigm and are o ften employed by a research organization. Also, university researchers who work within the protection o f such notions as academic freedom and academic research can legitimate innovative, cutting-edge approaches which can privilege community-based proj ects. In other words, the two ..:pathwa� te -noWJ.t__Qdds_wit:h___ea_c other but sim 1 reflect two distinct developments . They intersect and inform each other at a number of

Community Research

The idea of community is defined or imagined in multiple ways, as physical, political, social, psychological, historical, linguistic, economic, cultural, and spiritual spaces . For colonized peoples many local com­ munities have been made through deliberate policies aimed at putting

1 26 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

people on reserves which are o ften out o f sight, on the margins . Legislation and other coercive state practices have ensured that people stay within their own community boundaries. Communities have also made themselves, however, despite policies aimed at fragmenting family bonds and separating people from their traditional territories. Indigenous communities have made even their most isolated and marginal spaces a home place imbued with spiritual significance and indigenous identity. In North America, the term 'Indian Country' defines one sense of community, a named nation such as the Navaho Nation defines another sense of community, a named reserve defines yet another sense. In Australia the term 'mob' is used to identify and dis­ tinguish different levels and organizations of community.

Some writers refer to these multiple layers of belonging as 'nested identities'. Gerald Alfred, for example, conceptualizes Kahnawake identity as including 'localised Kahnawake, national Mohawk, broader Iroquois, and pan-Native ' . 1 He s ays, 'Thus people of Mohawk descent who live in Kahnawake have a multi-layered identity which incorporates each one o f the "communities " he or she has inherited, and which also includes the broader Native - or the more common "Indian" - identity flowing from their racial affiliation and identification as the indigenous peoples· o f North America. ' 2 In describing Chicano communities in the United States, Irene Blea argues that,

By entering into a discussion of the factors comprising the Chicano community, as a physical, social-historical, and spiritual setting, a clearer definition o f the Chicano community emerges . It is futile to attempt to categorise these aspects o f the community for they frequently overlap. For example, the spiritual element of Aztlan crosses over into its social­ historical aspect b ecause Aztlan is not only a physical region but is also a state o f mind, a spiritual belief.3

When visiting New Zealand in 1 996, African American historian Bernice Reagon J ohnson visited a Maori community and, in response to discus sions about the significance of land to Maori identity, describe.P ner ow mmunity-as-one -held---tegtill:l�ther than bY-_ territory. An Aborigine friend also made the comment that 'we sing the land ntto cxtsEenee . Pt:Jf I.fk ti 1 I I q) A sre ef ifilvgti§ring one's indigenous 'community'. One commonly used way is to introduce yourself by naming the mountain, the river, the tribal ancestor, the tribe and the family. Through this form of introduction you locate yourself in a set o f identities which have been framed geographically, politically and genealogically.

Defining community research is as complex as defining community. For example, 'the community' is regarded as being a rather different

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space, in a research sense, to 'the field'. 'Community' conveys a much more intimate, human and self-defined space, whereas 'field' as sumes a space 'out there ' where people may or may not be present. What community research relies upon and validates is that the community itself makes its own de finitions. There are many examples of research proj ects carried out at a local community level. Some proj ects have been initiated and carried out by local people working in local settings, generating local solutions to local problems . Other proj ects, which have been supported by development agencies , focus on developing self-help initiatives and building skilled communitie s . Social research at com­ munity level is o ften referred to as community action research or emancipatory res earch. Both approaches are models which seek to make a positive difference in the conditions or lives o f people. Community action research, according to Stringer, 'is a collaborative approach to inquiry or investigation that provides people with the means to take systematic action to resolve specific problems'.4 The s e approaches not only enable communities but also enable indigenous re s e archers to work as researchers within their own communities. Community action approaches assume that people know and can reflect on their own lives , have que stions and priorities o f their own, have skills and sensitivities which can enhance (or undermine) any community-based proj ects.

There are also communities of interest that do not necessarily occupy the same geographical space in which local community research occur s . Indigenous women are such a community, as are indigenous rights workers, indigenous artists and writers, indigenous health workers and indigenous re searchers . Indigenous communities of interest have formed quite extensive networking and collaborative relationship s . They are talking circles of people with similar interests. The community has its own borders and negotiating entry can be every bit as complex as entering a local village. Communities of interest have formed around their own priorities and particularities; they often have their own language or code s ; they have their own analysis of self-determination; they may have a strong suspicion of the outsider; some may have formal - eme�E-srup, eth�ay- r-eoognize-ea ch_o_ther through arious lan� and dre s s code s . For many indigenous women, for example, their

13 1 'A 1 M ' t),e if1ttr£ecrions fuM?ed through t),e politics of Western feminism and the politics of their own indigenous communities . Writing and talking about the experiences of women within thes e spaces has developed into a maj or research priority for indigenous women. This priority connects and grounds a wide range o f indigenous women's concerns a t local, nation and global level. There is a burgeoning o f a distinctive indigenous women's literature which actively works against Western literary categories . In all community

1 28 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

approaches process - that is, methodology and method is highly important. In many proj ects the process is far more important than the outcome. Processes are expected to be respectful, to enable people, to heal and to educate. They are expected to lead one small step further towards self-determination.

Tribal Research

Despite the negative connotations of 'tribe', it is used here generically to describe one form of indigenous organization. Tribe encompasses many different communities. For Maori it is the larger political entity of several smaller groups linked closely by genealogy and shared customary practices. Tribal research is currently being conducted in New Zealand across a wide range of areas. Apart from claims being put forward to the Waitangi Tribunal in respect of lands and resources taken unj ustly by the government since the signing of the Treaty o f Waitangi in 1 840, tribal research is being conducted in the area o f resource management, economic development, health, education, justice, family and children, flora and fauna, traditional knowledges . In the case of one tribe, Ngati Awa, a Ngati Awa Research Centre has been working since about 1 989. The centre has carried out research which has resulted in the return or repatriation of the carved meeting house Mataatua; it has undertaken archival and historical research, social impact analysis, oral histories and local development. The research centre is one activity managed by the tribal runanga or council. It has two offices, one in New Zealand's capital Wellington, where the maj or national archives and libraries are located, and the other in Whakatane, the main town centre of the Ngati Awa. It has employed several young people with academic qualifications as researchers . Ngati Awa has also established a tribal university, Whare Wananga o Awanuiarangi, which offers degrees in education, Maori studies and indigenous studies. The vision is that the tribe will develop and educate its own members and other people who live in the area. ·

Another tribe, aJ.nW, lS 1ll e proce f- estab-li:shing- a -very-lafge-- rch centre in association with their local university. The tribe has

investe arge amounts o re Tainui students to complete both their studies and a relevant piece of research. In addition, this tribe have their own centre where specific research is being conducted by a team o f mostly young researchers. This centre is led by a highly respected non-indigenous researcher and the expectation is that he will train the researchers as well as manage the range of different proj ects being undertaken. Other tribes have relied on the very small pool of Maori with tertiary-level qualifications to conduct

A R T I C U L A T I N G AN I N D I G E N O U S R E S E A R C H A G E N D A 1 29

the extensive research required to sustain a claim. Re search through the claims process has fo stered a demand for expertise acro s s diverse fields of knowledge. This has radically invigorated Maori demands for advanced educational qualifications and put the role of institution s under scrutiny.

The pro c e s s o f mounting a treaty claim and preparing it for an eventual 'hearing' requires the collective knowledge, e ffort and commitment of the people in the various sections of the tribe . There is a great deal at stake in such re search and failure to take into account the views and feelings of different tribal interests can have huge negative ramifications for the tribe once the claim has been heard and a s ettlement awarded. Any sign that secret deals have been made, or that traditional processes have been overridden, can result in a halt to further work and a schism in the tribe itself. Outsiders often view such contest­ ability as proof that tribal 'infighting' is rampant. Thos e within tend to interpret such politics as a consequence of being driven by the govern­ ment agenda for setdement at any cost rather than a reflection o f traditional practice s . The processes o f consultation, collective meetings , open debate and shared decision making are crucial aspects of tribal research practices .

The Case Study of an Indigenous Research Initiative Inside the Academy

Research is a distinguishing characteristic of universities . Universities are committed to the creation of knowledge through research, reflection, scholarship and academic freedom. It is a role, historians o f the university have argued, which has been hard woo over centuries o f development. The curriculum o f a university shapes the way knowledge is reproduced as a curriculum for schools and for society. Intellectuals provide leadership for society in relation to knowledge. For indigenous peoples universities are regarded as rather elite institutions which reproduce themselves through various systems o f privilege. Even thos e univers-i·t:ies---whitfl--:u�tat�nd

· red ma"or bastions o f

Western elitism. It is not surprising, then, that many indigenous students f1:tc1 tibd: if i 6 . Jjg r e!Rf!8&5izrt[ ig mgst gcademjc discipljpes and most res earch approaches . In many examples indigenous and ethnic studies programmes have struggled to survive in rather hostile environments . Indigenous staff and students, too, have found the institution to be toxic. Haunani Kay Trask describes some turbulent experiences as a Hawai'ian academic attempting to work as a Hawai'ian academic in the University of Hawai'i. 5 Unfortunately, her experiences are not unique. The university represents a special sort o f struggle and

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the following small case study outlines one initiative which has managed to survive and actually get stronger.

Research activities are mostly organized around the interests of like­ minded p eople. The development of research groups tends to occur organically 'within universities . It is part of what is referred to as a research culture, embedded in the day-to-day practices and values of academic life. Most research activities which operate at a group level share either topics of interest or methodologies of interest. When some research groups develop more formalized arrangements, however, specialized research organizations develop inside the university. In the university system they tend to fall into three types: research units which are situated inside teaching departments; research centres which are situated within schools or faculties; and research institutes which cross faculty and teaching boundaries. The task o f becoming any one of these entities is a highly political process.

In the New Zealand university context indigenous Maori develop­ ments have occurred as academic developments, initially through the study of Maori within the discipline of anthropology and in more recent times through the development of Maori academic centres within faculties and departments such as education, medicine, law, commerce, art history and literature. This is somewhat different from other contexts where indigenous programmes exist more as student services subj ect to administration constraints and outside the academic domain. There are distinct advantages in being located in the academic structures which relate very directly to knowledge and to the issue of who can teach and carry out research. Maori peoples are comparatively speaking a signifi­ cant minority indigenous population, representing about 1 5 per cent of the total population o f New Zealand. Although participation rates by Maori in universities have been extremely low, where Maori have participated they have been extremely succes s ful as academics. Sir Apirana Ngata, for example, trained at Canterbury University in the 1 890s and as a member of parliament was one of the better educated members Maori or non-Maori. Sir Peter Buck trained as a medical anthropologist, taught at Yale University an was a oremost se q ar of ·

r enerations of Maori academics ained their doctoral degrees in Britain or e rute ta es. e aca Maori, then, is small in numbers but strong in a tradition.

The Research Unit for Maori Education was formed shortly after two Maori academics were appointed to a shared senior lecturer's position

�in the Education Department of the University of Auckland in 1 988. · The decision to form a research unit was seen as a way of promoting indigenous research which could make a difference for Maori ( com­ munities and researchers) and developing some strategic alliances with

A R T I C U L A T I N G A N I N D I G E N O U S R E S E A R C H A G E N D A 1 3 1

sympathetic non-indigenous academics The aims o f the unit were:

• to promote Maori re search which was going to make a po sitive difference ;

• to develop strategies for influencing Maori educational policy, • to develop and train Maori researchers; • to disseminate research to Maori audiences through publications and

through regular contact with communities; and • to create an environment for change within the institution.

Gaining support and approval for the research unit was a long and tedious proc e s s drawing on the goodwill o f senior academics. The first step was to get the propos al accepted by the host department, education. The conditions o f this support were discussed around the issue o f resources; the research unit had t o be self-sustaining and b y implication the unit's activities were not to impinge on or limit in any way the activities of o ther colleagues. Then the proposal went around the university committee system, from committee to committee, from chairperson to head of department. This happened more than once. The issues at this level were about the validity o f the activity: for example, was it worthwhile? Were the aims appropriate? Were the people involved appropriate? In most institutions support for indigenous issues is not overt and the ability of academic colleagues to assess on an informed basis what might count as appropriate and worthwhile in the indigenous arena is questionable. A standard institutional response is to bury matters regarded as potentially controversial 'in committee' and in informal consultative processes. Where no indigenous academics exist in an institution, the consultation processes depend on the institutional indigenous experts (non-indigenous academics whose research may be on an indigenous topic) . Where an indigenous academic is available, then that person is expected by colleagues to be the all-encompassing resident indigenous expert whose role is to mediate but maintain. the status quo, o ften referred to as academic standards. For such a person to say no to indigenous initiatives is interpreted by conservative academics as a stren ; to say yes ts seen as gtvmg tn o se - · �r. fn -rhe -ca-Si this research unit, the he11d o f the Maori Studies Department was consli1ted and after discussion a shgtrt change of &&e was reqmred a:nd the Research Unit for Maori Education was formally approved. Research units report through the re search committee structures and through the academic departmental structures .

The strengths o f t h e Research U ni t for Maori Education over the years 1 989-96 can b e s t be summarized as follows:

• the development and promotion of appropriate methodologies for

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res earch with Maori, including a theorized approach now referred to as Kaupapa Maori Re search;

• the support through undergraduate curriculum development of Maori educational perspective s ;

• the mentoring and supervision of Maori graduate students through their course work and thesis work;

• the provision o f opportunities for graduate students to become involved as research assistants in research carried out by staff;

• the attention given to participation in conferences and res earch discus sions by s taff and graduate s tudents ;

• the hosting of indigenous s cholar s ; • the networking by members o f the Research Unit with other

indigenous units and centre s ; • the dis semination of research to Maori people; and • the strong interface between empirical and theoretical approaches to

research.

Members of the research unit have gained maj or research contracts and grants, including one from the Marsden foundation, which is N ew Zealand's only blue skies fund for 'pure' research. Graduate s tudents have been supported to attend international conferences and have been mentored through the development o f their academic careers, going on to gain positions in universities and polytechnics. Non-indigenous colleagues have also been supported through conference programmes and research collaboration.

I t became increasingly difficult, however, to achieve as a research unit all the things that members of the unit wanted to achieve. This was due in large part to the success o f the unit. Contracts were being offered which could not be taken because o f the lack o f administrative support. The unit had no staff at all. Research work was carried out by academic staff and students on small limited contracts. The host department worked on a grace and favour basis in terms of support, and this tended to be uneven and unreliable. Students who had become more .skilled as researc ers were more-chaHeflging-rGS&ar.ch-tasks....whch could also provide employment. The Maori academic staff had increased, enabhhg each Nfaort aea&eiidti (Q d 1 I I I npeeiaijaaa research interests. The demands on staff time had also grown with the succes s o f the graduate studies programme, which had become the most popular in New Zealand for Maori graduate s tudies. The university was very proud o f this level of succes s and included the research unit in its annual research reports and international publicity. The unit's achievement - academically and in terms of making space for indigenous developments within a university - had also attracted attention and invitations from

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other indigenous centres across the world. The two original appoint­ ments, both full-time and tenured by 1 99 1 , were able to build relations and networks with indigenous groups and communities, especially in Australia, Canada, the United States, Wales , Scotland and Ireland. By 1 995, however, the Research Unit for Maori Education had outgrown itself.

In 1 99 5 an external review was conducted of the host department, education. The Research Unit for Maori Education took this opportunity to rethink and reposition its aims and activitie s . This proces s involved several meetings and other smaller work groups to develop a new vision and new aims . The proposal was written for the university audience in the same way as the earlier research unit proposal. The support for the transition from a research unit to a research institute was much stronger at all levels of the system than was the original propo s al for a unit. The research unit had a proven succ e s s record which the university had promoted proudly. The new proposal's journey through the committee structures was neverthele s s a highly political proces s . While the academic case was strongly supported, the resource implications were as strongly resisted. This was despite the fact that the institute had already attracted corporate funding for a visiting profes sor­ ship . The proposal limped from committee to committee, eventually to senate and to council. Minor matters o f detail still had to be attended to, including the title. (Specifically, the use of the word 'indigenous ', the use of the word 'international' and the use of the word 'the' came under debate ! ) A supplementary letter of explanation had to be provided before approval of the title could be gained. The International Research Institute for Maori and Indigenous Education finally passed through council at the end of 1 996.

I t is possible t o s e e many of the barriers and glitches which occurred as examples of institutional racism. The form that racism takes inside a university is related to the ways in which academic knowledge is structured as well as to the organizational structures which govern a university. The insulation of disciplines , the culture of the institution which-suppfirts--cliseipliaes, -- d--th yst-eiDS-OL.manag.ement and governance all work in ways which protect the privileges already in place. 'nil :btMnt ittGbituce's t tgh F ss g 1 ie., eft Nsft Mfi 'IH't 8£ •• contestable nature of knowledge which has similarly impeded the development of other ways of organizing or thinking about knowledge in the academy: women's studies, cultural studies and other ethnic studies have all had similar rough pas sage through the system. For indigenous development, however, those are barriers which are taken on simply as a challenge to be met, as there are much greater issues at stake. In New Zealand the political and legislative support for this struggle has

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been gained through the acknowledgement o f the Treaty o f Waitangi in the charter statements o f all state-funded educational institutions, and through the moral arguments mounted in relation to the university's role in the community. Maori people are clearly a significant group within the New Zealand community. Universities have not served those communities well in the past. They have few avenues into Maori com­ munities in the present. Indigenous developments within an institution such as a university can mediate and structure new relations between institution and community, between indigenous people and non­ indigenous people, between communities of the 'researched' and communities o f 'researchers'. At the same time indigenous centres which exist inside institutions such as universities continue to struggle for legitimacy. Seeking the international interface in the research field with other indigenous peoples serves two purposes: it supports and strengthens indigenous approaches globally; and it strengthens and supports indige� nous developments locally. The mission of the new institute summarizes some of the points made earlier: 'To conduct and dis seminate research, s cholarship and debate which will make a positive difference to the lives of Maori and other indigenous peoples by drawing together a group of highly skilled and respected scholars who are dedicated to quility outcomes in Maori and indigenous education. '

Training Indigenous Researchers

What large research institutions and research cultures o ffer are the pro­ grammes, resources, facilities and structures which can, if the conditions are appropriate, support and train indigenous researchers. Although communities have a critical perspective of universities and what they represent, at the same time these same communities want their members to gain Western educations and high-level qualifications. But they do not want this to be achieved at the cost of destroying people's indigenous identities, their languages, values and practices . What indigenous students have experienced in universities has been shared by women and other minority group students. For many students lt can e an enatlng · ·

ell described b anice Acoose, who writes about her experiences as a returrung stu ent o Saskatechewan,

Once inside the classroom, even though I had been away from educa­ tional institutions for many years, I realized that not much had changed in terms of the ideological character o f the teachings or pedagogical strategies . Indeed there were many professors in various disciplines (albeit perhaps unconsciously ignorant or na.lve) who attempted both implicitly and explicitly to reinforce notions of white cultural supremacy.6 , .,

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Surviving the experience while gaining the qualification p roduces a range of strategies which are employed to varying degrees by indigenous students. These strategies range from becoming as invisible as pos sible i:o becoming as visible as pos sible. Surviving undergradu ate work is the first hurdle for potential research students as the more systematic mentoring and training o f researchers does not normally occur until either graduate level or when employed as a researcher.

Mo st indigenous researchers who work with indigenou s communities or on indigenous issues are self-taught, having received little curriculum support for areas related to indigenous concerns. There are, however, a number of academic programme s being es tablished which are directed specifically towards developing research skills. The Centre for Aboriginal Studies at Curtin University in Western Australia o ffers a masters programme designed for the needs o f indigenous students working with indigenous communitie s . Emphasis is placed on developing action research skills through specific research tasks. At the University of Auckland, the training o f Maori researchers occurs across several faculties including arts, education, law, health sciences, management and science. In education, Auckland's Maori programme has been the forerunner of many of the developments both within this university and across other site s . The programme has developed through a coordinated approach to course work, family and student support, thesis mentoring, role modelling by senior students, and employment on research proj ects. Students are expected to develop sophisticated theoretical skills alongside their research speciality intere sts. While the training of researchers is much more focused than standard course work, the programme is also located in a context in which Maori academic staff and re searchers are conducting research on an ongoing basi s . The creation of a Maori research culture has been deliberate and students are involved in the discussions and debates around research problems from the time they begin their graduate programme. Training tends to be project- specific, with some students employed part-time or on scholarships as research assistants carrying out literature reviews, data

-----en���-a-t: an-a:lysis and conducting-in terview , gradual:ly-­ building up towards taking primary responsibility for a small proj ect. Many sladctrls lxaoc tlxctr Oftln Lof>ie§ �mt!ti tliB) Qii!i i511COU!filged t d:Atti through and prepare as proposals, while others arrive with a community project already in mind. Tho s e students with strong family or community support networks are encouraged to involve their com­ munities in their own projects. Those students who may have grown up in bicultural families are encouraged to use the skills gained in their own contexts. The programme assumes that students · bring considerable knowledge and skills with them. By sharing with other students from

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diverse backgrounds, including other indigenous students from the Pacific, and participating in a structured programme, they are expected to gain enough additional skills to be very useful when they return to their own communities .

F o r s ome indigenous students o n e of the first issues t o be confronted is their own identities as indigenous and their connected identities to o ther indigenous peers . While this may seem unusual, given that they appeared to select an indigenous programme, it is o ften more likely that their participation in the programme is related to needs which are not necessarily educational - for example, emotional support or reassurance. Some may need assistance to reconnect with their own communities or to feel safe. Gender and age are two quite critical factors in some indigenous contexts . For younger students there is a very real constraint on access to knowledge when working with elders. There are also protocols of respect and practices of reciprocity. The relatively simple task of gaining informed consent can take anything from a moment to months and years. Some indigenous students have had to travel back and forth during the course o f a year to gain the trust o f an individual elder, and have been surprised that without realizing it they gained all the things they were seeking with much more insight, and that in the process they gained a grandparent or a friend. Asking directly for consent to interview can also be interpreted as quite rude behaviour in some cultures . Consent is not so much given for a proj ect or specific set of questions, but for a person, for their credibility. Consent indicates trust and the as sumption is that the trust will not only be reciprocated but constantly negotiated - a dynamic relationship rather than a static decision. Similarly, indigenous elders can do wonderful things with an interview. They tell stories, tease, question, think, observe, tell riddles, test and give trick answers. Conversely, they can als o expect that an indigenous researcher will do the same back to them. The quality of the interaction is more important than ticking boxes or answepng closed questions. Then again, they can simply reply passively to questions, play.ing e e re uired o f non-indigenous research. Usually young indigenous researchers are used to building an aVlng re attons ps W1 ·

related to the wa some research methodologies exclude such exten e conversa ons, are initiated by the person being interviewed.

N egotiating entry to a community or a home can als o be daunting for indigenous researchers . Formal approaches can require several meetings in which the whole ugly history of research on indigenous peoples is reiterated, followed by open and frank discussions of the merit and desirability of a project intersected by other unrelated debates and commentaries, and a conclusion which is highly ambivalent or

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inconclusive, meaning that the process has to repeated again. Informal approaches can be j ust as fraught, with one elder consulting others on one matter, and then the consultation proce s s repeated again on another matter. I t is common practice in many indigenous contexts for elders to be approached as the first point o f contact and as a long-term mentor for an indigenous researcher. Some elders are. more appropriate and helpful than others. Some elders can pursue their own agenda while others can b e quietly in the background providing a s s urance, support and critical and insightful feedback. The dynamics of relationships are by nature hugely complicated. For researchers the skills and reflexivities required to m e diate and work with these dynamics are quite sophisti­ cated. Indigenous researchers have to be clear about their intentions. They need to have thought about the larger picture o f research and have a critical analysis of their own processes.

Insider/ Outsider Research

Many o f the issues raised by indigenous researchers are addressed in the res earch literature in relation to both insider and outsider research. Most res earch methodologies as sume that the researcher i s an outsider able to observe without being implicated in the scene. This is related to po sitivism and notions of objectivity and neutrality. Feminist research and other more critical approaches have made the insider methodology much more acceptable in qualitative research. Indigenous research approaches problematize the insider model in different ways because there are multiple ways o f both being an insider and an outsider in indigenous contexts. The critical issue with insider research is the constant need for re flexivity. At a general level insider researchers have to have ways of thinking critically about their proc e s s e s , their relation­ ships and the quality and richnes s of their data and analysi s . So too do outsiders , but the maj or difference is that insiders have to live with the consequences of their processes on a day-to-day basis for ever more, and so do their families and communities. For this reason insider ..researchers need to build articular sorts of research-based support systems and relationships with their communitie s. They have to e

f relatin ' which are

skills to s ay 'no' and the skills to say 'continue'. How does this work in practice? One o f my very first experience s as

a researcher was with a community of Maori mothers and children who had forme d a Maori 'language nest'. I was part of the same group. I was an insider as a Maori mother and an advocat� of the language

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revitalization movement, and I shared in the activities o f fund raising and organizing. Through my different tribal relationships I had clos e lin k s t o s o m e of t h e mothers a n d to t h e woman w h o w a s t h e main organizer. With other women I shared a background in another way as I had taught some of their older children at the local school. To my academic supervisors I was well and truly an insider in this project. When I began the discussions and negotiations over my research, however, I became much more aware o f the things which made me an outsider. I was attending university as a graduate student; I had worked for several years as a teacher and had a professional income; I had a husband; and we owned a car which was second-hand but actually regis tered. As I became more involved in the proj ect, interviewing the women about their own education stories, and as I visited them in their own homes, these differences became much more marked. What really struck me when I visited the women in their homes as a researcher, having done so on many previous occasions as a mother, were the formal cultural practices which the women observed. An interview with a re searcher is formal. I could see immediately that homes were extra spotle s s and I knew from my own background that when visitors are expected considerable energy goe s into cleaning and dusting the house . There w a s also food which I knew h a d been prepared for m y visit. The children were in their pyjamas (the top matching the bottom) all bathed and ready for bed at 7.30 pm. I knew and the mothers knew that as a group we were all quite casual about bedtime rituals but on the night o f the interview everything was i n t h e kind o f order which is organized solely for the benefit of the outsider. Other signs and comments made during the interview reinforced the formalities in which my interview participants were engaging. The se were signs of respect, the sorts o f things I have seen members o f m y communities do for strangers and the practices I had been taught to observe myself. They were als o barriers constructed t o keep the outsider at bay, t o prevent the outsider becoming the intruder. I had not understood that before, that there were some ractices which the communities had control over as a way of resisting the prying eyes o researc ers. o �esearclr anchtt-

e end I was asked to discuss eneral matters at our regular meetings, ut ere were many con en

and others I decided to keep silent on. After the proj ect was completed and I had reported back to them on the finished piece of work, our former relations were restored and have continued as our children have gone on to elementary and secondary schools. I learned many things about research in my own community through those women. I never really did j u stice to them in the report I eventually wrote as an as signment; I never quite knew how, never possessed the skills or

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confidence at that time to encapsulate the intricacies of the researcher/ researched relations or my own journey as a beginning researcher. But I remember learning more about research and about being a researcher from that small project than I did from any research course, any lecture or any book.

Insider research has to be as ethical and respectful, a s reflexive and critical, as outsider research. It also needs to be humble. It needs to be humble because the researcher belongs to the community as a member with a different set of roles and relationships, status and position. The outside 'expert' role has been and continues to be problematic for indigenous communities . As non-indigenous experts have claimed considerable acceptability amongst their own colleagues and peers, government officials and society on the basis of their research, indige­ nous voices have been silenced or 'Othered' in the proces s . The role of an 'official insider voice' is als o problematic. The comment, 'She or he lives in it therefore they know' certainly validates experience but for a researcher to assume that their own experience is all that is required is arrogant. One of the difficult risks insider researchers take is to 'test' their own taken-for-granted views about their community. It is a risk because it can unsettle beliefs, values, relationships and the knowledge of different histories . Family-based research for example, can reveal stories of grave injustice, perpetrated by one section of a family and suffered by another. Research can also lead to discoveries which contra­ dict the image that some idealistic younger researchers hold of elders .

The complexities o f a n insider research approach can b e mediated by building support structures. One of the following chapters gives an example of whanau structures used by Maori researchers to ensure that relationships and is sues, problems and strategies can be discus sed and resolved. Whilst most indigenous communities have some form o f governance organization, i t is more useful t o work with such an existing governing body to establish a purpose-developed support group which brings together any outside academic or organizational people involved, the community and the researcher/ s. In some contexts an elder has been selected- or- s elf.seleet�cHiMiet -il-s �ar.JiaB-Q.£-the- r.eseucher,...mediating­ their journeys through the community and through the research. Before @llltet Qf dtete bUfJJ? tb& ill 1 1 1 1i 1 i, jr et eaoee, Nut community representatives have had to be convinced that the research project is worthwhile and in their interests. Some research models do not allow for change - for example, many questionnaires and other 'measures' have already been developed and tested for reliability long before a project has begun. The 'norms', or the groups with which the measures were developed, are nearly always non-indigenous people. Convincing an indigenous community to participate in s uch a study

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requires a thorough knowledge o f the research paradigm and an ability to mount a sophisticated and honest justification. Not all indigenous communities are averse to such proj ects; they tend to be persuaded not by the technical design, however, but by the open and 'good' intentions o f the researchers . They also expect and appreciate hone s ty. Spelling out the limitations o f a proj ect, the things that are not addre s sed, is most important. Many community proj ects require intensive community input. The implications of such input for impoverished communities or communities under stress can be enormous. Every meeting, every activity, every visit to a home requires energy, commitment and proto­ cols of respect. In my own community there are some very descriptive terms which suggest how bothersome and tiring this activity can be! Idealistic ideas about community collaboration and active participation need to be tempered with realistic asses sments of a community's re sources and capabilities, even if there is enthusiasm and goodwill. Similarly, the involvement of community resoutce people also needs to be considered before putting an additional responsibility on individuals already carrying heavy burdens of duty.

Indigenous research focuses and situates the broader indigenous agenda in the research domain. This domain is dominated by a history, by institutional practices and by particular paradigms and approaches to research held by communities of like-minded scholars. The spaces within the research domain through which indigenous research can operate are small spaces on a shifting ground. Negotiating and tran s forming institutional practices and research frameworks is as significant as the carrying out of actual research programme s . This makes indigenous research a highly political activity and while that is understood by very experienced non-indigenous researchers and organizations it can also be perceived as a threatening activity. The research community has a number of terms which are used to good effect as exclusionary devices to dismiss the challenges made from outside the fold. Research can be judged as 'not rigorous', 'not robust', 'not real', 'not theorized', 'not vali�et-r-eliabl�und-c oncepmal unders tandings can falter when the research design is considered flawed. While researchers are trained tQ n£ I r! 1 h pee•;r;i.QIIQ f9' them indigrpgns researd�ts have to meet these criteria as well as indigenous criteria which can ju ge research 'not useful', 'not indigenous', 'not friendly', 'not j ust'. Recon­ ciling such views can b e difficult. The indigenous agenda challenges indigenous researchers to work acro s s thes e boundari e s . It is a challenge which provides a focus and direction which helps in thinking through the complexities of indigenous research. At the same time the proce s s is evolving as researchers working in this field dialogue and collaborate on shared concern s .

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Notes

1 Alfred, G. R. (1 996) , Heeding the Voices of our Ancestors, Oxford University Press, Toronto, p . 1 8.

2 Ibid. , p. 1 9. 3 Blea, I. I. (1 995) , Researching Chicano Communities, Praeger, Westport, p. 2. 4 Stringer, E. T. (1 996) , Action Research. :A Handbook for Practitioners, Sage Books,

California, p . 1 5 . 5 Trask, H . (1 993) , From a Native Daughter, Common Courage Press, Maine. 6 Acoose, J. ( 1 99 5) , Iskwewak- Kah ' Ki Yaw Ni Wahkomakanak. Neither Indian

Princesses nor Ea.ry Squaws, Women's Press, Toronto, p. 30. See also Garrod, A. and C. Larimore, eds (1 997), First Person, First Peoples. Native American College Graduates Tell Their Life Stories, Comell University Press, Ithaca.

C H A P T E R 8

Twenty-Five Indigenous Proj ects

The implications for indigenous research which have been derived from the imperatives inside the struggles of the 1 970s seem to be clear and straightforward: the survival of people s , cultures and language s ; the struggle to become s elf-determining, the need to take back control of our destinies. These imperatives have demanded more than rhetoric and acts of defiance. The acts of reclaiming, reformulating and reconstituting indigenous cultures and languages have required the mounting of an ambitious research programme, one that is very strategic in its purpose and activities and relentless in its pursuit o f social justice. Within the programme are a number of very distinct proj ects. Themes such as cultural survival, self-determination, healing, restoration and social justice are engaging indigenous researchers and indigenous communities in a diverse array of projects. The proj ects intersect with each other in various ways. They have multiple goals and involve different indigenous communities of interest. Some proj ects, for example, have been driven by indigenous lawyers and constitutional experts, others by indigenous women and health workers, or by social workers

' and policy analysts.

This chapter sets out 2 5 different proj ects currently being pursued by indigenous communities. The pro j e cts constitute a very complex research programme. Each one intersects with the agenda for indigenous research discus s e 10 Iiapter 10 two or ree " ff�ys;-tharis­ b site/s and b Each proj ect is outlined to give a bare 10 catton o e parame er in with some of the others.

The proj ects are not claimed to be entirely indigenous or to have been created by indigenous researchers . Some approaches have arisen out of social · science methodologie s , which in turn have arisen out of methodological is sues raised by research with various oppressed groups . Some proj ects invite multidisciplinary research approaches . Others have arisen more directly out of indigenous practices. There are two technical

1 42

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points to make here. First, while most projects fall well within what will be recognized as empirical research, not all do. Some important work is related to theorizing indigenous is sues at the level of ideas, policy analysis and critical debate, and to setting out in writing .indigenous spiritual beliefs and world views. Second, the focus is primarily on social science research projects rather than what may be happening in the natural or physical sciences or technology. There is one technical distinction to clarify. In the chapter I draw on Sandra Harding's very simple distinction between methodology and method, that is, 'A research methodology is a theory and analysis of how research does or should proceed . . . ' and, 'A research method is a technique for (or way of pro� ceeding in) gathering evidence.'1 Methodology is important because it frames the questions being asked, determines the set of instruments and methods to be employed and shapes the analyses. Within an indigenous framework, methodological debates are ones concerned with the broader politics and strategic goals of indigenous research. It is at this level that researchers have to clarify and justify their intentions. Methods become the means and procedures through which the central problems of the research are addressed. Indigenous methodologies are often a mix o f existing methodological approaches and indigenous practices . The mix reflects the training of indigenous researchers which continues to be within the academy, and the parameters and common sense under­ standings of research which govern how indigenous communities and researchers define their activities.

The Projects

The following proj ects are not ranked or listed in any particular order.

1 Claiming In a sense colonialism has reduced indigenous peoples to making claims and assertions about our rights and dues. It is an approach that has a certain noisiness to it. Indigenous peoples, however, have transformed

-Glaiming-inW-an-iRte.r.cstin!}Mlcl. -dynamic...process.-Consideuble..worlumd_ energy has gone into developing the methodologies which relate to ' 1 i• i• r;' I ) ,, 1 i• i• e' F r 68t!'8 ieftigeefi!l:l8 t;fHllf'B the iieeMtll claims process demanded by tribunals, courts and governments has required the conducting of intensive research projects resulting in the writing of nation, tribe and family histories. These 'histories' have a focus and purpose, that is, to establish the legitimacy of the claims being asserted for the rest of time. Because they have been written to support claims to territories and resources or about past inj ustices, they have been constructed around selected stories. These claiming histories have

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also been written for different audiences . One audience is the formal court or tribunal audience, who are generally non-indigenous, another the general non-indigenous population, and a third the people themselves . F o r this last audience the histories are also important teaching histories . They teach both the non-indigenous audience and the new generations of indigenous peoples an official account of their collective story. But, importantly, it is a history which has no ending because it assumes that once j ustice has been done the people will continue their j ourney. It may be that in time the histories have to be rewritten around other priorities.

2 Testimonies 'My Name is Rigoberta Menchu, I am twenty-three years old, and this is my testimony. '2

Testimonies intersect with claiming because they are a means through which oral evidence is presented to a particular type of audience. There is a formality to testimonies and a notion that truth is being revealed 'under oath'. Indigenous t e s timonies are a way of talking about an extremely painful event or series o f events . 3 The formality of testimony provides a structure within which events can b e related and feelings expre ssed. 4 A testimony is also a form through which the voice of a 'witne s s ' is accorded space and protection. It can be constructed as a monologue and as a public performance . The structure of testimony - its fo rmality, context and sense of immediacy - appeal s to many indigenous participants , particularly elders. It i s an approach that translates well to a formal written document. While the listener may ask questions, testimonies structure the responses, silencing certain type s of questions and formalizing o thers.

3 Story telling Story telling, oral histories , the perspectives o f elders and o f women have become an integral part of all indigenous research. Each individual story is _ erful. But the oint about the stories is not that they simply tell a story, or tell a story simply. These new stories contribute to a collective stow in w},jcb PJTC§' indigeppus person has a tee . In a book called The Wailing: A National Black Oral History, Stuart toUl has cilled the oral histories he gathered ' s tori e s handed down in the homes of Black Australians, told to new generations, taught in explanation o f racism and mistreatment, recited with rage and dignity and sorrow'.5 Rintoul writes further that the stories are also 'memories of inj ustice . . . an avalanche of voice s crying out in hundreds of countri e s acro s s innumerable Drearnings'.6 For many indigenous writers stories are ways o f pas sing down the beliefs and valu e s of a culture in the hope that the new

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generations will treasure them and pass the story · down further. The story and the story teller both serve to connect the past with the future, one generation with the other, the land with the people and the people with the story. As a research tool, Russell Bishop suggests, story telling is a useful and culturally appropriate way of representing the 'diversities of truth' within which the story teller rather than the researcher retains control. 7 Bishop als o suggests that 'the indigenous community becomes a story that is a collection o f individual storie s, ever unfolding through the lives of the people who share the life of that community'.8

Intrinsic in story telling is a focus on dialogue and conversations amongst ourselves as indigenous peoples, to ourselves and for ourselves . Such approaches fit well with the oral traditions which are still a reality in day-to-day indigenous lives. Importantly, story telling is also about humour and go s sip and creativity. S tories tell of love and s exual encounters, of war and revenge. Their themes tell us about our culture s . Stories employ familiar characters and motifs which c a n reassure as well as challenge. Familiar characters can be invested with the qualities of an individual or can be used to invoke a set of shared understandings and histories.

4 Celebrating survival Celebrating survival is a particular sort o f approach. While non­ indigenous research has been intent on documenting the demise and cultural as similation of indigenous peoples, celebrating survival accen­ tuates not s o much our demise but the degree to which indigenous people s and communities have succes s fully retained cultural and spiritual values and authenticity. The approach is reflected sometimes in story form, sometimes in popular music and sometimes as an event in which artists and story tellers come together to celebrate collectively a sense o f life and diversity and connectednes s . Events and accounts which focus on the p o sitive are important not just because they speak to our survival, but because they celebrate our resistances at an ordinary human level nd.--th a.££irm t- identities s indigeno.us_women_and men.

Celebrating survival as an approach is also a theme running through the 11 I i I E 1 � I , et riee le (jftl Gn&A &'iilli'ctiOA to1d to Sandy

Johnso n she writes of the way in which ' [the elders] speak openly of their personal struggles to stay on the path agains t impos sible odds. Their stories of what they have lost and what they have fought to save are both tragic and heroic. '9 Gregory Cajete writes that 'celebrating is a natural outcome of spiritual sharing and it too can take a diversity o f forms . I t i s a n individual and communal proce s s that celebrates the mystery of life and the j ourney that each o f us take s . Celebration is a way of spreading the lights around.'10

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5 Remembering The remembering o f a people relates not so much to an idealiz ed remembering of a golden past but more specifically to the remembering of a painful past and, importantly, people's responses to that pain. While collectively indigenous communitie s can talk through the history o f painful events, there are frequent silences and intervals i n the stories about what happ ened after the event. O ften there i s no collective remembering as communities were systematically ripped apart, children were removed for adoption, extended families separated acro s s different reserves and national boundaries. The aftermath of such pain was borne by individuals or smaller family units , sometime s uncons ciously or consciously obliterated through alcohol, violence and self-destruction. Communities often turned inward and let their suffering give way to a de sire to be dead. Violence and family abuse became entrenched in communities which had no hope. White society did not see and did not care . Thi s form of remembering i s pain ful because it involves remembering not just what colonization was about but what being de­ humaniz ed meant for our own cultural practice s . B o th healing and transformation become crucial strategies in any approach which asks a community to remember what they may have decided unconsciously or consciously to forget.

6 lndigeni:dng This proj ect has two dimensions . The first one is similar to that which has occurred in literature with a centring of the landscapes , image s , language s, themes, metaphors and stories i n the indigenous world and the disconnecting of many of the cultural ties between the settler society and its metropolitan homeland. This proj ect involves non-indigenous activists and intellectuals. The second aspect is more of an indigenous proj ect. The term is used more frequently in South and Central America. The concept of indigenist, says Ward Churchill, means 'that I am one who not only takes the rights of indigenous peoples a s the highest

non of m olitical life, but who draws u on the traditions - the bodies o f knowledge and corresponding codes of values - evolved over many thqusapds qf years by natiye peoples the world over'. 1 1 The term centres a politics of indigenous tdenttty and mdigenous cUltural actton. M. Annette J aime s refers to indigenism as being grounded in the alternative conceptions of world view and value systems, 'Th e s e differences provide a basis for a conceptualisation o f Indigenism that counters the negative connotations of its meanings in third world countrie s, where it has become synonymous with the "primitive", or with backwardness among superstitious peopie s . ' 1 2 Lester Rigney, an Aborigine researcher in N ew South Wales , names the approach he takes

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as indigenist research, an approach which borrows fre ely from feminist research and critical approaches to research, but privileges indigenous voices.

7 lnteroening Intervening takes action research to mean literally the process of being proactive and of becoming involved as an interested worker for change. Intervention-based projects are usually designed around making structural and cultural changes. Graham Smith describes this approach as a necessary approach when faced with crisis conditions. Smith argues

firstly, that Maori educational crises continue - this points to a failure o f educational policy reforms, research and researchers. Secondly, educa­ tional researchers have continued to fail to intervene b ecause of the lack o f respon sibility and accountability placed on researchers and policy makers. Thirdly much o f research has been counter productive to Maori interests, and has merely serv;ed the dominant Pakeha group interests, by maintaining the status quo of unequal power distribution. 1 3

It is not ethical to walk away, or simply to carry out projects which describe what is already known. State policies for indigenous peoples were also interventionist in profoundly destructive ways. The indigenous intervening project carries with it some working principles . For example, the community itself invites the proj ect in and sets out its parameters . The various departments and agencies involved in such a project are also expected to be willing to change themselves in some way, redirect policy, design new programme s or train staff differently. Intervening is directed then at changing institutions which deal with indigenous peoples and not at changing indigenous peoples to fit the structures .

8 Revitaliifng Indigenous languages, their arts and their cultural practices are in various states of crisis. Many indigenous languages are officially 'dead' with fewer than a hundred speakers. Others are in the last stages before what is d�Gt:i�El-b-y-liagaists-as---!language-deacl?.-R-evitalizatien- ifficiacives--ifl- lan guages encompass education, broadcasting, publishing and community­

) 1 1 g s ¥69 (1 h: 'JPelsh F' pie :zte n c 1S xzn::ctts p2zc f d:te indigenous peoples' movements as described in Chapter 6, their pro­ grammes are often studied as examples of indigenous achievement. The Wels h language programme is promoted as a model for language revitalization. Welsh schools, from kindergarten to secondary schools, o ffer teaching through the medium o f Welsh. This is supported officially through government funding. Television and newspapers in the medium of Welsh - which include children's programming, drama,

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documentaries , news, and sports - provide a comprehensive approach to language revitalization. The European Bureau o f Le s s e r Languages has a role of supporting the diverse minority languages of Europe. Maori language development has followed a similar pattern to the Welsh language exampl e , with an o fficial Language Act and a s s ociated educational programme s . In the case o f Maori and Welsh language, there is a clear singular language. Many places have to battle for the survival of s everal languages spoken by s m all populatio n s . In Canada, for example, most of the indigenous languages could be categorized as being on the verge o f extinction. British Columbia has a diverse range o f indigenous language s , all o f which require support. T h e Squami s h language, for example, h a s few native speakers. T h e Squamis h Nation helped eo-host a conference on indigenous languages in 1 9 89 in order to stimulate discus sions and seek s olutions to the language crisis. Their N atio n's Band O ffice has an educ ation centre who s e staff develop resources for schools and encourage the use o f the language by their remaining native speakers . For much of the indigenous world there is little proactive coordination or support. Literacy campaigns tend to frame language survival programme s . Such campaigns are d e signed around either official languages or one or two dominant languages . The indigenous language is often regarded as being subversive to national interests and national literacy campaign s .

9 Connecting The importance o f making connections and affirming connectedn e s s has been noted also by other minority group researchers . Connectedn e s s po sitions individuals i n s e t s o f relationships with other p eople and with the environment. Many indigenous creation stories link p eople through genealogy to the land, to s tars and other places in the universe, to birds and fish, animals, insects and plan t s . To be connected is to be whole. The proj ect of connecting is pursued in New South Wales in one form as literally connecting members o f famili e s with each other. A link programme has been designed to restore the des cendants o f 'stolen children', ones forcibly taken rom eu: e s an a opte , to eu: family connections . Forced adoption and dehumanizing child welfare practic e s were earned out tn m any tndigenous contexts . 'Betng reconnected to their families and their culture has been a painful j o urney for many of the s e children, now adults. Connecting als o involves connecting people to their traditional lands through the restoration of specific rituals and practices. In New Zealand one example o f this is the practice o f burying the afterbirth in the land. The word for afterbirth is the same as the word for land, whenua. The practice was prohibited as Maori mothers were forced to have their babies in hospitals rather than

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at home. The policies and hospital practices have n ow changed and Maori parents have reinstituted the practice of taking the afterbirth and burying it in traditional territory. Connecting children to their land and their genealogies through this process is also part o f a larger health project designed to encourage young Maori mothers to take better care of thems elves and their babies through stronger cultural support s . Connecting is related t o issues o f identity and place, t o spiritual relation­ s hips and community wellbeing.

There are other challenges in relation to the proj ect of connecting. Researchers, policy makers, educators, and social service providers who work with or who se work impacts on indigenous communities need to have a critical conscience about ensuring that their activities connect in humanizing ways with indigenous communitie s . It is a very common experience to hear indigenous communities outline the multiple ways in which agencies and individuals treat them with disre spect and disregard. Connecting is about establishing good relations .

1 0 Reading Critical rereading of Western history and the indigenous presence in the making of that history has taken on a different impetus from what was once a s c hool curriculum designed to assimilate indigenous children. The new reading programme is motivated partly by a research drive to e s tablish and support claims, but also by a need to understand what has informed both internal colonialism and new forms of c olonization. The genealogy o f colonialism is being mapped and used as a way to locate a different s o rt of origin story, the origins of imperial policie s and practic e s , the origins of the imperial visions, the origins o f ideas and values . These origin stories are deconstructed accounts o f the West, its histo ry through the eyes of indigenous and coloniz ed people s . The rereading of imp erial his tory by post-colonial and cultural studi e s scholars provides a different, m u c h more critical approach t o history than was previously acceptable. It is no longer the single narrative story ef.impemrnt-wfli.t-e-impefial- agur-es,-advea·ru£ers--aflcl- lH!t:ees--whe--feught­ their way through undiscovered lands to establish imperial rule and bring

· ·r · 1 sal zci n 'l:xt azi s a ;ag a' h ti ed in 'genii degradation'.

1 1 Writing Indigenous people are writing. In Chapter 1 the writing proj ect was named a s 'the empire writes back' project. I n a localized context, however, writing is employed in a variety of imaginative, critical, and also quite functional ways. Maori author Witi Ihimaera has assembled a

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five-volume anthology o f Maori literature which he argues represents the 'cros sroads . . . o f a literature of a past and a literature o f a present and future' . 1 4 The title of an anthology o f Native Women's writings of North America, Reinventing the Ene"!Y 's Language, gives a sense of the is sues being explored through writing. 1 5 Similar anthologies and works o f indigenous literature are being published around the world by indigenous writers for indigenous reading audiences . 1 6 The b oundaries of poetry, plays, song writing, fiction and non-fiction are blurred as indigenous writers seek to use language in ways which capture the messages, nuances and

. flavour of indigenous live s . The activity of writing has produced the related activity of publis hing. Maori newspapers , which were quite common in the ninete enth century, have been revived as different organizations and tribes s e e k to p rovide better information than i s available in t h e mainstream media. Language revitalization initiatives have created a demand for multi-media language resources for children. In the Western I sles of Scotland, a Stornaway publishing house called Acair has produced children's comic b o o k s in S c o tti sh Gaelic and cookbooks and o ther material which s upports the Gaelic language. Similar small publi s hing groups are operating acro s s the indigenous world. Writing workshops and writing courses o ffered by indigenous writers for indigenous people who want to write are held in many plac e s . T h e work of authors s u c h as Patricia Grace, Paula Gunn Alien, Louise Erdrich, Witi Ihimaera and Sally Morgan is read by both indigenous and non-indigenous audiences. Biographies and autobiographies including those which are accounts 'told to a non-indigenous person', are sought after by a new reading audience of indigenous people.

12 Representing Indigenous communities have struggled since colonization to be able to exercise what is viewed as a fundamental right, that is to repre sent ourselves . The repre senting proj ect spans both the notion of representa­ tion as a political concept and representation as a form of voice and ex re s sion. I n the olitical sense colonialism s ecifically excluded indigenous peoples from any form o f decision making. States and govern­ meats bgye lgpg made decjsjpgs hostile tp the jpterests of jpdj�g�us communities but justified by a paternalistic view that indigenous peop es were like children who needed others to protect them and decide what was in their best interests. Paternalism is still present in many forms in the way governments, local bodies and non-government agencies decide on issues which have an impact on indigenous communities . B eing able as a minimum right to voice the views and opinions of indigenous communities in various decision-making bodies is still being struggled over. Even at the minimal level of representation indigenous communities

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are o ften 'thrown in' with all other minorities a s one voice amongst many. The politics of s overeignty and self-determination have been about resisting b eing thrown in with every other minority group by making claims on the basis o f prior rights.

Representation is also a project o f indigenous artists, writers, poets, film makers and others who attempt to express an indigenous spirit, experience or world view. Repre s entation of indigenous peoples by indigenous people is about countering the dominant society's image o f indigenous peoples , their lifestyles and belief systems. I t is also about propo sing s olutions to the real-life dilemmas that indigenous com­ munities c o n front and trying to cap ture the complexities o f b eing indigenou s . Many of the dilemmas are internalized s tre s s factors in community life which are never named or voiced becaus e they are either taken for granted or hidden by a community. There is an element o f the raw, tough and unsympathetic repres entation of indigenous life by a writer such as Alien Duff who wrote the novel Once Wen> Warriors. And there is the humour of Alexie Sherman who wrote Reseroation Blues. Film makers such as Merata Mita have a very clear purp o s e in their work which locates it firmly within a decolonization framework. She says that,

Not surprisingly, when my obses sive struggle with filmmaking began, it was with the issues that most conc erned us as Maori women that I became pre-occupied - the issues of injustice, land, te reo Maori [Maori language] , the Treaty, and racism. Add to that women and gender issues, and for those who don't know, these are the things that consume us, consume our energy, beset us every moment o f our daily lives , they are brutalising, violent, and some of us die because of the m . 1 7

13 Gendering Gendering indigenous debates, whether they are related to the politics of self-determination or the politics o f the family, is concerned with issues related to the relations b e tween indigenous men and women . Colonization is recognized as having had a destructive e ffect on -incligenou gender- relations-which-reached- out- acro s s -all- sphere indigenous s ociety. Family organization, child rearing, political and sptrtuam ltte, .. otlt ana suctm: actt, tdes .. @IQ = Gtsordered tJ) A cutotDM: system which p ositioned its own women as the property of men with roles which were primarily dome s tic. Indigenous women acro s s many different indigenous s ocieties claim an entirely different relationship, one embedded in beliefs about the land and the universe, about the spiritual significance of women and about the collective endeavours that were required in the organization of society. Indigenous women would argue that their traditional roles included full participation in many aspects o f

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political decision making and marked gender separations which were complementary in order to maintain harmony and stability. Gendering contemporary indigenous debates occurs inside indigenous communities and while it is debated in other contexts, such as in Western feminist debates, indigenous women hold . an analysis of colonialism as a central tenet o f an indigenous feminism. A key issue for indigenous women in any challenge o f contemporary indigenous politics is the restoration to women of what are seen as their traditional roles , rights and responsi­ bilities. Aroha Mead gives an account of a statement delivered by two Maori women to the Twelfth Ses sion (1 9 9 4) , o f the United Nations Working Group on I ndigenous Peoples which addre s s e d the way colonialism has influenced indigenous men and had a detrimental affect on indigenous gender relation s . She says that

never before have I witnessed what occurred while the full statement was being read out. Indigenous women sitting within their delegations were visibly moved - some looked around to see who was talking about their pain - some gave victory signals and physical signs of agreement, and many, perhaps even the maj ority, sat stoically, with tears swelling in their eyes. The words broke through the barriers o f language and regionalis m . A raw wound w a s clearly touched. 1 8

14 Envisioning One o f the s trategi e s which indigenous peoples have employed effectively to bind people together politi9ally is a strategy which asks that people imagine a future, that they ris e above present day situations which are generally depres sing, dream a new dream and set a new vision. The confidence of knowing that we have survived and can only go forward provides some impetus to a proce s s of envisioning. In New Zealand, for example, tribes which began their grievance claims against the Crown last century have not only had their claims heard but are negotiating a settlement. For the people who began the proce s s these settlements were simply dreams. If they had li s tened to politicians, taken the mainstream media--s eriously;-taken- heed-e f-sehehtr-s-and-c-e mmeatat-er-s,---th@' weul ­ not have begun. Similarly, communities who have worked to revitalise dte:b: lmtgMttgt!! Ut bBitGl u tu; .. e ... unutt&i C;zge t zen g · ' g with governments have worked on the basis of a shared vision. The power of indigenous peoples to change their own lives and set new directions despite their impoverished and oppres s e d conditions speaks to the politics o f resistance.

Sometimes the visions which bind people were set a long time ago and have been passed down the generations as poems, songs, stories, proverbs or sayings. Every indigenous community probably has special

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sayings, predictions, riddles and proverbs which are debated frequently and raised both informally and formally. Children are socialized into these sayings and pass them down to their own children. The profound statements o f indigenous leaders from the last century and the centuries before are often written in diaries and notebooks, carved into s tone, distributed by T - s hirt and p o s ter. Often the original source of the comment has been forgotten but the power o f the words remain. They m ake our s pirits soar and give us hope. Indigeno u s pe ople have borrowed freely from each other and it is not uncommon to find the saying o f an Indian chief stuck to the kitchen wall in a Maori home, or the saying o f a Maori chief embroidered into a wall hanging in an Aborigine home. The s e sayings have acted like resistance codes which can be passed down by word of mouth to the next person, to the next generation.

15 Reframing Reframing is about taking much greater control over the ways in which indigenous is sues and social problems are discussed and handled. One of the reasons why s o many of the social problems whi c h b e s e t indigenous communities a r e never solved is that t h e i s sues have been framed in a parti cular way. For example, governments and s ocial agencies have failed to see many indigenous social problems as being related to any sort o f history. They have framed indigenous issues in 'the indigenous problem' basket, to be handled in the usual cynical and paternalistic manner. The framing of an issue is about making decisions about its parameters, about what is in the foreground, what i s in the background, and what shadings or complexities exist within the frame . The proj ect of reframing is related t o defining the problem or issue and determining how best to solve that problem. Many indigenous activists have argued that such things as mental illn e s s , alcoholism and suicide, for example, are not about psychological and individualized failure but about coloniz ation or lack of collective self-determination. Many community health initiatives address the whole community, its history an lts W1 er context as part o e pro em ana p e so u on.

Reframing occurs in other contexts where indigenous people resist bemg boxed and la betted accordfrig w categories winch do not fit. I Ins is particularly pertinent in relation to various development programmes, government and non-government. In the case of Maori, for example, a Maori language initiative for young children from birth to school age - known as Te Kohanga Reo, or Maori language nests - constantly has to explain why it is not a . child-care centre but a language and culture initiative for young children. The problem of definition is important in this case because it affects funding, but the constant need to j u s tify

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difference i s experienced by many other communities whos e initiatives are about changing things on a holi s tic basis rather than endorsing the individualized programme emphasis of government models. The need to reframe is about retaining the strengths of a vision and the participa­ tion of a whole community.

Reframing occurs also within the way indigenous people write or engage with theories and accounts of what it means to be indigenous. In the politics of indigenous women, for example, there is continuing resistance to the way Western feminists have attempted to define the i s sues for indigenous women and categorize the po sitions in which indigenous women should b e located. Moves to di s c u s s patriarchy without addressing imperiali sm and raci sm are always reframed by indigenous women, and of course other minority women, as inadequate analyses . Similarly moves to attack indigenous culture or indigenous men 'as a group' are also resisted because for indigenous women the issues are far more complex and the obj ective o f analysis is always focused on solving problems. In the end indigenous men and women have to live together in a world in which both genders are under attack.

16 Restoring Indigenous peoples acros s the world have disproportionately high rates of impri s onment, suicide and alcoholism. Some indigenous activists regard these rates as the continuation o f a war. Says Bobbi Sykes, 'The main question, which has not been addressed by government, is the legitimacy or otherwise of the a s s umption that white domination of Aboriginal people is in itself a concept of justice . ' 1 9 For Aborigines the high rate s of black deaths in custody eventually provoked the establish­ ment of a Royal Commis sion o f Inquiry in 1 9 87 into a problem which . had been hidden for many year s . The Aborigine rates of death in custody was s aid to be higher than the rate in S outh Africa. Inside the incarceration rates for indigenous peoples are similar rates for youth offending and for indigenous women. In the health arena indigenous .p.eo.ple have hi h rates of morbidi and mortality. Maori women have one o f the highest rates oflung cancer in the world. Maon smd e rate s , ·

ver the last decade with New Zealand rates amongst the highest in 0 countn e s . ongme ra of illness have frequently been cited as examples of the Fourth World, rates , which are worse than the rates in developing Third World state s , and are made more horrific by t h e fact that these communities live i n nations that have t h e highest standards of living. A t a recent gathering of Paci fi c leaders, for example, the Aus tralian Prime Mini ster J ohn Howard was reported to have been reluctant to agree on helping to counter the effects o f global warming, citing his duty to put the standard

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of living of Aus tralians first. He was not talking about indigenous Australians .

The restoring of wellbeing spiritually, emotionally, p hysically and materially has involved social workers and health workers in a range of initiatives, some of which have been incorporated into mainstream programme s . Restorative justice in Canada, for example, applies concepts of the 'healing circle' and victim restoration which are based on indigenous processes. These systems have been discussed widely and used to motivate other societies to develop better ways o f dealing with offenders and victims . In New Zealand adoption p olicie s and programme s for dealing with children have similarly coopted indigenous practices. Restoring is a proj ect which is conceived as a holistic approach to problem solving. It is holistic in terms of the emotional, spiritual and physical nexus , and also in terms of the individual and the collective, the political and the cultural. Restorative programmes are based on a model of healing rather than of punishing. They sometimes employ concepts such as public shaming as a way of provoking individual accountability and collective problem solving. Health programmes addres sing basic health issues have begun to seek ways to connect with indigenous communities through appropriate public health policy and practice models. The failure of public health programmes to improve the health of indigenous communities significantly has motivated a self-help approach by communities. It is especially infuriating when proj ects such as the Human Genome Project are justified on the grounds that knowledge about genetic resistances to various diseases will 'benefit mankind' when Western health has failed to benefit indigenous human beings.

1 7 Returning This proj ect intersects with that of claiming. It involves the returning of lands, rivers and mountains to their indigenous owners. It involves the repatriation of artefacts, remains and other cultural materials stolen or removed and taken overseas. Sykes lists the following examples: 'pickled

ea s, uman g oves, sera obacco pouches;-dried- scaips;-pidde foetus, cicatured skins, complete stuffed, mummified children's bodies and wornetr wtdt clilid .2' ltt !�ew Zcifand Ute ct1rrent ftffiti§ter bfl,fAUfl Affairs , who is a Maori, has set out a plan to return all tattooed Maori heads which are housed in museums and other collections across the world. They apparently number in the hundreds. In a previous chapter I discussed the house Mataatua which has now been returned to Ngati Awa.

Returning also involves the living. One maj or tribe in New Zealand has negotiated the return of traditional food gathering sites which will

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b e m arked out for their exclusive u s e b y tribal members . Other programmes have been initiated to rep atriate p eople either through ensuring their membership in official tribal registers or by p hysically reclaiming them. Adopted children, for example, are encouraged to seek their birth families and return to their original communities.

1 8 Democratiifng Although indigenous communities claim a model of democracy in their traditional ways o f decision making, many contemporary indigenous organizations were formed through the direct involvement of states and governments. Legislation was used to e stablish and regulate indigenous councils and committ e e s , indigenous fo rms o f repres entation and indigenous titles to lands . They are colonial constructions that have been taken for granted as authentic indigenous formations. Furthermore many such council s , because they were e s tablished through colonialism, have privileged particular families and elite groups over other indigenous families from the same communiti e s . Needless to say, many councils were created as exclusively male domains while the health and welfare programmes were assigned to the women. Maori lawyer Annette Sykes argues, for example, in relation to a claim being made by Maori women to the Waitangi Tribunal, that

The essence o f the claim is to bring to the forefront of the current Treaty j urisprudence, the need to look at notions of governance in Aotearoa and the exclusionary practice s that exist, which inhibit and prevent participation by Maori women in the tribal models for self-determination, that have been erected under New Zealand legislation, and the erosion that this in itself has had on Te Mana Wahine in Te Ao Maori [the mana of women in the Maori World] .21

Democratizing in indigenous terms is a process o f extending p articipa­ tion outwards through reinstating indigenous principles o f collectivity and public debate.

-------------------- � �nmwhn·w-------------------­ Networking has become an e fficient medium for stimulating inforrrla­ don flows, educamtg people qmckly aboal tssaes ilid ercimtg @j[(@iibi. g international talking circle s . B uilding networks is about b uilding knowledge and data bases which are based on the principles o f relation­ ship s and connections. Relationships are initiated on a face to face basis and then maintained over many years o ften without any direct contact. People's names are passed on and introductions are used to bring new members into the network. The fac e to face encounter is about checking out an individual's credentials, not j u s t their political credentials but their

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personalities and spirit. Networking by indigenous peoples is a form o f resistance. People are expected t o position themselves clearly and state their purposes. Establishing trust is an important feature. In many s tates police surveillance of indigenous activists and their families is common practi c e . In some state s , such as Guatemala, the di s appearance o f indigenous peoples has also been common practice. I n these contexts networking is dangerous.

N e tworking is a way o f making contacts b e tween marginaliz e d communitie s . By definition their marginalization excludes them from · participation in the activities of the dominant non-indigenous society, which controls m o s t forms of c ommunication. I s s u e s such as the Conventions on Biodiversity or GATI, for example, which have a direct impact on indigenous communities, are not addressed by mainstream media for an indigenous audience. Indigenous· peoples would not know of such agreements and their impact on indigenous cultural knowledge if it were not for the power of networking. The project of networking is about process. Networking is a process which indigenous peoples have used e ffectively to build relationships and diss eminate knowledge and information.

tha±genous ceretnotiies or b posidoriihg dren1 as second nantes. 1 t xnorc recent assertion in Maori naming practices has been to name children again with long ancestral names and to take on new names through life, both of which were once traditional practice s . Children quite literally wear their history in their names . ·

Naming applies to o ther things as well. It is about retaining as much c ontrol over meanings as pos sible. By 'naming the world' people name their reali ti e s . For communities there are realities which can only be

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found in the indigenous language; the concepts which are self-evident in the indigenous language can never be captured by another language.

2 1 Protecting This proj ect i s multifaceted. It is concerned with protecting people s , connnatnhcs, languages, castents iiA8 tudiuA, art un 1 · J , ' , 1 resourc e s and the things indigenous peoples produce. The scale o f pro cting can J:Je--lfS no-rmous-as-th-e-Pacifi:c--8cean-a:ncl--clle- AaHl�G rainforest or as small as an infant. It can be as real as land and as abstract as a belief about the spiritual e s sence of the land. Every indigenous community is attempting to protect s everal different things simul­ taneously. In some areas alliances with non-indigenous organizations have been bene ficial in terms o f rallying international support. In other areas a community is trying to protect itself by staying alive or staying o ff alcohol.

Some countries have identified s acred site s and have designated protected areas. Many of the s e , unfortunately, become tourist spots. I s sues about the protection o f indigenous knowledge have been di scus sed at various indigenous conferences which have produce d charters and conventions aimed at signalling t o t h e world at large that indigenous knowledges ought to be protected. History seems to suggest that many of these calls for irlternational adherence to such charters will be at best highly selective. The need to protect a way of life, a language and the right to make our own history is a deep need linked to the survival of indigenous people s .

22 Creating The project of creating is about transcending the basic survival mode through using a resource or capability which every indigenous community has retained throughout coloniz ation - the ability to create and be creative. The proj ect of creating is not just about the artistic endeavours of individuals but about the spirit of creating which indigenous communities have exercised over thousands of years. Imagination enables people to rise above their own circumstances, to dream new visions and to hold on to old ones. It fosters inventions and discoveries, facilitates simple improvements to people 's lives and uplifts our spirits. Creating is not the exclusive domain o f the rich nor of the technologically superior, but of the imaginative. Creating is about channelling collective creativity in order to produce solutions to indigenous problems. Every indigenous community has considered and come up with various innovative solutions to problems. That was before colonialism. Throughout the period of coloniz ation indigenous peoples survived because of their imaginative spirit, their ability to adapt and to think around a problem.

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Indigenous communiti e s also have something to o ffer the non­ indigenous world. There are many programmes incorporating indige­ nous elements, which on that account are viewed on the international scene as 'innovative' and unique. Indigenous peoples' ideas and beliefs about the origins of the world, their explanations of the environment,

ftnn nmbeddnd ie egmp)iet)tfc) ffiPtHt;lflors fiPd mytfliq ti)§§ if§ QQlu being so ught as the basis fo r thinking more laterally about current

-th��oout-th e-emrir-Grunent,--the- eatth- ancLthe-uni\CerSe ____ _ Communities are the ones who know the answers to their own

problems , although their ideas tencd to be dismissed when suggested to various agencies and governments . Visits to communities which have developed their own programmes demonstrate b o th the creativity alive and well at the community level and the strength of commitment shown when the programme is owned by the community.

23 Negotiating N egotiating is about thinking and acting strategically. I t is about recognizing and working towards long-term goals. Patience is a quality which indigenous communities have possessed in abundance. Patience and negotiation are linked to a very long view o f our survival. When one reads of the decisions made by various indigenous leaders to accept the terms and conditions of colonization, what emerge s from tho s e s tories is t h e concern shown by leaders for the long-term survival chances of the collective, of their own people. That was the basis o f their courage and, despite the outrage younger generations of indigenous people might fe el about the deal which some leaders accepted, the broader picture acro s s several indigenous contexts is one of dignity and acceptance of a specific reality. Their negotiations were undertaken quite literally with guns held at their heads, with their people starving and with death around them .

In today's environment negotiation is still about deal making and it is still about concepts of leadership. Negotiations are also about respect, s e l f-re spect and re spect for the oppo sition. Indigenous rules o f negotiation usually contain both rituals o f respect and protocols for di s c u s sion. The protocols and procedures are integral to the actual negotiation and neglect or failure to acknowledge or take seriously such protocols can be read as a lack o f commitment to both the process and the outcome. Many indigenous societies are socialized into some forms of negotiation because they are part of trading practice s or basic c ommunication styles. The contemporary negotiation proj ect is related to self-determination, in that indigenous nations are negotiating terms for settlements which o ften mean semi-autonomous government or statutory representation or control over key resources, such as natural

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resources within their own territo ri e s . Negotiation als o occurs where small gains are at stake, however, such as when local communities have worked out an agreement with a local government or agency or another local community. The formality of negotiation is important in protecring the s anctity of the agreement whic h emerges from a negotiation. Indigenous peoples know and understand what it means for agreements to b e dishonoured. The conrinued faith in the process o f negotiaring is about retaining a faith in the humanity o f indigenous beliefs. values and customary practice s .

24 Discovering This proj ect is about discovering Western science and technology and making s cience work for indigenous development. There are very few indigenous s cientists who remain clo s ely connected to their own indige n o u s communiti e s . I n digenous s tudents acro s s many contexts have struggled with Western s cience as it has been taught to them in schools. Science has been traditionally hostile to indigenous ways of knowing. Science teaching in s chools has also been fraught with hostile attitude s towards indigenous cultures , and the way indigenous students learn. There are huge debates within the s cientific community about the nature of science and how it ought to be taught. This debate is over the notion of constructivism, and concerns the extent to which knowledge is s ocially constructed or exists 'out there' a s a body of knowledge which s tudents simply learn. The d evelopment of ethno-s cience and the application of s cience to matters which interes t indigenous peoples such as environmental and resource management or biodiversity o ffer some new p o s s ibilities for indigenous p eople to engage with the s cience s which they decide are most relevant.

25 Sharing The final proj ect discussed here is about sharing knowledge between indigenous peoples , around networks and acro s s the world o f indigenous pwpl� ha.r.ing�GGn-tains iews-abo.ul:-.knmcledge b eing a colle ctive benefit and knowledge being a form of resistance . Like networking, s1 Ji g i I ' 1 i 1 jq ' epeesi e te tlte Ml¥i§fiuWiaeii wrwAtcxtr in whic h indigenous communiti e s exi s t . Even in the context of New Zealand - a small country, relatively well-o ff in terms o f televisions and communications - Maori people learn more about the i s s u e s which affect them at one o f the many community gatherings which are held on marae then they do from the mainstream media. These gatherings may be for weddings or funerals but they are als o used as opportunities to keep the community informed about a wide range o f things. The face­ to-face nature o f sharing is supplemented with local newspapers which

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focus o n indigenous issues and local radio stations which specialize in indigenous news and music. Sharing is also related to the failure of education systems to educate indigenous people adequately or appro­ priately. It is important for keeping people informed about issues and events which will impact on them. It is a form of oral literacy, which connects with the story telling and formal occasions that fe ature in indigenous life.

Sharing is a responsibility of research. The technical term for this is the dissemination of results, usually very boring to non-researchers, very technical and very cold. For indigenous researchers sharing is about demystifying knowledge and information and speaking in plain terms to the community. Community gatherings provide a very daunting forum in which to speak about research. Oral presentations conform to cultural protocols and expectations. Often the audience may need to be involved emotionally with laughter, deep reflection, sadness, anger, challenges and debate. It is a very skilled speaker who can share openly at this level within the rules of the community.

Summary

The projects touched on in this chapter are not offered as the definitive list of activities in which indigenous communities are engaged. There are numerous collaborative proj ects being undertaken with non-indigenous researchers and organizations. Many of these research partnerships help to develop a trained workforce through the mentoring and guidance provided by the non-indigenous researchers. There are also the more standard types of research proj ects and methodologies in the social sciences that have not been mentioned here. Some of these approaches, for example those in critical ethnography, have been written about and theorized by scholars working in those disciplines. The naming of the projects listed in this chapter was deliberate. I hope the message it gives to communities is that they have issues that matter and processes and methodologies which can work for them.

Notes

1 Harding, S. ( 1 9 87) , Feminism and Methodalogy, Indiana University Press, Blooming­ ton, pp. 2-3.

2 Menchu, R. (1 984) , I, Rigoberta Menchu. An Indian Woman in Guatamala, trans. A. Wright, Verso, London.

3 See, for example, J onas, S., E. McCaughan and E. Martinez (1 984) , Guatemala: Tyranny on Tria4 Synthesis Publications, San Francisco; and Beverley, J . (1 992), 'The Margin at the Centre: on Testimonies', in Del Colonitfng the Subject: The Politics of

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Gender in Women 's Autobiography, eds S . Smith and J . Watson, U niversity o f Minneapolis Press, Minneapolis; and Yudice, G . ( 1 9 9 1 ) , 'Testimonies and Post Modernism', in Latin American Perspectives: a Joumal on Capitalism and Socialism, Vol. 1 8, Nos 3--4, pp. 1 5-3 1 .

4 See also Nabokov, P . ( 1 9 92), Native American Testimony, Penguin Books, New York. 5 Rintoul, S. (1 9 9 3) , The Wailing: a National Black Oral History, Heinemann, Australia,

P· 8. 6 Ibid. , p. 8 . 7 Bishop, R. (1 996) , Collaborative Research Stories, Dunmore Press, Palmerston North,

p. 24. 8 Ibid., p . 1 69 . 9 J ohnson, S. a n d D. Budnik (1 994) , The Book of Elders, Harper, S a n Francisco, p. 7 .

1 0 Cajete, G. (1 994) , Look to the Mountain. An Ecology of Indigenous Edllcation, Kivaki Press, Colorado, p. 73.

11 Churchill, W. (1 993) , 'I Am Indigenist', in Struggle for the Land, ed. Ward Churchill, Common Courage Press, Maine, pp. 403-5 1 .

1 2 J aim e s , M.A. (1 995) , 'Native American Identity and Survival: Indigenism and Environmental Ethics', in Issues in Native American Cultural Identity, ed. M. K Green, Peter Lang Publishers, New York.

1 3 Smith, G. H. (1 990) , 'Research Issues Related to Maori', The Issue of Research and Maori, ed. G. H. Smith and M. Hohepa, Research Unit for Maori Education, Monograph 9 , University of Auckland, pp. 1 4-22.

14 Ihimaera, W. (1 990) , Te Ao Marama, Reed Books, Auckland, Vol. 1 . 1 5 Harj o, J . and G . Bird, eds (1 997) , Reinventing the Enenry's Language. Contemporary

Native Women 's Writings of North America, W. W. Norton and Company, New York. 1 6 See, for example, Moses, D. D . and T. Goldie (1 992) , An Anthology of Canadian

Native literature in English, Oxford University Press, Toronto. 1 7 Mita, M . (1 994) , 'Trick or Treat. Issues o f Feminism and Post-colonialism in Rela­

tion to the Arts', in Te Pua Joumal of Maori Women 's Writing, Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland, Vol. 3, No. 1 , pp. 37-4 1 .

1 8 Mead, A . (1 994) 'Maori Leadership', in Te Pua joumal of Maori Women 's Wnting, Research Unit for Maori Education, Vol. 3 , No. 1 , pp. 1 1 -20.

19 Sykes, R. B . (1 989) , Black Majority, Hudson Hawthorn, Melbourne, p . 1 46 . 20 Ibid., p . 226. 2 1 Sykes, A. (1 994) , 'Constitutional Reform and Mana Wahine', in Te Pua Journal of

Maori Women 's Writing, Research U nit for Maori Educatio n, University o f Auckland, Vol. 3, No. 2, p p . 1 5-20.

C H A P T E R 9

Responding to the Imperatives

of an Indigenous Agenda:

A Case Study of Maori

The following two chapters represent a case study of one indigenous development, which demonstrates how many of the issues raised in the previous chapters come together. This chapter discusses the beginnings of a different type of involvement in research by Maori. Rather than accept the position either of 'victim' or of 'object,' Maori people voiced resistance to research from the late 1 960s and began to pose their own research questions . There were three incentives for this s hift in approach to research: (1) the e stablishment of the Waitangi Tribunal;1 (2) the development of a language revitalization movement known as Te Kohanga Reo; and (3) the spaces opened up in the social sciences by more critical and reflexive approaches to research. This chapter tracks the transition from Maori as the researched to Maori as the researcher. Although this transition has occurred in the last 20 years, it would be wrong to claim either an overall change in attitudes by Maori to research or a steady progression of changes made. The intersecting spaces opened up by the development o f research for the Waitangi Tribunal, the new enthusiasm shown for Te Kohanga Reo, and the critique o f positivist research by feminist and critical theorists created a set of conditions from which culturally sensitive approaches to research were developed, and from which a more sympathetic Maori approach started to emerge.

ere are ree stlnct parts to s c apter. e u:st part exarrunes the creation of a set of more favourable conditions for research tnvoMhg Maori. Ihere Is a briet discussion at dte spates opened up through feminis t and cri tical critiques of positivism, followed by a con,sideration of the impact of the Waitangi Tribunal and Te Kohanga Reo on setting the scene for establishing Maori research priorities. The second part of the chapter picks up on issues related to research of Maori and to the ways in which research has been employed and/ or represented as 'truth'. Also in the second part of the chapter there is a very brief discussion o f alternative Maori claims about knowledge and

1 63

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research which intersect with the assumption that research extends knowledge. The question which begins the second part asks, 'Whose knowledge has been extended by res earch?' This then leads into some general issues that relate to Maori views about knowing. The third part o f the chapter examines the parameters of 'culturally sensitive res earch' which is still an essentially Western research model. It ends with a brief di scus sion of the limits o f this model in relation to non-indigenous research o f Maori.

Western Critiques of Western Research

As discussed in the previous chapter, the Western cultural archive con­ tained within it several traditions o f knowledge and rules o f practice for engaging in debates over knowledge. These rules enabled systems or methods o f self-critique. The notion o f research as an objective, value­ free and scientific process for obs erving and making sense of human realities is taken for granted by many social scientists. Philosophers of science refer to this attitude as 'positivism'. Differences in approach to re search, however, have been the subject of continuous debate, as tho se engaged in attempts to understand human society grapple with the problematic nature o f social science inquiry. Within the social sciences there have been a number o f dispute s over method, meanings and what constitutes 'good' research. Method is important because it is regarded as the way in which knowledge is acquired or discovered and as a way in which we can 'know' what is real. Each academic discipline is attached not j ust to a set of ideas about knowledge, but also to methodologies. Disputes over method occur b o th within dis cipline s and acro s s di sciplin e s . T h i s is n o t surprising, c onsidering that all academic di s cipline s , as d e fined by the We st, are derived from shared philo­ sophical foundations . Some disputes , however, have 'raged' within the scientific world and have contributed to major schisms in theoretical positions . 2 At one level, this debate has been concerned primarily with issues related to methodolo and method. These is sues focus u on the appropriateness of research design and analysis. D e finitions of validity · ·

m� t ro construct and perfect scientific instruments or o servrng an exp a1n111g human behaviour and the human conditio n . At a broader level, however, the debate has been concerned with the wider aims and role o f research. Social science fields o f inquiry are dependent on the way s o ciety is viewed, and the body o f knowledge which legitimates that viewpoint. The dispute at thi s level is over the validity o f scientific methods within the positivist paradigm, and whether this is an appropriate paradigm for understanding human society.

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It was not really until the 1 960s that critical theory took hold as a theory for research, although the death camps of Nazi Germany were seen by critics of positivism as demonstrating the ultimate irrationality of science and of modernity. 3 By the 1 960s fundamental questions about knowledge and power were being articulated not just through academic discourse but through social movements such as the civil rights movement, the Anti-Vietnam War movement, the s econd wave of feminism and widespread student unrest culminating for many observers in the student riots in Paris in 1 968. In the 1 960s and 1 970s other social events also took place for indigenous peoples . Protests over the Treaty of Waitangi, Bastion Point, land marches, tent embassies, sit-ins and petitions were the key events for Maori.4 These events were reflected in other parts of the indigenous world. It is at this point that the questions asked by critical theory were also being asked by people on the ground. These people were indigenous activists rather than Marxists, but were asking similar sorts of questions about the connections between power and research. Such questions were based on a sense of outrage and injustice about the failure of education, democracy and res earch to deliver social change for people who were oppressed. These questions related to the relationship between knowledge and power, between research and emancipation, and between lived reality and imposed ideals about the Other.

During this period social theory shifted, and in the global arena of scholarship, Marxist theorists challenged the liberal theories of modern­ ization and development which had determined how the imperial world dealt with its former colonies . Gunder Frank and others working in the South American and African contexts reexamined ideas of development and suggested that there was a causal relationship between First World economic policies and Third World underdevelopment. In education, Marxist researchers also drew attention to the structural relationship between society and schooling, with schools viewed as agencies which systematically reproduce social inequalities.5 The links between imperial­ ism, education and de pmenLWere-dr.aw.n- by-th @erist-s tieh- as-Martirr Carnoy.6 These views have been criticized for t:l)eir heavy emphasis on dete�stic models gf gpqlysis ��;ell .. I i I E I! .. ... mti#Ming forc[ e central question of power and emancipation which was raised by Marxist theorists did connect, however, with the radical aspirations of a number of indigenous communities and former colonies which were struggling for self-determination.

The Challenges of Feminist Analyses

The debate over positivism which emerged from European academic

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tradition has been continued i n the Anglo-American world by feminis t and other radical critiques o f t h e positivist p o sition. While Marxis m provided a powerful counter t o liberal thought i n t h e fi r s t part o f the twentieth century/ in the latter part of this century, the second wave of feminism may have been far more important in its challenge to the epistemological foundations o f Western philo sophy, academic practice and researc h . 'Old' philosophical them e s about human natur e , patriarchal accounts o f t h e past, a n d rules o f practice taken for granted within the academy have been rigorously scrutinized and reformed by feminist theorists working acro s s a wide range o f disciplines and from a wide spectrum o f philosophical orientations. Each field o f study has been subj ect to a critique from feminist theorists.8

One of the more significant challenges to white feminism has come from women variously describe d as 'women o f colour', 'Third World women', 'black women' and 'indigenous women ' . The s e gro u p s o f women challenged the a s s um p tions o f the Wes tern/white women ' s movement that all women shared some universal characteri s tics and suffered from universal oppre s sions which could be understood and described by a group o f predominantly white, Western-trained women academic s . The problems of 'voi c e ' and 'vi sibility', ' silenc e ' and 'invisibility', became important concerns at a concrete level, as women attended international c o n ferences and attempted to develop inter­ national policies related to women's rights, population control, develop­ ment and j u s tice. For women interested in research and the emancipa­ tory potential o f res earch, there was considerable work to be done in terms of undoing or deconstructing the dominant paradigms by which m o s t s cienti fi c re s e arch was bounded, and connecting the re s e arch enterpri s e to feminis m and to a s ocial reality with which feminis m connects . 9 This h a s involved critique , t h e d evelopment o f new methodologies, and the pos sibility o f alternative ways o f knowing o r epis temologies . I O

P art o f the feminis t critique h a s al s o occurred within the field o f critical theo . This crin u e has two as ects t o it. One i s in terms of the failure of critical theory to deliver emancipation or oppre s s e groups . 1·

f the failure of critical theorists who belonged to the academy o s c1enttsts to recogruze e practices which continued to marginalize and silence women academics. This challenge has focused on the notion o f re flexivity in res earch, a proce s s of critical self awarene s s , re flexivity and openn e s s to challenge. Feminist s cholarship has slowly moved into the academy and, in the area o f research in particular, feminist methodologies are widely accepted as having legitimacy as method and as breaking new ground in terms o f research a n d s cholarship .

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Patti Lather has referred to this new ground res e arch as post­ positivism, a term which comes out of poststructuralist and postmodern approaches to knowledge.12 Lather outlines some of these approaches in Table 9 . 1 , with categories drawn partly from Habermas's categories of prediction, understanding and emancipation, and her own addition of deconstruction.13 This chart is useful because it sets out the different names by which various critiques of positivist science are known. These 'labels' are frequently used to des cribe different approaches to non­ positivist research. What is significantly absent are the organic and indigenous approaches to research, which have led to the development of a world indigenous movement and to major constitutional claims on Western states by indigenous peoples. Such approaches to research are often regarded as deriving from Freirian approaches, which are seen to be 'Western'. As will be argued later, the possibility that approaches can be generated from very different value systems and world views are denied even within the emancipatory paradigm of 'postpositivism'.

Table 9 . 1 Postpos i t i v i st I n q u i ry

Pred ict U ndersta nd E m a n c i pate Deconstruct

post i v i s m i n terpretat i ve c r i t i c a l poststructu ral

natu ra l i st i c neoMarx i st postmodern

construct i v i st fem i n ist post- pa rad igm

phenomenolog i c a l praxi s-oriented d i a spora

hermeneutic educative

F re i r i a n part i c i patory

action resea rch

P lather 1 99 1

The work being carried out by Western feminists has been countered by the work of black women and other 'women with labels'. In fact, the very labelling of women demonstrates the pluralism within the feminist ----woii:d-;-atld tne multiple directions from wru:ch----Eemlntsrtheory-mrs-­ emerged and to which it may be heading. These Other/ ed women have argued that oppression takes iliflerent lortns, and dtat tltctc arc interlocking relationships between race, gender and class which makes oppression a complex sociological and psychological condition. Many have argued that this condition carmot be understood or analysed by outsiders or people who have not. experienced, and who have not been born into, this way of life. Patricia Hill Collins has argued that 'while Black feminist thought may be recorded by others, it is produced by Black women'.14 Further, she argues that 'Black women possess a unique

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standpoint on, or perspective of, their experiences . . . [and] . . . while living life as Black women may produce certain commonalities of outlook, the diversity of class, region, age , and sexual orientation shaping Black women's lives has resulted in different expressions of these common themes . ' 1 5 This position intersects with Maori attitudes to research, and the writings of African American women in particular have been useful for Maori women · in legitimating, with literature, what Maori women have experienced.

·

The Waitangi Tribunal and Te Kohanga Reo

The significance of the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal in New Zealand in 1 975, in relation to research, was that it gave a very concrete focus for recovering and/ or representing Maori versions of colonial history, and for situating the impact of colonialism in Maori world views and value systems. Struggles over land issues had been ongoing since the Treaty o f Waitangi was signed between Maori chiefs and repres entatives of the British Crown in 1 840 and land alienation was facilitated efficiently through the establi s hment of the Native Land C ourt in 1 86 5 . 1 6 Succes sive governments and local authorities had imposed a series o f laws and regulations, which were designed to alienate Maori land from Maori people.17 This approach continued throughout the 1 9 50s and 1 9 60s with what has been called a 'use it or lose it' philosophy. 1 8 The 1 97 5 Treaty of Waitang i Act gave limited powers to the Tribunal, which could not hear land claims that went back to 1 840. Although most o f the land subj ect to Maori discontent had been taken prior to 1 975, a forum through which Maori could legitimately voice concerns was regarded p ositively.

The Treaty of Waitangi Amendment Act 1 9 8 5 broadened the scope of the Tribunal, and it is from this period that iwi/ trioesstarted quite seriously to develop their own research programmes . 1 9 The res earch priorities were determined by the nature of the claim being made and driven by the sense of injustice felt by the iwi concerned. There were few Maori people s · e 1n researc an many o ose av · :ahJ.eto- du the work were unem lo ed or retired. Other tribal research progr�es were re ant on one s e researc e trainees, some of whom had been unemployed or on j ob skills training programmes. Very few had university qualifications. In general these early programmes were carried out with limited funding and with few s killed res earchers . This o ften told when the evidence was finally presented and a number of claims required further substantiation. The first level of re search which needed to be done required archival research, familiarity with Land Court records, and oral histories. This

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was followed by another level of interpretative research, espe cially over contestable issues such as establishing prior ownership of lands or resources also being claimed by other iwi or contested by the Crown. In this process the Crown was not and is not neutral. After 1 985 the state moved rapidly into economic reforms and the privatization of state assets. It was the contention of iwi that most of the state's assets had been built upon Maori lands. Privatization activities have continued unabated and the Crown's activities in relationship to the Tribunal are to subsume its importance and deal with what is politically acceptable.

Although at one level there was an impetus in terms of bringing cases against the Crown, there was a much broader desire by Maori communities to regain or hold on to Maori language and cultural knowledge. This desire and mood is what Te Kohanga Reo captured and for which it provided a new and positive focus. While the claims to the Tribunal were being made on the basis of tribal interests, and even these were contested within tribe s , the Te Kohanga Reo was built on the more fundamental unit o f whanau or extended family. Te Kohanga Reo was represented and represented itself as 'the future'. As a national phenomenon, it did not depend on iwi structures for its credi­ bility or financial support. Although some Te Kohanga Reo are clearly situated within tribes, their administrative centre is the National Te Kohanga Reo Trust, based in the capital city of Wellington. The two developments, there fore, the Waitangi Tribunal pro c e s s and Te Kohanga Reo, were operating quite independently of each other and having an impact on communities in very different ways . Te Kohanga Reo, furthermore, discouraged re search but encouraged autonomy amongst its individual units . A consequence of such autonomy is that there was space for whanau to solve problems for themselves and this process generated a wide range of activities, one of which was informa­ tion gathering. It was also a process which committed parents to thinking far more seriously about education and the relationship between schooling and society.

Research as an Extension of Knowledge - Whose Knowledge?

Hte et49Efae 6f f56§1H vBf¥1 by rei+&n:BE Hteonm, eEhilie nttnort&eS and indigenous peoples has emerged from the experience o f people who have been s tudied, researched, written about, and defined by social scientists. It is from the position of being the researched that Maori, too, have resisted and then challenged social science research. This challenge has confronted both methodological issues and epistemological con­ cerns: that is, both the techniques of research and the presuppositions about knowledge which underlie research. The criticisms raised by Maori

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p eople locate the theoretical debates o f the wider world within a local New Z e aland context.

Re s e arch is about satis fying a need to know, and a need to extend the boundarie s of existing knowledge through a proces s of systematic inquiry. Rationality in the Western tradition enabled knowledge to be produced and articulated in a s cientific and 'superior' way. As Europeans began to explore and c oloni z e other parts o f the world, notions o f rationality and conceptualizations o f knowledge became the 'convenient tool for dismis sing from serious comparison with Wes tern forms o f thought tho s e forms o f "primitive" thought whi c h were being encountered'.20 As Salmond has argued, this view has led to 'European evaluations of Maori knowledge . . . [which] have characteristically been ideological'.21 For Maori people, European conceptions of knowledge and of r e s e arch have meant that, while being considered 'primitive', Maori s o ciety has provided fertile ground for res e arch. The que s tion of whos e knowledge was being extended by research was o f little conse­ quence, as early ethnographers, educational researchers and occasional 'travellers' described, explained and recorded their accounts of various aspects o f Maori society. Distortions o f Maori s o cial reality by ethno­ centric researchers overly given to generalizations were initially apparent only to Maori people .22 While this type of research was validated by ' s cientific method' and 'colonial affirmation', it did little to extend the knowledge of Maori people. Instead, it left a foundation of ideologically laden data about Maori society, which has distorted notions of what it means to be Maori.

This in turn has entrapped Maori people within a cultural d e finition whic h does not connect with either our oral traditions or our lived reality. Maori women, for example, are caught b etwe e n the written accounts of white male writers and the a s sertions o f the few Maori women who are contes ting th o s e early accounts . For example, Elsdon Best says of his research among the Tuhoe tribe, 'As in most other barbaric lands, we find that women were looked upon here as being inf&-i{)r- t m ' 23 Cam at · th what Ran imarie Ro s e Pere, herself a d e scendant o f Tuho e Potiki, has to say: 'As a female, I ave be e "l'eBeft te Y9'fr j'Q£itjye female rgJe mpdeJs from both my natural parents' d e scent lines. The m o s t s enior men and women . . . made 1t qwte clear from the legacy they left that men and women, adults and children, work alongside each other and together'.24 The problem is not simply about redre ssing the past. Much o f what was written about Maori people in the last century and in this century has become part of a body o f common knowledge that is taken for granted. Hence the uphill task for Maori women s eeking to reconstruct traditional roles is that they are having to challenge existing 'knowledge' which is primarily ideological

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o r false. Consider the following three examples :

1 Culturally, the role of women was made clear i n the account of their creation. The first woman was formed out of a mound of earth and impregnated by her male creator with a life spirit. From this, woman was regarded as being a passive receptacle for the dominant male spirit.25

There are three points which can be made in relation to this account. Firstly, Maori would claim that we were created by a tipuna, of 'god-like' status, who also impregnated most other living things on earth with 'life spirits'. The problem lies in the reduction of our creation myths to a story of 'man' and 'woman', like a Judaeo-Christian account of 'Adam and Eve'. The second problem with this interpretation lie s with the concept of male and female 'spirits'. Humans as well as plants, animals, stones, carvings and other animate and inanimate objects (according to Western classifications) have a 'life force' or mauri. In many oral accounts both male and female 'essences' reside in that life force. While the life force in people and animals may be manifested in physically 'male' or 'female' characteristics, mauri is not itself gendered. The third problem­ atic aspect of this quote is the concept of a 'passive receptacle'. There are enough examples in oral histories to demonstrate that women were always considered more than 'passive receptacles'.

2 In Maori attitudes towards a woman's place, there was, on the surface, little conflict with the Victorian espousal of a limited domestic sphere.26

The difficulties with this quote are its comparative appeal to Victorian attitudes and the concept of a 'limited domestic sphere'. The comparison is a dangerous one in two respects: it reduces and decontextualizes Maori values and practices on one hand (in order to make the comparison) , and, secondly, it poses unproblematically the normative 'reality' of notions such as 'woman's place' and 'domestic spheres'.

3 [Maori] women suffered a social oppression typical of all societies that -- ....m· ., ..-t�ooaof-God::2 The third quotation uses a single g1mighqr g;eoergljzatioo to iusti§r a new form of colonialism (fundamentalist Chris tianity) . No sources are acknowledged for this information and, in a sense, none are required, because it is posited as 'common sense'. This has been the danger of ethnocentric research paradigms .

The extracts above were n o t written b y Maori b u t b y p eople who were informed by the research and material which has been written and recorded by other non-Maori about Maori society. The effect of a

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process which tends to give greater legitimacy to written sources i s that the most acces sible material was not written by Maori. Therefore, the potential to reproduce colonizing ideologies and colonizing perspectives is always pres ent. As argued by Merata Mita, however, 'paternali sm doesn't work and as soon as we reject it we're the ones seen to b e causing t h e "problem" when in fact t h e problem is created b y whoever is looking through the microscope'.28

The Validity of Maori Knowledge

The reassertion of Maori aspirations and cultural practice which came about through Te Kohanga Reo, the Waitangi Tribunal and other forms o f Maori activism has demonstrated a will by Maori people to make explicit claims about the validity and legitimacy o f Maori knowledge. This will has been expre ss e d through various educational and com­ munity programme s . Government poli c i e s on devolution and the retraction of state assets have also stimulated iwi to carry out research on their own behalf. 29 In many cases Maori organizations have been reluctant to allow research to be carried out until they have developed a sufficiently strong base.

When Cook arrived here in the eighteenth century, he found a thriving and complex society. Later voyagers and travellers, including Chri s tian mis sionari e s , were fascinated and heartened that Maori concepts relating to cosmology and spirituality were so sophisticated. Missionaries , for example, were reported to have had little difficulty in talking about spiritual concepts with Maori people. 30 Although later settlers saw little that was civilizing in Maori beliefs or practice, earlier visitors, including many missionaries, were appreciative o f the breadth and sophi s tication o f Maori epistemology. Because of the way Maori society was structured, because of its unique world view, and because o f its strong oral tradition, knowledge litself was never held to be universally available. Maori society valued knowledge highly, to such an extent that certain es o f knowledge were entrusted to only a few members o f the whanau. Some knowledge was cons1 ere to e a u an tbece were sanctions t£at ensured that it was protected, used appro­ priately, and transmitted With accuracy.

Maori have a highly developed story of how knowledge was gained. In one of our first 'res earch proj e c ts ' Tane-nui-a-rangi, one o f the children of the first parents, (the s ky father and the earth mother) j ourneyed to the twelfth 'universe' to gain knowledge.31 Two points to emphasize in this story are that Tane-nui-a-rangi sought knowledge on behalf of everyone else, and, secondly, the knowledge he gained was differentiated into thre e sep arate baskets . 32 The s e baskets contained

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different types of knowledge. Knowledge was perceived as being highly specialized, but each aspect was ess ential to collective wellbeing. It was also perceived as being hierarchical. There was knowledge that all people needed to carry out their daily activities . It was acquired through observa­ tion, practice, and the guidance of kaumatua. Stories and proverbs show that sloppine s s , lazin e s s and the non-completion of tasks were not tolerated and earned retribution.

The whole process of colonization can be viewed as a stripping away o f mana (our standing in our own eye s) , and an undermining o f rangatiratanga (our ability and right to determine our destinies) . Research is an important part of the colonization proces s because it is concerned with de fining legitimate knowledge. In Maori communities today, there is a deep distrust and suspicion of research. This suspicion is not just o f non-indigenous researchers , but o f the whole philosophy o f research and the different sets of beliefs which underlie the research process. Even in very recent s tudies, this hostility or negative attitude to research in general has been noted. 33 Research methodology is based on the skill o f matching the problem with an 'appropriate' set of inves tigative strategies . It is concerned with ensuring that information is accessed in such a way as to guarantee validity and reliability. This requires having a theoretical understanding, either explicitly or implicitly, of the world, the problem, and the method. When studying how to go about doing research, it is very easy to overlook the realm of common sense, the basic beliefs that not only help people identify research problems that are relevant and worthy, but also accompany them throughout the research proce s s . Researchers must go further than simply recognizing personal beliefs and assumptions, and the effect they have when inter­ acting with people.34 In a cross-cultural context, the questions that need to be asked are ones such as:

Who defined the research problem? For whom is this study worthy and relevant? Who says so? What knowledge will the community gain from this study? What knowled e will the researcher · from this study? What are some likely positive outcome s from this study? What are some possible ne�tiye outcomes? How can the negative outcomes be eliiiiii1ated? To whom is the researcher accountable? What processes are in place to support the research, the researched and the researcher?

Moreover, it is also important to question that most fundamental belief of all, that individual researchers have an inherent right to knowledge and truth. We should not assume that they have been trained

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well enough to pursue i t rigorously, nor to recognize it when they have 'discovered' it. An analysis of research into the lives of Maori people, from a Maori perspective, would seem to indicate that many researchers have not only not found 'truth' or new knowledge; rather, they have mis sed the point entirely, and, in some cases, drawn conclusions about Maori s o ciety from information that has only the m o s t tenuous relationship how Maori society operate s . 35

The s o cial settings of the non-indigenous world into which Maori people were compelled to move - such as the school, the health system, the welfare system, the justice system - have at the same time provided researchers with a point of entry into Maori society. Essentially, this has been crisis research, directed at explaining the causes o f Maori failure and suppo sedly solving Maori problems. On the basis of res e arch carried out on the sites o f the s e encounters, res earchers sometimes made huge inferential leaps and generalizations about how the rest of Maori s ociety functioned, and which elements of this society were inhibiting succe s s ful development.36 To return to the story of Tane-nui-a-rangi and the three kinds of knowledge, the s e gifts were all e s sential to the survival and well­ being of the group . B e cause knowledge was conceived from the beginning as being highly specialized, it had to be distributed among the members of the group. Individuals with specialist skills held them on behalf o f the group. They were also dependent on other members of the group, with other types o f knowledge, to carry out the various inter­ dependent activities. When a researcher uses individual informants and interviews individuals in a one-to-one context, the resulting information may be a long way from the full picture. The connection of knowledge with mana could mean that an informant is not going to reveal too much, is not going to admit lack of knowledge but, conversely, is going to assert influence or a picture o f dominance by what is revealed, and is going to give an individual view, from an individualist perspective, of group knowledge and activities. Although many people would argue that, under the influence of the colonial society, mu�h of this tradition has been eroded there is still a strong belie f held by many Maori p eople that there is a uniquely 'Maori' way o oo g at e worlcland--tearn:ing;- 'Fhe ­

han Reo would seem to bear this out. The different ways in w c ow e ge 1s perceive is complicated further by the intersection with imperial power. They are not held to be equally valid or commensurate views of reality, let alone of research.

The colonization of Maori culture has threatened the maintenance of that knowledge and the transmis sion o f knowledge that is 'exclusively' or particularly Maori. The dominance of Western, British culture, and the history that underpins the relationship between indigenous Maori

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and non-indigenous Pakeha, have made it extremely difficult for Maori forms of knowledge and learning to be accepted as legitimate. By asserting the validity of Maori knowledge, Maoti people have reclaimed greater control over the research which is being cartied out in the Maori field. 'Traditional' world views provide an historical example of the complexity of Maori beliefs and understandings of the world. They also provide ample examples of Maori efforts to seek knowledge, to organize it and to learn from it. It might be said that this historical knowledge is irrelevant in a contemporary context.37 But from a Maori perspective, it is only as irrelevant as the thoughts of Western philosophers such as Plato or St Augustine, who s e ideas have been o f such central importance to Western epistemology. Maori knowledge represents the body of knowledge which, in today's society, can be extended, alongside that of existing Western knowledge.

Negotiating New Relationships with Non-indigenous Researchers

An illustration of the widespread ethical abuses of research is to be found in the 1 9 8 8 research scandal which occurred in New Zealand over the treatment, and more especially non-treatment, of cervical cancer at National Women's Hospital in the 1 9 80s. Similar abuse s of research have been recorded - the Tuskagee proj ect in the United States , for example, which involved a black male prison population in a proj ect on syphili s . In brief, women with early signs o f pre-cancer who were examined at the hospital were assigned to one o f two groups without their knowledge or consent. One of those groups received treatment. The research came to be conducted as an ongoing proj ect incorporated into institutional practices, almo st as official policy. When two feminist j ournalists reported the study it produced a huge national outcry which eventually became the focus of an o fficial inquiry. The nature o f the research under inves tigation by the inquiry challenged the ethics o f researchers in a public and dramatic , way.38 It was a moment i n which the dominant non-indigenous society glimp sed some small part of a m · de and s stem of abuse b researchers with which indigenous people have been only too familiar.

A ltho,,sh many researchers ipyqlyed ip spcial science may confidently assert that their research does not endanger lives, many lessons can be learned from such an inquiry. Although most researchers would believe sincerely that they wish to improve the conditions� o f their research participant s , this has not always happened. Re search proj ects are designed and carried out with little recognition accorded to the people who participated - 'the researched'. Indigenous people and other groups in society have frequently been portrayed as the powerl e s s victims o f

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research which has attributed a variety o f deficits or problems to j u s t about everything they do. Years o f research have frequently failed t o improve the conditions o f the people who are res earched. This h a s led many Maori people to believe that researchers are simply intent on taking or 'stealing' knowledge in a non-recipro c al and o ften under­ handed way. The Cartwright Inquiry motivated a more public discus sion o f re search ethics. For Maori the inquiry simply reinforced an attitude of s u spicion towards res earch although it als o provided space to negotiate re search with non-indigenous researchers much more explicitly. Researchers, for example, had to distance themselves from the experimental control research model used by the medical researchers under inquiry.

Research in itself is a powerful intervention, even if carried out at a dis tance, which has traditionally bene fited the researcher, and the knowledge base o f the dominant group in society. When undertaking research, either acros s cultures or within a minority culture, it is critical that researchers recognize the power dynamic which is embedded in the relationship with their subjects. Researchers are in receipt of privileged information. They may interpret it within an overt theoretical frame­ work, but also in terms o f a covert ideological framework. They have the power to distort, to make invisible, to overlook, to exaggerate and to draw conclusion s , based not on factual data, but on as sumptions, hidden value j udgements, and o ften downright misunderstandings. They have the potential to extend knowledge or to perpetuate ignorance.

Culturally sensitive approaches to research cover a wide range o f attempts t o take heed o f the problems and issues which concern the people involved in the research. For Maori, this has involved efforts by researchers to inform the 'researched' about themselves in a way which respects people. The challenge by Maori (and other groups) to the re s e arch community, demanding that they 'keep out' of researching Maori people or Maori issues, has led to several different approaches and strategies for carrying out further research. It did not mean that .academics simpl took notice of Maori and stopp ed all research, but that they sought other ways of thinking about etr- proJeC s an -proceeded-. ·

enterin the domain of Maori concerns .39 t e pro

published paper I listed some of the following s trategies which characterize the shi ft s towards becoming more culturally sensitive.40 These are :

1 the strategy of avoidance whereby the researcher avoids dealing with the issues or with Maori;

2 the strategy of 'personal development' whereby the res earchers

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prepare thems elves by learning Maori language, attending hui and becoming more knowledgeable about Maori concerns;

3 the strategy o f consultation with Maori where efforts are made to seek support and consent;

4 the s trategy o f 'making space' where res earch organizations have recognized and attempted to bring more Maori re s e archers and 'voices ' into their own organization.

These strategies have various consequences, positive and negative, for the researchers and the researched. They all involve different ways o f making changes , although the first strategy o f avoidance may not b e help ful to anyone. In association with other shifts i n s o cial science theory and the development o f feminist critiques o f research, the move towards res earch which is more ethical, and concerned with outcomes as well as processes, has meant that tho se who choose to research with Maori people have more opportunities to think more carefully about what this undertaking may mean. This does not necessarily guarantee it, however.

Graham Smith has posited four models by which culturally appro­ priate re search can be undertaken by non-indigenous researchers .41 The first model he refers to as the tiaki or mentoring model in which authoritative Maori people guide and sponsor the research. The second model Smith refers to as the whangai or adoption model.42 The whangai model differs from the tiaki model in that the whangai researchers are incorporated into the daily life of Maori people, and sustain a life-long relationship which extends far beyond the realms of research. Smith's third model is a 'power s haring model' where researchers 'seek the assistance of the community to meaningfully support the development of a research enterpri s e ' . The fourth model S mi th refers to as the 'empowering outcomes model', which addresses the s orts o f questions Maori people want to know and which has beneficial outcomes.

All these models imply a cUlturally sensitive and empathetic approach, but go beyond that approach to addres s the issues which are going to ma e a erence for Maon. usse 1s op en cany---ctiscusses some -of the roblems associated enerall with emancipatory research and empowenng mo e s o re ea , emancipatory model of research has not of itself freed researchers from exercising intellectual arrogance or employing evangelical and paternal­ istic practice s . This applies also to methods which appear to be qualita­ tive or ethnographic. These approaches may sound more sensitive in the field, but often the assumptions behind the research focus and the trans­ lation into text can be just as problematic as other forms of research.

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Another model o f research i s subsumed under the label o f 'bicultural' or p artnership research. Although Smith's four models could als o be claime d a s bicultural in some form, the latest interpretation of bicultural re s earch involves both indigenous and non-indigenous res earchers wo rking on a research p roj ect and shaping that proj e c t toge ther. S o metim e s this involves non-indigenous researchers taking responsibility for interviewing non-indigenous participants, and indigenous researchers interviewing indigenous participants . In other proj ects it involves a more complex structuring of a research programme , its de sign and method­ ology. Teariki and Spoonley write that re search as a partnership involves working through a process which is inevitably political.44 They argue that r e s e arch needs to be carefully negotiated, and that the outcomes o f research need t o be thought through before the re search is undertaken.

Setting the Boundaries to Research by Non-indigenous Researchers

All of the above models assume that indigenous people are involved in the r e s e arch in key and o ften s enior role s . With very few trained indigenous researchers available, one o f the rol e s non-indigenous researchers have needed to play is as mentors o f indigenous research a s sis tant s . Increasingly, however, there have been demands by indigenous communities for research to be undertaken exclusively by indigenous re searchers . It is thought that Maori people need to take greater control over the questions they want to addres s , and invest more energy and commitment into the education and empowering of Maori people as researchers. Some organizations, for example, have made it very clear that research is 'off limits'. The best-known of the s e is the Te Kohanga Reo National Trust. This anti-research stance has applied to all researchers. There are o ther kinds o f limits also being set, as more Maori begin to work in the various fields of social s cience research. For examp l e , many Maori now attend b o th national and international conferences and have been known to que s tion and challenge the material of New Zealand aca enucs on sue occastons. 5 n e �ere- are­

sin numbers of Maori academi c s , researchers, policy analysts and a mtnl s trators w o eep rac o dis s eminate research results very quickly to the wider community. The more radical limits to non-indigenous research, however, are being set by the developing field o f indigenous Maori rdearch and the increasing numbers o f Maori res earchers in both the social sciences and physical s cience s , and in the area o f tribal histories and land claim s . The develop­ m ent of new ways of thinking about indigenous Maori research, and approaches to the way this research should be framed, have emerged in

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the last decade under the rubric of Kaupapa Mao ri res earch. The following chapter will address this topic.

What I wanted to discuss in this chapter was the shift which occurred between Maori people being viewed as res earch obj ects and Maori people becoming our own researchers. This shift, I have argued, was not simply an evolutionary development. I t came about through other changes, some of which occurred within Maori cultural politic s, some of which were brought about by state intervention, and some o f which occurred through the spaces opened up within the field of social science. I have not addressed individual disciplinary methodologies or methods , but have kept the discus sion at a broader level of social s cience. Clearly there were significant changes in approach, which developed out o f ethnographic research and other qualitative methods.

Notes

This was established through the Treaty of Waitangi Act (1 9 75) to deal with claims by Maori that actions of the Crown from 1 975 onwards had been prejudicial to them and had contravened the Treaty of Waitangi. This Act was amended by The Treaty of Waitangi Act (1 985) which gave the Tribunal the right to hear cases which went back to 1 840 when the Treaty of Waitangi, and the Maori version, Te Tiriti o Waitangi was signed. The Tribunal was expanded from three members under the 1 975 Act to several teams of members who are hearing cases acros s the country.

2 Adorno, T. W. et al. (1 976) , The Positivist Dispute in German oociology, translated by G. Adey and D. Frisby, Heinemann, London.

3 For a historical summary of critical theory in relation to education, see Blackledge, D. and B. Hunt (1 985), Sociological Interpretations of Education, Croom Helm, London; Gibson, R. (1 986), Critical Theory and Education, Hodder and Stoughton, London.

4 See Ranginui Walker's account of these events in Walker, R. ( 1 9 90), Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou. Struggle Without End, Penguin, Auckland.

5 Bowles, S. and H. Gintis (1 976) , Schooling in Capitalist America, Basic Books, United States.

6 Carnoy, M. (1 974) , Education as Cultural Imperialism, D. McKay Co., New York. 7 And is itself inextricably part of the modernist project. -s-Fonow, M-:-M-:ancl . -A-: -e:m:{'r(t9f)'7'),tfeyo1fli-Mahlrdulogy:-Ftmini.rrS<holarship-as

lived Research, Indiana University Press, Bloomington. 9 g, 1 s I 1 S Yi'j (1923) 9 u fJ � R , ig ·, En · i t E?•Uc ,,; @into

mology, second edition, Routledge, London. 10 See, for example, Reinharz, S. (1 992), Feminist Metho4s in Social Research, Oxford

University Press, New York. Reinharz takes the reader through feminist methods for ethnography, survey research, experimental and cross-cultural research, oral histories, case studies and action research.

1 1 Ellsworth, E. (1 989) , 'Why Doesn't This Feel Empowering? Working Through the Repressive Myths of Critical Pedagogy', in Haroard Educational Review, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 297-324.

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1 2 Lather, P . (1 9 9 1 ) , Getting Smart, Feminist Research and Pedagol!J With/ in the Postmodem, Roudedge, New York.

1 3 Ibid., pp. 6-7 . 1 4 Collins , P. H. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , 'Learning from the Outsider Within: the Sociological

Significance o f Black Feminist Thought', in Bryond Methodolo!!J, Feminist Scholarship as Lived Research, eds M. Fonow and J . A. Cook, Indiana University Pre s s , Bloomington, p . 37.

1 5 Ibid., p . 37. 16 The Treaty o f Waitangi gave pre-emptive right to the Crown to purchase Maori

land - that is, before any _individuals or companies. This practice ceased under pressure from companies interested in setdement by British setders.

17 According to Asher and Naulls, 'Since the signing of the Treaty o f Waitangi in 1 840 the Maori tribal estates have declined from almost 2 7 million hectares to about 1 . 3 million. And what remains i s often in the form o f fragmented holdings with a multiplicity o f owners, predominandy absentee.' For further background see Asher, G. and D Naulls (1 9 87) , Maori Land, New Zealand Planning Council, Wellington, p . 46. Legislation which was used as a device to alienate the land included the Public Works Act 1 90 8 which authorized the taking o f European land for railways and roads, with right o f objection and compensation. No notice was required to take Maori land until the Native Land Act 1 909, which authorized the Governor General to take Maori lands for railways and road s , with no compensation. See Temm, P . (1 990) , The Waitangi Tribuna4 Random Century, Aucklan d . There was a series o f such acts o f legislation which _enabled the systematic stripping of land away from its owners.

1 8 Ibid., p . 47. 1 9 According to Margaret Mu tu, for example, her iwi (Ngati Kahu) had started talking

about doing their own research in the early 1 9 80s but had no funding to help them. Their case had its first hearing in 1 9 87 and in 1 9 9 5 is still being heard. Personal communication.

20 Egan, K (1 9 87) , 'Literacy and the Oral Foundations of Education', in Harvard Educational-Review, Vol. 57, N o . 4, p. 446 .

21 Salmond, A. (1 985) , 'Maori Epistemologies', in Reason and Morality, ed. J. Overing, Tavistock, London p . 240.

22 Smith G. H. (1 986) , 'Nga Kete Wananga - Akonga Maori: Maori Teaching and Learning', Maori Studies Department, Auckland College of Education, Auckland.

23 Best, E . (1 934) , The Maori As He Was, Maori Purposes Fund Board, Wellington, p. 9 3 .

24 Pere, R. ( 1 9 8 8) , 'Te Wheke: Whaia te Maramatanga me t e Aroha', in Women and -:Fdiieation zn Aot � . . Middleton;-Alle a--a-nd- Unwin, �,_p" -. -"-9_,_. __ 25 Heuer B. (1 972) , Maori Women, The Polynesian Society, A. H. and A. W. Reed,

26 Fry, R. (1 9 8 5), It's Different for Daughters: a History o l e umcu um or 1 Zealand Schools 1900- 1975, New Zealand C o uncil for Educational Research, Wellington, p. 1 5 6 .

27 Drake, M . ( 1 9 8 9) , The New Maori .A{yth, Wycliffe Christian Schools, Auckland, p . 20. L

28 Mita, M. (1 9 89) , 'Merata Mita On .. .', in New Zealand Listener, 14 October, p. 30. 29 Every claim to the Waitangi Tribunal requires substantial amounts o f research by

Maori. This research includes searching through Native Land Court record s ,

R E S P O N D I N G TO T H E I M P E RA T I V E S OF AN I N D I G E N O U S A G E N D A 1 8 1

archival research, written accounts of whakapapa (genealogies of tribes traced back to ancestors who arrived in Aotearoa by canoe and even further back to the creation of the universe), and the gathering of oral histories. In most cases this requires a team of researchers who have skills in Maori language, can find their way around legal documents, already have a sound historical understanding of the context, have the means to travel, are computer literate and can interpret different sorts of data.

30 In fact some, like Kendall, became very involved in discussions about Maori spirituality. See Binney, J . (1968) , Tbe Legacy of Guilt: a life of Thomas Kendal, Oxford University Press, Auckland.

31 An English language account of one version of this story can be found in Buck P. (1 949), Tbe Coming of the Maori, Maori Purposes Fund Board, Whitcombe and Tombs Ltd., Wellington, pp. 443-72. Buck identifies the 'baskets o f knowledge' as kete uruuru matua (peace and goodness), kete uruuru rangi (prayers and incanta­ tions) and kete uruuru tau or tawhite (war, agriculrure, woodwork), p. 449. Another account is to be found in the manuscript by Te Matorohanga which was· translated by Percy Smith as Smith, P. (1 9 1 3) , The Lore of the Whore Wananga, Polynesian Society, Thomas Avery, New Plymouth, New Zealand.

32 As well as three kinds of knowledge, Tane-nui-a-rangi also collected two mauri stones, Te Hukatai and Te Rehutai.

33 Teariki, C. and P. Spoonley (1 992) , Te Whakapakari Te Mana Tangata - The Politics and Process of Research for Maori, Department o f Sociology, Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand.

34 Which is the point at which some definitions of reflexivity actually stop. 35 Which is the point made by Toby Curtis. Curtis, T. (1 983), 'A Maori Viewpoint

Related to Research in Education in Maori Education', republished in The Issue of Researrh and Maori,_ Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland, Auckland.

· 36 See for example, Beaglehole, E. and Beaglehole, P. (1 948), Some Modern Maoris,

New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Wellington. 37 In fact, it is frequently said in letters to the newspapers that Maori knowledge, if

such a thing can be said to exist, is irrelevant, heathen, backwards and wrong. 38 See for example, Coney, S. (1 988) , The Unfortunate Experiment, Penguin, Auckland.

According to Coney, when this experiment was approved the ethical obligations were still framed by the Helsinki Agreement (1 964, 1 975, 1 983) which developed in response to the clinical trials of Nazi doctors in concentration camps.

39 This is a very positive gloss as there are many anecdotal examples of researchers who just carried on with little regard for Maori concerns.

40 Smith, L. T. ( 1 9 89) , 'On Being Culrurally Sensitive: the Art o f Gathering and Eating Kina Wi out ne g ourse on ie fmger , eyno e a dress to the New Zealand Psychological Society Annual Conference, University of Auckland. lte�nni!eA iH 1.!4' LJhJ ; I!HJFU if JU t , fl 1 I I · 6 1 f · E 1 · University of Auckland. A kina is a sea urchin, very prickly on the outside and not very attractive on the inside, except to those of us who regard them as a summer delicacy.

41 Smith, G. H. (1 992) , 'Research Issues Related to Maori Education', in The Issue of Research and Maori, Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland, Auckland.

42 Both terms, tiaki and whangai, define types of relationships which are considered

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positive and appropriate -under certain constraints. 43 Bishop, R . (1 9 9 4) , 'Initiating Empowering Research? ' New Zealand Journal of

Educational SIHdies, Vol. 29, No. 1 , pp. 1 75-88. 44 Teariki, C . and P . Spoonley (1 992) , Te Whakapakari. 45 They will also challenge academics from other countries, especially if it is thought

that they have ignored the situation of indigenous people in their own countries or, worse, misrepresented them.

C H A P T E R 1 0

Toward s D eveloping

Indigenous Methodologie s :

Kaupapa Maori Re search

W7.7at happens to research when the researched become the researchers?

As mentioned in previous chapters, research of Maori is marked by a history that has shaped the attitudes and fe_elings Maori people have held towards research. Research is implicated in the production of Western knowledge, in the nature of academic work, in the production of theories which have dehumanized Maori and in practices which have continued to privilege Western ways of knowing, while denying the validity for Maori of Maori knowledge, language and culture. We have also men­ tioned the general impact of Western research on Maori attitudes towards theory and academic knowledge, attitudes which have led some Maori at least in the direction of rejecting all theory and all research. One of the challenges for Maori researchers working in this context has been to retrieve some space - first, some space to convince Maori people of the value of research for Maori; second, to convince the various, fragmented but powerful research communitie s of the need for greater Maori involvement in research; and third, to develop approaches and ways of carrying out research which take into account, without being limited by, the legacies of previous research, and the parameters of both

revious and current a12 roaches. What is n w referre p_<L Maori approaches to research, or simply as Kaupapa Maori research, is an attempt tg retrieve that space and to gchieye tbqse w:neral aims Thjs naming of research has provided a focus through which Maori people, as communities of the researched and as new communities of the researchers, have been able to engage in a dialogue about setting new directions for the priorities, policies, and practices of research for, by and with Maori. This chapter begins by discus sing the ways in which Kaupapa Maori research has become a way of structuring assumptions , values, concepts, orientations and priorities i n research. 1

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1 84 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

Research by Maori

At the outset it needs stating that not all those who write about or talk about Kaupapa Maori are involved in research . Kaupapa Maori has been applied acro ss a wide range o f projects and enterprises. Furthermore, not all Maori researchers would regard either themselves , or their research, as fitting within a Kaupapa Maori framework. There are elements within the definitions of Kaupapa Maori which serve the purp o s e of selecting what counts and what does not count. One can ask, for example, 'Can a Maori researcher who is anti-Maori carry out Kaupapa Maori research?' The answer, based on current def.tn.itions, is 'definitely not'. Another que s tion is les s easy to answer: 'Can a non­ indigenous researcher carry out Kaupapa Maori research?' The answer on current definitions is more complex. Perhaps it might read, 'a non­ indigenous, non-Maori person can be involved in Kaupapa Maori research but not on their own, and if they were involved in such research, they would have ways of po sitioning themselves as a non-indigenous person'; or the more radical interpretation might say, 'by definition, no, Kaupapa Maori research is Maori research exclusively'. From these two que stions and answers, then, it is pos sible to say something more about what Kaupapa Maori research is, and what it is not.

Kathy Irwin characterize s Kaupapa Maori as research which is 'culturally safe', which involves the 'mentorship' o f elders, which is culturally relevant and appropriate while satisfying the rigour o f res earch, and which is undertaken by a Maori res earcher, not a researcher who happens to be Maori.2 This statement implies that other forms of re search, that is culturally sensitive models, have not been satisfactory at the level of cultural safety. Irwin also grounds her work in 'a paradigm

- that stems from a Maori worldview'.3 Rus sell Bishop writes that Kaupapa Maori 'addre sses the prevailing ideologies of cultural superiority which pervade our social, economic and political institutions'.4 Bishop's model is framed by the discourses related to the Treaty o f Waitangi and

oy e eve opment-withirreducation-e f-M-a�ri-init:iatnres_which are 'controlled' by Maori. By framing Kaupapa Maori within the Treaty o f Wiftangr, Btshop leaves stJaEE l0t Sit in 1 ' t ef fl8P iodjg;eoons researchers in support of Maori research. He argues that non-indigenous ; people, generally speaking, have an obligation to support Maori research (as Treaty partners) . And, secondly, some non-indigenous res earchers, who have a genuine desire to support the cause o f Maori, ought to be included, because they can be u s e ful allies and colleagues in research. The issue o f 'control' is linked, in Bishop's argument, with the goal of empowerment, 'In the context o f research, empowerment means that

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Maori people should regain control of investigations into Maori people's lives . '5 Bishop als o argues that Kaupapa Maori research is located within an alternative conception of the world from which solutions and cultural aspirations can be generated. This alternative conception draws from an alternative code. B oth Irwin and B ishop argue for the importance of the concept of whanau as a supervisory and organizational structure for handling res earch. Bishop refers to this as a 'research whanau of interest'. Irwin refers to a 'whanau of supervisors ' . For both Bishop and Irwin, the wbanau provides the intersection where research meets Maori, or Maori meets res earch, on equalizing terms . From thes e comments it is clear that under the rubric of Kaupapa Maori research different sets of ideas and issues are being claimed as important. Some o f these intersect at different points with research as an activity. Some of these features are framed as assumptions, some as practices and methods and some are related to Maori conceptions of knowledge.

Graham Smith, who has written extensively about Kaupapa Maori initiatives, summarizes these by saying that Kaupapa Maori research:

1 is related to 'being Maori'; 2 is connected to Maori philosophy and principles; 3 takes for granted the validity and legitimacy o f Maori, the importance

of Maori language and culture; and 4 is concerned with 'the struggle for autonomy over our own cultural

well being'.6

Smith locates Kaupapa Maori research within the wider project o f Maori struggles for self-determination, and draws from this proj ect a set o f elements which, h e argues, can be found in all the different proj ects associated with Kaupapa Maori. The general significance of these principle s , however, is that they have evolved from within many o f the well-tried practices of Maori as well as being tied to a clear and coherent rationale.7

A Local Approach to Critical Theory

Most discussion about Kaupapa Maori is also located m relation to criBcil meer,, 111 fSA¥dtt:IM tu die 11 ci 5 E 0 I i I 5 I sittBJ:B&I Gtn,ssJe and emancipation. The previous chapter, for example, situates Maori research within the anti-positivist debate raised by critical theory. Pihama suggests that,

intrinsic to Kaupapa Maori theory is an analysis of existing power structures and societal inequalities. Kaupapa Maori theory therefore aligns with critical theory in the act of exposing underlying assumptions that

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serve to conceal the power relations that exist within society and the ways in which dominant groups construct concepts of 'common sense' and 'facts' to provide ad hoc j usti fication for the maintenance of inequalities and the continued oppression of Maori people.8

Bishop goe s further to suggest that critical approaches to res earch have in fact ' failed' to addre s s the issues of communities such as Maori, and that the development o f alternative approaches by Maori reflects a form of resistance to critical theory. Bishop makes this point in the context o f the debate between Ellsworth and Giroux, about the failure of critical pedagogy in relation to its emancipatory goals .9

Smith, however, argues that Kaupapa Maori is a 'local' theoretical positioning which is the modality through which the emancipatory goal of critical theory, in a specific historical, political and social context, is practised. This 'localizing' o f the aims o f critical theory is partly an enact­ ment of what critical theory actually 'offered' to oppressed, marginalized and silenced group s . The project o f critical theory held out the pos sibility that, through emancipation, groups such as Maori would take greater control over their own lives and humanity. This nece ssarily implied that groups would take hold of the project of emancipation and attempt to make it a reality in their own term s . Whilst Western academics may quibble about the success or failure of the emancipatory proj ect, and question the idealism which lie s behind it, there is a tendency to be overly 'precious' about 'their' project as a universal recipe that has to be followed 'to the letter' if it is to be effective. Furthermore, this stance assumes that oppre s sion has universal characteristics which were independent o f history, context and agency. At the level of abstraction, this is what has to be argued in a sense, but it can never be so on the ground. There is also a naivete about the real-life 'dirtiness' of political proj ects, or what Fanon and other anti-colonial writers would regard as the violence entailed in struggles for freedom. The end re sult cannot be predetermined. The means to the end involves human agency in ways which are complex and contradictory. The notion of strategic positioning-a a_deliherate_practice is partially an attempt to contain the unevenne s s and unpredictability, under stre s s , of people engaged in @ftJ;l!Rei,litij£5; v�lifi TAu \itQQ(.}fi'r zrirjQp gf Ka,,papa J\4aori embraces that sense of strategic positioning, of being able to plan, predict and contain, acro s s a number of sites , the engagement in struggle.

Another dimension of Kaupapa Maori research is to be found clustered around issues of identity. Bishop, I rwin, Pihama and Smith have all argued that being Maori, identifying as Maori and as a Maori researcher, is a critical element of Kaupapa Maori research. Whilst this position is anti-positivist, in that it is also saying that we look at the

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world through our grounding in Maori world views, most Maori researchers would als o argue that being Maori does not preclude us from being systematic, being ethical, being 'scientific' in the way we approach a research problem. 1 0 This positioning o f researchers and the views they bring to res earch has been well argued in terms o f feminist research. Feminist research maintains its focus on issues of gender (not just of women) , but has moved away from the idea that only women can carry out feminist research to one which is less essentialist. 1 1 Kaupapa Maori research, as currently framed, would argue that being Maori is an essential criterion for carrying out Kaupapa Maori re search. At the same time, however, some writers suggest that we exercise res traint in becoming too involved in identity politics because of the potential these politics have for paralysing development. 1 2 This position is based on the specificities o f our history and our politics. This does not, however, preclude thos e who are not Maori from participating in research that has a Kaupapa Maori orientation. 1 3

Thi s latter point connects with the concept o f whanau, a s raised earlier, as a way of organizing research. The whanau principle is one identified by Smith as an important aspect o f Kaupapa Maori approaches . All Maori initiatives have attempted to organize the basic decision making and participation within and around the concept of whanau. It is argued that the whanau, in pre-colonial times, was _!he core social unit, rather than the individual. It is als o argued that the whanau remains as a persistent way o f living and organizing the social world. In terms o f res earch, the whanau is one o f several Maori concepts which have b ecome part of a methodology, a way of organizing a research group, a way o f incorporating ethical procedures which report back t o t h e community, a way of 'giving voice' to the different sections of Maori communities, and a way of debating ideas and issues which impact on the research proj ect. I t also has a very pragmatic function, in that the whanau is a way of distributing tasks, of incorporating people with particular expertise, and o f keeping Maori values central to the proj ect. It would be at this level, for example, that non-indigenous people can be involved. The whanau then c an be a very spec1fic modality through which research 1s sha ed and carried out anal sed and disseminated.

anau 1s one o s ever aspec s o aon p osop y, v ue practices which are brought to the centre in Kaupapa Maori research. Tuakana Nepe argues that Kaupapa Maori is derived fro m very different epistemological and metaphysical foundations and it is these which give Kaupapa Maori its distinctivenes s from Western philosophies . 1 4 In other words, there is more to Kaupapa Maori than our history under colonial­ ism or our desires for self-determination. We have a different episte­ mological tradition which frames the way we see the world, the way we

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organiz e ourselves in it, the ques tions we ask and the solutions which we seek. It is larger than the individuals in it and the specific 'moment' in which we are currently living. The signi ficance of Kaupapa Maori to Maori language is tied to the connection between language, knowledge and culture. According to Sir J ames Henare, one of the architects of Te Kohanga Reo, 'The language is like a cloak which cloth e s , envelopes, and adorns the myriad o f one's thoughts. (Ko te reo te kakahu o te whakaaro te huarahi i te ao turoa o te hinengaro) . ' 1 5 The revitalization of Maori language has brought with it the revitalization of Maori forms of knowledge and the debates which accompany tho s e knowledge form s . 1 6 Kaupapa Maori, however, does not mean the s ame as Maori knowledge and epistemology. The concept of kaupapa implies a way o f framing a n d structuring how we think about those ideas a n d practices. Nepe argues that Kaupapa Maori is a 'conceptualisation o f Maori knowledge ' . 1 7 It is a way of abs tracting that knowledge, reflecting on it, engaging with it, taking it for granted sometimes, making assumptions based upon it, and at times critically engaging in the way it has been and is being constructed. 1 8 There is the pos sibility within Kaupapa Maori research to address the different constructions of Maori knowledge. A good example of this is in the development of Maori women's theories about Maori society which que s tion the accounts o f Maori society provided by men, including Maori men, but which still hold to a position that argues that the issues o f gender for Maori do not make us the same as white women. 1 9 The critical theory o f Kaupapa Maori also applies, therefore, to Maori ways o f thinking, and to Maori ways o f doing things, but it does not deny either the existence or fundamental legitimacy to Maori people of Maori forms of knowledge. It seeks to understand thes e forms , however, on their own terms and within t h e wider framework o f Maori values and attitudes, M a o ri language, and Maori ways o f living i n the world.

There is another feature o f Kaupapa Maori research that is becoming increasingly important as res earch funding is restructured around

g · · · e and olicie s . The state . is the lar est fundin institution for research in N ew Zealand. The restructuring which occnrred after 1 994 separated the poJic]'-rnaking functigns of euvern­ ment from the allocation of resources for research. The largest amount of money is institutionalized through the Foundation for Research, Science and Technology. Other ministries and government departments still fund research but this res e arch is in the form o f 'purchases' of specific reports which fulfil the 'outputs' o f the ministry concerned, and which, in many cases, are written over (rewritten) and subj ected to government copyright. In this sense the research is not research; it is a purchased product which becomes owned by the state. It becomes

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debatable, then, as to whether the purchased product is worth taking seriously outside government. The restructuring of research connects with the wider restructuring o f the state in line with neo-liberal economic policies. These have emphasized the importance of government objectives , of competition and contestability, of the separation of policy from funding, o f 'outputs' which are 'purchased', and o f outcomes.2o This shift towards nee-liberalism, which has occurred in New Zealand over the last decade, has very profound implications for Maori cultural values and practices.21 It also has maj or implications for Maori in terms of its re-inscription of positivist approaches to scientific research.22

Kaupapa Maori Research and Positivism

In terms of Kaupapa Maori research, the more important question is related to issues of s ocial j ustice. The debate about this aspect occurs at several levels. Reconciling market-driven, competitive and entrepre­ neurial research, which po sitions New Zealand internationally, with the need for Maori to carry out research which recovers histories , reclaims lands and resources and restores justice, hardly seems pos sible. This is precisely why the debates around self-determination and the Treaty of Waitangi have been significant. The attempt by Maori to engage in the activities o f the state through the mechanism o f the Treaty o f Waitangi has won some space in which Maori can argue for different sorts o f research priorities . This space, however, is severely limited a s n o t only has it had to be wrested from the state, but from the community o f positivistic scientists who se regard for Maori is n o t sympathetic. Furthermore, the competitive environment created by economic restructuring makes Kaupapa Maori research a competitor for resources with positivistic research. The problem is not j ust that positivist s cience is well established institutionally and theoretically, but that it has a connectedness at a common sense level with the res t of society who, generally speaking, take for granted the hegemony of its methods and leadership in the s earch for knowledge. As far as many people are conceme�positivi"s-F,ircru:mot be a-nything- clse:- f•�aupapa­ Maori is a fledgling approach which is occurring within the relatively smittcr connnwnty of hiaon rcscm:chch, wfttch in fti!fri e5H§E§ M'htn Q minority culture which continues to be represented within antagonistic colonial discourse s . It is a counter-hegemonic approach to Western forms o f research and, as such, currently exists on the margins .

Kaupapa Maori research is imbued with a strong anti-positivistic stance. The wider vision of Maori communities, however, is to include within research approaches to Maori all tho se researchers who are attempting to work with Maori and on topics of importance to Maori.

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The outer edges o f Kaupapa Maori are not necessarily sharply delineated although there is, at the political level, something 'at stake '. One o f the strands o f a burgeoning Maori res earch community is the development o f Maori health res earch. This development provides one interface between the more po sitivistic medical science approaches to re search, particularly epidemiology, and s o cial s cience approaches such as sociology and p olicy analysis. The 'failure' of medical research to addr e s s t h e n e e d s o f Maori in health parallels t h e failure o f educational research. Recognition o f this has shifted some areas o f health research towards , first, developing more culturally sensitive research, and, second, employing Kaupapa Maori approaches. These include the involvement o f Maori researchers in large studies, and the e s tablishment of Maori health research units and centres which focus on is sues o f Maori health, are managed and organized by Maori, and employ multidisciplinary approaches within a Kaupapa Maori framework.23 Hence large - s c ale epidemiological survey work and ethnographic, qualitative studies sit alongside each other in the s ame c entre. The connections between the two highlight yet another feature of Kaupapa Maori research. Getting the approach 'right' i s the first and maj or issue; the second issue is employing the most appropriate method s and people . Sometim e s a positivistic re s earch task can be carried out by Maori researchers , but the que stions it sought to answer, the problems it sought to probe and the data it sought to gather, have been priorities and debated by Maori working in a Kaupapa Maori framework. There are three different points to be emphasized here . First, there are politics attached to research which most researchers understand; quite simply, positivistic research attracts funding. Second, there are accountabilities and pre-re s e arch discussions which have already framed, and to an extent transformed, the approach to research. Third, most of the Maori health res earch units have developed strong ties with specific Maori communitie s . 24 The s e are reflected in the way the centres are constituted and the geographical areas in which they work.

There may b e a question as to whether Kaupapa Maori research is its own paradigm. rwtn sugges s thlrriti� ethers--i:nvel¥€4- in-Kaupapa

aori would be reluctant to engage in such a debate because it sets up compansons w1 e , Maori is resisting.26 Kaupapa Maori res earch is both less than and more than a paradigm.27 It does set out a field of study which enables a proce s s o f selection t o occur, and which defines what needs t o b e studied and what questions ought to be asked. It also has a set of assumptions and taken-for-granted values and knowledge, upon which it builds. In this sense it can be fitted into s ome of the ways a paradigm is defined. It is also, however, more than the sum of tho s e parts. Kaupapa Maori

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research i s a social proj ect; it weaves in and out o f Maori cultural beliefs and values, Western ways of knowing, Maori histories and experiences under colonialism, Western forms of education, Maori aspirations and socio-economic needs, and Western economics and global politics. Kaupapa Maori is concerned with sites and terrains. Each of these is a site of struggle. Each of these sites has also been claimed by others as 'their' turf. They are selected or select themselves precisely because they are sites of struggle and because they have some strategic importance for Maori. We are not at present interested in nuclear physics but we are becoming interested in genetic science.28 There are sound reasons why we are interested in education, employment, health and history. Each of these domains situates us in crisis. They are more real and more pressing.

How Does Kaupapa Maori Research Proceed?

Kaupapa Maori approaches to research are based on the assumption that research that involves Maori people, as individuals or as communities, should set out to make a positive difference for the researched. This does not need to be an immediate or direct benefit. The point is that research has to be defined and designed with some ideas about likely short-term or longer-term benefits. Obvious as this may be, it must be remembered that, historically, indigenous peoples have not seen the positive benefits of research. The research approach also has to address seriously the cultural ground rules of respect, of working with com­ munities, of sharing processes and knowledge. Kaupapa Maori research also incorporates processes such as networking, community consulta­ tions and whanau research groups, which assist in bringing into focus the research problems which are significant for Maori. In practice all of these elements of the Kaupapa Maori approach are negotiated with com­ munities or groups from 'communities of interest'. It means that researchers have to share their 'control' of research and seek to maximize the participation and the interest of Maori. In many contexts research cannot proce.ed without the project being discussed by a community or tribal therin and su orted. There are some tribes whose processes are quite rigorous and well establishe . One tn e as ocatea one ay ·

with external relations. Another tribe has a reputa- cion for emg ra er erce exarnmers o researc pro munities have a strong sense of what counts as ethical research. Their defmition of ethics is not limited to research related to living human subj ects but includes research involving the environment, archival research and any research which examines ancestors, either as physical remains (extracting DN A), or u sing their photographs, diaries or archival records.

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One o f the factors favouring the development o f Kaupapa Maori research was the increasing involvement of young Maori researchers in proj ects in which they were employed as the minority group researcher. Support systems and mentoring processes which brought these researchers together for development, or for discus sing issues, cre·ated an ever expanding group of young people who wanted a career in research but who were having enormous difficulties trying to advocate · for Maori within proj ects which had employed them as token assistants . The support system brought together a group of people from very different resear�h backgrounds . Tiu:ough these meetings, and informal gatherings, discussions about research-related matters became a natural part of the meeting. Training issues emerged, ethical horror storie s, and often very p ositive experiences were discussed. Some of the difficulties of interviewing elders were debated and problems relating to the writing of research. The bilingual dynamic within which many researchers were working was also a topic of discussion. Kaupapa Maori became in time an approach to training and supporting young researchers whose academic training had not prepared th�m for working inside their own communitie s and within their own value systems and cultural practices.

Setting Strategic Directions

At a conference of Maori health researchers in 1 996, I raised the following list o f priorities as a basis for discussion: • determining as Maori our own research needs and priorities; • defining the ways research should proceed; • training of Maori researchers; • discus sion of culturally appropriate ethics; • ongoing development of culturally sympathetic method s ; • continued collaboration with o u r own diverse iwi and communl.ties

of interest; • developmQit and dissemination of literature by Maori on research;

---e6nciftl:lecl-r-ef!eetie:a,-ev-affia-t:iea-aRG-<*W'fUe-G·�Ut:Sebz:es as a com­ munity of Maori researchers; e cen:J:i:zzg eh 1 n 1 · s 6 ! f • i ( J 6 ' erfter ieeijgeRen£ peoples) of our own fields and disciplines;

• education of wider research community, including scientific, academic and policy communities; and;

• accountabilities to and outcomes for Maori. The purpose o f the list was not to s ay that this.·w�s . the definitive list

and order o f priorities but to have people discuss and think about the broader proj ect of Maori res earch. The participants at the gathering did

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discuss the priorities and took the list back to their own organizations and communities for further debate. The list encapsulates the wider debate occurring in relation to Maori research. Ten years ago such a debate could not have occurred within a gathering of Maori researchers . There were simply not enough researchers to hold a gathering. Recently, two years after the above list was first introduced, a meeting was held to discuss the strategic plans for Maori health research of a maj or research funding agency. The priorities raised in this original discussion paper informed much of the discussion. They had been discussed and used by different communities and health organizations to think about their own directions. The items on the list are still important, not just for health research but for all Maori research. K.aupapa Maori as an approach has provided a space for dialogue by Maori, across disciplines, about research. Maori researchers from the fields of health and medicine, justice and education, history, law, politics, architecture, planning and environmental management, along with tribal and community based researchers, can come together and discuss research in ways not always available to other communities . Maori interest in research has made research more interesting. Maori communities can engage in research in exciting ways if they are included in the research.

Discussions about the broader dimensions of research have been preliminary ventures into the domain of research. It has been like venturing into an alien domain. Maori researchers have sought to under­ stand how and why research has provoked such fear and antagonism by indigenous peoples generally, a{ld by Maori in particular. It has meant an 'indigenous participant observation' of research, of the culture and politics of research, of how it has been institutionalized and established in the colonies, of how research has been implicated in our own colonization. But it has also been about understanding the ways in which research can provide systematic ways of understanding our own predicaments, of answering our own questions, and of helping us as communities to solve our problems and develop ourselves. Engaging in a discussion about research as an indi enous issue has been about finding a voice, or a way of voicing concerns, fears, desires, aspirations, geeds and questjgns as they relate tg research When indigenous peoples

ecome the researchers and not merely the researched, the activity of research is transformed. Questions are framed differently, priorities are ranked differently, problems are defined differently, people participate on different terms.

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Notes

Olssen M. ( 1 9 9 1 ) , 'Producing t h e Truth about People', i n Growing Up, The Politics of Human Learning. eds J . Morss and T. Linzey, Auckland, Longman Paul.

2 lrwin, K (1 994) , 'Maori Research Methods and Practices', in Sites, 28, Autumn, p. 27.

3 Ibid. , p . 28. 4 Bishop, R. (1 994) , 'Initiating Empowering Research?' in New Zealand Journal of

Educational Studies, Vol. 29, N o . 1 , p . 1 7 5. 5 Ibid. , p . 1 7 6. 6 Smith, G . H. (1 990) , 'Research I s sues Related to Maori Education', paper

presented to NZARE Special Intere s t Conference, Massey University, reprinted in 1 99 2 , The Issue of Research and Maori, Research Unit for Maori Education, University o f Auckland.

7 In this sense kaupapa means 'proj ect' or plan. 8 Pihama, L. (1 993) , 'Tungia te Ururua, Kia Tupu Whakaritorito Te Tupu o te

Harakeke: a Critical Analysis of Parents as First Teachers', MA thesis, University of Auckland, p. 57.

9 Tills debate began formally with a paper by Ellsworth, E. ( 1 9 89) , 'Why Doesn't Tills Feel Empowering? Working Through the Repressive Myths of Critical Pedagogy', in Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 297-324. Ellsworth questioned many o f the basic assumptions of critical pedagogy. Tills provoked a respo n s e by Henri Giroux and the broader issues of the debate are summarized more fully in Lather P. (1 9 9 1 ) , Getting Smart, Feminist Research and Pedagogy With/in the Postmodern, New York, Routledge, pp. 43-9.

10 Smith, L. T. (1 995), 'Re-centering Kaupapa Maori Research', paper presented at Te Matawhanui Conference, Maori Studies Department, Massey University.

1 1 Tills i s not uncontentious, in that some feminist groups would still argue that men, because they are men, cannot p o ssibly articulate a feminist position or carry out feminist research. What I want to signal, however, is that feminist scholarship has moved from its early foundations and as a parallel the same p o s sibility exists for Kaupapa Maori research.

12 For example, Kathy Irwin writes, 'There is still a destructive debate taking place in some quarters over who are "real" and, heaven forbid, "acceptable" Maori women . . . . Precious time is wasted debating amongst ourselves, who is and who isn't an "acceptable" Maori.' Irwin, K (1 992) , 'Towards Theories of Maori Feminisms', in Feminist Voices, Womens' Studies Texts for Aotearoa/New Zealand, ed. R. du Plessis, Auckland, Oxford University Press, p. 3 .

or o e s It prec u e ose w o IOerui:fy:ts -Mlmrt- tmrc: annotop ea:k- Maori­ language, those who are Maori but do not know their whakapapa, nor those who liE I r ' ) r 1 y f 11 · · · ' , tetritslioo

1 4 Nepe, T. (1 9 9 1 ) , 'E Hao Nei e Tenei Reanga: Te Toi Huarewa Tipuna, Kaupapa Maori, an Educational Intervention System', MA thesis, University of Auckland.

1 5 Cited in Nepe, 'E Hao Nei', p. 1 5 . 1 6 See Salmond, A (1 9 8 5) , 'Maori Epistemologies', in Reason and Morality, ed. J .

Overing, London, Tavistock. 1 7 Nepe, 'E Hao Nei', p . 1 5 . 1 8 For example, those involved in Kaupapa Maori projects ques tion attempts to

mysti fy Maori knowledge or use either their identity and knowledge of whakapapa or Maori language as a way of excluding other Maori from participation in

T O W A R D S D E V E L O P I N G I N D I G E N O U S M E T H O D O L O G I E S 1 9 5

decision making or other forms of involvement. 1 9 See for example, Te Awekotuku, N. (1 992) , 'He Whiriwhiri Wahine: Framing

Women's Studies for Aotearoa', in Te Pua 1 , University of Auckland, pp. 46-58. 20 For a further discussion of these points see Clark, J. (1 995), The New Right and

Educational Research', in Input, Wellington, New Zealand Association for Research in Education, Vol. 1 6, pp. 2-8.

21 For further discussion of this point refer to Smith, G. H. (1 993), The Commodification of Knowledge and Culture', in Overnew, Corso, No. 49, November, pp. 1 49-53 and Smith, G. H. (1 994), 'Maori Culture for Sale', in Polemic, University of Sydney Law Society, Sydney, Friar Press, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 1 49-53.

22 For examples, see the guidelines and policies for the Foundation for Research, Science and Technology and their application forms.

23 Two such units, Te Pumanawa Hauora at Massey University and the Eru Pomare Research Centre at the Wellington Clinical School, are funded by the Health Research Council; another unit exists at the University of Auckland Medical School and other units operate inside existing centres, such as the Alcohol and Public Health Research Centre at the University of Auckland.

24 These include rural and urban communities and several iwi gtoups. 25 Irwin, K (1 994), 'Maori Research Methods and Practices', in Sites, 28, Autumn,

p. 27. 26 See, for a further discussion, Smith, G. H. (1 995) , 'Falling 1brough the Cracks

of the Constructivism Debate: the Neglect of the 'Maori Crisis' within Science Education', in Access, 1 4, soon to be published by ACCESS, Education Department, University of Auckland.

27 I am using the definition of paradigm by Kuhn, T. (1 970) , The Strncture of Scientific Revolutions, second edition, International Encyclopaedia of Unified Science, Vol. 2, No. 2, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

28 It is not that nuclear physics is not thought to have an impact on our lives - but this prospect is not yet as real for us as the advances currently being made in genetic engineering and the possibility which now exists under GATT for 'our' genetic material to be copied and patented.

Conclusion:

A Pers onal J ourney

In February 1 9 85, the general frustrations of Maori towards research were reframed in a discussion paper by Evelyn Stokes for the National Research Advisory Council. This paper was written for inclusion in the more general discus sion relating to the formation of new national s cience objectives. Stokes's paper argues for the acceptance of Maori knowledge and values , for the desirability and social significance o f more Maori reseJUch, and for the need to train Maori re searchers . The importance of Stokes's paper was its audience and its timing. I t was directed at the top policy level, where decisions were being made which would dictate the national priorities for research. Since then, thos e priorities , and the ways i n which they have been institutionalized, have been radically restructured. The timing of the paper was therefore strategic because it put Maori research interests on the national science policy agenda. Several writers had already raised many of the same issues and had voiced these concerns at conferences and seminar s . These occasions, however, tended to be hosted within various district disciplines, which did little to engage either the political realities of social science research or the attention of the few Maori who may have been in a po sition to carry out researc h . 1 __Lat:et:__oo in th e s am e I set o u t as a ost aduate student to interview a group of Maori women who se children were in Te Kohanga R88 ��! QAP!fht'i'C attended the same Te Kqhapga Retagd the women were well known to me and had willingly agreed to e rntervtewed. I had found little help in the standard methodological guidebooks for the issues I would confront when I was a Maori carrying out research with other Maori. Very little in the discussions of cross-cultural issues was useful because I was not working cros s-culturally. Much of the cro s s ­ cultural literature assumed that t h e researcher belonged t o t h e dominant cultural group and was 'doing' res earch to, for, and sometimes with, a minority group. There were some studies that addressed the issues for

1 96

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women researchers who were going - to study in remote villages in Africa

or South America. And, of course, there were the romantic National Geographic accounts of women who spent years studying primates in various isolated spots, which frankly did not appeal. This literature reinforced the idea that one needed special skills related to being culturally sensitive, and to effective ways of gaining entrance into the community being studied, and to gaining the confidence of 'informants'.2 There was a limited availability of literature that related to critiques o f methodological approaches and these were _ , primarily by African American scholars rather than other indigenous p eople .3 There was nothing which helped me think about and frame what I wanted to do within my own cultural context, or how J might go about doing some research in one of my own communitie s . Even previous research by other Maori academics appeared problematic to me, firstly because they wrote as if they were outsiders in their own world, and secondly because they were all men, fluent in Maori language and regarded as being deeply knowledgeable about Maori culture.4 I wrote a paper as a preamble to my research project, setting out the issues I faced and attempting to articulate what it was that made those issues so problematic. 5

I found as I moved around the communities with whom I was involved that while there was clearly a discourse which was anti-research and was very cynical about non-indigenous research there was also a great deal of support for the work that I was doing. People were genuinely interested in talking in a focused way about their lives. They were interested also in finding out what people who were just like them thought. I found that people entrusted me with information about themselves which was highly personal. I felt honoured by that trust, and somewhat obligated as well - in the sense of having tb be very careful and very respectful about how I handled such information. Discretion was not something about which I had to be cons ciously mindful o f before but i t seemed t o be a n important skill i n m y working context a s a researcher. After I moved from m y graduate student status to employment as a health research coordinator I found even greater acceptance o my ro e as commuruty- ase researc er. I t was a erent role from the ones I had had before as a arent and teacher and I

a very pn ege ro e. was mvt e to p ctpa e m community meetings about Maori health but did not get involved in the hot politics of community-based health. I was able to work between and within the different groupings of community health and education interests. I was asked to explain the intricacies of both government policy and health-related research. I was also expected to connect all the official information with what communities were trying to do themselves and with the way they talked about health. The community used an

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entirely different frame to make sense o f official talk. This visibly exasperated o fficials who found themselves having to explain policies to people who did not agree with the basic assumptions on which policy was based, and who made every official accountable for the history of policies and relations with Maori!

I saw the strengths o f communities and their ability to deconstruct official talk with ease. I saw their continuing belief in themselve s , their positive outlook and optimism and their hope that maybe , one day, life would get better. In talking with people in the community I became interested in the que stions which they were asking of health which were not being addressed by research. 'We know we are dying', s omeone said, 'but tell me why we are living?' 'Our health will not improve unle s s we addres s the fact that we have no sovereignty', 'We're sick o f hearing what's wrong with us, tell us something good for a change ', or, 'Why do they always think by looking at us they will find the answers to our problems, why don't they look at themselves ? ' The same que stions were being asked of education and of j ustice. I too wanted to know why it was that community concerns were always reframed around standard research problems. How can research ever addre s s our needs as indigenous peoples if our questions are never taken seriously? It was as if the community's questions were never heard, simply passed over, silenced.

I did not make a conscious decision about becoming a researcher, about deciding to become actively involved in the politics of research, or in the teaching of research, or in the practice of being a res e archer. Somewhere within the process of becoming a researcher, however, I also thought a great deal about the role of research for Maori and my own role as a Maori re searcher. The two issues, in my view, were connected yet also very s eparate. My defining o f myself as a Maori or indigenous researcher seemed a natural thing to do. I was a Maori. I had been employed as a researcher on a proj ect that needed to recruit Maori families into the study; my expertise was in developing the networks and the_a pproaches__to__in_tenci.e_wing..Maori 6unilies in comm�gs_J_ was the coordinator of the whole study, not just the part that related to b4aori and pilgtesl oJl Alij''iitC gf thi 'f1ictaggoaire and intenrieur schedules . As I read methodological writings, especially in relation to feminist methodologies, it seemed to me that the common sense prac­ tices which Maori families and I as the res earcher went through when­ ever and wherever we met needed to be talked about and privileged as processes that were important.

In travelling around other places I have met indigenous people who have experienced similar histories as researchers. Their tertiary education was alienating and dis connected from the needs of their own

CON C L U S ION : A P E R SONA L JOU RNEY 1 99

communities. The more educated they became the more it was assumed that they would not want to return to their own communities. Assimila­ tion policies in education were intended to provide one way roads out for those indigenous people who 'qualified'. Many did take that road and have never returned. There are many others, however, who choose to remain, to wear their identities with pride and work with and for their own communities and nations. In various places around the world there are small initiatives which are providing indigenous peoples with space to create and be indigenous . Research seems such a small and technical aspect of the wider politics of indigenous peoples. It is often thought of as an activity which only anthropologists do! As indigenous peoples we have our own research needs and priorities. Our questions are important. Research helps us to answer them.

Notes

1 Annual disciplinary conferences are often dominated by academic presentations and the 'political' nature of research is kept well away. In some cases it is regarded as a contaminant and people who raise or address political issues are seen as being polemicists! On the second point there were and still are very few Maori with post-graduate qualifications, which tend to be the prerequisite for most research positions. Even fewer of these attend conferences or belong to disciplinary societies.

2 I had always seen myself as belonging to the 'informant' community and thus felt well trained to inform on myself, but insufficiently trained to get others to do it for me! And of course, I 'read' what I was being told in the interviews, as if I were still a member of the 'informant' community, and was very conscious of the way the words being given me were being carefully selected and framed.

3 For example, Mitchell, J . (1 982), 'Reflections of a Black Social Scientist: Some Struggles, Some Doubts, Some Hopes', in Harvard Edllralional Review, Vol. 52, No. 1, pp. 27-34.

4 None of which is how I saw myself. 5 The first of a series of papers, Smith, L. T. (1 985), 'Te Rapunga Ki Te Ao

Marama', Education Department, University of Auckland.

Index

Aborigines 6, 9, 1 2, 1 5- 1 6, 20, 24, 26, 32, 63, 68, 72-3, 1 02, 1 09, 1 1 1 -1 3, 1 26, 1 46, 1 53-5

Abu-Lughod, Janet 30, 67 academic freedom 65, 67, 1 25, 1 29 Acair publishing house 1 50 Acoose, Janice 1 34 Africa 53, 60- 1 , 70, 1 1 0, 1 65, 1 97 African Americans 5-6, 37, 96, 1 26,

1 68, 1 97 alcoholism 4, 1 02, 1 46, 1 53-4, 1 58 Alfred, Gerald 1 1 0, 1 26 Algeria 70 All Chiefs Special Conference on

Education (1991) 1 23 Allen, Paula Gunn 1 50 Amazon Basin Declaration 1 1 9 Amazon region 1 1 2, 1 58 American Anthropological Association

1 1 9 American Indian Movement (AIM) 7,

1 1 4 Anglican Church 96 anthropology 1 1, 28. 38. 4 7. 66-7. 73,

8 7, 130, 199 Aotearoa 1 56 Aquinas 48 Arabs 63 Archibald, J. 1 20 Aristotle 4 7-8 Asia 61, 7 1 , 1 1 0 Assembly of First Nations 1 23 Assembly of God Church 96

200

Auckland War Memorial Museum 1 0 Australia 6 , 9, 1 3, 1 5, 53, 68, 70- 1 , 80,

83, 88, 1 02, 1 09, 1 1 1 - 1 3, 1 26, 1 33, 1 54-5

Awatere, Donna 67, 69, 1 1 2 Aztlan 1 26

Bacon, Francis 66 Banks, J oseph 9, 54, 62, 80- 1 , 86 Basque people 1 1 0 Bastion Point 1 09, 1 1 4, 1 65 Bay of Plenty 84 Bazin, M . 60 Berlin 60 Bemstein, Basil 67 Best, Elsdon 83-5, 87, 1 70 Bishop, Russell 1 45, 1 77, 1 84-6 Black Australia 6, 1 44 Black Studies 5-6 black liberation movement 1 1 3 Blea, Irene 1 26 Blue Mountain Declaration 1 1 9 Brazil 1 57 Britain 1 1 , 2 1 -2, 35, 46, 66, 70, 80- 1 ,

130, 151, 1158, 174 British Columbia 1 1 4, 1 48 British Commonwealth 70, 1 09 British Empire 33, 62, 70, 8 1 , 1 1 3 British Empire Exhibition, Sydney

(1 879) 52 British Empire Exhibition, Wembley

(t"924) 52 Buck, Sir Peter 1 30

INDEX 201

bureaucracy 2, 1 2, 30- 1 , 98, 1 00 Burger, Julian 1 3

Cajete, Gregory 1 45 Canada 7, 9, 1 2- 1 3, 62, 69-70, 1 1 1 - 1 4,

1 33, 1 48, 1 55 Canadian Indian Brotherhood 7 Canterbury University 1 30 capitalism 20- 1 , 32, 46, 49, 89, 98 Carnoy, Martin 1 65 Cartwright Inquiry 1 76 Central America 1 1 0, 1 46 Centre for Aboriginal Studies 1 35 Cesaire, Aime 70 Chicano people 1 1 3, 1 26 China 3 1 Christianity 20, 3 3 , 4 6 , 48-9, 74, 1 57,

1 7 1 -2 Churchill, Ward 63, 1 46 Clifford, J ames 6 1 Cobo Report 1 1 4 Cobo, Martinez 1 1 4 Collins, Patricia Hill 5, 1 67 colonialism 1 -9, 1 9, 21 -9, 33, 36, 43-6,

48-9, 5 1 -5, 58-74, 82, 85-8, 9 1 , 97, 1 00, 1 04, 1 43, 1 46, 1 49-53, 1 56, 1 58-9, 1 68, 1 70-4, 1 87, 1 9 1 , 1 93

Columbus, Christopher 20- 1 , 63 Convention on Biological Diversity

1 23, 1 57 Cook, James 20- 1 , 54, 80- 1 , 86, 1 72 Coolangatta Statement on Indigenous

Rights in Education (1 993) 1 1 9, 1 23 critical theory 5-6, 1 37, 1 47, 1 63, 1 65-

6, 1 85-9 culture, and alienation 37-8, 89;

American consumerist 96, 1 02-3; as barrier to research 5, 1 5; and books 35, coHetdllg Gl-2; tn colorua:I societies 23, 26, 98; Cultural Studies 1 4, 29, 69, 1 33, 1 49; cultural action 1 46; cultural archive 44, 49, 5 1 , 58- 6 1 ; cultural imperialism 36, 88, 97; cultural knowledge 1 , 3, 7, 20, 64, 1 69; cultural politics 23-4; culture of knowledge 86; 'farming' of 1 02; globalization of 63; and language

36; marginalization of 4; national 69-70; production of 86; property rights in 72, 1 0 1 , 1 04, 1 1 8- 1 9, 1 23; protocols of 3, 1 5, 1 36, 1 38, 1 40, 1 59, 1 6 1 ; and resistance 27, 1 1 0; revitalization of 1 08-1 1 , 1 47-8, 1 50, 1 88; rights 1 1 0; scientific 86; silencing of 20; and survival 1 07, 1 42; trading in 88-92; and virtualization 1 02

Curtin University J 35

decolonization 3-4, 6-7, 1 6, 20, 23-4, 27, 30, 34, 39, 45, 70, 73, 97-8, 1 08, 1 1 6- 1 7, 1 5 1

deconstruction 3, 73, 1 66-7, 1 9 8 democracy 48, 6 7 , 98-9, 1 56, 1 65 Descartes, Rene 48 development 30, 49, 7 1 , 97, 1 05, 1 09,

1 1 7, 1 28, 1 53, 1 65-6, 1 94 disciplines, academic 5, 8, 1 1 , 3 1 , 3 7,

58-9, 65-6, 68-9, 1 24, 1 29-30, 1 33, 1 64, 1 79, 1 93, 1 96

diversity 95, 98, 1 1 8, 1 60 DNA 56, 99, 1 9 1 Dodson, Michael 1 1 2, 1 1 5 Dominion Museum 84 Draft Declaration for the Protection of

Indigenous Peoples' Rights 1 1 5 Duff, Alien 1 5 1 Dunedin 52 Durham, Jimmy 1 1 4 Dutch West India Company 86

Earth Mother 6, 1 3, 74, 99 Earth Summit (1 992) 1 23 East India Company 1 1 ecotourism 97 education 4, 11-13, 16, 33, 35, 37, 48,

5 1 , 54, 58-60, 64-5, 68-9, 7 1 , 91 -2, 96, 1 05, 1 09, 1 1 1 , 1 24, 1 28-30, 1 35, 1 38, 1 47, 1 49, 1 57, 1 60-1 , 1 65, 1 69, 1 72, 1 74, 1 78, 1 84, 1 86, 1 90- 1 , 1 93, 1 97, 1 99

El Dorado 86 elites 59, 64, 99, 1 03, 1 29, 1 56 Ellsworth, E. 1 86

202 D E C O L O N IZI N G M E T H O D O L O G I E S

empiricism 42 Enlightenment 9, 22, 29, 32, 43, 55, 58,

60, 65, 89 environment 1 , 13, 50- 1 , 62, 73-4, 98-

1 00, 1 05, 1 1 6, 1 54-5, 1 59, 1 9 1 , 1 93 envisioning 1 52-3 Erdrich, Louise 1 50 ethnocentrism 9, 82, 1 70-1 ethnography 6 1 , 66-7, 8 1 , 83-4, 87,

1 6 1 , 1 70, 1 77, 1 79, 1 90 Europe 8, 1 1 , 1 9, 21 -4, 26, 32, 46-7,

52, 59-60, 63-4, 66, 70, 79-80, 82, 85; Western 1 3, 35, 43, 53, 58, 95

European Bureau of Lesser Languages 1 48

Everett, Jirnrny 1 02

1 1 5- 1 7, 1 9 1 Goldberg, David Theo 45, 66 Grace, Patricia 35, 1 50 Gramsci, Antonio 76n grassroots 1 08, 1 1 0, 1 1 3 Great Fleet myth 87 Greece 45, 47-8 Greenwich Observatory 54 Grey, George 83 Guatemala 1 57 Gudgeon, Captain 83

Habermas, Jurgen 1 67 Hagahai people 1 00 Haig-Brown, C. 1 20 Hall, Stuart 42, 44, 46 Harding, Sandra 1 43

Fanon, Frantz 1 4, 23, 25-9, 69-70, 1 86 Hau'ofa, E. 7 1 'farming' of human body 1 00- 1 , 1 48-9 Hawai'i 1 2, 1 5, 87, 1 1 3, 1 29 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) health 4, 1 1 -1 3, 25, 62-3, 9 1 -2, 96, 1 05,

1 1 4 1 09, 1 1 1 , 1 1 9, 1 23-4, 1 27-8, 1 35, feminism 2, 4, 5-7, 9, 29, 43, 73, 1 1 1 , 1 42, 1 49, 1 53-6, 1 74, 1 90-3, 1 97-8

1 27, 1 47, 1 52, 1 63, 1 65-9, 1 75, 1 77, Hegel, G. W. F. 32, 49, 65-6 1 87, 1 98 Henare, Sir James 1 88

First Nations 6, 9, 1 2, 1 5, 62, 69, 1 1 1 , history 4, 8, 1 9-40, 44, 46-7, 5 1 , 55, 63, 1 1 4, 1 20, 1 27, 1 37 67, 73, 1 07, 1 1 5- 1 6, 1 28, 1 40, 1 43-

First Peoples 6 6, 1 49, 1 53, 1 57-8, 1 68, 1 74, 1 9 1 , First World 4 , 1 3, 73, 98, 1 02, 1 65 1 93 Foucault, Michel 2, 44, 5 1 , 68 Hobson, ] . A. 2 1 Foundation for Research, Science and Holland 2 1

Technology 1 88 hooks, bell 78, 90 Fourth World 6, 98, 1 54 Howard, John 1 54 France 2, 20- 1 , 29, 46, 66-7, 70, 1 1 3 Human Genome Diversity Project Frank, Gunder 1 65 (HUGO) 1 6, 1 00- 1 , 1 55 Freire, Paulo 8 1 , 1 57, 1 67 human rights 23, 26, 38, 74, 99, 1 1 0, Freud, Sigm =un=d"--=32,__,6=6 ________ _,_1 _,__1 4_,_,__,1=2_,_0 ________ _ fundamentalists 98, 1 7 1 Hume, David 66

Gates, H. L Jnr 66 gendering 1 5 1 -2 General Agreement on Tariffs and

Trade (GATf) 1 6, 25, 1 03, 1 57 genetic engineering 56, 98- 1 02 genocide 62-3, 88 Germany 32, 1 65 Giroux, Henri 1 86 globalization 24, 63, 88, 90, 97, 1 03,

Ideology 2-3, 8, 22, 29, 44, 50-1, 54, 62, 64, 7 1 , 79, 1 70, 1 72, 1 76

lhimaera, Witi 1 49-50 imperialism 1 -2, 4, 6-9, 1 1 , 1 9-40, 43,

45, 53, 55-6, 58, 60, 62-5, 67, 73, 80, 83, 89, 95, 97-8, 1 00, 1 04, 1 1 2, 1 49, 1 54, 1 65, 1 74

India 3 1 , 7 1 , 8 1 , 1 1 0 indigenizing 1 46-7

INDEX 203

indigenous peoples, alliance strategy of 1 1 1 - 1 2, 1 58; authenticity o f 72-4, 97, 1 45; beauty products of 1 01 ; and change 1 04; elites among 99; environmental ideas of 1 59; and 'experts' 1 39; in First World 4, 1 3; gender relations among 1 5 1 -2; genocide of, by disease 62-3, 1 07; historical critique by 29-30, 33-4; humanity o f 26-7, 32, 56, 60- 1 , 69, 73, 1 00, 1 02-3, 1 1 8, 1 20, 1 46, 1 48, 1 83; and indigenous setders 7; and intellectual/ cultural property rights 72, 1 0 1 , 1 04, 1 1 8- 1 9, 1 23; international mobilization o f 1 1 2- 1 7, 1 58; and land 1 1 1 , 1 26, 1 48-9, 1 58, 1 68-9, 1 78, 1 89; and mysticism 1 2 ; optimism/ pessimism of 1 03-4; and patenting 56; pedagogies of 1 4- 1 5; in pre-colonial period 24; as 'problem' 90-2, 1 74; recentring identities of 97; research by, see under research; research, objects of 60- 1 , 81, 1 1 8, 1 63, 1 69, 1 75-6, 1 79, 1 93; respect, self- and for others 1 59, 1 9 1 ; return of 'artefacts' 83, 1 55; rights of 99, 1 1 1 , 1 1 6, 1 27;

Tropical Forests Charter (1 993) 1 1 9 International Indian Treaty Council 1 1 4 International Labour Organization

(ILO) 1 1 4 International Research Institute for

Maori and Indigenous Education 1 33

International Year for Indigenous Peoples 1 23

Ireland 1 33 Iroquois people 1 26 Irwin, Kathie 38, 1 84-6, 1 90

J aimes, M. Annette 1 46 Japan 3 1 Jefferson, Thomas 66 Jenkins, Keith 30 Johnson, Bernice Reagon 1 26 Johnson, Sandy 1 45 Johnston, Patricia 9

Kahnawake 1 1 0, 1 26 Kant, lmmanuel 66 Kari Oca Declaration (1 993) 1 1 9 Kaupapa Maori Research 1 25, 1 32,

1 79, 1 83-93

silenced 1 39, 1 98; and slavery 27; knowledge, academic 36; alternative 34, social movement o f 1 08-1 2, 1 1 6; 69, 74, 1 63-4, 1 66, 1 72-5; archive o f spirituality o f 74, 89, 1 02, 1 1 1 , 1 1 6- 42-4,58-6 1 , 1 64; and black studies 1 7, 1 26, 1 43, 1 45, 1 49, 1 5 1 , 1 55, 5-6; collecting 6 1 -2, 79, 83, 89; 1 58-9, 1 72; terminological problem collective 97; colonizing 58-74; of 6-7; trade in culture of 88-92; commodification of 1 04; and critical travellers' representations o f 78-80; theory 5-6; cultural 1, 3, 7, 20, 64, and treaties 22; women, see under 1 69; culture o f 86; and curriculums

_ _;w:.::o:;m:;;e;n:.;.;;w:_:n�· t::er:::s:...:2:::8::..-..:.40�,c.:9::..::9:_,_, �1:::.2.:.c7L1!.:44=----=3;"3'- "'65�1':2=9 ..142.; and 'decoloniza- -51 cion o f the mind' 1 08; demystifying

Indigenous Peoples World Conference 1 6 1 · and fe · ·

Indigenous Peoples' Project 1 07-20 Indigenous Tribal Peoples of the

Tropical Forests 1 1 9 industrial revolution 53, 558-60 intellectuals 1 4, 29, 59, 65, 69-72, 1 29,

1 46 International Alliance of the

Indigenous Tribal Peoples of the

o story o 5 ; umanist tradition of 4 7 -8; imperialism and 1 - 2, 2 1 , 23, 80, 88, 1 00; indigenous 25, 33, 35, 39, 55, 6 1 , 64, 68, 83-5, 99-1 00, 1 04-5, 1 1 9, 1 46, 1 57-8, 1 60, 1 63-4, 1 69, 1 72-5, 1 83, 1 85, 1 88, 1 96; institutionalization of 79; and intellectual property rights 72, 1 04, 1 1 8- 1 9, 1 23; new knowledges 25,

204 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E T H O D O L O .G I E"S

5 8-60, 65, 78, 1 1 9; and positional superiority 58-65, 89; and power 1 6, 1 6 5; and resistance 1 60 ; and school 1 1 , 65; sharing 1 5- 1 6; system of 43- 4, 65; theory of 42; traditional 72, 90, 1 1 9 ; traditions o"f\ 44, 1 64; transfer of 89

Kunene, Mazisi 70 Kuper, Adam 66 Kura Kaupapa Maori 1 3 , 1 09, 1 1 9

Laffey, John 66 Land March ( 1 9 74) 1 09 Land Wars 82, 93n language 1, 4, 6-7, 1 3- 1 5, 1 9 -20, 22, 24,

26, 28, 33, 36-9, 42-50, 52, 55, 64, 69, 7 1 , 73-4, 79, 8 1 , 89, 97-9, 1 07, 1 09- 1 1 , 1 1 5- 1 6, 1 34, 1 3 7, 1 42, 1 47- 8, 1 50-3, 1 58, 1 69, 1 85 , 1 88, 1 97

Las Casas, Bartolome de 6 3 Lather, Patti 1 67 Latin America 1 1 2 Latter Day Saints Church 9 6 learned societies 8 , 79, 8 5 - 7 Lefebvre, Henri 50 Lehman, Greg 20 Lenin, V. I. 21 liberalism 26, 29, 32, 44- 5 , 55, 58-9, 66,

1 6 5-6 Lili'iokalani, Queen 87 literacy 28, 31, 48, 1 48 , 1 57, 1 6 1 Livingstone, D . 6 7 London 53, 85, 1 1 3 Lorde, Audre 1 9

Mabo (court) decision 1 09 Macken2ie, J . FL 22 Mair, Captain Gilbert 9 3 n Mau:, MaJor Williarn 93n Malinowski 66 Mander, Jerry 99, 1 05 Maniapoto, Rewi 1 04 Manifest Destiny 6 3 Manuel, George 1 1 4 Maori people, academics 72, 1 30, 1 7 8,

1 97, 1 99n; activism o f 1 3; 'aggressive' colonial stereotype of

87; beliefs of 1 1 , 25; and change 1 04; colonial elite among 70; concept of mind of 48; concept of space-time of 50; defmed 6, 5 8 ; and education 1 29, 1 3 1 -2, 1 47 ; and 'farming' of human body 1 00- 1 , 1 48-9; genocide o f 88; hope o f 88, 1 03; identity o f 1 26 ; and kanohi kitea ('seen face') 1 5 ; knowledge o f 1 63- 4, 1 69 , 1 72-5, 1 83, 1 85 , 1 88, 1 96; in labour force 96; and land 22, 1 26, 1 48-9, 1 5 8, 1 68-9, 1 78, 1 89; language o f 1 48, 1 69, 1 85, 1 88, 1 97; Maori Studies 1 28; naming practices o f 1 5 7 ; · p roverbs o f 1 20, 1 22n, 1 5 3, 1 73; radical organizations emerge among 1 08; as researchers 1 2, 1 5 - 1 6, 8 1 , 86, 1 1 9, 1 28, 1 3 1 , 1 3 5, 1 63- 93, 1 96, 1 98; resistance o f 88; sites of struggle o f 1 09 ; social movement of 1 08; spirituality o f 1 72, .ree ai.ro under indigenous peoples; theories of origin 87; and tokenism 9 5 ; trade in culture of 88-92; transitional states of 1 03-4; tribes 1 28; voice of 35; warrior traditions o f 1 04; women 8-9; world view o f 48, 50

Maori Economic Development Conference 1 09

Maracle, Lee 9 marae 96, 1 60 marginalization 4, 34-5, 46, 68, 72, 88,

9 1 , 99, 1 1 1 , 1 5 7, 1 60, 1 66, 1 86 , 1 89 market forces 24, 89-90, 98, 1 03, 1 89 Marsden foundation 1 32 Marxism 29, 32, 43, 5 5 , 69, 1 65-6

rndtgenous f3e0 les 1 I 9, 123 Mataatua District 84, 1 23 Mataatua, the 52, 1 28, 1 55 Mead, Aroha 1 00- 1 , 1 23, 1 52 Means, Russell 1 1 4 media 8, 33, 47, 73, 9 1 -2, 95-6, 9 8 ,

1 00, 1 02, 1 1 3, 1 47, 1 50, 1 52, 1 57, 1 60- 1

Mediterranean 63

I N DEX 205

Melanesia 87 Memmi, Albert 8, 28 Menchu, Rigoberta 1 44 Middle East 1 1 0 Minh-ha, Trinh T. 67, 73 missionaries 9 , 2 1 , 43-4, 52, 54, 60, 63-

4, 78-9, 82, 97-8, 1 72 Mita, Merata 58, 1 5 1 , 1 72 modernism 38, 55, 58-9, 97, 1 07, 1 6 5 Mohawk people 1 1 0, 1 26 Morgan, Sally 1 50 Moriori people 87 Morrison, Toni 37 Mother Earth, see Earth Mother multinationals 97, 1 00, 1 1 5

naming 1 57-8, 1 83 Nandy, Ashis 8, 28, 44-5 National Geographic 1 97 National Indian Brotherhood of

Canada 1 1 4 National Research Advisory Council

1 96 National Women's Hospital 1 7 5 nationalism 6 9 Native Americans 1 5, 1 0 1 , 1 1 0, 1 1 3- 1 4,

1 50 Native Land Court 1 6 8 Native Pan-American Draft Declaration

1 1 9 Navaho Nation 1 26 Nazis 1 6 5 negotiation 9 8 , 1 1 8, 1 40, 1 52, 1 59-60,

1 76, 1 78, 1 9 1 neoliberalism 96, 1 89 Nepe, Tuakana 1 87-8 networking 7-8, 1 4- 1 5, 1 05, 1 1 2, 1 27,

1 32-3, 1 56-7, 1 60, 1 9 1 , 1 9 8 raew 1 tge 6 , 161-i New England 1 1 New South Wales 1 6 , 1 23-4, 1 46, 1 48 New Zealand 6, 22, 46, 62-3, 70-2, 79-

88, 9 1 , 95, 1 04, 1 08, 1 1 2- 1 4, 1 1 9, 1 26, 1 30, 1 34, 1 52, 1 54-6, 1 60, 1 68 , 1 7 5 , 1 88-9

New Zealand Association of Social Anthropologists 1 1 9

New Zealand Institute 86 Nga Tamatoa 1 3 Ngata, Sir Apirana 1 30 Ngati Awa Research Centre 1 28 Ngati Awa tribe 1 3, 52, 93n, 1 23, 1 28,

1 5 5 Ngati Porou tribe 1 23 Ngugi wa Thong'o 1 9, 36, 59 non-government organizations 1 1 4,

1 24, 1 50 North America 6, 1 0 1 , 1 1 0, 1 26, 1 50 North American Indian Brotherhood

(NAIB) 1 1 4 Northern Territories 1 09 North-South 9 7 , 1 1 2 Norway 1 1 0

Oedipus complex 66 Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD) 1 54

Orient, the 2, 25, 32, 58, 63-4 Otago Museum 52 Other, the 2, 8, 1 1 , 1 4, 23, 28, 30, 32,

34, 36, 39, 43, 46, 60, 65-8, 72-4, 78, 88-92, 1 02-3, 1 39, 1 6 5, 1 67

Ottawa 1 23

Pacific Islands 1 2, 7 1 , 8 1 Pacific Region 1 1 , 5 3 , 6 1 , 80, 86, 98,

1 1 0, 1 1 6, 1 23 , 1 30, 1 36, 1 54, 1 5 8; South 20, 22, 49, 54, 71, 86,95

Pakeha 6, 1 47, 1 75 Pan American Health Organization 1 1 9 Papua New Guinea 56, 1 00 Parihaka 9 1 Paris 1 1 3, 1 6 5 Paris Academy 8 5 Paun; Aridiew 114 Peabody Museum 1 1 Peltier, Leonard 1 1 4 Penang 1 1 9 People o f the Land 6 Pere, Rangimarie Rose 1 70 Philippines 1 1 0 Pihama, Leonie 9, 35, 1 85-6 Plato 47-8, 1 7 5

206 D E C O L O N I Z I N G M E TH O D O L O G I E S

Pocahontas 79 Polynesia 49, 87, 1 1 6 Polynesian Society 83, 86-7 Portugal 2 1 positivism 42, 1 63-6, 1 69, 1 85, 1 89 post-colonialism 7, 1 4, 23-4, 36, 69, 7 1 ,

97-8 postmodernism 28, 33-4, 1 67 postpositivism 1 3 7, 1 67 poststf\lcturalism 29, 73, 1 67 poverty 4, 9 1 , 96, 1 52 privatization 96, 1 69 progress 30, 55-6, 97 protest 1 08, 1 1 3 Protestant ethic 53

Quebec 1 1 1

Raglan Golf Course 1 09 rangatiratanga 1 73 raupatu 1 3 reading 1 49 reframing 1 53-4 remembering 1 46 representing 1 50- 1 research, altruism and 2, 24; and

archive of knowledge 42-4; biocultural 1 7, 1 78; community and 1 25 - 9 ; critical understanding of 1 0, 20, 3 7 , 42; cultural barriers to 5, 1 5; and distance 5 5-6; and domination 60; ethical protocols o f 1 1 8-20, 1 7 5- 7, 1 87, 1 9 1 -2; imperialism/ colonialism and 1 -2, 29, 60; indigenous hostility to 1, 3, 5 , 1 1 , 1 6, 6 7 , 1 36, 1 76, 1 83, 1 97; indigenous perspectives of 3-6, 1 0, 1 2, 1 5- 1 7, 29, 38-9, 42, 58-6 1 , 67, ; 8-92, id¥, i iS, 1!3-48, \42, 149, 1 63-93, 1 99 ; insider/ outsider 5, 1 0, 1 37-40; institutionalization of 8, 1 24-5, 1 3 1 , 1 33, 1 40, 1 93, 1 9 6 ; multi-disciplinary 1 7; objectivity and 56, 1 1 7, 13 7, 1 64; organizing 85-8; and the Other 2, 8; partnership in 1 7; political context of 5-6, 1 24, 1 90, 1 99n; research culture 1 30,

1 3 5; 'researching back' 7-8, 58-9; self-determination and 1 1 6 ; sharing of 1 6 1 , 1 78, 1 87 , 1 9 1 ; as site o f struggle 2, 1 9 1 ; training i n 1 34-7, 1 43, 1 78, 1 92; tribal 1 28-9

Research Unit for Maori Education 1 30, 1 33

resistance 2, 4, 3 5 , 74, 79-80, 84, 88, 90-2, 1 07- 1 0, 1 1 4, 1 45 , 1 5 1 -3, 1 57, 1 60, 1 63 , 1 85 ; passive 91

restoring 1 54-5 restructuring 96, 1 88-9 returning 1 55-6 revitalizing 14 7-8 Rigney, Lester 1 46 Rintoul, Stuart 1 44 Rio de Janeiro 1 23 Robins, Rebecca 1 1 3 Roggeveen 86 Roman Catholic Church 63 Rome 45 Rose, Wendy 1 02 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 49, 86 Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew 62 Royal Society 54, 80, 85-6 rugby 96, 1 09, 1 1 1 Rushdie, Salman 1 9 Russia 98

Said, Edward 2, 25, 37, 5 8 , 60, 64 Salem 1 1 Salmond, A. 80- 1 , 1 70 Sami people 1 1 0 Samoa 87 Sartre, Jean- Paul 76n Saskatechewan 1 24 science 20, 22, 2 5 , 27, 29, 32, 35, 39,

45-6, 50, 53, 55-6, 58-60, 62-5, 78- 86, 82-6, 98, 9¥, 99-ibi, 185, ii ,_ 1 8, 1 60, 1 65, 1 7 8, 1 89-9 1 , 1 96

Scodand 1 33, 1 50 Second World 98 Second World War 27, 69, 1 07, 1 09,

1 1 3 self-determination 1 , 4, 6-7, 20, 28, 7 1 ,

97-9, 1 03, 1 1 0, 1 1 5- 1 7, 1 1 9-20, 1 24- 5 , 1 27-8, 1 42, 1 5 1 -3, 1 56, 1 59 , 1 6 5,

1 85, 1 87, 1 89

I NDEX

Te Kohanga Reo 1 3, 1 09, 1 5 1 , 1 53, 1 63, 1 68-9, 1 72, 1 74, 1 8 8, 1 96

207

Seventh Day Adventist Church 96 sexism 90 sharing 1 60-1

Te Kohanga Reo National Trust 1 69,

Sherman, Alexie 1 51 Shiva, V andana 1 00 slavery 27, 45, 49, 60-1 Snli� Cherryl 37, 62 Snlith, Graham 90, 1 23-4, 1 47, 1 77-8,

1 85-7 Snlith, Percy 83-4, 86-7 social Darwinism 49, 62 social wdfare 96, 1 56, 17 4 socialism 1 1 1 Socrates 47 Sorrenson, M. P. K 86 South Africa 83, 1 09, 1 1 1 , 1 54 South America 62, 1 1 0, 1 46, 1 6 5, 1 97 South Kensington Museum 52 South Seas Exhibition (1 925) 52 sovereignty 20, 27, 33, 9 1 , 98, 1 03, 1 09,

1 5 1 Spain 46, 1 1 0 Spivak, Gayatri 71 Spoonley, P. 1 78 Springbok Rugby Tour ( 1 9 8 1 ) 1 09 Squarnish Nation 1 23, 1 48 St Augustine 1 75 Steadman, C. 30 Stocking 83 Stokes, Evdyn 1 96 Stornaway 1 50

1 78 Te Kooti 93n Te Pua 1 23 Te Wananga o Awanuiarangi 1 23, 1 28 Te Whiti 83, 9 1 le �o 1 09 Teariki, C. 1 78 terra nullius 53, 1 09, 1 1 1 , 1 1 5 testimonies 1 44 theory 28-40, 78 Third World 1 3, 35, 37, 67, 71, 73, 98,

1 46, 1 54, 1 6 5-6 Thompson, A. S. 25 Thornberry, P. 1 1 5 Thunderbird, Margo 93n tikanga Maori 1 09 lino tangatiratanga 1 09 Tohunga Suppression Act 85 tobunga 84-5 Torgovnick, Marianna 66 Torres Strait Islands 1 1 2 tourism 1 02, 1 58 toxic waste 98 Trask, Haunani Kay 20, 67, 1 29 travellers 2-3, 8-9, 60, 78-80, 82, 90,

1 02, 1 70, 1 7 2 Tuhoe 84-5, 1 70 Tuskagee project 1 7 5

story telling 1 9, 1 36 , 1 44, 1 6 1 underdevelopment 1 6 5 Stringer, E. T. 1 27 unemployment 96, 1 9 1 student risings 1 1 3, 1 6 5 United Nations 98, 1 1 4- 1 5 survival 1 07, 1 1 6- 1 7, 1 42, 1 45. 1 52,,_ 1..,5 .... 9'--- �II�n�ited..N.ations..Economic..a.nd..SociaL.- Sydney 52 Council (ECOSOC) 1 1 4 Sykes, Annette 1 56 llgit;d Natigp§ Snh-Cgmmission an Sytees, Bobbt 24, 63, 98, 121n, 154=5 the Prevention of Discrirrllnation

Tahiti 49, 54, 80 Tainui tribe 1 28 Tane-nui-a-rangi 1 72, 1 74 Taranaki 83 Tasman, Abd 80-1 Tasmania 20, 72-3, 1 02 Te Awekotuku, Ngahuia 1 1 9

and Protection o f Minorities 1 1 4 United Nations Working Group on

Indigenous Peoples 1 1 5, 1 52 United States 1 1 , 1 3, 35, 7 1 , 96, 98,

1 00 , 1 02, 1 1 2- 1 4, 1 26, 1 30, 1 33, 1 7 5 University of Auckland 1 30, 1 3 5 University of Hawai'i 1 29 University of New Zealand 86

208 D E C O LONIZI N G METHODOL OG I E S

University of Saskatechewan 1 34 urbanization 1 08 Urewera 84

Victoria and Albert Museum 52 Vietnam War 1 1 3, 1 6 5

Waitangi Day protests 1 09 Waitangi Treaty (1 840) 1 3, 46-7, 8 1 ,

1 09 - 1 0, 1 28, 1 34, 1 56, 1 65, 1 68, 1 84, 1 89

Waitangi Tribunal 1 3, 46, 52, 1 23, 1 28, 1 56, 1 63, 1 68-9, 1 72

Wales 1 1 0, 1 33, 1 47-8 Walker, Ranginui 1 08 Washington 1 1 3 Wellington 1 23, 1 28, 1 69 Western Australia 1 24, 1 3 5 Western Isles of Scotland 1 50 Whakatane 1 1 9, 1 23, 1 28 whana�� 1 39, 1 69, 1 72, 1 85-7, 1 9 1 whana11, hapu, iwi 1 09 Wilmer, F. 7, 1 08, 1 1 1 - 1 2 women, Aboriginal 9 ; black 73, 1 66-8;

and change in indigenous societies 98; classified with children and savages 66; colonizer perceptions of 8-9! 455-6, 49, 54, 63, 65, 1 70; as

community of interest 1 27; essentialist view o f 73; and gender roles 45-6, 5 1 , 54, 68, 1 5 1 -2, 1 7 1 ; health o f 1 54; and 'higher development' 3 1 ; and history 3 1 -2; imprisonment o f 1 54; and indigenous critique of Western feminism 1 52, 1 54, 1 66, 1 88; Maori 46; and recentring 1 1 1 ; and research 9, 1 27, 1 38, 1 42; rights o f 23, 1 66 ; silencing of 7 2 , 1 66 ; spatial concepts and 5 1 ; spiritual significance o f 1 5 1 -2; travellers and 79; and Waitangi Tribunal claim 1 56 ; Women's Studies 1 33; women's liberation 1 1 3

Woollongong 1 6, 1 23 World Council of Indigenous Peoples

1 1 4 World Indigenous Peoples Conference

on Education ( 1 9 93) 1 23 writing 1 9-20, 23, 28-40, 99, 1 27, 1 44-

5, 1 49 - 5 1

Yale University 1 3 0 Yirrkala people 1 09 Young, Robert 30, 32, 6 5

Other tides from the University of Otago Press

The Welcome of Strangers: An Ethnohistory of Southern Maori, 1 650--1 850 AtboU Anderson PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 1 877 1 33 41 8, $39.95

HARDBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 1 877 1 3 3 59 0, $65.00

Te Mamae me te Aroha: The Pain and the Love BiU Dat:ker PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 0 908569 89 0, $29.95

Four Generations from Maoridom: The Memoirs of a South Island Kaumatua and Fisherman �d Cormade with Joanna Orwin PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 1 877 1 33 34 5, $29.95

When the Waves Rolled in Upon Us: Essays in Nineteenth Century Maori History Edited l!J Mit:bael Reif!y PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 1 877 1 33 20 5, $39.95

Traditional Lifeways of the Southern Maori J anm Herries Beattie, edited l!J AtboU Anderson PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 0 908569 79 3 $59.95

Patrons of Maori Culture: Power, Theory and Ideology in the Maori Renaissance Steven Webster PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 1 877 1 33 48 5, $39.95

Travels in Oceania Dr Louis Tbierr:elin, translated l!J Cbristiane Mortelier PAPERBACK, ILLUSTRATED, ISBN 0 908569 71 8, $34.95

Infectious Diseases: Colonising the Pacific? Jonn lVJ.zks PAPERBACK, 1 24 PAGES, ISBN 1 877 1 3 3 26 4, $29.95

F rom the v:lllt:l gc point of thL· co lonize d , t he term ' re search ' is

inextricably linked with E urop ean

colonialism; the way in which

scientifi c researc h has been implicated

in the worst excesses of im p erialism

remains a powerful remem b ered

history for many of the world's

colonized peoples. H ere, Jn in digenous r e se ar che r issues a clarion

call f() r t h e decolonization of research

metho ds.

In th e fi rst part of the b o ok , the author

critic ally examines the historical and

philosophical b ase o fWestcrn research .

Extending the work ofFoucault, she

ex plores the intersections of

imp enalism, knowledge and research ;

en route she provides a history of

k nowledge from the Enlightenment to

postcoloniality. The second part of the

book meets an urgent demand : people

who arc carryin g out th ei r own

research projects need literature wh1ch

validates their frustrations in dealing

with vari ous West ern paradigms. In setting an a genda fiH planning Jnd

i mplementin g indigenous researc h , the

r s11<.Jwslw w such prograrmnes arc part of the wider project of

n:clairning control over indigenous

ways of knowing and being.

' N ll ll U I l I l I N (; IZ E S FAR C H F IZ S I-I cl U I. I l BE A l.l. 0 W E D T cl

I F A V 1- T I I E A t: A I ) 1- IV\ Y WITI!OUT REAI>INC;

THIS BOOK'

Virc·,-r,,· ,,tjulllbllllll<l <:.-lIS l::J�, C.',·llfi'<'./;,,. .'1hlll"��iud/ ����d ·l�>rrcs Strdit lslllllthTs,

( 'uu•crsiry ••f'li·dlll,,fogy. Syducy

'A counter-sto ry to W est ern ideas about the bendl ts o f the pursuit of kn o wled ge ... particularly strong in

situating the devel o pment of counter

p racti ces o f research within both

W cstcrn critiques o fW est em k now ledge and glo bal indigenous

rnovnncnts. '

I' A T T I LA T H l ll..

l'ro/i-ssor 4 Fdl/(,lfl<'ll•li [',,fi<y .JIIcl Ltildas!Jip. r )/Jio .'ir<�f<' I '"i'·crsirv '"'cl .wr/,,,,. oj'(;.:ttin" Snurt: f'en1inist l�csc:Jrch and l'.:cbgof'y

With/in the l'osrmodern

ISBN 978-1-85649-624-7

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