American History

Excerpt from the First Lincoln-Douglas Debate during

the Senatorial Campaign of 1858: Ottawa, Illinois

August 21, 1858

It was dry and dusty, between 10,000 and 12,000 people were in attendance when the debate

began at 2:00 p.m. There were no seats or bleachers.

Stephen A. Douglas charged Abraham Lincoln with trying to “abolitionize” the Whig and

Democratic Parties. He also charged Lincoln had been present when a very radical

“abolitionist” type platform had been written by the Republican Party in 1854. Douglas accused

Lincoln of taking the side of the common enemy in the Mexican War. Douglas also said Lincoln

wanted to make Illinois “a free Negro colony.” Douglas asked Lincoln seven questions.

Lincoln during his turn did not respond to the questions and was on the defensive denying the

allegations Douglas had made. Lincoln charged Douglas with trying to nationalize slavery.

In his rebuttal Douglas concentrated on the charge that Lincoln had been present when a very

radical “abolitionist” type platform had been written by the Republican Party in 1854.

Source: Neely, Mark E. Jr. 1982. The Abraham Lincoln Encyclopedia. New York: Da Capo

Press, Inc.

Abraham Lincoln: Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is the true

complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution of slavery and the black race. This is the

whole of it, and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the

negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut

to be a chestnut horse. [Laughter.] I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose,

directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I

have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political

and social equality between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the

two, which, in my judgment, will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect

equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge

Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I have never said

anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why

the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the

right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. [Loud cheers.] I hold that he is as much entitled to

these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects-certainly not in

color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without the

leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the

equal of every living man. [Great applause.]

Lincoln on "No man wishes to be a slave" (1857-1858)

In this excerpt from a speech by Abraham Lincoln, the sharpness of his wit and the power of his

moral objection to slavery are evident. Lincoln yielded to no one in his desire to uphold the

Constitution and the Union. With speeches like this one on the contradiction between slavery and

our national purpose, he drew the admiration of abolitionists and the hatred of Southern slavery

advocates. As you review the excerpt, consider how Lincoln addressed the proslavery argument

that the institution of slavery was a positive force in society. How did he answer their argument

that slaves were not fit for citizenship? Was the position of proslavery or abolitionism in better

keeping with the nation's founding ideals of a virtuous, republican citizen?

The ant, who has toiled and dragged a crumb to his nest, will furiously defend the fruit of his

labor, against whatever robber assails him. So plain, that the most dumb and stupid slave that

ever toiled for a master, does constantly know that he is wronged. So plain that no one, high or

low, ever does mistake it, except in a plainly selfish way; for although volume upon volume is

written to prove slavery a very good thing, we never hear of the man who wishes to take the

good of it, by being a slave himself.

Most governments have been based practically, on the denial of the equal rights of men, as I

have, in part, stated them; ours began, by affirming those rights. They said, some men are too

ignorant, and vicious, to share in government. Possibly so, said we; and by your system, you

would always keep them ignorant and vicious. We propose to give all a chance, and we expect

the weak to grow stronger, the ignorant, wiser; and all better, and happier together.

We made the experiment; and the fruit is before us. Look at it. Think of it. Look at it, in all its

aggregate grandeur, of extent of country, and numbers of population, of ship, and steamboat, and

rail[road.]