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Lifespan Development

Lives in Context

Tara L. Kuther Western Connecticut State University

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Brief Contents

1. Preface 2. Acknowledgments 3. About the Author 4. PART I: Foundations of LifeSpan Human Development

1. 1 Understanding Human Development: Approaches and Theories 2. 2 Biological and Environmental Foundations 3. 3 The Prenatal Period, Birth, and the Newborn

5. PART II: Infancy and Toddlerhood 1. 4 Physical Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood 2. 5 Cognitive Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood 3. 6 Socioemotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

6. PART III: Early Childhood 1. 7 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood 2. 8 Socioemotional Development in Early Childhood

7. PART IV: Middle Childhood 1. 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 2. 10 Socioemotional Development in Middle Childhood

8. PART V: Adolescence 1. 11 Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence 2. 12 Socioemotional Development in Adolescence

9. PART VI: Early Adulthood 1. 13 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood 2. 14 Socioemotional Development in Early Adulthood

10. PART VII: Middle Adulthood 1. 15 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood 2. 16 Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood

11. PART VIII: Late Adulthood 1. 17 Physical and Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood 2. 18 Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood and the End of Life

12. Glossary 13. References 14. Name Index 15. Subject Index

Contents

Preface Acknowledgments About the Author PART I. Foundations of LifeSpan Human Development

1 Understanding Human Development: Approaches and Theories What Is LifeSpan Human Development?

Development Is Multidimensional Development Is Multidirectional Development Is Plastic Development Is Influenced by Multiple Contexts Development Is Multidisciplinary

Basic Issues in LifeSpan Human Development Continuities and Discontinuities in Development Individuals are Active in Development Nature and Nurture Influence Development

Theoretical Perspectives on Human Development Psychoanalytic Theories

Freud’s Psychosexual Theory Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory

Behaviorist and Social Learning Theories Classical Conditioning Operant Conditioning Social Learning Theory

Cognitive Theories Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Theory Information Processing Theory

Sociocultural Systems Theory Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Systems Theory

Ethology and Evolutionary Developmental Theory Research in Human Development

The Scientific Method Methods of Data Collection

Self-Report Measures Observational Measures

Research Methodology Correlational Research

Experimental Research Developmental Research Designs

Cross-Sectional Research Design Longitudinal Research Design Sequential Research Design

Ethical Issues in Research Responsibilities to Participants Responsibilities to Society

2 Biological and Environmental Foundations Genetic Foundations of Development

The Genetic Code Cell Reproduction Sex Determination Genetics Shared by Twins

Patterns of Genetic Inheritance Dominant–Recessive Inheritance Incomplete Dominance Polygenic Inheritance Genomic Imprinting

Chromosomal and Genetic Problems Genetic Disorders

Dominant–Recessive Disorders X-Linked Disorders

Chromosomal Abnormalities Down Syndrome Sex Chromosome Abnormalities

Mutation Predicting and Detecting Genetic Disorders

Genetic Counseling Prenatal Diagnosis Prenatal Treatment of Genetic Disorders

Heredity and Environment Behavioral Genetics

Methods of Behavior Genetics Genetic Influences on Personal Characteristics

Gene–Environment Interaction Range of Reaction Canalization Gene–Environment Correlations

Epigenetic Framework 3 The Prenatal Period, Birth, and the Newborn

Prenatal Development Conception Germinal Period (First Two Weeks After Conception)

Embryonic Period (Third to Eighth Week After Conception) Fetal Period (Ninth Week to Birth)

Second Trimester (Fourteen to Twenty-Six Weeks) Third Trimester (Twenty-Seven to Forty Weeks; Seventh, Eighth, Ninth Months)

Environmental Influences on Prenatal Development Principles of Teratology Types of Teratogens

Maternal Illness Prescription and Nonprescription Drugs Alcohol Cigarette Smoking Marijuana Other Drugs Environmental Hazards Parental Characteristics and Behaviors

Birth and the Newborn Childbirth Medical and Behavioral Assessment of Infants The Newborn’s Perceptual Capacities Newborn States of Arousal Infants at Risk: Low-Birth Weight and Small-for-Date Babies

PART II. Infancy and Toddlerhood 4 Physical Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

Body Growth and Nutrition in Infants and Toddlers Growth Norms Breast-Feeding Solid Food Malnutrition Failure to Thrive

Brain Development During Infancy and Toddlerhood Processes of Neural Development Experience and Brain Development

Early Learning Capacities Habituation Classical Conditioning Operant Conditioning Imitation

Sensation and Perception During Infancy and Toddlerhood Hearing Vision Touch

Smell and Taste Intermodal Perception

Motor Development During Infancy and Toddlerhood Motor Milestones Determinants of Motor Development Motor Development as a Dynamic System

5 Cognitive Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective

Schemas, Assimilation, and Accommodation Substages of Sensorimotor Reasoning

Substage 1: Reflexes (Birth–1 Month) Substage 2: Primary Circular Reactions (1–4 Months) Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions (4–8 Months) Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Schemas (8–12 Months) Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions (12–18 Months) Substage 6: Mental Representation (18–24 Months)

Recent Findings on Sensorimotor Reasoning Violation-of-Expectation Tasks A-Not-B Tasks Deferred Imitation Tasks

Core Knowledge Perspective as an Alternative Theory Information Processing

Organization of the Information Processing System Attention Memory Categorization

Individual Differences in Infant Intelligence Testing Approach to Intelligence Information Processing Approach to Intelligence

Language Development Prelinguistic Communication First Words Learning Words Two-Word Utterances Theories of Language Development

Learning Theory and Language Acquisition Nativist Theory and Language Acquisition Interactionist Perspective on Language Acquisition

6 Socioemotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood Psychosocial Development in Infancy

Trust Versus Mistrust

Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt Emotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

Infants’ Emotional Experience Emotion Regulation Social Interaction and Emotional Development

Parental Interaction Interactive Play and Test of Wills

Social Referencing Cultural Influences on Emotional Development

Emotional Display Rules Stranger Wariness

Temperament Styles of Temperament Temperament and Development

Temperament as a Reciprocal Process Goodness of Fit Cultural Differences in Temperament

Attachment Bowlby’s Ethological Perspective on Attachment

Indiscriminate Social Responsiveness (Birth to 1–2 Months) Discriminating Sociability (1–2 Months to 6–7 Months) Attachments (7–24 Months) Reciprocal Relationships (24–30 Months to 30 Months and Onward)

Ainsworth’s Strange Situation Attachment-Related Outcomes Promoting Secure Attachment Cultural Variations in Attachment Classifications

Self-Concept and Self-Recognition Self-Concept Self-Recognition Self-Control

PART III. Early Childhood 7 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood

Growth and Motor Development in Early Childhood Growth Nutrition Motor Development

Gross Motor Skills Fine Motor Skills

Brain Development in Early Childhood Lateralization

Plasticity Cognitive Development in Early Childhood

Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective: Preoperational Reasoning

Egocentrism Animism Centration Irreversibility Evaluating Piaget’s Preoperational Reasoning Stage Research Findings on Egocentrism and Animism Research Findings on Reversibility and the Appearance– Reality Distinction

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective Information Processing Perspective

Attention Memory

Theory of Mind and Metacognition Theory of Mind Metacognition

Young Children’s Language Development Vocabulary Early Grammar Private Speech

Moral Development in Early Childhood Social Learning Theory Cognitive-Developmental Theory

Contextual Influences on Development in Early Childhood Early Childhood Education Effects of Exposure to Poverty

Intervening in Poverty 8 Socioemotional Development in Early Childhood

Emerging Sense of Self Psychosocial Development in Early Childhood Self-Concept Emotional Development

Empathy and Prosocial Behavior Influences on Empathy and Prosocial Behavior Aggression

Parenting Parenting Styles

Authoritarian Parenting Permissive Parenting

Uninvolved Parenting Authoritative Parenting

Discipline Physical Punishment Inductive Disciplinary Methods

Culture, Context, and Parenting Child Maltreatment

Effects of Child Maltreatment Risk Factors for Child Maltreatment

Gender Role Development Gender Differences Theoretical Perspectives on Gender Role Development

Biological Explanations Cognitive-Developmental Explanations Contextual Explanations

Play and Peer Relationships Types of Play Play and Children’s Development

PART IV. Middle Childhood 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood

Physical and Motor Development Body Growth Motor Development Common Health Issues in Middle Childhood

Asthma Obesity Body Image Dissatisfaction

Cognitive Development Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective: Concrete Operational Reasoning

Classification Conservation Culture and Concrete Operational Reasoning

Information Processing Perspective Central Executive Function Metamemory Memory Strategies Knowledge

Intelligence Group-Administered and Individually Administered Intellligence Tests Individual and Group Differences in IQ

Alternative Views of Intelligence Multiple Intelligences Triarchic Theory of Intelligence

Moral Development Moral Reasoning: Piaget’s Perspective Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Reasoning Distributive Justice Reasoning Distinguishing Moral and Conventional Rules

Language Development Vocabulary and Grammar Pragmatics

Learning and Schooling Reading and Mathematics English Language Learners Transition to First Grade Children With Special Needs

Intellectual Disability Learning Disabilities Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder Educating Children With Disabilities

10 Socioemotional Development in Middle Childhood Psychosocial Development in Middle Childhood

Self-Concept Self-Esteem

Peer Relationships in Middle Childhood Friendship Peer Acceptance, Popularity, and Rejection

Popularity Peer Rejection

Bullying Characteristics of Children Who Bully Characteristics of Victims Intervening in Bullying

Families Parent–Child Relationships Siblings Same-Sex Parented Families Single-Parent Families Cohabiting Families Divorce

Divorce and Children Conflict and Child Adjustment

Divorce and Parents Custody Stepfamilies

Common Problems in Middle Childhood Common Fears and Anxiety Child Sexual Abuse Resilience

PART V. Adolescence 11 Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence

Conceptions of Adolescence Popular Views of Adolescence: Storm and Stress Is Adolescence a Period of Storm and Stress? Adolescent Moodiness

Physical Development in Adolescence Puberty

Adolescent Growth Spurt Secondary Sex Characteristics Primary Sex Characteristics

Pubertal Timing Influences on Pubertal Timing

Psychosocial Effects of Early and Late Puberty Puberty and Sleep Patterns Nutrition and Development

Brain Development in Adolescence Socioemotional Perception Risk Taking

Adolescent Cognitive Development Formal Operational Reasoning Information Processing Perspective

Attention, Response Inhibition, and Working Memory Metacognition and Scientific Reasoning Brain Development and Cognition

Implications of Adolescent Thinking Adolescent Egocentrism Decision Making

Adolescent Moral Development Postconventional Moral Reasoning Social Interaction and Moral Reasoning Gender and Moral Reasoning Culture and Moral Reasoning Moral Reasoning and Behavior

Schools and Academic Functioning in Adolescence

School Transitions Parenting and Academic Competence

12 Socioemotional Development in Adolescence Psychosocial Development: The Changing Self

Self-Concept Self-Esteem Identity

Identity Status Influences on Identity Development Outcomes Associated With Identity Development Ethnic Identity

Adolescents and Their Families Parent–Adolescent Conflict Parenting Style and Monitoring

Adolescents and Their Peers Friendships Cliques and Crowds Peer Conformity Dating

Adolescent Sexuality Sexual Activity Influences on Sexual Activity Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Adolescents Contraceptive Use Sexually Transmitted Infections Adolescent Pregnancy

Problems in Adolescence Depression and Suicide Eating Disorders Alcohol and Substance Use Delinquency

PART VI. Early Adulthood 13 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood

Physical Development in Early Adulthood Physical Development Fertility and Reproductive Capacity Theories of Aging

Health, Fitness, and Wellness in Early Adulthood Overweight and Obesity Physical Activity Substance Abuse

Tobacco

Marijuana Alcohol

Stress Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood: Postformal Reasoning

Epistemic Cognition Pragmatic Thought and Cognitive-Affective Complexity

Education in Early Adulthood Developmental Impact of Attending College Nontraditional College Students The Forgotten Third

Vocational Development in Early Adulthood Stages of Vocational Development Influences on Vocational Choice Occupational Expectations and Reality

14 Socioemotional Development in Early Adulthood Psychosocial Development in Early Adulthood

Emerging Adulthood Psychosocial Development During Emerging Adulthood Contextual Nature of Emerging Adulthood

Intimacy Versus Isolation The Social Clock

Relationships in Early Adulthood Friendship Romantic Relationships

Mate Selection Components of Love

Intimate Partner Violence Marriage and Alternatives to Marriage

Singlehood Cohabitation Marriage

Transition to Marriage Marital Success Same-Sex Marriage

Divorce Predicting Divorce Consequences of Divorce

Parenthood in Early Adulthood Becoming a Parent Stepparents Never-Married Single Parent Same-Sex Parents

Childlessness Careers in Early Adulthood

Transition to Work Diversity in the Workplace Work and Family

PART VII. Middle Adulthood 15 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood

Physical Development in Middle Adulthood Sensory Changes

Vision Hearing

Skin, Muscular, and Skeletal Changes Middle Adulthood and the Reproductive System

Reproductive Changes in Women Reproductive Changes in Men

Health in Middle Adulthood Cancer Cardiovascular Disease Osteoporosis Wellness

Intellectual Abilities in Middle Adulthood Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence Intelligence Over the Adult Years

Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood Attention Memory Processing Speed Expertise Learning

16 Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood Psychosocial Development in Middle Adulthood

Erikson’s Generativity Versus Stagnation Levinson’s Seasons of Life Midlife Crisis

The Self in Middle Adulthood Self-Concept Gender Identity Self and Well-Being Personality

Relationships in Middle Adulthood Friendships Marriage

Divorce Parent–Child Relationships Grandparenthood Caring for Aging Parents

Careers in Middle Adulthood Job Satisfaction Planning for Retirement

PART VIII. Late Adulthood 17 Physical and Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood

Life Expectancy Physical Development in Late Adulthood

Appearance Nervous System Vision Hearing Cardiovascular, Respiratory, and Immune Systems

Heath and Disability in Late Adulthood Nutrition Exercise Chronic Illness

Arthritis Diabetes

Injuries Motor Vehicle Accidents Falls

Mental Health in Late Adulthood Alzheimer’s Disease

Diagnosis of Alzheimer’s Disease Progression of Alzheimer’s Disease Risk Factors for Alzheimer’s Disease

Vascular Dementia Parkinson’s Disease Reversible Dementia

Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood Working Memory

Inhibition and Working Memory Emotion and Working Memory

Long-Term Memory Age-Related Changes in Language Problem Solving and Wisdom Cognitive Changes

18 Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood and the End of Life

Older Adults and the Sense of Self Subjective Age Reminiscence and Life Review Ego Integrity

Well-Being in Older Adulthood Personality Religiosity Social Support Aging and the Social World

Disengagement, Activity, and Continuity Theories Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Late Adulthood and Social Contexts Neighborhoods Residing at Home Residential Communities Nursing Homes

Relationships in Late Adulthood Friendships Sibling Relationships Marriage and Cohabitation

Marital Satisfaction Cohabitation Sexuality Divorce and Remarriage

Relationships With Adult Children and Grandchildren Elder Maltreatment

Retirement Deciding to Retire Transition to Retirement and Adjustment Influences on Retirement Adjustment

Death and Bereavement in Older Adulthood The Dying Process Death With Dignity Bereavement Grief Process Widowhood

Glossary References Name Index Subject Index

List of Boxed Features

Lives in Context

Sociohistorical Influences on Development 21 Gene-Environment Interactions and Responses to Child Maltreatment 52 HIV Infection in Newborns 69 Prenatal Care 79 Neonatal Circumcision 102 Baby Signing 129 Development in Internationally Adopted Children 131 Attachment to Fathers 156 The Development of Children’s Drawing Abilities 178 Television and Children’s Development 202 Effects of Exposure to Community Violence 211 Children’s Understanding of Illness 235 Exposure to War and Terrorism and Children’s Development 282 Adolescent Employment 316 Cyberbullying 338 Adolescent Dating Violence 340 The Gender Divide 383 Internet Dating 395 Use of Cosmetic Procedures in Midlife 424 First-Time Parenting in Midlife 460 Grandparents Raising Grandchildren 463 Centenarians 477 Feminization of Poverty and the Older Woman 522

Applying Developmental Science

The Importance of Context in Developmental Science 25 Altering the Epigenome 54 Postpartum Depression 145 Children’s Suggestibility 182 Imaginary Companions 217 School Dropout 318 Popularity 336 Self-Harm 350 Skin Cancer 365 Smoking Cessation 371 Hormone Replacement Therapy 427

Cultural Influences on Development

Defining Culture 8 Cultural Differences in Childbirth 76 Co-Sleeping 91 China’s One-Child Policy 270 Cultural Perspectives on Menopause 428 Cultural Rituals Surrounding Death 529

Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development

Prenatal Sex Selection 40 Stem Cell Research 64 Maternal Drug Use While Pregnant 72 Childhood Vaccination 89 Infant Child Care 153 Project Head Start 191 No Child Left Behind and the Common Core 248 Grade Retention and Social Promotion 251 Anti-Bullying Legislation 268 Legal Implications of Adolescent Decision Making 311 Apprenticeships 381 Same-Sex Marriage and the Law 403 Age Discrimination 467 Disclosing a Dementia Diagnosis 493 Informed Consent in Older Adulthood 499 Social Security 523

Lifespan Brain Development

The Media and Baby Geniuses 123 Brain-Based Education 172 The Middle-Aged Brain 436 Brain Growth in Older Adulthood 480

Preface

Lifespan Development: Lives in Context has its origins in 20-plus years of class discussions about the nature of development in which my students have questioned, challenged, and inspired me. My goal in writing this text is to explain the sophisticated interactions that constitute development in a way that is comprehensive yet concise.

Lifespan Development: Lives in Context focuses on two key themes that promote understanding of how humans develop through the lifespan: the centrality of context and the applied value of developmental science. These two themes are highlighted throughout the text as well as in boxed features. This text also emphasizes cutting-edge research and a student-friendly writing style.

Contextual Perspective

Development does not occur in a vacuum but is a function of dynamic interactions between individuals, their genetic makeup, and myriad contextual influences. We are all embedded in multiple layers of context, including tangible and intangible circumstances that surround our development, such as family, ethnicity, culture, neighborhood, community, norms, values, and historical events. The contextual approach of Lifespan Development: Lives in Context emphasizes understanding the role of context in diversity and the many forms that diversity takes (gender, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, etc.). The text emphasizes how the places, sociocultural environments, and ways in which we are raised influence who we become and how we grow and change throughout the lifespan. This theme is infused throughout the text and highlighted specifically in two types of boxed features: Lives in Context and Cultural Influences on Development.

Emphasis on Application

The field of lifespan developmental science is unique because so much of its content has immediate relevance to our daily lives. Students may wonder this: Do the first three years shape the brain for a lifetime of experiences? Is learning more than one language beneficial to children? Should teens work? Do people’s personalities change over their lifetimes? Do adults go through a midlife crisis? How common is dementia in older adulthood? Lifespan Development: Lives in Context engages students by exploring these and many more real- world questions. The emphasis on application is highlighted specifically in two types of boxed features: Applying Developmental Science and Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development. The Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development feature reflects the increasing influence of developmental science on issues such as the effectiveness of the federal Head Start program, whether juvenile criminal offenders should face the death penalty, the availability of family leave, the manifestations of workplace age discrimination, and gender disparities in poverty.

Current Research

The lifespan course comes with the challenge of covering the growing mass of research findings within the confines of a single semester. In writing Lifespan Development: Lives in Context, I have sifted through the most current research available, selecting important findings. However, classic theory and research remains an important foundation for today’s most exciting scholarly work. I integrate cutting-edge and classic research to present a unified story of what is currently known in developmental psychology. One of the most rapidly growing areas of developmental science research is in neuroscience, and this is reflected in the Lifespan Brain Development boxed feature, which applies research on neurological development to issues such as videos that claim to promote precocious infant learning, the multidimensional “brain-based education” movement, and how changes in the middle-aged brain relate to behavioral changes typical of individuals in midlife.

Accessible Writing Style

Having taught at a regional public university for the past 20 years, I write in a style intended to engage undergraduate readers like my own students. This text is intended to help them understand challenging concepts in language that will not overwhelm: I have avoided jargon but maintained the use of professional and research terms that students need to know in order to digest classic and current literature in the lifespan development field.

Organization

Lifespan Development: Lives in Context is organized into eighteen chronological chapters that depict the natural unfolding of development over the lifespan from genetic foundations, conception, and birth to older adulthood and the end of life. Chapters are grouped into eight thematic units that represent the major periods in the lifespan.

Part I, Foundations of Lifespan Human Development, includes Chapters 1, 2, and 3. Chapter 1 combines lifespan theory and research design within a single chapter. I chose this streamlined approach because, given limited class time, many instructors do not cover stand-alone research chapters. The streamlined approach combines comprehensive coverage of methods of data collection, research design, developmental designs (such as sequential designs), and ethical issues in research with full coverage of the major theories in developmental psychology. Chapter 2 presents the biological foundations of development, including patterns of genetic inheritance, gene-environment interactions, and epigenetics. Chapter 3 describes prenatal development and birth.

Part II, Infancy and Toddlerhood, comprises three chapters because the rapid and dramatic transformations over the first years of life merit comprehensive discussion of the physical, cognitive, and socioemotional changes in stand-alone chapters (Chapters 4, 5, and 6).

The remaining parts contain two chapters each: physical and cognitive development as well as socioemotional development. Part III covers early childhood; Part IV, middle childhood; Part V, adolescence; Part VI, early adulthood; Part VII, middle adulthood; and Part VIII, late adulthood. The final chapter, Chapter 18: Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood and the End of Life, also includes material on death and dying and adjustment to bereavement in older adulthood. I chose to include this material within Chapter 18 to reflect the importance of death as a part of life and coping with death as a developmental task of this period in life.

Pedagogy

My day-to-day experiences in the classroom have helped me to keep college students’ interests and abilities at the forefront. Unlike many textbook authors, I teach four classes each semester at a comprehensive regional public university (and have done so for the past two decades). I have taught an online course more often than not since 2002. My daily exposure to multiple classes and many students helps keep me grounded in the ever- changing concerns and interests of college students. I teach a diverse group of students. Some live on campus but most commute. Most of my students are ages 18 to 24, but my classes also include many so-called nontraditional students over the age of 24. A growing number are veterans. I have many opportunities to try new examples and activities. I believe that what works in my classroom will be helpful to readers and instructors. I use the pedagogical elements of Lifespan Development: Lives in Context in my own classes and modify them based on my experiences.

Learning Objectives and Summaries

Core learning objectives are listed at the beginning of each chapter. The end-of-chapter summary returns to each learning objective, recapping the key concepts presented in the chapter related to that objective.

Critical Thinking

Thinking in Context: At the end of each main section within the chapter, these critical thinking questions encourage readers to compare concepts, apply theoretical perspectives, and consider applications of research findings presented. In addition, each boxed feature concludes with critical thinking questions that challenge students to assess and evaluate the issues highlighted in that feature. The boxed features are as follows:

Applying Developmental Science Cultural Influences on Development Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Lifespan Brain Development Lives in Context

Application

Applying Your Knowledge: Each chapter closes with a case scenario, followed by in-depth questions that require students to apply their understanding to address a particular situation or problem.

Supplements

Original Video

Lifespan Development is accompanied by a robust collection of Lives in Context Video Cases, which help students understand key concepts through real-life examples, as well as Dr. Kuther’s Chalk Talks, a series of whiteboard-style videos carefully crafted to engage students with course content. All can be accessed at the open-access SAGE edge website, edge.sagepub.com/kuther, described in more detail below.

http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

For Instructors

SAGE edge is a robust online environment featuring an impressive array of free tools and resources. Instructors using this book can access customizable PowerPoint slides, along with an extensive test bank built on Bloom’s taxonomy that features multiple-choice, true/false, essay and short answer questions for each chapter. The instructor’s manual is mapped to learning objectives and features lecture notes, discussion questions, chapter exercises, class assignments and more.

For Students

At the start of each chapter, learning objectives are paired with Key Study Tools available at edge.sagepub.com/kuther and designed to promote mastery of course material. Students are encouraged to access boxed features and Video Cases, Explore Further with SAGE’s influential handbooks and encyclopedias, and Think Critically with articles from award- winning SAGE journals accompanied by discussion questions; they can also Watch web clips, Listen to podcasts, and Connect with web resources. The text can be paired with an Interactive eBook that offers one-click access to these study tools for a seamless learning experience. Students can practice with mobile-friendly eFlashcards and take the Web Quiz at SAGE edge to find out what they’ve learned.

http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Acknowledgments

This book has benefited from the support of many. I have been very fortunate to work with an exceptionally talented and accommodating team at SAGE. Thanks go to Lucy Berbeo for coordinating the ancillaries and videos that accompany this book, Nathan Davidson for his expertise in design and figures, and Shari Countryman for coordinating marketing. I also thank Lara Parra and Morgan McCardell. Thanks go to Michele Sordi, who expressed interest in this project many years ago. I am indebted to Elsa Peterson for providing timely, comprehensive, and insightful feedback accompanied by clear editorial suggestions that substantially improved the manuscript. Lisa Caya, Erin Harmeyer, Sara Harris, Mark G. Harmon, Daniel McConnell, and Brandy Moore provided invaluable support in constructing ancillaries and videos, for which I am appreciative. I especially thank my editor, Reid Hester, for wise counsel, encouragement, and ardent support.

Thanks go to SAGE family and friends and the faculty and students at California State University, Northridge, who participated in the chapter videos.

I thank my students for asking the questions and engaging in the discussions that inform this book. Finally, I thank my family. My parents, Phil and Irene Kuther, have provided unconditional love and support throughout my own lifespan. I have learned much about development from my stepchildren, Freddy and Julia, and I thank them. Most of all, I am thankful for the support of my husband, Fred, for his patience, encouragement, and unwavering optimism and love throughout this process—and every day.

SAGE wishes to thank the following reviewers for their valuable contributions to the development of this manuscript:

Linda Aulgur, Westminster College, Fulton MO Diana Lang Baltimore, Iowa State University David E. Baskind, Delta College Geralynne A. Berg, Lac Courte Oreilles Ojibwa Community College Shannon Bert, University of Oklahoma David M. Biek, Middle Georgia State College Sandra Broz, Northeast Community College Kristine A Camacho, Worcester State University Amy Chanmugam, University of Texas at San Antonio Michael E. Cox, Ohio Christian University Gregory Czyszczon, Blue Ridge Community College Sabrina Des Rosiers, Barry University Roberta Dihoff, Rowan University Theresa Garfield Dorel, Texas A&M University San Antonio

Laura Duvall, Cerritos College Carrie Fitzgerald, Fredonia, State University of New York Anne Marie Ross Freeman, Rockingham Community College Wykeshia W. Glass, North Carolina Central University Jerry Green, Tarrant County College Erin Harmeyer, University of Wyoming Elizabeth A. Hennon, University of Evansville Vivian C. Hsu, Pennsylvania State University–Abington Nichole L. Huff, NC State University Kathy Immel, UW-Fox Valley Keun Kyu Kim, Delaware State University Pamela J. Lemons, SLCC Nancy S. Longo, Capella University Merranda Romero Marin, New Mexico State University Brandy Moore, Texas A&M University–Texarkana Robin Musselman, Lehigh Carbon Community College Jennifer Ortiz Garza, University of Houston–Victoria Gary Popoli, Stevenson University Jane Proudlove, Red Deer College Martha Ravola, Alcorn State University Fay Roseman, Barry University Amy G. Sauber, Temple University Lisa L. Schulz, University of North Texas Nancy Smuckler, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee Rodger Stein, American River Community College Tara M. Stoppa, Eastern University Lisa Strout, Rivier University Michela Tripodi, Kean University Anna Valcheva, The College of St. Rose Kathleen Vokoun, Long Beach Community College John Walsh, Metropolitan State University Heather M. Whaley, Carson Newman University

About The Author

Tara L. Kuther is professor of psychology at Western Connecticut State University where she has taught courses in child, adolescent, and adult development since 1996. She earned her BA in psychology from Western Connecticut State University and her MA and PhD in developmental psychology at Fordham University. Dr. Kuther’s research on moral development, social cognition, and risks to adolescent development has appeared in journals such as Journal of Adolescence, Journal of Early Adolescence, Addictive Behaviors, and the American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. Dr. Kuther is particularly interested in promoting undergraduate and graduate students’ professional development and has authored over a dozen books intended to help students navigate the challenges of pursing undergraduate and graduate degrees in psychology. Dr. Kuther is fellow of the Society for the Teaching of Psychology (American Psychological Association, Division 2). Her interest in promoting excellence in college teaching has influenced her scholarly and professional activities. Dr. Kuther’s work examining ethical issues that arise in higher education and methods of sensitizing students to ethical issues has appeared in journals such as Teaching of Psychology, College Teaching, and Gerontology and Geriatrics Education. Currently the chair of the Society for Research in Child Development Teaching Committee, Dr. Kuther has also been active in the Society for the Teaching of Psychology as executive committee member, chair of the Task Force on Instructional Research Awards, and chair of the Long-Range Planning Committee.

Part I Foundations of Lifespan Human Development

Chapter 1 Understanding Human Development: Approaches and Theories 2 Chapter 2 Biological and Environmental Foundations 36 Chapter 3 The Prenatal Period, Birth, and the Newborn 60

Development is a lifelong process. We experience many dynamic changes in biological, cognitive, and socioemotional processes that interact over time. For example, brain development, a biological change, permits more sophisticated thinking, or cognitive development, which influences socioemotional development including how children understand emotions and how they interact with other people.

All throughout life we are embedded in multiple contexts that influence, and are influenced by, us. The specific contexts and the relative importance of each shift over time. In infancy the family context is most pertinent because an infant spends all of its time with its caregivers. As the child develops and enters school, peer and school contexts become increasingly important. In adolescence and adulthood, the work context emerges.

All of the contexts in which we are embedded interact, influencing each other. Interactions at home with parents and siblings influence interactions at school and in the peer group. We are also embedded in a larger neighborhood context, with a more distal influence on us, through factors such as the availability of parks and playgrounds, after-school programs, and feelings of safety. We and our ever-changing contexts are also embedded in a culture that influences our values, attitudes, and beliefs throughout our lives.

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Chapter 1 Understanding Human Development: Approaches and Theories

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Learning Objectives 1.1. Outline five principles of the lifespan developmental perspective. 1.2. Explain three theoretical controversies about human development. 1.3. Differentiate Freud’s psychosexual theory from Erikson’s psychosocial theory. 1.4. Distinguish operant and classical conditioning from social learning. 1.5. Compare Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory and information processing theory. 1.6. Contrast sociocultural systems theories and evolutionary perspectives on development. 1.7. Compare self-report and observational methods of collecting information about participants. 1.8. Contrast the uses of correlational and experimental research. 1.9. Assess the strengths and weaknesses of cross-sectional, longitudinal, and sequential research designs. 1.10. Discuss the responsibility of researchers to their participants and how they may protect them from harm.

Key Study Tools

Cultural Influences on Development Defining Culture (p. 8) Video Case Context and Development: Large Family Watch Nature vs. Nurture Controversy Think Critically Nature and Nurture Influence Development Explore Further Early Childhood Development Watch Conditioning Connect Information Processing Theory Lives in Context Sociohistorical Influences on Development (p. 21) Video Case Sociohistorical Influences on Development: Desegregation Applying Developmental Science The Importance of Context in Developmental Science (p. 25) Connect How Do Correlational Studies Work? Explore Further Cross-Sectional Design Listen Facebook’s Newsfeed Study Think Critically Role of Institutional Review Boards

Think back over your lifetime. How have you grown and changed through the years? Do your parents describe you as a happy baby? Were you fussy? Do you remember your first day of kindergarten? What are some of your most vivid childhood memories? Did you begin puberty early, late, or was your development similar to others your age? Were your adolescent years a stressful time? What types of changes do you expect to undergo in your adult years? Where will you live? Will you have a spouse? Will you have children? What career will you choose? How might these life choices and circumstances influence how you age and your perspective in older adulthood? Will your personality remain the same or change over time? In short, how will you change over the course of your lifespan?

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What is Lifespan Human Development?

This is a book about lifespan human development—the ways in which people grow, change, and stay the same throughout their lives, from conception to death. When people use the term development, they often mean the transformation from infant to adult. However, development does not end with adulthood. We continue to change in predictable ways throughout our lifetime—even into old age. Developmental scientists study human development. They seek to understand lifetime patterns of change.

How have you grown and changed throughout your life? How have your early experiences influenced your later experiences and who you are today? Table 1.1 illustrates the many phases of life that we progress through from conception to death. Each phase of life may have a different label and set of developmental tasks, but all have value. The changes that we undergo during infancy influence how we experience later changes, such as those during adolescence and beyond. This is true for all ages in life. Each phase of life is important and accompanied by its own demands and opportunities.

Change is the most obvious indicator of development. The muscle strength and coordination needed to play sports increases over childhood and adolescence, peaks in early adulthood, and begins to decline thereafter, declining more rapidly from middle to late adulthood. Similarly, children’s capacity to learn and perform cognitive tasks increases as they progress from infancy through adolescence, and adults typically experience a decline in the speed of cognitive processing. However, there also are ways in which we change little over our lifetimes. Some personality traits, for example, are highly stable over the lifespan, so that we remain largely the “same person” into old age (McCrae, 2002; Roberts & Caspi, 2003; Wortman, Lucas, & Donnellan, 2012).

Lifespan human development can be described by several principles. As discussed in the following sections, development is (1) multidimensional, (2) multidirectional, (3) plastic, (4) influenced by multiple contexts, and (5) multidisciplinary (Baltes, 1997; Baltes & Carstensen, 2003; Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 1998).

Development Is Multidimensional

Physical changes such as body growth are the most obvious forms of development. Not only do our bodies change but so do our minds, the ways in which we show emotion, and our social relationships. In this way, development is multidimensional: It entails changes in many areas of development, including the physical, the cognitive, and the psychosocial (Baltes et al., 1998; Baltes, 1997; Staudinger & Lindenberger, 2003). Physical development refers to body maturation and growth, including body size, proportion, appearance, health, and perceptual abilities. Cognitive development refers to the maturation of thought processes and the tools that we use to obtain knowledge, become aware of the world around us, and solve problems. Socioemotional development includes changes in personality, emotions, views of oneself, social skills, and interpersonal relationships with family and friends. Each of these areas of development overlap and interact. With advances in cognitive development, for example, a child may become better able to take her best friend’s point of view, which in turn influences her socioemotional development as she becomes more empathetic and sensitive to her friend’s needs and develops a more mature friendship. Figure 1.1 illustrates these three areas of development and how they interact.

Figure 1.1: Multidimensional Nature of Development

Development Is Multidirectional

Development is commonly described as a series of improvements in performance and functioning, but in fact development is multidirectional, meaning that it consists of both gains and losses, growth and decline, throughout the lifespan (Baltes et al., 1998; Baltes, 1997; Staudinger & Lindenberger, 2003). For example, we are born with a stepping reflex, an innate involuntary response in which infants make steplike movements when held upright over a table, bed, or hard horizontal surface (for more information about reflexes, see Chapter 4). Over the first year of life, infants gain new motor skills, and the stepping reflex disappears (Thelen, Fisher, & Ridley-Johnson, 2002). In contrast, older adults’ social networks narrow and they have fewer friends; however, their relationships become more significant and meaningful (Carstensen & Mikels, 2005). Throughout life, there is a shifting balance between gains, improvements in performance (common early in life), and losses, declines in performance (common late in life; Baltes & Carstensen, 2003). At all ages, however, individuals can compensate for losses by improving existing skills and developing new ones (Boker, 2013; Freund & Baltes, 2007). For example, though the speed at which people think tends to slow in older adulthood, increases in knowledge and experience enable older adults to compensate for the loss of speed, so that they generally retain their ability to complete day-to-day tasks and solve everyday problems (Bluck & Gluck, 2004; Hess, Leclerc, Swaim, & Weatherbee, 2009; Margrett, Allaire, Johnson, Daugherty, & Weatherbee, 2010). Outside of our awareness, the brain naturally adapts to a lifetime of sensory experiences in order to portray the world around us efficiently and accurately as we age well into older adulthood (Moran, Symmonds, Dolan, & Friston, 2014).

Development Is Plastic

Development is characterized by plasticity: It is malleable or changeable. Frequently, the brain and body can compensate for illness and injury. Children who are injured and experience brain damage may show resilience as other parts of the brain may take on new functions. The plastic nature of human development allows people to modify their traits and capacities throughout life (Baltes et al., 1998; Baltes, 1997; Staudinger & Lindenberger, 2003). For example, older adults who have experienced a decline in balance and muscle strength can regain and improve these capabilities through exercise (Marques et al., 2013; McAuley et al., 2013). Plasticity generally tends to decline as we age, but it does not disappear entirely. For example, short instruction can enhance the memory capacities of very old adults but less so than younger adults (Singer, Lindenberger, & Baltes, 2003). Thus, memory plasticity is preserved, but to a reduced degree, in very old age.

Some plasticity is retained throughout life. Practicing athletic activities can help older adults rebuild muscle and improve balance.

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Development Is Influenced by Multiple Contexts

In its simplest terms, context refers to where and when a person develops. Context includes aspects of the physical and social environment such as family, neighborhood, country, culture, and historical time period. Context also includes intangible factors—characteristics that are not visible to the naked eye, such as values, customs, and ideals. Culture is a particularly important context that influences us, as illustrated in Cultural Influences on Development (p. 8).

In order to understand a given individual’s development, we must look to his or her context. For example, consider the context in which you were raised. Where did you grow up? City? Suburb? Rural area? What was your neighborhood like? Were you encouraged to be assertive and actively question the adults around you, or were you expected to be quiet and avoid confrontation? How large a part was religion in your family’s life? How did religious values shape your parent’s child-rearing practices and your own values? How did your family’s economic status affect your development?

An important context that influences our development is the time period in which we live. Some contextual influences are tied to particular historical eras and explain why a generation of people born at the same time, called a cohort, are similar in ways that people born at other times are different. History-graded influences include wars, epidemics, and economic shifts such as periods of depression or prosperity (Baltes, 1987). These influences shape our development and our views of the world—and set cohorts apart from one another. Adults who came of age during the Great Depression and World War II are similar in some ways that make them different from later cohorts; for example, they tend to have particularly strong views on the importance of the family, civic mindedness, and social connection (Rogler, 2002). Age-graded influences, those tied to chronological age, such as the age at which the average person enters school, reaches puberty, graduates high school, gets married, or has children, are also shaped by context as the normative age of each of these events has shifted over the last few generations (Baltes, 1987).

What role have larger historical events played in your development? For example, consider Hurricane Sandy of October 2012, the second costliest hurricane in the United States, which affected 24 states, including the entire Eastern Seaboard, with flooding, downed power lines, and many destroyed homes. Other examples of historical events include the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the election of the first African American president of the United States in 2008, and the school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, in 2012. How have historical events influenced you and those around you? Can you identify ways in which, because of historical events, your cohort may differ from your parents’ cohort?

Development Is Multidisciplinary

To say that people are complex is an understatement. Scientists who study lifespan human development attempt to understand people’s bodies, minds, and social worlds. The contributions of many disciplines are needed to understand how people grow, think, and interact with their world. Psychologists, sociologists, anthropologists, biologists, neuroscientists, and medical researchers all conduct research that is relevant to understanding aspects of human development. For example, consider cognitive development. Children’s performance on cognitive measures, such as problem solving, is influenced by their physical health and nutrition (Anjos et al., 2013), interactions with peers (Fawcett & Garton, 2005), and neurological development (Ullman, Almeida, & Klingberg, 2014)—findings from the fields of medicine, psychology, and neuroscience, respectively. In order to understand how people develop at all periods in life, developmental scientists must combine insights from all of these disciplines.

The field of lifespan human development studies the ways in which people grow, change, and stay the same throughout their lives. Human development is complex. We change in multiple ways, show gains and losses over time, and retain the ability to change over our lifespan. The context in which we live influences who we become. Developmental science incorporates research from multiple disciplines.

Thinking in Context 1.1 1. Describe your own development. In what ways have you changed over your lifetime? What characteristics

have remained the same? 2. Lifespan human development is multidimensional, multidirectional, plastic, and influenced by multiple

contexts. Consider your own experience, and provide examples from your life that illustrate the multidimensional, multidirectional, and plastic nature of development. How does the context in which you were raised and live influence your development?

3. Compare the historical context in which you, your parents, and your grandparents were raised. How might historical and societal influences have affected your grandparents’ development, their worldview, and their child-rearing strategies? What about your parents? How might historical influences affect your own development, worldview, and perspective on parenting?

Cultural Influences on Development

Defining Culture

Cultural influences on development are illustrated by the many ethnic communities that comprise most U.S. cities. What subcultures and neighborhoods can you identify in your community?

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A very large and influential part of our context is culture—a set of customs, knowledge, attitudes, and values that are shared by members of a group and are learned early in life through interactions with group members (Hofstede, 2001). Most classic theories and research on human development are based on Western samples, and developmental researchers once believed that the processes of human development were universal. Early studies of culture and human development took the form of cross-cultural research, comparing individuals and groups from different cultures to examine how these universal processes worked in different contexts (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010).

In recent decades, we have learned that the cultural context in which individuals live influences the timing and expression of many aspects of development (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010). For example, the average age that infants begin to walk varies with cultural context. In Uganda, infants begin to walk at about 10 months of age, in France at about 15 months, and the United States at about 12 months. These differences are influenced by parenting practices that vary by culture. African parents tend to handle infants in ways that stimulate walking, by playing games that allow infants to practice jumping and walking skills (Hopkins & Westra, 1989; Super, 1981). Developmental researchers have argued that because much of the research in human development has focused on individuals from Western industrialized societies, there is a danger of defining typical development in Western samples as the norm, which can lead to narrow views of human development that do not take into account the variety of contexts in which people live. At the extreme, differences in human development within other cultural groups can be seen as abnormal (Rogoff & Morelli, 1989). Some argue that cross-cultural research that compares the development of people from different cultures in order to understand universals in development is misguided because norms vary by cultural context (Schweder et al., 1998).

There is a growing trend favoring cultural research, which examines how culture itself influences development, over cross-cultural research, which simply examines differences across cultures (Schweder et al., 1998). From a cultural research perspective, culture influences our development because it contributes to the context in which we are embedded, transmitting values, attitudes, and beliefs that shape our thoughts, beliefs, and behaviors (Cole, 1999). The shift toward cultural research permits the examination of the multiple cultures that exist within a society. For example, American culture is not homogenous; many subcultures exist, defined by factors such as ethnicity (e.g., African American, Asian American), religion (e.g., Christian, Muslim), geography (e.g., southern, midwestern), and others, as well as combinations of these factors. Instead of looking for universal similarities in development, cultural research in human development aims to document diversity and understand how the historical and cultural context in which we live influences development throughout our lifetime (Schweder et al., 1998).

What Do You Think? 1. How would you describe American culture? Can you identify aspects of American culture that

describe most, if not all, people in the country? Are there aspects of culture in which people or subgroups of people differ?

2. What subcultures can you identify in your own neighborhood, state, or region of the country? What characterizes each of these subcultures?

3. Consider your own experience. With which culture or subculture do you identify? How much of a role do you think your cultural membership has had in your own development?

Basic Issues in Lifespan Human Development

Developmental scientists agree that people change throughout life and show increases in some capacities and decreases in others from conception to death. Yet, how development proceeds, the specific changes that occur, and the causes of change are debated. Developmental scientists’ explanations of how people grow and change over their lives are influenced by their perspectives on three basic issues, or fundamental questions, about human development:

1. Do people remain largely the same over time or do they change dramatically? 2. What role do people play in their own development—how much are they influenced

by their surroundings, and how much do they influence their surroundings? 3. To what extent is development a function of inborn genetic endowments, as

compared with the environment in which individuals live?

The following sections examine each of these questions.

Continuities and Discontinuities in Development

Do children slowly grow into adults, steadily gain more knowledge and experience, and become better at reasoning? Or do children grow in spurts, showing sudden and large gains in knowledge and reasoning capacities? In other words, in what ways is developmental change continuous, characterized by slow and gradual change, or discontinuous, characterized by abrupt change? As shown in Figure 1.2, a discontinuous view of development emphasizes sudden transformation in abilities and capacities whereas a continuous view emphasizes the gradual and steady changes that occur. Scientists who argue that development is continuous in nature point to slow and cumulative changes we experience in the amount or degree of skills, such as a child slowly gaining experience, expanding his or her vocabulary, and becoming quicker at problem solving or a middle- aged adult experiencing gradual losses of muscle and strength. The discontinuous view of development describes the changes we experience as large and abrupt, with individuals of various ages dramatically different from one another. For example, puberty quickly transforms children’s bodies into more adultlike adolescent bodies, infants’ understanding and capacity for language is fundamentally different from that of school-age children, and children make leaps in their reasoning abilities over the course of childhood (Piek, Dawson, Smith, & Gasson, 2008), such as from believing that inanimate objects such as robotic dogs are alive to understanding that life is a biological process (Gelman & Opfer, 2002).

Figure 1.2: Continuous and Discontinuous Development

It was once believed that development was either continuous or discontinuous—that changes were either slow and gradual or sudden and dramatic—but not both. Today, developmental scientists agree that development includes both continuity and discontinuity (Kagan, 2008; Miller, 2009). Whether a particular developmental change appears continuous or discontinuous depends on our point of view. For example, consider human growth. We often think of increases in height as a slow and steady process of simply getting taller with time; each month, infants are taller than the prior month, illustrating

continuous change. However, as shown in Figure 1.3, when researchers measured infants’ height every day they discovered that infants have growth days and non-growth days, days that they show rapid change in height interspersed with days in which there is no change in height, thus illustrating discontinuous change (Lampl, Johnson, & Frongillo, 2001; Lampl, Veldhuis, & Johnson, 1992). In this example, monthly measurements of infant height suggest gradual increases, but daily measurements show spurts of growth, each lasting 24 hours or fewer. In this way, whether a given phenomenon, such as height, is described as continuous or discontinuous can vary. Most developmental scientists agree that some aspects of lifespan development are best described as continuous and others as discontinuous (Miller, 2009).

Context and Development: Large Family

Family size is an important context for development. A large family offers unique supports.

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Individuals Are Active in Development

Do people have a role in influencing how they change over their lifetimes? That is, are people active in influencing their own development? To say that individuals are active in their development means that they interact with and influence the world around them, create the experiences that lead to developmental change, and thereby influence how they change over the lifespan. Alternatively, if individuals take a passive role in their development, they are shaped by, but do not influence, the world around them.

Figure 1.3: Infant Growth: A Continuous or Discontinuous Process?

Source: Lampl et al. (1992).

The prevailing view among developmental scientists is that people are active contributors to their own development. People are influenced by the physical and social contexts in which they live, but they also play a role in influencing their development by interacting with, and changing, the contexts in which they live. For example, through their interactions, even infants influence the world around them and construct their own development. Consider an infant who smiles at each adult he sees; he influences his world because adults are likely to smile, use “baby talk,” and play with him in response. The infant brings adults into close contact, making one-on-one interactions and creating opportunities for learning. By engaging the world around them; thinking; being curious; and interacting with people, objects, and the world around them, individuals of all ages are “manufacturers of their own development” (Flavell, 1994; Lyon & Flavell, 1993), meaning that they take an active role in shaping who they become and how they change during their lifetimes.

Infants naturally influence people and the world around them. What reactions might these two babies elicit?

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Nature and Nurture Influence Development

Perhaps the most fundamental questions about lifespan human development are as follows: What is its cause? Why do people change in predictable ways over the course of their lifetimes? The answer to these questions reflects perhaps the oldest and most heated debate within the field of human development: the nature–nurture issue. Is development caused by nature or nurture? Explanations that rely on nature point to inborn genetic endowments or heredity, maturational processes, and evolution as causes of developmental change. For example, most children take their first steps at about the same time as other children, suggesting a maturational trend that supports the role of nature in development. An alternative explanation for developmental change is nurture, the view that individuals are molded by the physical and social environment in which they are raised, including the home, school, workplace, neighborhood, and society. From this perspective, although most children begin to walk at about the same time, environmental conditions can speed up or slow down the process. Children who experience malnutrition may walk later than other children, and children whose parents give them daily practice making stepping movements may walk earlier (Pomerleau et al., 2005; Sigman, 1995; Vereijken & Thelen, 1997).

Although developmental scientists once attempted to determine whether nature or nurture influenced development, most now agree that both nature and nurture are important contributors to development across the lifespan (Grigorenko & Sternberg, 2003; Scarr & McCartney, 1983). As in the prior example, walking is heavily influenced by maturation (nurture), but experiences and environmental conditions can influence the timing of a child’s first steps (nurture). Today, developmental scientists attempt to determine how nature and nurture work together to influence how people grow and change throughout life (Anastasi, 1958; Rutter, 2012).

To review, there are three basic questions regarding lifespan human development:

1. Do people remain largely the same over time, showing continuity, or do they change dramatically, illustrating discontinuity?

2. What role do people play in their own development—how much are they influenced by their surroundings and how much do they influence their surroundings? To what degree are they active or passive participants in their development?

3. To what extent is development a function of inborn genetic endowments, as compared with the environment in which individuals live?

Developmental scientists vary in their responses to these questions, as we will discover throughout this book. Different answers reflect different assumptions about the causes of development and different explanations for human development.

Thinking in Context 1.2 1. Can you identify ways you have changed very gradually over the years? Were there other times in which

you showed abrupt change in aspects of your development, such as physical growth, strength and coordination, thinking abilities, or social skills? In other words, in what ways is your development characterized by continuity? Discontinuity?

2. Are people active or passive participants in their development? What role did your physical and social environment play in your growth? In what ways, if any, did you take an active role in your own development?

3. How much of who you are today is a function of nature? Nurture?

Theoretical Perspectives on Human Development

Human development researchers offer many theoretical explanations for the changes that occur over the lifetime. Over the past century, developmental scientists have learned much about how individuals progress from infants to children to adolescents, and to adults, as well as how they change throughout adulthood. Scientists explain their observations by constructing theories of human development. A theory is a way of organizing a set of observations or facts into a comprehensive explanation of how something works. Theories are important tools for compiling and interpreting the growing body of research in human development as well as determining gaps in our knowledge about a given phenomenon and making predictions about what is not yet known (Crain, 1999; Green & Piel, 2002; Miller, 2009).

Effective theories generate specific hypotheses, or proposed explanations for a given phenomenon, that can be tested by research. It is important to note that this testing seeks to find flaws in the hypothesis—not to “prove” that it is flawless. A good theory is one that is falsifiable, or capable of generating hypotheses that can be tested and, potentially, refuted. As scientists conduct research and learn more about a topic, they modify their theories. Updated theories often give rise to new questions and new research studies, whose findings may further modify theories.

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), the father of the psychoanalytic perspective, believed that much of our behavior is driven by unconscious impulses.

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The great body of research findings in the field of lifespan human development has been organized into several theoretical perspectives to explain how we change throughout our lives. Given the myriad ways in which we develop, theories vary in their explanatory focus and emphasis. For example, some theories examine personality development and others address changes in how individuals reason and solve problems. As the following sections illustrate, these theoretical perspectives vary greatly in how they account for the developmental changes that occur over the lifespan.

Psychoanalytic Theories

Do powerful forces within us make us behave as we do? Are we pushed by inner drives? Psychoanalytic theories describe development and behavior as a result of the interplay of inner drives, memories, and conflicts of which we are unaware and cannot control. These inner forces influence our behavior throughout our lives. Freud and Erikson are two key psychoanalytic theorists whose theories remain influential today.

Freud’s Psychosexual Theory

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), a Viennese physician, is credited as the father of the psychoanalytic perspective. Freud believed that much of our behavior is driven by unconscious impulses that are outside of our awareness. As shown in Table 1.2, Freud believed we progress through a series of psychosexual stages, periods in which unconscious drives are focused on different parts of the body, making stimulation to those parts a source of pleasure. How parents direct and gratify their children’s basic drives influences their personality development. Freud explained that the task for parents is to strike a balance between over- and under-gratifying a child’s needs at each stage in order to help the child develop a healthy personality with the capacity for mature relationships throughout life.

Freud made many contributions to psychology, psychiatry, and Western thought. Many of his insights have stood up well to the test of time, such as the notion of unconscious processes that we are not aware of (Fonagy & Target, 2000; Westen, 1998). The idea that early experiences in the family are important contributors to development is also accepted by the general public, as is the role of emotions in development, both of which Freud espoused. However, Freud did not study children; his theory grew from his work with female psychotherapy patients. Because of its heavy emphasis on infant sexuality, Freud’s psychosexual stage framework, and especially the phallic stage, is not widely accepted (Westen, 1998).

Freud’s theory has declined in popularity—one reason being that it cannot be directly tested (Crews, 1996). How are we to study unconscious drives when we are not aware of them? Only about 2% of today’s psychotherapists practice traditional Freudian psychoanalysis that emphasizes unconscious motivators of behavior because shorter and more behaviorally focused therapies have been found to be more effective at helping people (Leichsenring & Rabung, 2008; McDonald, 1998).

Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory

Erik Erikson (1902–1994) was influenced by Freud, but he placed less emphasis on instinctual drives as motivators of development and instead focused on the role of the social

world, society, and culture in shaping development. Erikson posed a lifespan theory of development in which individuals progress through eight stages of psychosocial development that include changes in how they understand and interact with others, as well as changes in how they understand themselves and their roles as members of society (Erikson, 1950; see Table 1.3). Each stage presents a unique developmental task, which Erikson referred to as a crisis or conflict that must be resolved. How well individuals address the crisis determines their ability to deal with the demands made by the next stage of development.

Regardless of their success in resolving a crisis of a given stage, individuals are driven by biological maturation and social expectations to the next psychosocial stage. No crisis is ever fully resolved, and unresolved crises are revisited throughout life. It is never too late to resolve a crisis. However, resolving a crisis from a previous stage may become more challenging over time as people focus on current demands and the current psychosocial stage.

Erik Erikson (1902–1994) posited that, throughout their lives, people progress through eight stages of psychosocial development

Jon Erikson/Science Source

Erikson’s psychosocial theory is well regarded as one of the first lifespan views of development. He took a positive view of development and included the role of society and culture by basing his theory on a broad range of cases, including larger and more diverse samples than did Freud (Thomas, 2004). Erikson’s theory is criticized as difficult to test, but it has nonetheless sparked research on specific stages, most notably on the development of identity during adolescence and the drive to guide youth and contribute to the next generation during middle adulthood (Crain, 1999; Miller, 2009). Because Erikson’s lifespan theory of development holds implications for every period of life, we will revisit his theory throughout this book at each period in the lifespan: infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age.

Behaviorist and Social Learning Theories

In response to psychoanalytic theorists’ emphasis on the psyche as an invisible influence on development and behavior, some scientists pointed to the importance of studying observable behavior rather than thoughts and emotion, which cannot be seen or objectively verified. Theorists who study behaviorism examine only behavior that can be observed and believe that all behavior is influenced by the physical and social environment. For example, consider this famous quote from John Watson (1925), an early founder of behaviorism:

Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and my own specified world to bring them up in and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations, and race of his ancestors. (p. 82)

By controlling an infant’s physical and social environment, Watson believed that he could control the child’s destiny. Behaviorist theory is also known as learning theory because it emphasizes how people and animals learn new behaviors as a function of their environment. As discussed in the following sections, classical conditioning and operant conditioning are two forms of behaviorist learning; social learning integrates elements of behaviorist theory and information processing theories.

Classical Conditioning

Classical conditioning is a form of learning in which the person or animal comes to associate environmental stimuli with physiological responses (see Figure 1.4). Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), a Russian physiologist, discovered classical conditioning when he noticed that dogs naturally salivate when they taste food, but they also salivate in response to various sights and sounds that occur before they taste food, such as their bowl clattering or their owner opening the food cupboard. Pavlov tested his observation by pairing the sound of a tone with the dogs’ food; the dogs heard the tone, then received their food. Soon the tone itself began to elicit the dogs’ salivation. Through classical conditioning, a neutral stimulus (in this example, the sound of the tone) comes to elicit a response originally produced by another stimulus (food). Many fears as well as emotional associations are the result of classical conditioning. For example, some children may fear a trip to the doctor’s office because they associate the doctor’s office with the discomfort they felt upon receiving a vaccination shot. Classical conditioning applies to physiological and emotional responses only, yet it is a cornerstone of psychological theory. A second behaviorist theory accounts for voluntary, nonphysiological responses, as described in the following section.

Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936) discovered classical conditioning when he noticed that dogs naturally salivate when they taste food, but they also salivate in response to various sights and sounds that they associate with food.

Sovfoto/Newscom

Operant Conditioning

Perhaps it is human nature to notice that the consequences of our behavior influence our future behavior. A teenager who arrives home after curfew and is greeted with a severe scolding may be less likely to return home late in the future. An employer who brings coffee and bagels to her staff on Monday morning and then notices that her employees are in good spirits and productive may be more likely to bring breakfast for her employees in the future. These two examples illustrate the basic tenet of B. F. Skinner’s (1905–1990) theory of operant conditioning: Behavior becomes more or less probable depending on its consequences. We repeat behaviors that have pleasant outcomes and stop behaviors with unpleasant outcomes. Behaviorist ideas about operant conditioning and the nature of human behavior are woven into the fabric of American culture and appear often in discussions of parenting (Rutherford, 2000). According to Skinner, a behavior followed by a rewarding or pleasant outcome, called reinforcement, will be more likely to recur, but one followed by an aversive or unpleasant outcome, called punishment, will be less likely to recur. Operant conditioning is a very important concept because it explains much of human behavior, including how we learn skills and habits.

Figure 1.4: Classical Conditioning in a Newborn

Source: Lampl et al. (1992).

Social Learning Theory

A common criticism of behaviorist theory is its overemphasis on the observable and neglect of internal influences on development and behavior (Miller, 2009). Albert Bandura (1925–) agreed that the physical and social environments are important, but he also advocated for the role of thought and emotion as contributors to development. According to Bandura’s social learning theory, people actively process information—they think and they feel emotion—and their thoughts and feelings influence their behavior. The physical and social environment influences our behavior through their influence on our thoughts and emotions. For example, the teenager who breaks his curfew and is met by worried parents may experience remorse, feeling bad about his actions, which may then make him less likely to come home late in the future. In this example, the social environment (a discussion with worried parents) influenced the teen’s thoughts and emotions (feeling bad for worrying his parents), which then influenced the teen’s behavior (not breaking curfew in the future). In this way, our thoughts and emotions about the consequences of our behavior influence our future behavior. We do not need to experience punishment or

reinforcement in order to change our behavior (Bandura, 2001). We can learn by thinking about the potential consequences of our actions.

One of Bandura’s most enduring ideas about development is that people learn through observing and imitating models, which he referred to as observational learning (Bandura, 1986; Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963). People learn by watching others. This finding suggests that children who observe violence rewarded, such as a child successfully grabbing another child’s toy, may imitate what they see and use aggressive means to take other children’s toys. People also learn by observing the consequences of others’ actions. A child observer might be less likely to imitate a child who takes another child’s toy if the aggressor is scolded by a teacher and placed in time out. Observational learning, learning by watching and imitating others around us, is one of the most powerful ways in which we learn.

Another of Bandura’s contributions that has influenced the field of lifespan human development is the concept of reciprocal determinism, according to which individuals and the environment interact and influence each other (Bandura, 2011, 2012). In contrast with behaviorist theorists, Bandura viewed individuals as active in their development rather than passively molded by their physical and social environment. Individuals can influence and change their physical and social surroundings. Specifically, development is a result of interactions between the individual’s characteristics, his or her behavior, and the physical and social environment (see Figure 1.5).

In a classic study conducted by Albert Bandura, children who observed an adult playing with a bobo doll toy roughly imitated those behaviors, suggesting that children learn through observation.

Albert Bandura

Figure 1.5: Bandura’s Model of Reciprocal Determinism

As an example, let us examine how characteristics of a given person might influence that person’s behavior and the surrounding social environment. Suppose Brandon is an excitable person, and his excitability makes him quick to debate with others. This behavioral tendency, in turn, stimulates others around him to engage in debate. In addition to Brandon’s characteristics, behavior (being quick to debate) also is influenced by the environment (e.g., being surrounded by smart people who enjoy debating) and influences the environment (e.g., people who enjoy debating are more likely to talk to Brandon, while people who avoid debating are less likely to talk to him). This is an example of the complex interplay between person, behavior, and physical and social environment that underlies much of what we will discuss throughout this book.

Behaviorist theories make important contributions to understanding lifespan human development. Classical and operant conditioning and social learning are powerful means of explaining human behavior at all ages. Concepts such as observational learning, reinforcement, and punishment hold implications for parents, teachers, and anyone who works with people. Moreover, social learning theory and reciprocal determinism offer a more complex explanation for development and behavior than do behaviorist theories. We will revisit these concepts throughout this book.

Cognitive Theories

According to the lifespan developmental perspective, there are multiple domains of development. We grow and change in many ways over our lifetime. Whereas psychoanalytic theories examine inner influences on our personality and behavior and behaviorist and social learning theories look to the environment as an influence on development, cognitive theorists examine the role of thought on behavior. Cognitive- developmental theory and information processing theorists view cognition—thought—as essential in understanding people’s functioning across the lifespan.

Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Theory

Do infants think? How do children understand physical phenomena, such as whether a ball of modeling clay changes in mass when it is rolled into the shape of a hot dog? As the first scientist to systematically examine children’s thinking and reasoning, Swiss scholar Jean Piaget (1896–1980) believed that in order to understand children we must understand how they think because thinking influences all of behavior. Piaget founded the cognitive- developmental perspective on child development, which views children and adults as active explorers of their world, learning by interacting with the world around them, and organizing what they learn into cognitive schemas—or concepts, ideas, and ways of interacting on the world. In this way, people contribute to their own cognitive development because they are biologically driven to interact with others and through these interactions they construct and refine their own cognitive schemas. We will discuss cognitive schemas in more detail in Chapter 5.

Piaget proposed that children’s drive to explore and understand the world propels them through four stages of cognitive development. With each advancing stage, people create and use more sophisticated cognitive schemas so that they think, reason, and understand their world in more complex ways. As shown in Table 1.4, individuals move from understanding the world through their senses and motor skills, to a thought-based understanding, to viewing the world in logical but concrete terms, to viewing it in complex and abstract forms. Each stage corresponds to a different period in life. We will discuss each stage in further detail in upcoming chapters.

Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory transformed the field of developmental psychology and remains one of the most widely cited developmental theories (Lourenco & Machado, 1996). It was the first to consider how infants and children think and to view people as active contributors to their development. Piaget’s concept of cognitive stages and the suggestion that children’s reasoning is limited by their stage holds implications for education—specifically the idea that effective instruction must match the child’s developmental level.

Jean Piaget (1896–1980) believed that children’s drive to explore and understand the world around them propels them through four stages of cognitive development.

Bill Anderson / Science Source

Some critics of cognitive-developmental theory argue that Piaget focused too heavily on cognition and ignored emotional and social factors in development (Broughton, 1981; Winegar & Valsiuner, 1992). Others believe that Piaget neglected the influence of contextual factors by assuming that cognitive-developmental stages are universal, that all individuals everywhere progress through the stages in a sequence that does not vary (Lutz & Sternberg, 1999). Some cognitive theorists disagree with Piaget and argue that cognitive development is not a discontinuous, stagelike process and instead is a continuous process, as described in the following section.

Information Processing Theory

A developmental scientist presents a 5-year-old child with a puzzle in which a dog, cat, and mouse must find their way to a bone, piece of fish, and hunk of cheese (Klahr, 1985). To solve the puzzle, the child must move all three animals to the appropriate locations. How will the child approach this task? Which item will she move first? What steps will she take? Will the child keep all three animals in mind? Will she remember the task and show what item goes with each animal? How quickly will the child respond? What strategies will she use? What factors influence whether and how quickly a child completes this task? Finally, how does the 5-year-old child’s process and performance differ from that of children older and younger than herself?

The problem described previously illustrates the questions studied by developmental scientists who favor information processing theory, a perspective that views thinking as information processing and posits that the mind works in ways similar to a computer because information enters, is manipulated, stored, recalled, and used to solve problems (Halford & Andrews, 2011; Klahr, 1992). Unlike the theories we have discussed thus far, information processing theory is not one theory that is attributed to an individual theorist. Instead, there are many information processing theories, and each emphasizes a different aspect of thinking. Some theories focus on how people perceive, focus on, and take in information. Others examine how people store information, create memories, and remember information. Still others examine problem solving—how people approach and solve problems in school, the workplace, and everyday life.

According to information processing theorists, we are born with the ability to process information. Our mind itself, with its processes of noticing, taking in, manipulating, storing, and retrieving information does not show the radical changes that are associated with stage theories. Instead, from an information processing perspective, development is continuous and entails changes in the efficiency and speed with which we think. Maturation of the brain and nervous system contributes to changes in our information processing abilities—our tendency to become more efficient at processing information over the childhood years and to slow over the adult years (Kail, 2003; Luna, Garver, Urban, Lazar, & Sweeney, 2004). Experience and interaction with others also contribute by helping us learn new ways of managing and manipulating information. Over the childhood years we become better able to attend to and store information as well as operate on the information we have stored with a greater repertoire of strategies and greater efficiency.

Information processing theory offers a complex and detailed view of how we think, which permits scientists to make specific predictions about behavior and performance that can be tested in research studies. Information processing theory has generated a great many research studies and has garnered much empirical support (Halford & Andrews, 2011). Critics of the information processing perspective argue that a computer model cannot capture the complexity of the human mind and people’s unique cognitive abilities. In addition, findings from laboratory research may not extend to the everyday contexts (those that pose great challenges to attention and require flexibility) in which people adapt to

changing circumstances (Miller, 2009). Because findings from information processing research are fundamental to any discussion of cognitive development, we will explore the research in information processing as we discuss each age period throughout this book.

Sociocultural Systems Theory

A major tenet of lifespan development is that people play an active role in their development by interacting with the world around them. Sociocultural systems theories emphasize the role of the sociocultural context in development. People of all ages are immersed in their social contexts; they are inseparable from the cultural beliefs and societal, neighborhood, and familial contexts in which they live. The origins of sociocultural systems theory lie with two theorists, Lev Vygotsky and Urie Bronfenbrenner.

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory

Writing at the same time as Piaget, Russian scholar Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) offered a different perspective on development that emphasized the importance of culture in development. As illustrated in this chapter’s Cultural Influences on Development feature (p. 8), culture refers to the beliefs, values, customs, and skills of a group. Vygotsky ’s (1978) sociocultural theory examines how culture is transmitted from one generation to the next through social interaction. Children interact with adults and more experienced peers as they talk, play, and work alongside them. It is through these formal and informal contacts that children learn about their culture and what it means to be a member of their culture. In other words, cooperative dialogues and guidance from adults and more expert peers is how children adopt their culture’s perspectives and practices—how they learn to think and behave as members of their society (Rogoff, 2003). As children acquire the patterns of thought and behavior that are important in their culture, they are able to apply these skills and ways of thinking to guide their own thought and behavior, thereby requiring less assistance from adults and more knowledgeable peers (Rogoff, Mosier, Mistry, & Göncü, 1993; Winsler, Carlton, & Barry, 2000). Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory holds important implications for understanding cognitive development. Like Piaget, Vygotsky emphasized that children are active in their development by engaging with the world around them. Vygotsky, however, also viewed cognitive development as a social process that relies on interactions with adults, more mature peers, and other members of society. Children engage their social world, and the social world shapes development by transmitting culturally relevant ways of thinking and acting. In other words, Vygotsky emphasizes the role of the sociocultural context in influencing cognitive development. He argued that acquiring language is a particularly important milestone for children because it enables them to think in new ways and have more sophisticated dialogues with others in their culture, advancing their learning about culturally valued perspectives and activities (Vygotsky, 1934/1962). We will revisit Vygotsky’s ideas about the roles of culture, language, and thought in Chapter 5.

Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) emphasized the importance of culture in development. Children actively engage their social world, and the social world shapes development by transmitting culturally relevant ways of thinking and acting that guide children’s thought and behavior.

Heritage/Corbis

Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory is an important addition to the field of lifespan human development because it is the first theory to emphasize the role of the cultural context in influencing people’s development throughout life. Critics argue that sociocultural theory overemphasizes the role of context, minimizes the role of individuals in their own development, and neglects the influence of genetic and biological factors (Wertsch, 1998). Another perspective on development, described next, refocuses attention on the individual as an actor embedded within multiple contexts.

Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Systems Theory

Similar to other developmental theorists, Urie Bron-fenbrenner (1917–2005) believed that we are active in our development and interact with the world around us. Specifically, Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological systems theory poses that development is a result of the ongoing interactions among biological, cognitive, and psychological changes within the person and his or her changing context (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Bronfenbrenner proposed that individuals are all embedded in, or surrounded by, a series of contexts: home, school, neighborhood, culture, and society. The bioecological systems theory offers a comprehensive perspective on the role of context as an influence on development. As shown in Figure 1.6, contexts are organized into a series of systems in which individuals are embedded and that interact with one another and the

person to influence development.

Figure 1.6: Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Model

Source: Adapted from Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006).

At the center of the bioecological model is the individual. The developing person’s genetic, psychological, socioemotional, and personality traits interact, influencing each other. For example, biological development, such as brain maturation, may influence cognitive development, which in turn might influence social development, such as a child’s understanding of friendship. Social development then may influence cognitive development, as children may learn activities or ideas from each other. In this way, the various forms of development interact. The individual interacts with the contexts in which he or she is embedded, influencing and being influenced by them (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).

The individual is embedded in the innermost level of context, the microsystem, which includes the immediate physical and social environment surrounding the person, such as family, peers, and school. The individual interacts with elements of the microsystem by, for

example, developing relationships with peers in which peers influence the person and vice versa. Because the microsystem contains the developing person, it has an immediate and direct influence on his or her development. Peer relationships can influence a person’s sense of self-esteem, social skills, and emotional development.

The next level, the mesosystem, refers to the relations and interactions among microsystems, or connections among contexts. For example, experiences in the home (one microsystem) influence those at school (another microsystem); parents who encourage and provide support for reading will influence the child’s experiences in the classroom. Like the microsystem, the mesosystem has a direct influence on the individual because he or she is a participant in it.

An important contribution of bioecological theory is the role of the exosystem, which consists of other settings in which the individual is not a participant but that nevertheless influence him or her. For example, a parent’s work setting is one in which the child does not participate, yet the work setting has an indirect influence on the child because it affects the parent’s mood. The availability of funding for schools, another exosystem factor, indirectly affects children by influencing the availability of classroom resources. The exosystem is an important contribution to our understanding of development because the effects of outside factors trickle down and indirectly affect children and adults.

The macrosystem is the larger sociocultural context in which the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem are embedded. It includes cultural values, legal and political practices, and other elements of the society at large. The macrosystem indirectly influences the child because it affects each of the other contextual levels. For example, cultural beliefs about the value of education (macrosystem) influence funding decisions made at national and local levels (exosystem), as well as what happens in the classroom and in the home (mesosystem and microsystem). Lives in Context (p. 22) illustrates how an element of the macrosystem, historical events, may influence development.

A final element of the bioecological system is the chronosystem, which refers to time: The bioecological system changes over time. As people grow and change, they take on and let go of various roles. For example, graduating college, getting married, and becoming a parent involve changes in roles and shifts in microsystems. These shifts in contexts, called ecological transitions, occur throughout life. The complexity of the bioecological model is both a strength and weakness of the theory (Dixon & Lerner, 1999). Human development is complex, and only when we consider the multiple interacting influences within the individual and context will we gain insight into the processes and outcomes of developmental change. However, we can never measure and account for all of the potential influences on development at once. Therefore, it is difficult to devise research studies to test the validity of the bioecological model. Despite this, bioecological theory remains an important contribution toward explaining developmental change across the lifespan.

Ethology and Evolutionary Developmental Theory

Why are infants so helpless? Why is childhood such a long period in human development as compared with other species? How do nature and nurture interact to influence who individuals become and how they grow and change over their lifetimes? These are the questions addressed by evolutionary developmental theory, a theory that applies principles of evolution and scientific knowledge about the interactive influence of genetic and environmental mechanisms to understand the changes people undergo throughout their lifetime.

In 1859 Charles Darwin proposed his theory of evolution, explaining that all species adapt and evolve over time. Specifically, traits that permit a species to adapt, thrive, and mate tend to be passed to succeeding generations because they improve the likelihood of the individual and species’ survival. Early theorists applied the concepts of evolution to behavior. Specifically, ethological theory, a precursor to evolutionary developmental theory, is the scientific study of the evolutionary basis of behavior and its survival value (Dewsbury, 1992). Konrad Lorenz and Kiko Tinbergen, two European zoologists, observed animal species in their natural environments and noticed patterns of behavior that appeared to be inborn, emerged early in life, and ensured their survival. For example, shortly after birth, goslings imprint to their mothers, meaning that they bond to her and will follow her, thereby ensuring they stay close to the mother, get fed, and remain protected. Imprinting ensures the goslings’ survival. In order for imprinting to occur, the mother goose must be present immediately after the goslings hatch; mothers instinctively stay close to the nest so that their young may imprint and enhance their odds of surviving (Lorenz, 1952).

According to Bowlby (1969), humans also display biologically preprogrammed behaviors that have survival value and promote development. For example, caregivers naturally respond to infants’ cues. Crying, smiling, and grasping are inborn ways that infants get attention from caregivers, obtain physical contact, and ensure they will be safe and cared for. Many infant behaviors have adaptive significance because they meet infants’ needs and promote the formation of bonds with caregivers that ensure that the caregivers will feel a strong desire and obligation to care for them (Bowlby, 1973). In this way, inborn biological drives and behaviors work together with experience to influence adaptation and ultimately an individual’s survival.

Are you—your abilities, personality, and competencies—a result of your genes, which are inborn influences? Or did the physical and social environment in which you were raised— your family, friends, and school—make you who you are today? Evolutionary developmental scientists explain that these are the wrong questions to ask. From an evolutionary development perspective, genes and context interact in an ever-changing way so that it is impossible to isolate the contributions of each to development (Gottesman &

Hanson, 2005; Gottlieb, 2003; Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2003). While all of our traits and characteristics are influenced by genes, contextual factors influence the expression of genetic instructions, as illustrated by Figure 1.7. Contextual factors such as gravity, light, temperature, and moisture influence how genes are expressed and therefore how individuals develop (Gilbert, 2001; Meaney, 2010; Rutter, 2010). For example, in crocodiles, sex is determined by the temperature in which the organism develops. Eggs incubated at one range of temperatures produce male crocodiles and at another temperature produce female crocodiles (Gans & Crews, 1992).

According to evolutionary developmental theory, genetic programs and biological predispositions interact with the physical and social environment to influence development and Darwinian natural selection determines what genes and traits are passed on to the next generation (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2000; Krebs, 2003; Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2003). People are viewed as active in their development, influencing their contexts (through their genetic characteristics and by choosing and interacting within settings), responding to the demands for adaptation posed by their contexts, and constantly interacting with and adapting to the world around them. The relevance of both biological and contextual factors to human development is indisputable and most developmental scientists appreciate the contributions of evolutionary developmental theory (Frankenhuis, Panchanathan, & Clark Barrett, 2013; Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & Lickliter, 1998; Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2013). The ways in which biology and context interact and their influence on development changes over the course of the lifetime, as we will discuss throughout this book.

Figure 1.7: Interaction of Genetic and Environmental Factors

Source: Picker (2005).

In summary, there are many theories of human development that offer complementary and contrasting views of how individuals change over our lifetimes. Psychoanalytic theories emphasize personality change—how unconscious forces shape people (Freud) and how

sociocultural forces influence ego development (Erikson). Behaviorist and social learning theories point to the physical and social environment as a shaper of development and behavior, as well as the role of observation and imitation in learning. Other theories emphasize cognitive development. Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory explains how individuals construct their own knowledge structures through interaction with the world whereas Vygotsky emphasizes the role of sociocultural context in influencing thought. Information processing theories examine the ways in which attention, processing speed, and strategy lead to advances in thinking and problem-solving ability. Finally, Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory takes a comprehensive look at the many contextual systems in which people live and how people and their contexts interact. Table 1.5 provides an at-a-glance comparison of theories of human development.

Lives in Context

Sociohistorical Influences on Development

Sociohistorical influences, such as the Great Depression (1929–1939), contribute, to cohort, or generational, differences in development.

Rolls Press/Popperfoto/Getty

Historical events, such as wars, economic and natural disasters, and periods of social unrest, are contextual influences that shape our world and our development. Glen Elder (1999) illustrated the influence of historical events by examining the progress of two generations, or cohorts, of California-born Americans from childhood to adulthood. The Oakland Growth Study consisted of individuals born in 1920 and 1921 who were adolescents during the Great Depression. The Berkeley Guidance Study consisted of individuals born in 1928 and 1929 who were young children when their families experienced the economic losses of the Great Depression. The decades-long studies of these two cohorts, who were eight years apart in age, demonstrated that they had very different experiences during their adolescent and early adult years. Influenced in part by the findings of these studies, Elder (2000) believed that the impact of historical events depends on when they occur in a person’s life.

For all participants of both studies, family roles and relationships changed in response to the economic adversity wrought by the Great Depression. As fathers lost jobs and income, more work was required of children, giving them opportunities to participate in helping their families. Mothers took on an increasingly important role in the family as income earners as well as authority figures. This upheaval of traditional gender roles was accompanied by an increase in family discord and conflicts.

The older Oakland cohort were children during the affluent 1920s, a time of economic growth in California, and they experienced a prosperous and relatively stress-free childhood. But they entered adolescence during the Great Depression, a period of severe economic stress in which unemployment skyrocketed and people’s savings were depleted. As adolescents during the Great Depression, the Oakland cohort tended to behave responsibly and assist their families in coping. The boys often assumed jobs outside the home to aid financially troubled families. Their activities outside the home enhanced their social independence and reduced their exposure to family stress. Girls spent more time at home caring for siblings and completing household chores as many mothers worked outside the home; they were exposed to greater amounts of family stress and showed poorer adjustment than did the boys.

The Berkeley children, the younger cohort, experienced the Great Depression during their vulnerable early childhood years. The children experienced economic scarcity and family discord early in life, at a time when they were very dependent on family. The Berkley cohort entered adolescence during World War II, a period of additional economic and emotional stress from empty households (as both parents worked to support the war effort) and the military service and war trauma of older brothers. As adolescents, the Berkley cohort (especially the boys) experienced greater emotional difficulties, more poor attitudes toward school, and less

hope, self-direction, and confidence about their future than did the Oakland cohort (who were children during the prosperous 1920s).

However, the Berkeley cohort demonstrated resilience in adulthood, largely because of the influence of military service. Seventy percent of the males in the Berkeley sample served in the military during World War II. Military service appeared to offer the men several opportunities, such as to begin again and reconsider their lives, to travel, and access to the GI Bill of Rights, which enabled them to expand their education and acquire new skills after the war. These two cohorts of young people offer striking examples of how sociohistorical context influences development. Context always plays a role in development—not only in times of social upheaval but every day and for every generation of people.

What Do You Think? 1. Consider the sociohistorical context in which you were raised. What historical and societal

events may have influenced you? What events have shaped your generation’s childhood and adolescence?

2. Consider the societal and cultural events that your parents may have experienced in childhood and adolescence. What technology was available? What historical events did they experience? What were the popular fads of their youth? What influence do you think these sociohistorical factors may have had on your parents’ development?

3. Compare the sociohistorical context in which you embedded today with what your parents and grandparents experienced at your age.

Sociohistorical Influences on Development: Desegregation

Development is influenced by sociohistorical context. In this clip, the Washington family discusses their experiences with discrimination and attending newly desegregated schools in the 1950s.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Thinking in Context 1.3 Maria and Fernando have just given birth to their first child—a healthy baby boy. Like most new parents, Maria and Fernando are nervous and overwhelmed with their new responsibilities. Of utmost importance to them is that the baby develops a strong and secure bond to them. They want their baby to feel loved and to love them.

1. What advice would a psychoanalytic theorist give Maria and Fernando? Contrast psychoanalytic with behaviorist perspectives. How might a behaviorist theorist approach this problem?

2. How might an evolutionary developmental theorist explain bonding between parents and infants? What advice might an evolutionary developmental theorist give to Maria and Fernando?

3. Considering bioecological systems theory, what microsystem and mesosystem factors influence the parent–child bond? What role might exosystem and macrosystem factors take?

Research in Human Development

The many theories of lifespan human development differ in focus and explanation, but they all are the result of scientists’ attempts to organize observations of people at all ages. Developmental scientists conduct research studies to gather information and answer questions about how people grow and change over their lives. They devise theories to organize what they learn from research and to suggest new hypotheses to test in research studies. In turn, research findings are used to modify theories. By conducting multiple studies over time, developmental scientists refine their theories about lifespan human development and determine new questions to ask. Developmental science also finds significant influences in contexts, as discussed in Applying Developmental Science (p. 25).

The Scientific Method

Researchers employ the scientific method, a process of posing and answering questions by making careful and systematic observations and gathering information. The scientific method outlines the basic steps used in formulating questions, finding answers, and communicating research discoveries.

1. Identify the research question or problem to be studied, and formulate the hypothesis, or proposed explanation, to be tested.

2. Gather information to address the research question. 3. Use statistical analysis to summarize the information gathered, and determine

whether the hypothesis is refuted, or shown to be false. 4. Interpret the summarized information, consider the findings in light of prior research

studies, and share findings with the scientific community and the world at large.

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Methods of Data Collection

The basic challenge that scientists face in conducting research is determining what information is important and how to gather it. Scientists use the term data to refer to the information that they collect when they conduct research. How can we gather data about children, adolescents, and adults? Should we simply talk with our participants? Should we watch them as they progress through their days? Should we hook them up to machines that measure physiological activity such as heart rate or brain waves? Developmental scientists use a variety of different methods and measures to collect information.

Self-Report Measures

The open-ended interview is very flexible because the trained interviewer uses a conversational style that encourages the participant, or the person under study, to expand his or her responses. Interviewers may vary the order of questions, probe, and ask follow-up questions based on responses. The scientist begins with a question and then follows up with prompts to obtain a better view of the person’s reasoning (Ginsburg, 1997). An example of this is the Piagetian Clinical Interview, which requires specialized training to administer. Consider this dialogue between Piaget (1929) and a 5-year-old child:

Where does the dream come from? I think you sleep so well that you dream. Does it come from us or from outside? From outside. What do we dream with? I don’t know. With the hands? With nothing? Yes, with nothing. When you are in bed and you dream, where is the dream? In my bed, under the blanket. I don’t really know. If it was in my stomach the bones would be in the way and I shouldn’t see it. Is the dream there when you sleep? Yes, it is in my bed beside me. Is the dream in your head? It is I that am in the dream; it isn’t in my head. When you dream, you don’t know you are in the bed. You know you are walking. You are in the dream. You are in bed, but you don’t know you are. (pp. 97–98)

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Open-ended interviews permit participants to explain their thoughts thoroughly and in their own way. This method also enables researchers to gather a large amount of information quickly. However, the flexibility of open-ended interviews poses a challenge: When questions are phrased differently for each person, responses may not capture real differences in how people think about a given topic and instead may reflect differences in how the questions were posed and followed up by the interviewer.

Structured interviews pose the same set of questions to each participant in the same way and therefore are less flexible than open-ended interviews. Because all participants receive the same set of questions, differences in responses are more likely to reflect true differences among participants and not merely differences in the manner of interviewing. For example Evans, Milanak, Medeiros, and Ross (2002) used a structured interview to examine American children’s beliefs about magic. Children between the ages of 3 and 8 were asked the following set of questions:

What is magic? Who can do magic? Is it possible to have special powers? Who has special powers? Does someone have to learn to do magic? Where have you seen magic? What are tricks? Who can do tricks? What is the difference between tricks and magic? How do wishes work? What does it mean to make a wish? Do wishes come true? Who makes wishes come true? What do you think about Santa Claus/the Tooth Fairy? What do you think about Monsters? (p. 49)

After compiling and analyzing the children’s responses as well as administering several cognitive tasks, Evans and colleagues (2002) concluded that even older children, who have the ability to think logically and perform concrete operations, may display magical beliefs.

Questionnaires, also called surveys, are sets of questions, typically multiple choice, that scientists compile and use to collect data from large samples of people. Questionnaires can be administered in person; online; or by telephone, e-mail, or postal mail. Questionnaires are popular data collection methods because they are easy to use and enable scientists to collect information from a large number of people quickly and inexpensively. Scientists who conduct research on sensitive topics, such as sexual interest and experience, often use questionnaires because they can easily be administered anonymously, protecting participants’ privacy by not including any identifying information on the survey. For example, the Monitoring the Future Study is an annual survey of 50,000 8th, 10th, and 12th grade students that collects information about their behaviors, attitudes, and values concerning drug and alcohol use (Johnston, O’Malley, Miech, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2014). In this example, the survey permits scientists to gather an enormous amount of data yet its anonymity protects the adolescents from the consequences of sharing personal information that they may not otherwise reveal.

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Despite the ease of use, self-report measures are not without challenges. Sometimes people give socially desirable answers, meaning that they respond in ways they would like themselves to be perceived or believe researchers desire. A college student completing a survey about cheating, for example, might choose answers that do not truly reflect her experience as a student who sometimes looks at nearby students’ papers during examinations but instead matches the person she aspires to be or the behaviors she believes the world values—that is, someone who does not cheat on exams. Self-report data may not always reflect people’s true attitudes and behavior. Some argue that we are not always fully aware of our feelings and therefore cannot always provide useful insight into our own thoughts and behavior with the use of self-report measures (Westen, 1998). Whereas interviews and questionnaires measure people’s self-reports of their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, observational measures examine people in action as they go about their daily lives.

This researcher is conducting observational research. What challenges might she experience in collecting observational data?

Spencer Grant/PhotoEdit

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Applying Developmental Science

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The Importance of Context in Developmental Science In its early years, the study of human development was based in laboratory research devoted to uncovering universal aspects of development by stripping away contextual influences (Wertlieb, 2003). This basic research was designed to examine universal processes that apply to all people, such as perceptual development (e.g., what visual skills are infants born with?).

As developmental scientists began to apply their knowledge outside of laboratory settings, however, it became apparent that there are a great many individual differences in development.

Developmental scientists have since realized the importance of context. The field of applied developmental science has emerged, studying individuals within the contexts in which they live. This approach promotes the ability to understand the diverse range of patterns development takes throughout the life course (Lerner, 2010; Wertlieb, 2003).

Research in human development is now directed toward understanding a variety of social problems and issues of immediate social relevance, such as the capacities of preterm infants, children’s ability to provide eyewitness testimony, adolescent sexual practices, and the impact of disability on the psychological and social adjustment of older adults and their adult children (Fisher, Busch-Rossnagel, Jopp, & Brown, 2013; Lerner, 2012). Applied developmental scientists study and make contributions to social policies on issues that affect children, adolescents, adults, and their families, including environmental quality, health and health care delivery, violence, hunger and poor nutrition, school failure, and pervasive poverty (Tseng, 2012). Developmental scientists seek to enhance the life chances of diverse groups of individuals, families, and communities. Throughout this book, you will be introduced to these and more issues studied by applied developmental scientists.

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What Do You Think? 1. Identify three areas that you believe are in need of study or intervention. 2. What challenges do children, adolescents, or adults face that you believe should be studied and

addressed?

Observational Measures

Are you a people watcher? Have you ever sat in a coffee shop or at the student center and observed people interact, rush from place to place, laugh with others, or scowl at their laptops? If so, you have used observational skills that are similar to those used by scientists who conduct research in everyday settings. Observational measures are methods that scientists use to collect and organize information based on watching and monitoring people’s behavior. Developmental scientists employ two types of observational measures: naturalistic observation and structured observation.

Scientists who use naturalistic observation observe and record behavior in natural, real- world settings. For example Ginsburg, Pappas, and Seo (2001) analyzed videotapes of 4- and 5-year-old children’s everyday behavior during free play to determine the extent to which they use mathematical thinking in their play. Naturalistic observation is challenging because one must first decide on an operational definition of the behavior of interest. In this case, many operational definitions were required as Ginsburg and colleagues designed an elaborate coding system to categorize children’s behaviors in terms of their mathematical content, location, preferred play objects, peer interaction, and play activity.

Sometimes the presence of an observer causes the person to behave in unnatural ways or ways that are not typical for him or her. This is known as participant reactivity, and it poses a challenge to gathering data by naturalistic observation. To minimize the effect that observation might have on the children’s behaviors, Ginsburg and colleagues (2001) made video recordings and permitted the children to get used to the video recorder by exposing them to it many times before using it to collect observations. The video recorded observations revealed that children spend a surprising amount of play time (almost 50%) spontaneously engaging in mathematical activities like ordering objects; counting; comparing sizes and quantities; and exploring positions, direction, distances, and patterns. These results suggest that children naturally engage in mathematics-related play and are more competent in mathematics than many adults realize (Ginsburg et al., 2001).

Naturalistic observation permits researchers to observe behaviors in real-world settings and to observe patterns, such as whether a particular event or behavior typically precedes another. Such observations can help researchers determine which behaviors are important to study in the first place. For example, a scientist who studies bullying by observing

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children’s play may notice that some victims act aggressively before a bullying encounter. The scientist may then decide to examine aggression in victims not only after a bullying incident but beforehand. Naturalistic observation is a useful way of studying events and behaviors that are common. Some behaviors and events, however, are uncommon or are difficult to observe, such as physical aggression among adults, requiring a researcher to observe for very long periods of time to obtain data on the behavior of interest. For this reason, many researchers make structured observations.

Structured observations entail observing and recording behaviors displayed in a controlled environment, a situation constructed by the experimenter. For example, children might be observed within a laboratory setting as they play with another child or complete a puzzle- solving task. The challenges of identifying and categorizing which behaviors to record are similar to those entailed by naturalistic observation. However, the laboratory environment permits researchers to exert more control on the situation than is possible in natural settings. In addition to cataloguing observable behaviors, some researchers use technology to measure biological functions such as heart rate, brain waves, and blood pressure. One challenge to conducting structured observations is that people do not always behave in laboratory settings as they do in real life. Data collection methods are summarized in Table 1.6.

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Research Methodology

There are many steps in conducting research. In addition to determining the research question and deciding what information to collect, scientists must choose a research methodology, or technique, for conducting the research study. In the simplest sense, scientists have two basic choices: (1) identify correlational patterns in the data or (2) identify causal processes indicating that a given event or condition caused a given outcome.

Correlational Research

Are children with high self-esteem more likely to excel at school? Are older adults with more friends happier than those with few? Are college students who work part-time less likely to graduate? All of these questions can be studied with correlational research, which permits researchers to examine relations among measured characteristics, behaviors, and events. For example, in one study scientists examined the relationship between children’s after-school activities and their academic achievement and found that children who reported watching more television on school nights scored lower on achievement tests (Cooper, Valentine, Nye, & Lindsay, 1999). However, this correlation does not tell us why television viewing was associated with academic achievement. Correlational research cannot answer this question because it simply describes relationships that exist among variables; it does not enable us to make conclusions about the causes of those relationships. It is likely that other variables influence both a child’s television watching and achievement (e.g., motivation) but only through experimental research are scientists able to determine the causes for behavior, as described next.

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Experimental Research

Scientists who seek to test hypotheses about causal relationships, such as whether media exposure influences behavior or whether hearing particular types of music influences mood, employ experimental research to examine their research questions by conducting experiments. An experiment is a procedure that uses control to determine causal relationships among variables or factors. Specifically, one or more variables thought to influence a behavior of interest are varied while other variables are held constant. By doing so, researchers can examine how the changing variable influences the behavior under study. If the behavior changes as the variable changes, scientists can conclude that the variable caused the change in the behavior.

For example, suppose a scientist examined the influence of exposure to aggressive media on children’s aggressive behavior by choosing two cartoons: one containing many aggressive acts (e.g., hitting or punching) and another depicting few aggressive acts (e.g., including themes of sharing). Each child is asked to play with a set of toys containing cars, dolls, and stuffed animals. Researchers observe and record the number of aggressive acts the child engages in, such as hitting and throwing. Each child is tested in the same room, controlling other sounds, the temperature, and time of day of testing. If researchers’ ratings of children’s aggression change in response to varying the type of media—showing more or less aggressive behavior—then the results suggest a causal relationship: Media exposure changed behavior.

By experimentally manipulating which infants receive massage therapy, researchers determined that massage can help preterm infants gain weight, an important correlate of health.

AP/Al Goldis

Let us take a closer look at the components of an experiment. Conducting an experiment requires choosing at least one dependent variable, the behavior under study (e.g., hitting and throwing), and one independent variable, the factor proposed to change the behavior

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under study (e.g., type of cartoon). The independent variable is manipulated or varied systematically by the researcher during the experiment (e.g., varied between many aggressive acts or few aggressive acts). The dependent variable is expected to change as a result of varying the independent variable, and how it changes is thought to depend on how the independent variable is manipulated.

In an experiment, the independent variable is administered to one or more experimental groups, or test groups whose experiences are manipulated by varying the independent variable. The control group is treated in every way like the experimental group but does not receive the independent variable in order to compare the effect of the manipulation. For example, in an experiment investigating the effects of music on mood, the experimental group would experience a change in music (e.g., from “easy listening” to rock) whereas the control might hear only one type of music (e.g., “easy listening”). Random assignment, whereby each participant has an equal chance of being assigned to the experimental or control group, is essential for ensuring that the groups are equal in all preexisting characteristics (such as age, ethnicity, and gender). Random assignment makes it less likely that any observed differences in the outcomes of the experimental and control groups are not due to preexisting differences between the groups.

If, after the independent variable is manipulated, the experimental and control groups differ on the dependent variable, the scientist can conclude that independent variable caused the change in the dependent variable. As another example, consider a study designed to examine whether massage therapy improves weight gain in preterm infants (infants who were born well before their due date; Dieter, Field, Hernandez-Reif, Emory, & Redzepi, 2003). Infants housed in a neonatal unit were randomly assigned to a massage group (independent variable), who were touched and their arms and legs moved for three 15- minute periods per day, or a control group, which received no massage. Other than the massage/no massage periods, the two groups of infants were cared for in the same way. After five days, the preterm infants who received massage therapy gained more weight (dependent variable) than those who did not receive massage therapy. The researchers concluded that massage therapy causes improved weight gain in preterm infants.

Developmental scientists conduct studies that use both correlational and experimental research. Studying development, however, requires that scientists pay close attention to age and how people change over time, which requires the use of specialized research designs, as described in the following sections.

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Developmental Research Designs

Does personality change over the lifespan? Do children outgrow shyness? Are infants’ bonds with their parents associated with their adult relationships? These challenging questions require that developmental scientists examine relationships among variables over time. The following sections discuss the designs that researchers use to learn about human development. As you learn about each design, consider how we might employ it to learn about development. For example, how does alcohol use change from 6th grade through 12th grade?

Cross-Sectional Research Design

A common way in which developmental scientists examine questions about how variables change with age is to conduct cross-sectional research, comparing groups of people at different ages, at one time. For example, to examine how alcohol use changes from 6th through 12th grade, a scientist might visit a school system in 2016 and administer a survey about alcohol use to students in 6th, 8th, 10th, and 12th grades. By analyzing the survey, the scientist can describe grade differences in alcohol use—how 6th graders vary from 12th graders. Cross-sectional research permits scientists to draw conclusions about age differences—how the 6th graders differed in alcohol use from the 8th, 10th, and 12th graders. However, it is unknown whether the observed age differences in alcohol use reflect age-related or developmental change. In other words, it is unclear whether 6th graders will show the same pattern of change in alcohol use over the high school years as the 12th graders.

Cross-sectional research gathers information from people of several ages at one time, permitting age comparisons, but not conclusions about development because participants differ not only in terms of age but cohort. Recall that a cohort is a group of people of the same age who are exposed to similar historical events as well as cultural and societal influences. The 6th-grade students are a different age than the 12th-grade students, but they are also a different cohort in the school, so the two groups may differ in reported alcohol use because of development (age-related changes) or cohort (group-related changes). For example, perhaps the 6th-grade students received a new early prevention program in the school not available to the 12th-grade students back when they were in 6th grade. In this example, the difference in alcohol use between 6th graders and 12th graders may be related to the prevention program, not to age. Cross-sectional research is an important source of information about age differences, but it cannot provide information about age change.

Longitudinal Research Design

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Developmental scientists who study age-related change must examine individuals over time. In longitudinal research, one group of participants is studied at many points in time. To examine how alcohol use changes from 6th through 12th grade, a developmental scientist who used longitudinal research might administer a survey on alcohol use to 6th graders and then follow up on them two years later when they enter 8th grade, again when they enter 10th grade, and finally in 12th grade. If a researcher began this study in 2016, the last round of data collection would not occur until 2022. Longitudinal research provides information about age change because it follows people over time, enabling scientists to describe how the 6th graders’ alcohol use changed as they progressed through the school years. However, longitudinal research studies only one cohort—one generation—and is thereby prone to cohort effects. Do the findings indicate developmental change or are they an artifact of the cohort under study? Was the group of 6th graders that the scientist chose to follow up through 12th grade somehow different from the cohorts or groups of students who came before or after? Because only one cohort is assessed, it is not possible to determine if the observed changes are age-related changes or changes that are unique to the cohorts examined.

Sequential Research Design

Both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies provide useful information, but as we have seen, each has limitations. Sequential research designs combine the best features of cross- sectional and longitudinal research by assessing multiple cohorts over time, enabling scientists to make comparisons that disentangle the effects of cohort and age (see Table 1.7). Consider the alcohol use study once more. A sequential design would begin in 2016 by administering a survey to students in 6th, 8th, 10th, and 12th grades. Two years later, in 2018, the initial sample is surveyed again; the 6th graders are now 8th graders, 8th graders have become 10th graders, 10th graders have become 12th graders, and the 12th graders have graduated from the school and so are not assessed. Instead, a new group of 6th graders is surveyed. Two years later, in 2020, the participants are surveyed again and so on.

The sequential design provides information about age, cohort, and age-related change. The cross-sectional data (comparisons of 6th, 8th, 10th, and 12th graders from a given year) permit comparisons among age groups. The longitudinal data (annual follow-up of 6th graders through 12th graders) permits age-related change. The sequential component helps scientists separate cohort effects from age-related change. Because several cohorts are studied at once, the effect of cohort can be studied. The sequential design is complex, but it permits human development researchers to disentangle the effects of age and cohort and answer questions about developmental change.

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In summary, scientists use the scientific method to systematically ask and seek answers to questions about human development. Researchers’ decisions about measures, such as whether to use self-report or observational measures, influence the information that they collect and the conclusions that they make. Choice of research methodology also influences conclusions researchers make about development, including statements about age differences, age change, and information about cohort effects. Researchers have responsibilities to conduct sound research and also to adhere to standards of ethical conduct in research, as the next section describes. See Table 1.8 for a comparison of research designs.

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Thinking in Context 1.4 Dorothy is interested in understanding smoking in middle school students. Specifically, she believes that low self- esteem causes students to smoke.

1. How might Dorothy gather information to address her hypothesis? 2. What kind of research design should Dorothy use? What are the advantages and disadvantages of this

design? 3. What are some of the challenges of measuring behaviors, such as smoking and internal characteristics

such as self-esteem? 4. How can her study be improved to overcome the weaknesses you have identified?

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Ethical Issues in Research

Suppose a researcher wanted to determine the effects of an illegal drug on pregnant women or the effects of malnutrition on kindergarteners. Would it be possible to design a study in which certain pregnant women were assigned to ingest the illegal drug? Or one in which certain kindergarteners were deprived of food? If you answered no, you are correct, for U.S. and international laws regulate what kinds of research can be conducted and whether such research can expose participants to any harm, or risk of harm. These kinds of questions, laws, and regulations are in the realm of ethics—the determination of right and wrong.

Developmental scientists’ work is guided by five ethical principles: (1) beneficence and nonmaleficence, (2) responsibility, (3) integrity, (4) justice, and (5) respect for autonomy (American Psychological Association [APA], 2010). Beneficence and nonmaleficence are the dual responsibilities to do good and not to do harm. Researchers must protect and help the individuals, families, and communities with which they work by maximizing the benefits and minimizing the potential harms of their work. For example, when interviewing survivors of a natural disaster, such as an earthquake or tornado, a scientist pays attention to the participants’ demeanor, and if the participant shows distress in response to a particular set of questions, the scientist might direct, even accompany, the participant to a therapist or mental health professional who can help him or her manage the distress.

Scientists act responsibly by adhering to professional standards of conduct, clarifying their obligations and roles to others, and avoiding conflicts of interest. For example, a psychologist who conducts research with children and parents must clarify her role as scientist and not therapist and help her participants understand that she is simply gathering information from them rather than conducting therapy. In this way, scientists recognize that they are responsible to people, communities, and society.

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The principle of integrity requires that scientists be accurate, honest, and truthful in their work and make every effort to keep their promises to the people and communities with which they work.

Scientists have a special obligation to respect participants’ autonomy—the ability to make and implement decisions. Scientists show respect for the individuals and families with whom they work by providing them with information about the research study, answering questions, helping them to make their own decisions about whether to participate in the study, and accepting their decisions. Respecting people’s autonomy also means protecting those who are not capable of making judgments and asserting themselves. For example, some adults, such as those who have suffered traumatic brain injuries, may be unable to make and carry out decisions about whether to participate in research because of cognitive and social deficits. Scientists who work with patients who may be unable to make such judgments must carefully assess each patient’s capacity and devise ways of protecting those who are not competent, such as by approaching the individual who is responsible for making legal decisions on the part of the patient.

Finally, the principle of justice means that the benefits and risks of participation in research must be spread equitably across individuals and groups. Scientists must take care to ensure that all people have access to and benefit from the contributions of research.

These ethical principles form the basis of professional codes of ethics for the Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD; 2007) and APA (2010), which provide guidelines for researchers who work with human participants.

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Responsibilities to Participants

Sometimes researchers’ desires to answer questions, learn, and solve problems by conducting research conflict with the need to protect participants in the research. For example, suppose a physician is conducting research testing the effectiveness of a drug designed to lower blood pressure. Over the course of the study, the scientist discovers that a participant has a heart defect that might someday require treatment. If the scientist discloses this information to the participant and encourages him or her to seek treatment, the scientist will have to remove the participant from the study. How should the scientist balance his or her research needs with the needs of participants? Scientists work to balance the benefits of research against the possible harm that can occur to participants—the mental, emotional, and physical risks.

In the United States and most other developed countries, the conduct of research is a regulated activity. Each college, university, hospital, and organization that conducts research has an institutional review board (IRB) that examines all plans for conducting a study before it can begin. Before a study can be conducted, the IRB examines the proposed research study in light of professional ethical codes as well as those articulated by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2009). Do the study’s benefits for advancing knowledge and improving conditions of life outweigh the potential costs in terms of time, money, and possible harm on the part of participants? IRBs act to protect participants by ensuring that the study has scientific merit and that risks of participating in research do not outweigh the potential benefits.

Ethical codes of conduct require that researchers obtain informed consent from each participant—their informed, rational, and voluntary agreement to participate. Consent must be informed, made with knowledge of the scope of the research, the potential for harm (if any), and the possible benefits of participating. Consent must be rational, meaning it must be made by a person capable of making a reasoned decision. Parents provide parental permission for their minor children to participate because researchers (and lawmakers) assume that minors are not able to meet the rational criteria of informed consent. Finally, participation must be voluntary, meaning that the decision to participate must be made freely and without coercion—individuals must understand that they are free to decide not to participate in the research study and that they will not be penalized in any way if they refuse.

Although children cannot provide informed consent, researchers respect their growing capacities for decision making in ways that are appropriate to their age by seeking assent, children’s agreement to participate. For a young child, obtaining assent may involve simply asking if he or she wants to play with the researcher and answer some questions. With increasing cognitive and social development, children are better able to understand the

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nature of science and engage meaningfully in decisions about research participation (Thompson, 1990). Researchers should tailor discussions about the nature of research participation to children’s capacities, provide more detailed information, and seek more comprehensive assent as children age (Kuther, 2003). For example, a researcher about to administer early adolescents a questionnaire about their experiences with parental divorce might explain the kinds of questions that the adolescents will face; explain that in some cases a question might feel personal and might bring up memories; remind the adolescents that they are free to stop or skip any questions they choose; and finally, remind the adolescents that if they feel uncomfortable or would like to talk to someone about their feelings about the issues examined in the study, a counselor is available or the researcher can help them find someone who can help them. Moreover, seeking assent helps children learn how to make decisions and participate in decision making as they are able. Assent provides minors with opportunities to gain decision-making experience within safe contexts.

The researcher’s ethical responsibilities do not end with obtaining informed consent. Most research studies are routine and uneventful because they are carried out according to plan. Sometimes, however, ethical issues arise in conducting a research study. For example, suppose that during the course of research a researcher learns that a participant is in jeopardy, whether engaging in health-compromising behaviors (such as cigarette smoking, unsafe driving, or exhibiting unhealthy behavior), contemplating suicide, or engaging in illegal or harmful activities (such as drug addiction, theft, or violence). Is a researcher responsible for helping the participant? Current ethical guidelines offer incomplete answers to questions of researchers’ responsibilities to help participants in such situations.

The SRCD (2007) code of ethics suggests that researchers must help children in jeopardy by discussing the information with parents and guardians or with experts who may offer insight. Moreover, researchers may be faced with a conflict if they believe that helping the participant and dropping him or her from the research study may compromise the scientific integrity of the research, which may be especially likely if many participants are dropped. What should researchers do when they encounter participants in jeopardy? One study asked adolescents for their opinions on what researchers should do if they discover that a minor participant has a problem (Fisher, Higgins-D’Alessandro, Rau, Kuther, & Belanger, 1996). Older adolescents (e.g., age 17) tended to prefer that researchers not tell others about the problems and provide minors with self-referral information whereas young adolescents (e.g., age 13) tended to prefer that researchers report problems and potential threats to parents or trusted adults (Fisher et al., 1996). In addition, the adolescents’ judgments depended on how serious they believed each problem to be. Adolescents favored reporting serious problems like abuse and threats of suicide to a parent or adult who can help. However, they preferred that the researcher not tell anyone about the problem and provide the child with self-referral information in cases of problems they rated as less serious, like smoking and nonviolent delinquent acts. Many questions remain. For example, does the age of the child matter in determining when to provide help? These are difficult decisions.

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Fortunately, serious ethical issues do not arise in most studies, but scientists should remain vigilant so that problems can be addressed should they arise. Table 1.9 summarizes the rights of research participants.

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Responsibilities to Society

Researchers are responsible not only to their participants but to society at large. In reporting results, researchers should be mindful of the social and political implications of their work (SRCD, 2007). Researchers must consider how their findings will be portrayed in the media and attempt to foresee ways in which their results may be misinterpreted. This is a difficult task, but it is very important for researchers to be prepared to address questions raised as well as correct misinterpretations of research (National Academy of Sciences, 1995).

For example, one highly publicized study compiled the existing research literature examining college students who had become sexually involved with an adult prior to reaching the legal age of consent (Rind, Tromovitch, & Bauserman, 1998). After using statistics to summarize the findings of many research studies, the scientists determined that the college students’ coping and development varied depending on a number of other factors within the individual, situation, and broader context. Not all appeared to be harmed, and many did well. However, some organizations, media outlets, and politicians misinterpreted the researchers’ findings as suggesting that sexual involvement with minors was acceptable or even beneficial (Garrison & Kobor, 2002). Instead, the findings suggested that there are a range of outcomes to adult–minor relationships and the outcomes varied with the age of the minor and other characteristics of the situation. For example, the participants who seemed to be unharmed were more likely to be older (e.g., age 17) when the relationship began. Researchers must consider the potential social and political implications of their work, attempt to foresee the inferences that people may draw about their findings, and prepare to correct misinterpretations.

Lifespan human development is a broad field of study that integrates theory and research from many disciplines in order to describe, predict, and explain how we grow and change throughout our lifetime. Developmental scientists apply their knowledge of development to identify, prevent, and solve problems as well as improve opportunities for individuals, families, and communities. Throughout this book, you will learn the fundamentals of lifespan human development, including physical, cognitive, and socioemotional change as well the implications development science holds for social issues. We begin our journey by considering the role of genetics and environment in shaping who we become, as described in Chapter 2.

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Apply Your Knowledge 1. Steven enters the school psychologist’s office with a frown, grumbling to himself. His teacher, Ms.

Marta, has suggested that he visit the school psychologist for help understanding and treating his academic problems. Steven is a bright fifth grader, but he has great difficulties reading and his mathematics skills lag far behind those of his peers. Ms. Marta contacts Steven’s mother, reassuring her that the school has extraordinary resources for diagnosing children’s learning problems and special education professionals who can intervene and help children overcome learning difficulties.

The school psychologist interviews Steven’s mother in order to compile a history of Steven’s development. Through this interview he learns that Steven suffered a great deal of trauma early in life; as an infant, he was physically abused by his biological mother, then taken away and placed in foster care. At age 3, he was adopted into a middle-class, suburban family with two older, non- adopted children.

As we have seen, each developmental theory has a unique emphasis. How might each theory address Steven’s academic difficulties?

a. What factors would psychoanalytic theories point to in order to explain Steven’s functioning?

b. How would cognitively oriented theories, such as Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory and information processing theory, account for and intervene with Steven’s difficulties?

c. Identify contextual factors that may play a role in Steven’s academic problems; from Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory, what factors may be addressed?

2. Suppose you wanted to conduct research on academic achievement during elementary and middle school.

a. Identify a research question appropriate for a correlational research study. b. How would you address that question with a cross-sectional research study? Longitudinal?

Sequential? c. What are the advantages and disadvantages of each type of study?

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Chapter Summary

1.1 Outline five principles of the lifespan developmental perspective.

Development is a lifelong process. It is multidimensional, multidirectional, plastic, and influenced by the multiple contexts in which we are embedded. 1.2 Explain three theoretical controversies about human development.

Theories of human development can be compared with respect to their stance on the following questions. First, in what ways is developmental change continuous, characterized by slow and gradual change, or discontinuous, characterized by sudden and abrupt change? Second, to what extent are people active in influencing their development, interacting with and influencing the world around them? Finally, is development caused by nature or nurture, genetic endowments and heredity, or the physical and social environment? 1.3 Differentiate Freud’s psychosexual theory from Erikson’s psychosocial theory.

Freud’s psychosexual theory explains personality development as progressing through a series of psychosexual stages during childhood. Erikson’s psychosocial theory suggests that individuals move through eight stages of psychosocial development across the lifespan. Each stage presents a unique psychosocial task, or crisis. No crisis is ever fully resolved, but how well individuals address the crisis determines their ability to deal with the demands made by the next stage of development. 1.4 Distinguish operant and classical conditioning from social learning.

Behaviorist theory emphasizes the study of observable behavior; all behavior is shaped by the environment, whether through classical conditioning or operant conditioning. In classical conditioning, neutral stimuli become associated with stimuli that elicit reflex responses. Operant conditioning emphasizes the role of environmental stimuli in shaping behavior through reinforcement and punishment. Bandura’s social learning theory includes cognition, explaining that people can learn through observation and do not need to experience the consequence itself. Bandura suggested that individuals and the environment interact and influence each other through reciprocal determinism. 1.5 Compare Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory and information processing theory.

Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory explains that children actively interact with the world around them and through this interaction create their own cognitive structures to organize what they have learned. Developmental change is the result of assimilation, accommodation, and equilibration. Information processing theorists study the steps entailed in cognition: perceiving and attending, representing,

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encoding, retrieving, and problem solving. 1.6 Contrast sociocultural systems theories and evolutionary perspectives on development.

Sociocultural systems theories look to the importance of context in shaping development. Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory emphasizes interactions with members of our culture in influencing development. Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model explains development as a function of the ongoing reciprocal interaction among biological and psychological changes in the person and his or her changing context. Evolutionary developmental psychology integrates Darwinian principles of evolution and scientific knowledge about the interactive influence of genetic and environmental mechanisms to explain the changes we undergo throughout our lifetimes. 1.7 Compare self-report and observational methods of collecting information about participants.

Interviews and questionnaires are known as self-report measures because the person under study answers questions about his or her experiences, attitudes, opinions, beliefs, and behavior. In the clinical interview, or open-ended interview, the trained interviewer uses a conversational style that encourages the participant to expand his or her responses. Structured interviews pose the same set of questions to each participant in the same way. Questionnaires, or surveys, are sets of written questions that scientists compile and use to collect data from large samples of people. Observational measures are methods that scientists use to collect and organize information based on watching and monitoring people’s behavior. Scientists who use naturalistic observation observe and record behavior in natural, real-world settings. Structured observations entail observing and recording behaviors displayed in the controlled environment, a situation constructed by the experimenter. 1.8 Contrast the uses of correlational and experimental research.

Correlational research describes the strength of relation between two or more variables. Scientists use correlational research to describe relations among measured characteristics, behaviors, and events. Scientists who seek to test hypotheses about causal relationships among variables employ experimental research. In an experiment, one or more independent variables thought to influence a behavior of interest are varied while other variables are held constant to examine how the changing variable influences the dependent variable, or the behavior under study. 1.9 Assess the strengths and weaknesses of cross-sectional, longitudinal, and sequential research designs.

Cross-sectional research compares groups of people at different ages, at one time, providing information about age differences; however, it is unknown whether the observed age differences reflect developmental change or cohort differences. Longitudinal research studies one group of participants at many points in time,

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providing information about age change. However, longitudinal research studies only one cohort; therefore, it is not possible to determine if the observed changes are age- related changes or changes that are unique to the cohort examined. Sequential designs combine the best features of cross-sectional and longitudinal designs; multiple cohorts are assessed over time, permitting comparisons that disentangle the effects of cohort and age, and answer questions about developmental change. 1.10 Discuss the responsibility of researchers to their participants and how they may protect them from harm.

Researchers must maximize the benefits to research participants and minimize the harms, safeguarding participants’ welfare. They must be accurate and honest in their work and respect participants’ autonomy by seeking informed consent and child assent. In addition, the benefits and risks of participation in research must be spread equitably across individuals and groups.

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Key Terms

applied developmental science 25 behaviorism 24 bioecological systems theory 29 chronosystem 20 classical conditioning 24 cognitive development 4 cognitive-developmental theory 16 cohort 7 context 7 continuous development 9 correlational research 27 cross-sectional research 28 culture 7 dependent variable 28 discontinuous development 9 ethological theory 20 evolutionary developmental theory 20 exosystem 20 experimental research 27 hypotheses 11 independent variable 28 information processing theory 17 informed consent 31 lifespan human development 4 longitudinal research 28 macrosystem 20 mesosystem 20 microsystem 20 naturalistic observation 26 nature–nurture issue 10 observational learning 5 open-ended interview 24 operant conditioning 14 physical development 4 plasticity 6 psychoanalytic theories 12 punishment 15 questionnaires 24 random assignment 28

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reciprocal determinism 15 reinforcement 15 schemas 16 scientific method 24 sequential research designs 29 social learning theory 15 sociocultural theory 18 socioemotional development 6 structured interview 25 structured observation 26 theory 11

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Chapter 2 Biological and Environmental Foundations

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Learning Objectives 2.1. Explain how chromosomes, genes, DNA, and the genome relate to one another. 2.2. Identify and compare two processes of cell reproduction. 2.3. Differentiate monozygotic (MZ) from dizygotic (DZ) twins. 2.4. Contrast four processes of genetic inheritance. 2.5. Provide examples of diseases that illustrate dominant–recessive and X-linked inheritance. 2.6. Identify disorders that result from chromosomal abnormalities. 2.7. Discuss genetic counseling and prenatal testing, including common prenatal tests. 2.8. Describe the methods and major findings of behavior genetics. 2.9. Compare patterns of gene expression, including reaction range, canalization, gene– environment correlations, and epigenetic framework.

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Key Study Tools

Connect Treating Down Syndrome Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Prenatal Sex Selection (p. 40) Watch Mitosis vs. Meiosis Video Case Twins Explore Further Types of Twins Connect Interactive: Dominant Genes Connect X-Linked Inheritance Explore Further Chromosomal Abnormalities Video Case Genetics and Pregnancy Think Critically Ethics of Genetic Testing Listen Behavioral Genetics Lives in Context Gene-Environment Interactions and Responses to Child Maltreatment (p. 52) Applying Developmental Science Altering the Epigenome (p. 54)

“Roger and Ricky couldn’t be more different,” marveled their mother. “People are surprised to find out they are brothers.” Roger is tall and athletic, with blond hair and striking blue eyes. He spends most afternoons playing ball with his friends and often invites them home to play in the yard. Ricky, two years older than Roger, is much smaller, thin and wiry. He wears thick glasses over his brown eyes that are nearly as dark as his hair. Unlike his brother, Ricky prefers solitary games and spends most afternoons at home playing video games, building model cars, and reading comic books. How can Roger and Ricky have the same parents and live in the same home yet differ markedly in appearance, personality, and preferences? In this chapter, we discuss the process of genetic inheritance and principles that can help us to understand how members of a family can share a great many similarities —and many differences.

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Jasper James/Stone/Getty

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Genetic Foundations of Development

Although Roger is quite different from his older brother, Ricky, he shares so many of his father’s characteristics that most people comment on the strong physical resemblance. In other ways, however, Roger is more like his highly sociable mother. Ricky also shares similarities with each of his parents: In physical appearance, he resembles his mother and her brothers, but his quiet personality is similar to that of his father. Most of us learn early in life, and take it for granted, that children tend to resemble their parents. But to understand just how parents transmit their inborn characteristics and tendencies to their children, we must consider the human body at a cellular level.

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The Genetic Code

The human body is composed of trillions of units called cells. Within each cell is a nucleus that contains 23 matching pairs of rod-shaped structures called chromosomes (Barlow- Stewart, 2012). Each chromosome holds the basic units of heredity, known as genes. Genes are composed of stretches of DNA (or deoxyribonucleic acid), a complex molecule shaped like a twisted ladder or staircase. Genes are the blueprint for creating all of the traits that organisms carry. It is estimated that 20,000 to 25,000 genes reside within the chromosomes and influence all genetic characteristics (Barlow-Stewart, 2012; Pennisi, 2009).

The set of instructions to construct a living organism is referred to as the genome. Much of our genetic material is not unique to humans. Every species has a different genome, yet we share genes with all organisms, from bacteria to primates. We share 99% of our DNA with our closest genetic relative, the chimpanzee, whereas only 1% of our genes influence the characteristics that differentiate us from chimps, such as cognitive and language abilities. There is even less genetic variation among humans. People around the world share 99.7% of their genes (Watson, 2008). Although all humans share the same basic genome, every person has a slightly different code, making him or her genetically distinct from other humans.

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Cell Reproduction

Every cell in our body contains the same set of genes, and we retain these genes from the moment of conception until death. That is, we hold the same genetic material as adults as we did as newborns. Most cells in the human body reproduce through a process known as mitosis in which DNA replicates itself, permitting the duplication of chromosomes, and ultimately the formation of new cells with identical genetic material (Sadler, 2012). Specifically, in the first stage of mitosis, the rungs of the ladder-shaped DNA split, opening like a zipper. Then each half of the DNA molecule regenerates and replaces its missing parts, forming two distinct cells. It is this process that enables humans to develop from a single fertilized egg into a child, adolescent, and finally, adult.

Figure 2.1: Mitosis and Meiosis

The process of mitosis accounts for the replication of all body cells. However, sex cells reproduce in a different way. Sex cells produce gametes, sperm in males and ova in females. The gametes are designed so that ova and sperm may combine to form a cell that will develop into a unique individual. Gametes each contain 23 chromosomes (one-half of the 46 chromosomes or 23 pairs present in body cells). Gametes reproduce through the unique process of meiosis.

Figure 2.2: Chromosomes

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Meiosis, the reproduction of gametes, occurs in two stages (see Figure 2.1). First, the 46 chromosomes begin to replicate as in mitosis, duplicating themselves. But before the cell completes dividing, a critical process called crossing-over takes place. Chromosome pairs align, and DNA segments cross over, moving from one member of the pair to the other. Crossing-over creates unique combinations of genes (Sadler, 2012). The cell then divides into two cells, each with 46 chromosomes. As the new cells replicate, they create cells containing only 23 single, unpaired chromosomes. The resulting gametes each have only one chromosome from each pair (that is, one each from the male and female). This permits the joining of sperm and ovum at fertilization to produce a fertilized egg, or zygote, with 46 chromosomes, forming 23 pairs with half from the biological mother and half from the biological father.

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Sex Determination

As shown in Figure 2.2, 22 of the 23 pairs of chromosomes are matched containing similar genes in almost identical positions and sequence, reflecting the distinct genetic blueprint of the biological mother and father. The 23rd pair is sex chromosomes that specify the biological sex of the individual. In females, sex chromosomes consist of two large X-shaped chromosomes (XX). Males’ sex chromosomes consist of one large X-shaped chromosome and one much smaller Y-shaped chromosome (XY; Barlow-Stewart, 2012; Moore & Persaud, 2013).

Figure 2.3: Sex Determination

The sex chromosomes determine whether a zygote will develop into a male or female. Because females have two X sex chromosomes, all ova contain one X sex chromosome. A male’s sex chromosome pair includes both X and Y chromosomes; therefore, one half of the sperm males produce contain an X chromosome and one half contain a Y. The Y chromosome contains genetic instructions that will cause the fetus to develop male reproductive organs. Thus, whether the fetus develops into a boy or girl is determined by which sperm fertilizes the ovum. If the ovum is fertilized by a Y sperm, a male fetus will develop, and if the ovum is fertilized by an X sperm, a female fetus will form, as shown in Figure 2.3. As discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 40), scientific advances in our ability to identify chromosomes have raised ethical questions about how to apply this knowledge, for example, by using reproductive technologies for prenatal sex selection.

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Genes Shared by Twins

All biological siblings share the same parents, inheriting chromosomes from each. Despite this genetic similarity, siblings are often quite different from one another. Meiosis, specifically the crossing-over process, increases genetic variability and accounts for genetic uniqueness. It is estimated that individuals can produce millions of versions of their own chromosomes (National Library of Medicine, 2013).

Twins are siblings who share the same womb. Twins occur in about 1 out of every 30 births in the United States (Martin, Hamilton, & Osterman, 2012). Are twins more similar than other siblings? In most cases, no: About two thirds of naturally conceived twins are dizygotic (DZ) twins, or fraternal twins. In the United States, DZ twins occur in about 13 of every 1,000 births (Hoekstra et al., 2008). DZ twins are conceived when a woman releases more than one ovum and each is fertilized by a different sperm. Genetically, DZ twins are no more similar to each other than are other siblings that are conceived and born separately. They share about one half of their genes and can share many similarities, or like Ricky and Roger, the brothers mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, they can be very different. Like other siblings, most fraternal twins differ in appearance, such as hair color, eye color, and height. In about half of fraternal twin pairs, one twin is a boy and the other a girl. Yet sometimes same-sex DZ twins are so similar that they appear like identical twins, also known as monozygotic (MZ) twins. DZ twins tend to run in families, suggesting a genetic component that controls the tendency for a woman to release more than one ovum each month. However, rates of DZ twins also increase with in vitro fertilization, maternal age, and with each subsequent birth (Fletcher, Zach, Pramanik, & Ford, 2012; Martin et al., 2012).

Monozygotic, or identical, twins share 100% of their DNA.

AP/Charlie Neibergall

MZ, or identical, twins originate from the same zygote. MZ twins occur when the zygote splits into two distinct separate but identical zygotes that develop into two infants. MZ twins share the same genotype, with identical instructions for all physical and psychological

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characteristics. MZ twins are relatively rare. It is estimated that MZ twins occur in 4 of every 1,000 U.S. births (Fletcher et al., 2012). The causes of MZ twinning are not well understood. Temperature fluctuations are associated with MZ births in animals, but it is unknown whether similar effects occur in humans (Aston, Peterson, & Carrell, 2008). In vitro fertilization and advanced maternal age (35 and older) may increase the risk of MZ twins (Aston et al., 2008; Knopman et al., 2014).

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Prenatal Sex Selection Parents have long shown a preference for giving birth to a girl or boy, depending on circumstances such as cultural or religious traditions, the availability of males or females to perform certain kinds of work important to the family or society, or the sex of the couple’s other children. Yet, throughout human history until recently, the sex of an unborn child was a matter of hope, prayer, and folk rituals. It is only in the past generation that science has made it possible for parents to reliably choose the sex of their unborn child. The introduction of sex selection has been a boon to couples carrying a genetically transmitted disease (i.e., a disease carried on the sex chromosomes), enabling them to have a healthy baby of the sex unaffected by the disease they carried.

There are two methods of sex selection: preconception sperm sorting and pre-implantation genetic diagnosis (PGD; Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority, 2003). Preconception sperm sorting involves staining the sperm with a fluorescent dye and then leading them past a laser beam where the difference in DNA content between X- and Y-bearing sperm is visible (Dondorp et al., 2013). PGD creates zygotes within the laboratory by removing eggs from the woman and fertilizing them with sperm. This is known as in vitro (literally, “in glass”) fertilization because fertilization takes place in a test tube, outside of the woman’s body. After three days, a cell from each blastula is extracted to examine the chromosomes and determine whether or not it contains a Y chromosome (i.e., whether it is female or male). The desired male or female embryos are then implanted into the woman’s uterus. The second type of sex selection, sperm sorting, entails spinning sperm in a centrifuge to separate those that carry an X or Y chromosome. Sperm with the desired chromosomes are then used to fertilize the ovum either vaginally or through in vitro fertilization.

As sex selection becomes more widely available, parents may seek to choose the sex of their child because of personal desires, such as to create family balance or to conform to cultural valuing of one sex over the other, rather than to avoid transmitting genetic disorders (Robertson & Hickman, 2013). Critics argue that sex selection can lead down a “slippery slope” of selecting for other characteristics—hair color, eye color, intelligence, and more (Ethics Committee of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine, 2001). Might children born from gender selection be expected to act in certain sex-typical ways and if they do not, might that disappoint parents? Others express concerns about societal sex ratio imbalances if sex selection becomes widely practiced (Colls et al., 2009; Robertson & Hickman, 2013). Such sex ratio imbalances favoring males have occurred in India and China because of female infanticide, gender-driven abortion, and China’s one-child family policy (see the Cultural Influences on Development feature in Chapter 10 for more information; Bhatia, 2010; Ethics Committee of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine, 2001).

Should selecting an embryo’s sex be a matter of parental choice? A review of 36 countries, including 25 in Europe, revealed that many had no policies regarding selection; those that did, prohibited sex selection for nonmedical reasons (Darnovsky, 2009). The European Union bans socially, nontherapeutically motivated sex selection (Council of Europe, 1997). The United States does not have a formal policy regarding sex selection (Deeney, 2013). Sex selection remains hotly debated in medical journals, hospital and university ethics boards, and the public.

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What Do You Think? 1. What do you think about parents choosing the sex of their children? In your view, under what

conditions is sex selection acceptable? 2. If you were able to selectively reproduce other characteristics, apart from sex, what might you

choose? Why or why not?

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Twins

Twins share both genes and environment. Velma and Thelma discuss their similarities and differences. Can you guess whether they are fraternal or identical twins?

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Thinking in Context 2.1 1. What is the difference between mitosis and meiosis? What purpose might each serve in transmitting

genes? Why do you think they evolved? 2. In your view, why does twinning occur? From an evolutionary developmental perspective, does twinning

serve an adaptive purpose for our species? Why or why not?

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Patterns of Genetic Inheritance

Although the differences among various members of a given family may appear haphazard, they are the result of a genetic blueprint unfolding. Traits and characteristics are inherited in predictable ways. Researchers are just beginning to uncover the instructions contained in the human genome. However, we have learned a great deal about the way in which heredity influences development and behavior.

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Dominant–Recessive Inheritance

Lynn has red hair while her brother, Jim, does not—and neither do their parents. How did Lynn end up with red hair? These outcomes can be explained by patterns of genetic inheritance, how the sets of genes from each parent interact. As we have discussed, each person has 23 pairs of chromosomes, one pair inherited from the mother and one from the father. The genes within each chromosome can be expressed in different forms, or alleles, that influence a variety of physical characteristics. When alleles of the pair of chromosomes are alike with regard to a specific characteristic, such as hair color, the person is said to be homozygous for the characteristic and will display the inherited trait. If they are different, the person is heterozygous, and the trait expressed will depend on the relations among the genes (Moore & Persaud, 2013; National Center for Biotechnology Information, 2004). Some genes are passed through dominant–recessive inheritance in which some genes are dominant and are always expressed regardless of the gene they are paired with. Other genes are recessive and will be expressed only if paired with another recessive gene. Lynn and Jim’s parents are heterozygous for red hair; both have dark hair, but they each carry a recessive gene for red hair.

Figure 2.4: Dominant–Recessive Inheritance

When an individual is heterozygous for a particular trait, the dominant gene is expressed, and the person becomes a carrier of the recessive gene. For example, Jim has non-red hair. He may have homozygous or heterozygous genes for hair color because the gene for non- red hair (symbolized by N in Figure 2.4) is dominant over the gene for red hair (r). In other words, both a child who inherits a homozygous pair of dominant genes (NN) and one who inherits a heterozygous pair consisting of both a dominant and recessive gene (Nr) will have non-red hair, even though the two genotypes are different. If Jim is heterozygous for red

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hair (Nr), he is a carrier of the gene for red hair and can pass it on to his offspring. Red hair, like Lynn’s, can result only from having two recessive genes (rr); both of her parents must carry the recessive gene for red hair. As shown in Table 2.1, several characteristics are passed through dominant–recessive inheritance.

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Incomplete Dominance

In most cases, dominant–recessive inheritance is an oversimplified explanation for patterns of genetic inheritance. Incomplete dominance is a genetic inheritance pattern in which both genes influence the characteristic (Moore & Persaud, 2013). For example, consider blood type. Neither the alleles for blood type A and B dominate each other. A heterozygous person with the alleles for blood type A and B will express both A and B alleles and have blood type AB.

A different type of inheritance pattern is seen when a person inherits heterozygous alleles in which one allele is stronger than the other yet does not completely dominate. In this situation, the stronger allele does not mask all of the effects of the weaker allele. Therefore some, but not all, characteristics of the recessive allele appear. For example, the trait for developing normal blood cells does not completely mask the allele for developing sickle- shaped blood cells. About 8% of African Americans (and relatively few Caucasians or Asian Americans) carry the recessive sickle cell trait (Ashley-Koch, Yang, & Olney, 2000). Sickle cell alleles cause red blood cells to become crescent, or sickle, shaped. Cells that are sickle- shaped cannot distribute oxygen effectively throughout the circulatory system. However, sickle cell carriers do not develop full-blown sickle cell anemia. Carriers of the trait for sickle cell anemia may function normally but may show some symptoms such as reduced oxygen distribution throughout the body and exhaustion after exercise. Only individuals who are homozygous for the recessive sickle cell trait develop sickle cell anemia.

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Recessive sickle cell alleles cause red blood cells to become crescent shaped and unable to distribute oxygen effectively throughout the circulatory system. Alleles for normal blood cells do not mask all of the characteristics of recessive sickle cell alleles, illustrating incomplete dominance.

Wikimedia

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Polygenic Inheritanc\e

Whereas dominant–recessive and codominant–recessive patterns account for some genotypes, most traits are a function of the interaction of many genes, known as polygenic inheritance. Hereditary influences act in complex ways, and researchers cannot trace most characteristics to only one or two genes. Instead, polygenic traits are the result of interactions among many genes. Examples of polygenic traits include height, intelligence, temperament, and susceptibility to certain forms of cancer (Plomin, DeFries, McClearn, & McGuffin, 2001). As the number of genes that contribute to a trait increases, so does the range of possible traits. Genetic propensities interact with environmental influences to produce a wide range of individual differences in human traits.

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Genomic Imprinting

The principles of dominant–recessive and incomplete dominance inheritance can account for over 1,000 human traits (McKusick, 2007). However, a few traits are determined by a process known as genomic imprinting. Genomic imprinting refers to the instance in which the expression of a gene is determined by whether it is inherited from the mother or the father (National Library of Medicine, 2013; Sadler, 2012). Genomic imprinting may influence susceptibility to illnesses such as some cancers (Das, Hampton, & Jirtle, 2009). Genes are passed on from biological parents to children and influence human characteristics in complex ways.

As an example, let us examine two conditions that illustrate genomic imprinting: Prader- Willi syndrome and Angelman syndrome. Both syndromes are caused by an abnormality in the 15th chromosome (Butler, 2011). If the abnormality occurs on chromosome 15 acquired by the father, the individual—whether a daughter or son—will develop Prader- Willi syndrome, a set of specific physical and behavioral characteristics including obesity, insatiable hunger, short stature, motor slowness, and mild to moderate intellectual impairment. If the abnormal chromosome 15 arises from the mother, the individual— again, whether it is a daughter or a son—will develop Angelman syndrome, characterized by hyperactivity, thin body frame, seizures, disturbances in gait, and severe learning disabilities including severe problems with speech. Prader-Willi and Angelman syndromes each occur in about 1 in 15,000 persons (Everman & Cassidy, 2000).

As you can see from the topics presented in this section, patterns of genetic inheritance can be complex, yet they follow predictable principles. For a summary of patterns of genetic inheritance, refer to Table 2.2.

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Thinking in Context 2.2 1. Consider your own physical characteristics, such as hair and eye color. Are they indicative of recessive

traits, or dominant ones? 2. Do you think that you might be a carrier of recessive traits? Why or why not?

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Chromosomal and Genetic Problems

Fortunately, the vast majority of humans—and animals, for that matter—inherit healthy genes. However, heredity plays a role in many disorders and illnesses. Many hereditary and chromosomal abnormalities can be diagnosed prenatally, either through routine prenatal blood tests and ultrasound examinations or—more commonly—through specific tests recommended for couples who have a family history of such abnormalities or in which the woman is over the age of 35. Others are evident at birth, or can be detected soon after an infant begins to develop. Still others reveal themselves only over a period of many years.

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Genetic Disorders

Disorders and abnormalities that are inherited through the parents’ genes include such well-known conditions as cystic fibrosis and sickle cell anemia, as well as others that are rare and, in some cases, never even noticed throughout the individual’s life.

Dominant–Recessive Disorders

As explained earlier in this chapter, in dominant–recessive inheritance genes that are dominant are always expressed regardless of the gene they are paired with, and recessive genes are expressed only if paired with another recessive gene. Several diseases are inherited through dominant–recessive inheritance (see Table 2.3), including recessive disorders like cystic fibrosis and sickle cell anemia. Few severe disorders are inherited through dominant inheritance because individuals who inherit the allele often do not survive long enough to reproduce and pass it to the next generation. One exception is Huntington’s disease, a fatal disease in which the central nervous system deteriorates (National Library of Medicine, 2013; Sadler, 2012). Individuals with the Huntington’s allele develop normally in childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. Symptoms of Huntington’s disease do not appear until age 35 or later. By then, many individuals have already had children, and one half of them, on average, will inherit the dominant Huntington’s gene.

One of the most common recessive disorders is phenylketonuria (PKU). Diagnosed in about one 1 of every 15,000 newborns, PKU prevents the body from producing an enzyme that breaks down phenylalanine, an amino acid, from proteins (Blau, van Spronsen, & Levy, 2010). The phenylalanine builds up quickly to toxic levels that damage the central nervous system, contributing to mental retardation by 1 year of age. PKU is also an example of how genes interact with the environment to produce developmental outcomes. Intellectual disability results from the interaction of the genetic predisposition and exposure to phenylalanine from the environment. The United States and Canada require that all newborns are screened for PKU. If the disease is discovered, the infant is placed on a diet low in phenylalanine (Blau et al., 2010). Children who maintain a strict diet low in phenylalanine usually attain average or near-average levels of intelligence (Blau et al., 2010; Widaman, 2009).

Children with PKU can process only very small amounts of phenylalanine. Yet it is very difficult to remove nearly all phenylalanine from the diet. Some cognitive and motor deficits often appear in childhood and persist into adulthood, particularly in attention and planning skills (Blau et al. 2010; Enns et al., 2010). Children with PKU are at risk for behavioral and psychological problems, including sadness, depression, anxiety, and phobic reactions (Blau et al., 2010; Koch, Guttler, & Blau, 2002; Smith & Knowles, 2000). The emotional and social challenges associated with PKU, such as the pressure of a strict diet

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and surveillance from parents, may worsen these symptoms (Smith & Knowles, 2000).

X-Linked Disorders

A special instance of the dominant–recessive pattern occurs with genes that are located on the X chromosome. Recall that males (XY) have both an X and Y chromosome. Some recessive genetic disorders, like the gene for red-green color blindness, are carried on the X- chromosome. Males are more likely to be affected by X-linked genetic disorders because they have only one X chromosome. Females (XX) have two X chromosomes; a recessive gene located on one X chromosome will be masked by a dominant gene on the other X chromosome. Females are thereby less likely to display X-linked genetic disorders because both of their X-chromosomes must carry the recessive genetic disorder for it to be displayed (Barlow-Stewart, 2012).

Hemophilia, a condition in which the blood does not clot normally, is another example of a recessive disease inherited through genes on the X chromosome. Daughters who inherit the gene for hemophilia typically do not show the disorder because the gene on their second X chromosome promotes normal blood clotting and it is a dominant gene. Females, therefore, can carry the gene for hemophilia without exhibiting the disorder. A female carrier has a 50/50 chance of transmitting the gene to each child. Sons who inherit the gene will display the disorder because the Y chromosome does not have the corresponding genetic information to counter the gene. Daughters who inherit the gene, again, will be

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carriers (unless their second X chromosome also carries the gene).

In contrast, fragile X syndrome is an example of a dominant recessive disorder carried on the X chromosome. Specifically, it is a structural irregularity in the chromosome consisting of a pinched site toward the end of the long arm of the X (Hagerman, 2011). Because the gene is dominant, it need appear on only one X chromosome to be displayed. That means that fragile X syndrome occurs in both males and females.

Fragile X syndrome occurs in about 1 in every 4,000 males and 1 in every 8,000 females (National Library of Medicine, 2013). Fragile X syndrome is the most common form of inherited intellectual impairment (Abrams et al., 2012), and some research suggests that it is strongly associated with autism (Cohen et al., 2005). Males with fragile X syndrome typically have a long, narrow face; large ears; and large testes. Cardiac defects are common as well as several behavioral mannerisms, including poor eye contact and repetitive behaviors such as hand flapping, hand biting, and mimicking others (Hagerman, 2011). As carriers, females may show some characteristics of the disorder but tend to display levels of intelligence within the normal or near normal range. Table 2.4 illustrates diseases acquired through X-linked inheritance.

This young man is diagnosed with Fragile X syndrome, a recessive disorder carried on the X chromosome and the most common form of inherited intellectual impairment.

Chris Walker/MCT/Newscom

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Chromosomal Abnormalities

As described at the beginning of this chapter, the human body is made up of cells, and within each cell are chromosomes that, in essence, provide the instructions for the growth of a human being. During both mitosis and meiosis, the cells are supposed to—and usually do—end up with the correct number of chromosomes, but occasionally an error in cell division occurs such that cells have too few or too many copies of a chromosome. In other cases, chromosomes are damaged or altered.

Down Syndrome

Occurring in about 1 of about every 700 births, the most widely known chromosome disorder is trisomy 21, more commonly called Down syndrome (Parker et al., 2010). Down syndrome occurs when three chromosomes, rather than two, appear in place of the 21st pair of chromosomes. The risk for Down syndrome increases markedly with maternal age and possibly with paternal age as well (see Chapter 3). Although individuals with Down syndrome vary in the severity of symptoms, Down syndrome is associated with marked physical, health, and cognitive attributes (Davis & Escobar, 2013).

Down syndrome is the most common cause of intellectual disability. Children with Down syndrome show more positive developmental outcomes when adults are sensitive to their needs. Interventions that encourage children to interact with their environment can promote motor, social, and emotional development.

Digital Light Source/Universal/Getty

Physical attributes that accompany Down syndrome include a short, stocky build, and short, broad hands, often with an unusual crease in the palm. Striking facial features mark the disorder, such as a round face, almond-shaped eyes, and a flattened nose. Children with Down syndrome tend to show delays in physical and motor development relative to other children. Down syndrome children often experience health problems including congenital

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heart defects, vision impairments such as cataracts and poor visual acuity, and poor hearing (Hazlett, Hammer, Hooper, & Kamphaus, 2011). Many individuals with Down syndrome experience immune system deficiencies and frequent infections, especially of the respiratory tract (Ram & Chinen, 2011).

Intellectual disabilities are common in individuals with Down syndrome; in fact, it is the most common genetic cause of mental retardation (Davis & Escobar, 2013). Problems with memory and language are common (Jarrold, Nadel, & Vicari, 2009). Although children with Down syndrome tend to show slower intellectual development, abilities vary. Children with Down syndrome tend to show more positive developmental outcomes when parents are sensitive to their capacities and needs and encourage them to interact with their environment. Early intervention programs can aid children’s development, especially in the motor, social, and emotion areas of functioning (Carr, 2002).

As recently as the early 1980s, individuals with Down syndrome lived to an average age of only 25. Advances in medicine have addressed many of the physical health problems associated with Down syndrome so that today many individuals with Down syndrome live well into middle age, with an average life expectancy of 60 (Carr, 2012; Davis & Escobar, 2013; Torr, Strydom, Patti, & Jokinen, 2010). Interestingly, as more adults age with Down syndrome, we have discovered a link between Down syndrome and Alzheimer’s disease, a brain degenerative disease that typically strikes in older adulthood (Stancliffe et al., 2012). Individuals with Down syndrome are at risk to show signs of Alzheimer’s very early relative to other adults. This is an example of how disorders and illnesses can be influenced by multiple genes and complex contextual interactions; in this case, Down syndrome and Alzheimer’s disease share genetic markers.

Sex Chromosome Abnormalities

Some of the most common chromosomal abnormalities concern the 23rd pair of chromosomes: the sex chromosomes. Given their different genetic makeup, sex chromosome abnormalities yield different effects in males and females. They are summarized in Table 2.5.

One of the most common sex chromosome abnormalities, with prevalence estimates between 1 in 500 and 1 in 1,000 males, is Klinefelter syndrome, in which males are born with an extra X chromosome (XXY; Bojesen & Gravholt, 2011; National Library of Medicine, 2013). Symptoms range in severity such that some males experience symptoms that impair daily life, and others may be unaware of the disorder until they are tested for infertility (Groth, Skakkebæk, Høst, Gravholt, & Bojesen, 2013). Severe symptoms include a high-pitched voice, feminine body shape, breast enlargement, and infertility. Many boys and men with Klinefelter syndrome have short stature, a tendency to be overweight, and language and short-term memory impairments that can cause difficulties in learning (Ross,

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Zeger, Kushner, Zinn, & Roeltgen, 2009). As adults, men with Klinefelter syndrome are at risk for a variety of disorders that are more common in women, such as osteoporosis (Juul, Aksglaede, Bay, Grigor, & Skakkebæk, 2011).

A second type of sex chromosome abnormality experienced by men is XYY syndrome, or Jacob’s syndrome, a condition that causes men to produce high levels of testosterone. In adolescence, they tend to be slender and show severe acne and poor coordination, but most men with XYY syndrome are unaware that they have a chromosomal abnormality. The prevalence of XYY syndrome is uncertain given that most men go undiagnosed.

Females are susceptible to a different set of sex chromosome abnormalities. About 1 in 1,000 females are born with three X chromosomes, known as triple X syndrome (Otter, Schrander-Stumpel, & Curfs, 2009). Women with triple X syndrome show an appearance within the norm. They tend to be about an inch or so taller than average with unusually long legs and slender torsos, as well as normal development of sexual characteristics and fertility. Some may show intelligence in the low range of normal with small learning difficulties. Because many cases of triple X syndrome often go unnoticed, little is known about the syndrome.

The sex chromosome abnormality known as Turner syndrome occurs when a female is born with only one X chromosome (Doswell, Visootsak, Brady, & Graham, 2006; Powell & Schulte, 2011). Girls with Turner syndrome show abnormal growth patterns. As adults, they are short in stature and often have small jaws with extra folds of skin around their necks (webbing) and lack prominent female secondary sex characteristics such as breasts. Their ovaries do not develop normally, and they do not ovulate (Knickmeyer & Davenport, 2011). About one third of females with Turner syndrome show precocious puberty (in middle to late childhood), often with spontaneous onset instead of the gradual changes that typically accompany puberty (Improda et al., 2012). They are at risk for thyroid disease, vision and hearing problems, heart defects, diabetes, and autoimmune disorders. Current estimates of its frequency range from 1 in 2,500 worldwide (National Library of Medicine, 2013). If Turner syndrome is diagnosed early, regular injections of human growth hormones can increase stature, and hormones administered at puberty can result in some breast development and menstruation (Christopoulos, Deligeoroglou, Laggari, Christogiorgos, & Creatsas, 2008).

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Mutation

Not all inborn characteristics are inherited. Some result from mutations—sudden changes and abnormalities in the structure of genes. A mutation may involve only one gene or many. Mutations may occur spontaneously or may be induced by exposure to environmental toxins such as radiation and agricultural chemicals in food (Burns & Bottino, 1989; Lewis, 2006). Mutations are common. It is estimated that as many as one half of all conceptions include mutated chromosomes (Plomin, DeFries, & McClearn, 1990). Most mutations are fatal—the developing organism often dies very soon after conception, often before the woman knows she is pregnant. A small number of organisms with mutations survive, often with enduring negative consequences, such as increased susceptibility to diseases (Lewis, 2006; Rimoin, Connor, & Pyeritz, 1997).

Sometimes mutations are beneficial. This is especially true if the mutation is induced by stressors in the environment and provides an adaptive advantage to the individual. For example, the sickle cell gene is a mutation that originated in areas where malaria is widespread, such as Africa. Children who inherited a single sickle cell allele were more resistant to malarial infection and more likely to survive (Allison, 2004; Williams, 2006). The sickle cell gene is not helpful in places of the world where malaria is not a risk. The frequency of the gene is decreasing in areas of the world where malaria is uncommon. For example, only 8% of African Americans are carriers, compared with as much as 30% of black Africans in some African countries (Maakaron, Taher, & Ulrich Josef Woermann, 2012). Therefore, the developmental implications of genotypes—and mutations—are context-specific, posing benefits in some contexts and risks in others.

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Predicting and Detecting Genetic Disorders

Deformities and disorders were once thought to be caused by witches, bad luck, or as punishment for parents’ immoral deeds. Today, we recognize the role of heritability and chromosomal abnormalities as causes of birth defects and disorders. The likelihood of genetic disorders often can be predicted before conception. Moreover, advances in technology permit abnormalities to be detected earlier than ever before.

Genetic Counseling

The growing understanding of genetic inheritance has led many couples to wonder about their own genetic inheritance and what genes they will pass on to their children. Many couples considering having children seek genetic counseling to learn about the probability of conceiving a child with a genetic disorder. Genetic counseling is a medical specialty that helps prospective parents determine the risk that their children will inherit genetic defects and chromosomal abnormalities (Uhlmann, Schuette, & Yashar, 2009). This service is particularly valuable when one or both prospective parents have relatives with inborn disorders.

Upon meeting a couple, the genetic counselor constructs a family history of heritable disorders for both prospective parents in order to determine the prevalence of various disorders and diseases. If either member of the couple appears to carry a genetic disorder, genetic screening blood tests may be carried out on both parents to detect chromosomal abnormalities and the presence of dominant and recessive genes for various disorders. With the counselor’s help to assess and interpret the test results, couples can use this information to make decisions about childbearing.

Candidates for genetic counseling include those whose relatives have a genetic condition, couples who have had difficulties bearing children, women over the age of 35, and couples from the same ethnic group. The results of genetic counseling can reduce the fear of the unknown and help couples to make reasoned decisions about having children Once prospective parents learn about the risk of conceiving a child with a disorder, they can determine how to proceed—whether it is to conceive a child naturally or through the use of in vitro fertilization—after screening gametes for the disorders of concern.

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Genetics and Pregnancy

Miscarriages occur for many reasons. In this video, Melody and Mark explain how they learned that their multiple miscarriages were the result of a genetic disorder.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Prenatal Diagnosis

Technology has advanced rapidly, equipping professionals with an array of tools to assess the health of the fetus (see Table 2.6). Prenatal testing is recommended when genetic counseling has determined a risk for genetic abnormalities, when the woman is older than age 35, when both parents are members of an ethnicity at risk for particular genetic disorders, or when fetal development appears abnormal (Barlow-Stewart & Saleh, 2012). Prenatal screening can detect many defects, permitting prospective parents to make informed decisions about the pregnancy. However, remember that the mother’s body is designed to protect the developing person—and the vast majority of infants are born healthy.

The most widespread and routine diagnostic procedure is ultrasound, in which high-

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frequency sound waves directed at the mother’s abdomen provide clear images of the womb represented on a video monitor. Ultrasound enables physicians to observe the fetus, measure fetal growth, judge gestational age, reveal the sex of the fetus, detect multiple pregnancies (twins, triplets, etc.), and determine physical abnormalities in the fetus. Many deformities can be observed, such as cardiac abnormalities, cleft palate, and microencephaly (small head size). At least 80% of women in the United States receive at least one prenatal ultrasound scan (Sadler, 2012). Three to four screenings over the duration of pregnancy are common in order to evaluate fetal development (Papp & Fekete, 2003). Repeated ultrasound of the fetus does not appear to affect growth and development (Stephenson, 2005).

Amniocentesis is a prenatal diagnostic procedure in which a small sample of the amniotic fluid that surrounds the fetus is extracted from the mother’s uterus through a long, hollow needle that is guided by ultrasound as it is inserted into the mother’s abdomen. The amniotic fluid contains fetal cells, which are grown in a laboratory dish in order to create enough cells for genetic analysis. Genetic analysis is then performed to detect genetic and chromosomal anomalies and defects.

Ultrasound technology provides clear images of the womb, permitting physicians to observe the fetus, measure fetal growth, judge gestational age, reveal the sex of the fetus, detect multiple pregnancies, and determine physical abnormalities in the fetus.

Keith Brofsky/Photodisc/Thinkstock

Amniocentesis is less common than ultrasound, as it poses greater risk to the fetus. It is recommended for women aged 35 and over, especially if the woman and partner are both known carriers of genetic diseases (Elias, 2010). Usually amniocentesis is conducted between the 15th and 18th week of pregnancy. Conducted any earlier, an amniocentesis may increase the risk of miscarriage (Brambati & Lucia, 2005; Tabor & Alfirevic, 2010). Test results generally are available about two weeks after the procedure because it takes that long for the genetic material to grow and reproduce to the point where it can be analyzed.

A third method of prenatal monitoring, known as chorionic villus sampling (CVS), can be conducted earlier than amniocentesis, between 9 and 12 weeks of pregnancy (Cunniff, 2004; Furman & Appelman, 2005; Shahbazian, Barati, Arian, & Saadati, 2012). CVS requires studying a small amount of tissue from the chorion, part of the membrane

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surrounding the fetus. The tissue sample is obtained through a long needle inserted either abdominally or vaginally, depending on the location of the fetus. Results are typically available about one week following the procedure. CVS is relatively painless and, like amniocentesis, has a 100% diagnostic success rate. Generally, CVS poses few risks to the fetus (Basaran, Basaran, & Topatan, 2011; Shahbazian et al., 2012; Wielgos & Wegrzyn, 2011). However, CVS should not be conducted prior to 10 weeks gestation as some studies suggest an increased risk of limb defects and miscarriages (Tabor & Alfirevic, 2010).

One of the most recent advances in prenatal testing is called noninvasive prenatal testing (NIPT). As the name suggests, it is the least invasive prenatal test able to detect chromosomal abnormalities. NIPT examines cell-free fetal DNA (chromosome fragments that result in the breakdown of fetal cells; Fan et al., 2012; National Coalition for Health Professional Education in Genetics, 2012). Cell-free fetal DNA circulates in maternal blood in small concentrations that can be detected and studied by sampling the mother’s blood. Testing can be done after 10 weeks, typically between 10 and 22 weeks. Given that the test involves drawing blood from the mother, there is no risk to the fetus; however, NIPT cannot detect as many chromosomal abnormalities as amniocentesis or CVS, and with less accuracy (Chan, Kwok, Choy, Leung, & Wang, 2013; National Coalition for Health Professional Education in Genetics, 2012).

Recently, researchers have identified the entire genome sequence using NIPT, suggesting that someday NIPT may be as effective as other, more invasive techniques (Tabor et al., 2012). Pregnant women and their partners, in consultation with their obstetrician, should carefully weigh the risks and benefits of any procedure designed to monitor prenatal development.

Prenatal Treatment of Genetic Disorders

Both amniocentesis and CVS can assess for some 200 different genetic and chromosomal disorders, and many of these disorders can also be detected by ultrasound and/or NIPT. What happens when problems are found? Until recently, prenatal diagnosis of a disorder confronted parents with the wrenching dilemma of whether or not to terminate the pregnancy. However, advances in genetics and in medicine have led to new therapies that can be administered prenatally to reduce the effects of many genetic abnormalities. For example, hormones and other drugs, as well as blood transfusions, can be given to the fetus by inserting a needle into the uterus (Fox & Saade, 2012; Patel, Landers, Li, Mortimer, & Richard, 2011). Most strikingly, fetal surgery can repair defects of the heart, lung, urinary tract, and other areas (Deprest et al., 2010).

Researchers believe that one day we may be able to treat many heritable disorders thorough genetic engineering, by synthesizing normal genes to replace defective ones. Theoretically, it may someday be possible to sample cells from an embryo, detect harmful genes and

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replace them with healthy ones, then return the healthy cells to the embryo where they reproduce and correct the genetic defect (Coutelle & Waddington, 2012). This approach has been used to correct certain heritable disorders in animals and holds promise for treating the fetus. These advances are likely in the coming years.

During amniocentesis, ultrasound is used to guide the insertion of a long, hollow needle into the mother’s abdomen in order to extract a sample of the amniotic fluid that surrounds the fetus. The amniotic fluid contains fetal cells, which are grown in a laboratory dish and tested for genetic and chromosomal anomalies and defects.

Saturn Stills / Science Source

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Thinking in Context 2.3 1. Discuss how PKU illustrates the following two themes in human development: (1) the role of nature and

nurture in development and (2) interactions among domains of development. 2. Identify risk factors for genetic and chromosomal disorders. What can prospective parents do to minimize

the risks? What specific advice would you give? 3. Suppose you are a 36-year-old woman pregnant with your first child. Considering the four types of

prenatal diagnostic testing described in this section, what would be the advantages and disadvantages of each? What information would your health care provider need in order to recommend testing appropriate for your particular case?

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Heredity and Environment

We have learned a great deal about genetic inheritance. Most human traits, however, are influenced by a combination of genes working in concert with environmental influences. Our genetic makeup, inherited from our biological parents, consists of a complex blend of hereditary characteristics known as genotype. Our genotype is a biological influence on all of our traits, from hair and eye color to personality, health, and behavior. However, our phenotype, the traits we ultimately show, such as our specific eye or hair color, is not determined by genotypes alone. Phenotypes are influenced by the interaction of genotypes and our experiences.

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Behavioral Genetics

Behavioral genetics is the field of study that examines how genes and experience combine to influence the diversity of human traits, abilities, and behaviors (Lessov-Schlaggar, Agrawal, & Swan, 2013; Maxson, 2013; Plomin et al., 2001). Genotypes alone do not determine people’s traits, characteristics, or personalities; instead, development is the process by which our genetic inheritance (genotype) is expressed in observable characteristics and behaviors (phenotype). Behavior geneticists recognize that even traits that have a strong genetic component, such as height, are modified by environmental influences (Lessov-Schlaggar et al., 2013).

Methods of Behavior Genetics

Behavior geneticists devise ways of estimating the heritability of specific traits and behaviors. Heritability refers to the extent to which variation among people on a given characteristic is due to genetic differences. The remaining variation not due to genetic differences is instead a result of the environment and experiences. Heritability research therefore examines the contributions of the genotype but also provides information on the role of experience in determining phenotypes (Plomin & Daniels, 2011). Behavior geneticists assess the hereditary contributions to behavior by conducting selective breeding and family studies.

Using selective breeding studies, behavior geneticists deliberately modify the genetic makeup of animals to examine the influence of heredity on attributes and behavior. For example, behavioral geneticists demonstrated that they can breed mice to be very physically active or sedentary. They selectively breed highly active mice only with each other and, in contrast, breed mice with a very low level of activity with each other. In subsequent generations, mice bred for high levels of activity were many times more active than those bred for low levels of activity (DeFries, Gervais, & Thomas, 1978). Selective breeding in rats, mice, and other animals such as chickens has revealed genetic contributions to many traits and characteristics, such as aggressiveness, emotionality, sex drive, and even maze learning (Plomin et al., 2001).

Behavior geneticists conduct family studies to compare people who live together and share varying degrees of relatedness. Two kinds of family studies are common: twin studies and adoption studies (Koenen, Amstadter, & Nugent, 2012). Twin studies compare identical and fraternal twins to estimate how much of a trait or behavior is attributable to genes. If genes affect the attribute, identical twins should be more similar than fraternal twins because identical twins share 100% of their genes whereas fraternal twins share about only 50%. Adoption studies, on the other hand, compare the degree of similarity between adopted children and their biological parents whose genes they share (50%) and their

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adoptive parents with whom they share no genes. If the adopted children share similarities with their biological parents, even though they were not raised by them, it suggests that the similarities are genetic.

Adoption studies also shed light on the extent to which attributes and behaviors are influenced by the environment. For example, the degree to which two genetically unrelated adopted children reared together are similar speaks to the role of environment. Comparisons of identical twins reared in the same home with those reared in different environments can also illustrate environmental contributions to phenotypes. If identical twins reared together are more similar than those reared apart, an environmental influence can be inferred.

Genetic Influences on Personal Characteristics

Research examining the contribution of genotype and environment to intellectual abilities has found a moderate role for heredity. Twin studies have shown that identical twins consistently have more highly correlated scores than do fraternal twins. For example, a study of intelligence in over 10,000 twin pairs showed a correlation of .86 for identical and .60 for fraternal twins (Plomin & Spinath, 2004). Table 2.7 summarizes the results of comparisons of intelligence scores from individuals who share different genetic relationships with each other. Note that correlations for all levels of kin are higher when they are reared together, supporting the role of environment. Average correlations also rise with increases in shared genes.

Genes contribute to many other traits, such as sociability, anxiety, temperament, obesity, happiness, and susceptibility to various illnesses such as heart disease and cancer, poor mental health, and a propensity to be physically aggressive (Barker et al., 2009; Chen et al., 2013; Pemment, 2013; Yoon-Mi, 2009). Yet even traits that are thought to be heavily

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influenced by genetics can be modified by physical and social interventions. For example, growth, body weight, and body height are largely predicted by genetics, yet environmental circumstances and opportunities influence whether genetic potentials are realized (Dubois et al., 2012). Even identical twins who share 100% of their genes are not 100% alike. Those differences are due to the influence of environmental factors, which interact with genes in a variety of ways.

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Gene–Environment Interaction

“Those two boys are so different. It’s hard to believe Eric and Evan are twins!” said Aunt Joan. As fraternal twins, Eric and Evan share 50% of their genes and are reared in the same home. One might expect them to be quite similar, but genes interact in complex ways to influence our characteristics, behavior, physical, cognitive, and social development as well as health (Fowler & Schreiber, 2008; Rutter, 2012). Moreover, genes do not act alone in shaping our development. Heredity and environment do not make independent contributions to our development and behavior. Several principles illustrate these interactions.

Range of Reaction

Everyone has a different genetic makeup and therefore responds to the environment in a unique way. In addition, any one genotype can be expressed in a variety of phenotypes. There is a range of reaction (see Figure 2.5), a wide range of potential expressions of a genetic trait, depending on environmental opportunities and constraints (Gottlieb, 2000). For example, consider height. Height is largely a function of genetics, yet an individual may show a range of sizes depending on environment and behavior. Suppose that a child is born to two very tall parents. She may have the genes to be tall, but unless she has adequate nutrition, she will not fulfill her genetic potential for height. In societies in which nutrition has improved dramatically over a generation, it is common for children to tower over their parents. The enhanced environmental opportunities, in this case nutrition, enabled the children to fulfill their genetic potential for height. Therefore, a genotype sets boundaries on the range of possible phenotypes, but the phenotypes ultimately displayed vary in response to different environments. In this way, genetics sets the range of development outcomes and the environment influences where, within the range, that person will fall. Lives in Context, above, provides a more complex example of gene–environment interactions.

Figure 2.5: Range of Reaction

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Source: Gottlieb (2007).

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Lives in Context

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Gene–Environment Interactions and Responses to Child Maltreatment Children who are maltreated or abused by their parents are at risk for developing many problems, including aggression and violent tendencies. Yet not all children who are maltreated become violent adolescents and adults. Why? A classic study examined this question.

Caspi and colleagues (2002) followed a sample of males from birth until adulthood and observed that not all maltreated boys developed problems with violence. Only boys who carried a certain type of gene were at risk for becoming violent after experiencing maltreatment. Specifically, there are two versions of a gene that controls monoamine oxidase A (MAOA), an enzyme that regulates specific chemicals in the brain; one produces high levels of the enzyme and the other produces low levels. Boys who experienced abuse and other traumatic experiences were about twice as likely to develop problems with aggression, violence, and to even be convicted of a violent crime—but only if they carried the low-MAOA gene. Maltreated boys who carried the high-MAOA gene were no more likely to become violent than non-maltreated boys. In addition, the presence of the low MAOA gene itself was not associated with violence. The low-MAOA gene predicted violence only for boys who experience abuse early in life. These findings have been replicated in another 30- year longitudinal study of boys (Fergusson, Boden, Horwood, Miller, & Kennedy, 2011).

Similar findings of a MAOA gene x environment interaction in which low-MAOA, but not high-MAOA, predicts negative outcomes in response to childhood adversity has been extended to include other mental health outcomes such as antisocial personality disorder and depression (Beach et al., 2010; Cicchetti, Rogosch, & Sturge-Apple, 2007; Kim-Cohen et al., 2006). Many of these studies have examined only males. Females show a more mixed pattern with some studies showing that girls display the MAOA gene x environment interaction but to a much lesser extent than boys whereas other studies suggest no relationship (Byrd & Manuck, 2014).

While there is no single gene that will predict general developmental outcomes, these findings suggest that some genes may increase or decrease our risk for problems in the presence of particular contexts. Just as we may adjust contextual factors to contribute to successful developmental outcomes and resilience, in the future we might learn how to “turn on” protective genes and “turn off” those that contribute to risk.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, how important are genetic contributors to development? 2. If some genes may be protective in particular contexts, should scientists learn how to turn them

on? Why or why not? What about genes that may be harmful in particular contexts?

Canalization

Some traits illustrate a wide reaction range. Others are examples of canalization, in which heredity narrows the range of development to only one or a few outcomes. Canalized traits are biologically programmed, and only powerful environmental forces can change their developmental path (Flatt, 2005; Waddington, 1971). For example, infants follow an age- related sequence of motor development, from crawling, to walking, to running. Around the world, most infants walk at about 12 months of age. Generally, only extreme experiences or changes in the environment can prevent this developmental sequence from occurring. For example, children reared in impoverished Romanian and Ethiopian orphanages and exposed to extreme environmental deprivation demonstrated delayed motor development, with some children not walking at 2 years of age (Miller, Tseng, Tirella, Chan, & Feig, 2008; Wilson, 2003).

At the same time, motor development is not entirely canalized because some minor changes in the environment can subtly alter its pace and timing. For example, practice facilitates stepping movements in young infants, prevents the disappearance of stepping movements in the early months of life, and leads to an earlier onset of walking (Ulrich, Lloyd, Tiernan, Looper, & Angulo-Barroso, 2008; Zelazo, Zelazo, Cohen, & Zelazo, 1993). These observations demonstrate that even highly canalized traits, such as motor development, which largely unfolds via maturation, can be subtly influenced by contextual factors.

Gene–Environment Correlations

Heredity and environment are each powerful influences on development. Not only do they interact, but heredity and environmental factors are often correlated with each other (Plomin & Asbury, 2001; Scarr & McCartney, 1983). Gene–environment correlation refers to the idea that many of our traits are supported by both our genes and environment. There are three types of gene–environment correlations—passive, reactive, and active—as shown in Figure 2.6.

Figure 2.6: Gene–Environment Correlation

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Parents create homes that reflect their own genotypes. Because parents are genetically similar to their children, the homes that they create are not only in line with their own interests and preferences but they also correspond with the child’s genotype—an example of a passive gene–environment correlation. For example, parents might provide genes that predispose a child to develop music ability and also provide a home environment that supports the development of music ability, such as by playing music in the home and owning musical instruments. This type of gene–environment correlation is seen early in life because children are reared in environments that are created by their parents, who share their genotype.

People naturally evoke responses from others and the environment, just as the environment and the actions of others evoke responses from the individual. In an evocative gene– environment correlation, a child’s genetic traits (e.g., personality characteristics including openness to experience) influence the social and physical environment, which shape development in ways that support the genetic trait (Burt, 2009). For example, active, happy infants tend to receive more adult attention than do passive or moody infants (Deater- Deckard & O’Connor, 2000), and even among infant twins reared in the same family, the more outgoing and happy twin receives more positive attention than does the more subdued twin (Deater-Deckard, 2001). Why? Babies who are cheerful and smile often influence their social world by evoking smiles from others, which in turn support the genetic tendency to be cheerful. In this way, genotypes influence the physical and social environment to respond in ways that support the genotype. To return to the music example, a child with a genetic trait for music talent will evoke pleasurable responses (e.g., parental approval) when she plays music; this environmental support, in turn, encourages further development of the child’s musical trait.

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Children also take a hands-on role in shaping their development. Recall from Chapter 1 that a major theme in understanding human development is the finding that individuals are active in their development; here we have an example of this pattern. As children grow older, they have increasing freedom in choosing their own activities and environments. An active gene–environment correlation occurs when the child actively creates experiences and environments that correspond to and influence his genetic predisposition. For example, the child with a genetic trait for interest and ability in music actively seeks experiences and environments that support that trait, such as friends with similar interests and after-school music classes. This tendency to actively seek out experiences and environments compatible and supportive of our genetic tendencies is called niche-picking (Scarr & McCartney, 1983).

The strength of passive, evocative, and active gene–environment correlations changes with development, as shown in Figure 2.7 (Scarr, 1992). Passive gene–environment correlations are common at birth as caregivers determine infants’ experiences. Correlations between their genotype and environment tend to occur because their environments are made by genetically similar parents. Evocative gene–environment correlations also occur from birth, as infants’ inborn traits and tendencies influence others, evoking responses that support their own genetic predispositions. In contrast, active gene–environment correlations take place as children grow older and more independent. As they become increasingly capable of controlling parts of their environment, they engage in niche-picking by choosing their own interests and activities, actively shaping their own development. Niche-picking contributes to the differences we see in siblings, including fraternal twins, as they grow older. But identical twins tend to become more similar over time as they are increasingly able to select the environments that best fit their genetic propensities (Bouchard et al., 2004; Steves, Spector, & Jackson, 2012). As they age, identical twins—even those reared apart—become alike in attitudes, personality, and preferences as well as select similar spouses and best friends (Rushton & Bons, 2005).

Figure 2.7: Development Stage and Gene–Environment Correlations

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Applying Developmental Science

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Altering the Epigenome

These two mice are genetically identical. Both carry the agouti gene but in the yellow mouse the agouti gene is turned on all the time. In the brown mouse it is turned off.

Wikimedia

One of the earliest examples of epigenetics is the case of agouti mice, which carry the agouti gene. Mice that carry the agouti gene have yellow fur, are extremely obese, shaped much like a pincushion, and prone to diabetes and cancer. When agouti mice breed, most of the offspring are identical to the parents—yellow, obese, and susceptible to life shortening disease. However, a groundbreaking study showed that yellow agouti mice can produce offspring that look very different (Waterland & Jirtle, 2003). The mice in Figure X both carry the agouti gene, yet they look very different; the brown mouse is slender, lean, and has a low risk of developing diabetes and cancer, living well into old age.

Why are these mice so different? Epigenetics. Literally, epigenetics means “above the gene.” Whereas DNA determines your genetic profile, the epigenome stretches along the length of DNA and determines how genes are expressed, whether they are turned on or off. All cells in your body carry the same DNA—yet why are they different? Why are brain cells different from heart cells? How does the body know to produce a liver cell, for example? The epigenome carries the instructions that determine what each cell in your body will become. Those instructions are carried out by turning genes on and off.

In the case of the yellow and brown mice, the phenotype of the brown mice has been altered, but the DNA remains the same. Both carry the agouti gene, but in the yellow mouse the agouti gene is turned on all the time. In the brown mouse, it is turned off. In 2003, Waterland and Jertle discovered that the agouti female’s diet can determine her offspring’s phenotype. In this study, female mice were fed foods containing chemicals that attach to a gene and turn it off. These chemical clusters are found in many foods such as onions, garlic, beets, soy, and the nutrients in prenatal vitamins. Yellow agouti mothers fed extra nutrients passed along the agouti gene to their offspring, but it was turned off. The mice looked radically different from them (brown) and were healthier (lean, not susceptible to disease) even though they carried the same genes.

Another example supports the finding that the prenatal environment can alter the epigenome and influence the lifelong characteristics of offspring. Pregnant mice were exposed to a chemical (bisphenol-A or BPA, found in certain plastics). When female mice were fed BPA two weeks prior to conception, the number of offspring with the yellow obese coat color signaling an activated agouti gene increased (Dolinoy, 2008). When the pregnant mice were exposed to BPA plus nutritional supplementation (folic acid and an ingredient found in soy products), the offspring tended to be slender and have brown coats signaling that the agouti gene was turned off. While experiences and behaviors after birth can influence the epigenome, affecting aging and disease (Brunet & Berger, 2014), these findings suggest that the prenatal environment can influence the epigenome, and thereby influence how genes are expressed—and that nutrition has the potential to buffer harm.

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The most surprising finding emerging from studies of epigenetics, however, is that the epigenome can be influenced by the environment before birth and can be passed by males and females from one generation to the next without changing the DNA itself (Bernal & Jirtle, 2010; Nilsson & Skinner, 2014; Soubry, Hoyo, Jirtle, & Murphy, 2014). This means that what you eat and do today could affect the epigenome—the health and characteristics—of your children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren (Vanhees, Vonhögen, van Schooten, & Godschalk, 2014).

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What Do You Think? 1. Much of the research on epigenetics examines animals, but there is a growing body of work

studying humans. In what ways, if any, might you expect research findings based on people to differ from the findings of animal research, described previously? Explain.

2. What might you do to “care for” your epigenome? Identify activities and behaviors that you think might affect the health of your genome today and tomorrow.

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Epigenetic Framework

We have seen that every aspect of our development is the result of a dynamic interactions of heredity and environment. Without a doubt, genes provide a biological foundation for our development. However, genes never act alone in determining human characteristics. This dynamic interplay between heredity and environment is known as the epigenetic framework (Gottlieb, 2003; Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2013). From this perspective, development results from ongoing reciprocal interactions between genetics and environment.

Genes determine a range of reaction in which characteristics may develop depending on environmental circumstances. Not all of our genes are switched on at birth; instead, each cell in our body turns on only a fraction of its genes. Genes continue to be turned on and off over the course of development and also in response to the environment. Even traits that are highly canalized can be influenced by the environment. Environmental factors such as toxins, injuries, crowding, diet, and responsive parenting can influence the expression of genetic traits.

For example, consider brain development. Providing an infant with a healthy diet and opportunities to explore the world will support the development of brain cells, governed by genes. Brain development influences motor development, further supporting the infant’s exploration of the physical and social world, thereby promoting cognitive and social development. Active engagement in the world encourages connections among brain cells. In this way, brain development, like all other aspects of development, is influenced by dynamic interactions between biological and environmental factors.

Evocative gene–environmental correlations and niche-picking point to the ways in which genetic propensities can influence the environment. Genes influence development and experience, yet gene expression is also influenced by development and experience, as illustrated in Figure 2.8 (Dodge & Rutter, 2011). These complex gene–environment interactions mean that humans are more than their genes. Interactions between heredity and environment change throughout development as does the role we play in constructing environments that support our genotypes and influence who we become. For a striking example of epigenetics, see Applying Developmental Science (p. 54).

In summary, human development is a function of complex interactions among genes and the contexts in which we are raised. While a few traits are canalized, most demonstrate a wide reaction range whereby the expression of genes is influenced by contextual factors.

Figure 2.8: Epigenetic Framework

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Source: Gottlieb (2007).

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Thinking in Context 2.4 To answer the following questions, begin by thinking about how your own development reflects interactions among your genes and sociocultural context. Then, describe a skill, ability, or hobby in which you excel.

1. How might a passive genetic-environment correlation account for this ability? For example, in what ways has the context in which you were raised shaped this ability?

2. In what ways might this ability be influenced by an evocative-genetic-environment correlation? 3. Provide an example of how this ability might reflect an active genetic-environment correlation. 4. Which genetic-environment correlation do you think most accurately accounts for your skill, ability, or

hobby? 5. How might you apply the epigenetic framework to account for your ability?

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Apply Your Knowledge Strapped in and buckled in the rear seat of her mother’s bicycle, 1-year-old Jenna patted her helmet as her mother zoomed along the bike path to the beach. There she giggled and kicked her legs as her mother whooshed her through the water. As a child, Jenna loved to be outside and especially to be in the water. Jenna practiced swimming nearly every day and became quite skilled. Jenna’s proud mother encouraged her daughter’s athleticism by enrolling her in swim classes. Jenna decided that if she were going to become an exceptional swimmer, she would have to go to a summer swimming camp. She researched camps and asked her mother to attend. Jenna further honed her skills as a swimmer and won a college scholarship for swimming.

Many years later, Jenna was surprised to learn that she had a twin sister, Tasha. Separated at birth, Jenna and Tasha became aware of each other in their early 40s. Jenna was stunned yet couldn’t wait to meet her twin sister. Upon meeting, Jenna and Tasha were surprised to find that they were not exactly the same. Whereas Jenna was athletic and lithe, Tasha was more sedentary and substantially heavier than Jenna. Unlike Jenna, Tasha grew up in a home far from the beach and with little access to outdoor activities. Instead Tasha’s interest was writing. As a child, she’d write stories and share them with others. She sought out opportunities to write and chose a college with an exceptional writing program. Both Jenna and Tasha excelled in college, as they did throughout their education, and earned nearly identical scores on the SAT.

Jenna and Tasha look very similar. Even the most casual observer could easily tell that they are sisters as both have blond hair, blue eyes, and a similar facial structure. Tasha’s skin, however, is more fair and unlined. Jenna’s face is sprinkled with freckles and darker spots formed after many days spent swimming outside. Jenna and Tasha both are allergic to peanuts, and they both take medication for high blood pressure. The more that Jenna and Tasha get to know each other, the more similarities they find.

1. Considering Jenna and Tasha, provide examples of three types of gene–environment correlations: passive, evocative, and active.

2. Do you think Jenna and Tasha are monozygotic or dizygotic twins? Why or why not? 3. What role might epigenetic influences play in determining Jenna and Tasha’s development?

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Chapter Summary

2.1 Explain how chromosomes, genes, deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), and the genome relate to one another.

The human body is composed of cells. Within each cell is a nucleus that contains 23 matching pairs of rod-shaped structures called chromosomes. Each chromosome holds the basic units of heredity, known as genes. Genes are composed of stretches of DNA, a complex molecule shaped like a twisted ladder or staircase. Genes are the blueprint for creating all of the traits that organisms carry. The set of instructions to construct a living organism is referred to as the genome. Although all humans share the same basic genome, every person has a slightly different code, making him or her genetically distinct from other humans. 2.2 Identify and compare two processes of cell reproduction.

Most cells in the human body reproduce through mitosis in which DNA replicates itself, permitting the duplication of chromosomes, and ultimately the formation of new body cells with identical genetic material. Gametes reproduce by meiosis in which the chromosomes cross over as they replicate, creating two cells that each have 46 chromosomes; they then divide a second time, creating gametes with 23 single, unpaired chromosomes. Gametes have only one chromosome from each pair. Sperm and ovum join to produce a fertilized egg with 46 chromosomes, forming 23 pairs with half from the biological mother and half from the biological father. 2.3 Differentiate monozygotic (MZ) from dizygotic (DZ) twins.

Twins are siblings who share the same womb. Most are DZ twins who arise when a woman releases more than one ovum. Two ova are fertilized by two sperm. Genetically, DZ twins are no different from other siblings, sharing one half of their genes. Like other siblings, most differ in appearance, such as hair color, eye color, and height, but some are very similar. Unlike DZ twins, MZ twins originate from the same zygote. MZ twins arise when the zygote splits into two distinct separate yet identical zygotes that give rise to two births. MZ twins share the same genotype with identical instructions for all physical and psychological characteristics. They share phenotypes that are carried by genes. 2.4 Contrast four processes of genetic inheritance.

Some genes are passed through dominant–recessive inheritance, in which some genes are dominant and will always be expressed regardless of the gene it is paired with. Other genes are recessive and will only be expressed if paired with another recessive gene. When a person is heterozygous for a particular trait, the dominant gene is expressed and the person remains a carrier of the recessive gene. In most cases, dominant–recessive inheritance is an oversimplified explanation for patterns of

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genetic inheritance. Incomplete dominance is a genetic inheritance pattern in which both genes influence the characteristic. In addition, most traits are a function of the interaction of many genes, known as polygenic inheritance. Researchers cannot trace most characteristics to only one or two genes. Instead, polygenic traits are the result of interactions among many genes. Some traits are determined by a process known as genomic imprinting. Genomic imprinting refers to the instance in which the expression of a gene is determined by whether it is inherited by the mother or the father. 2.5 Provide examples of diseases that illustrate dominant–recessive and X-linked inheritance.

PKU is a recessive disorder that occurs when both parents carry the allele. Individuals with PKU cannot produce an enzyme that breaks down phenylalanine. The phenylalanine builds up quickly to toxic levels that damage the central nervous system. Avoiding sources of phenylalanine can prevent some of the deficits. Disorders carried by dominant alleles, such as Huntington’s disease on the other hand, are expressed when the individual has a single allele. Some recessive genetic disorders, like the gene for red-green color blindness, are carried on the X chromosome. Males are more likely to be affected by X-linked genetic disorders, such as hemophilia, because they have only one X chromosome. Females have two X chromosomes; a recessive gene located on one X chromosome will be masked by a dominant gene on the other X chromosome. Fragile X syndrome, on the other hand, is an example of a dominant recessive disorder carried on the X chromosome. Because the gene is dominant, it must appear on only one X chromosome to be displayed. That means that fragile X syndrome occurs in both males and females 2.6 Identify disorders that result from chromosomal abnormalities.

Klinefelter syndrome occurs in males born with an extra X chromosome (XXY). Symptoms range in severity, but most men show few symptoms that impair daily life and others may be unaware of the disorder until they are tested for infertility. A second type of sex chromosome abnormality experienced by men is XYY syndrome, also known as Jacob’s syndrome, a condition that causes men to produce high levels of testosterone. Females are susceptible to a different set of sex chromosome abnormalities. Some females are born with three X chromosomes, known as triple X syndrome. Turner syndrome occurs when a female is born with only one X chromosome. The most common chromosome disorder is trisomy 21, known as Down syndrome. Down syndrome occurs when three chromosomes, rather than two, appear in place of the 21st pair of chromosomes. Although individuals with Down syndrome vary in the severity of symptoms, Down syndrome is associated with marked physical, health, and cognitive attributes. 2.7 Discuss genetic counseling and prenatal testing, including common prenatal tests.

Genetic counseling is a medical specialty that helps prospective parents determine the

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likelihood that their children will inherit genetic defects and chromosomal abnormalities. Prenatal testing is recommended when genetic counseling has determined a risk for genetic abnormalities or when fetal development appears abnormal. The most widespread and routine diagnostic procedure is ultrasound, in which high-frequency sound waves directed at the mother’s abdomen provide clear images of the womb represented on a video monitor. Amniocentesis is a prenatal diagnostic procedure in which a small sample of the amniotic fluid that surrounds the fetus is extracted from the mother’s uterus in order to conduct analyses to detect genetic and chromosomal anomalies and defects. CVS can be conducted earlier than amniocentesis, between 9 and 12 weeks of pregnancy. CVS requires studying a small amount of tissue from the chorion, part of the membrane surrounding the fetus, for the presence of chromosomal abnormalities. Advances in genetics and in medicine have led to new therapies to reduce the effects of many genetic abnormalities, such as administering drugs to the fetus and conducting fetal surgery. One day we may be able to treat many heritable disorders thorough genetic engineering. 2.8 Describe the methods and major findings of behavior genetics.

Behavior genetics is the field of study that examines how genes and experience combine to influence the diversity of human traits, abilities, and behaviors. Even traits with a strong genetic component are modified by environmental influences. Heritability refers to the extent to which variation among people on a given characteristic is due to genetic differences. Heritability research examines the contributions of the genotype in determining phenotypes but also provides information on the role of experience. In selective breeding studies, behavior geneticists deliberately modify the genetic makeup of animals to examine the influence of heredity on attributes and behavior. Family studies, such as twin and adoption studies, compare people who live together and share varying degrees of relatedness. Twin designs compare identical and fraternal twins to estimate how much of a trait or behavior is attributable to genes. Adoption studies compare the degree of similarity between adopted children and their biological parents whose genes they share and their adoptive parents with whom they share no genes. Genetics contributes to many traits, such as intellectual ability, sociability, anxiety, agreeableness, activity level, obesity, and susceptibility to various illnesses. Yet even identical twins who share 100% of their genes are not 100% alike. 2.9 Compare patterns of gene expression, including reaction range, canalization, gene–environment correlations, and epigenetic framework.

Reaction range refers to the idea that there is a wide range of potential expressions of a genetic trait, depending on environmental opportunities and constraints. Some traits illustrate canalization and require extreme changes in the environment to alter their course. Gene–environment correlations illustrate how traits often are supported by both our genes and environment. Passive gene–environment correlations occur

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because parents are genetically similar to their children, the homes that they create in line with their own interests and preferences also correspond with and support the child’s genotype. In a reactive or evocative gene–environment correlation, a child’s genetic traits, such as personality characteristics, influence the social and physical environment, which shape development in ways that support the genetic trait. An active gene–environment correlation occurs when the child actively creates experiences and environments that correspond to and influence his genetic predisposition (called niche-picking). The epigenetic framework is a model for understanding the dynamic ongoing interactions between heredity and environment. Genes influence development and experience, yet gene expression is also influenced by development and experience.

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Key Terms

alleles 41 amniocentesis 48 behavioral genetics 50 canalization 52 carrier 42 chorionic villus sampling (CVS) 49 chromosomes 38 crossing-over 39 DNA 38 dominant–recessive inheritance 41 Down syndrome 45 dizygotic (DZ) twins 40 epigenetic framework 55 gametes 39 genes 38 gene–environment correlation 52 gene–environment interactions 52 genetic counseling 47 genome 38 genomic imprinting 43 genotype 41 heritability 47 heterozygous 41 homozygous 41 incomplete dominance 42 in vitro fertilization 40 meiosis 39 mitosis 38 monozygotic (mz) twins 40 mutations 47 niche-picking 54 noninvasive prenatal testing (NIPT) 49 phenotype 50 phenylketonuria (PKU) 44 polygenic inheritance 42 range of reaction 51 ultrasound 43 zygote 39

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Chapter 3 The Prenatal Period, Birth, and the Newborn

Get the edge on your studies at edge.sagepub.com/kuther.

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Learning Objectives 3.1. Describe the process of conception, identifying the roles of female and male. 3.2. Describe the three periods of prenatal development. 3.3. List six principles of teratology, and explain how they can be used to predict prenatal outcomes. 3.4. Identify drugs, illness, and environmental factors that act as teratogens. 3.5. Define fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, and differentiate between fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) and fetal alcohol effects. 3.6. Discuss the contributions of maternal characteristics and behaviors on prenatal development. 3.7. Explain the process of childbirth. 3.8. Identify and explain the neonate’s physical capacities. 3.9. Discuss the challenges low birth weight and small-for-date infants face as well as influences on infant adjustment.

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Key Study Tools

Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Stem Cell Research (p. 64) Connect Social Construction of Sex Watch Fetal Development: Ultrasound Think Critically Teratogens and Congenital Heart Disease Lives in Context HIV Infection in Newborns (p. 69) Explore Further Fetal Alcohol Syndrome Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Maternal Drug Use While Pregnant (p. 72) Cultural Influences on Development Cultural Differences in Childbirth (p. 76) Video Case The Partner’s Role During Pregnancy and Birth Video Case Labor: Preparation and Process Watch Newborn Assessment Just After Birth Listen Survival of Premature Babies

Looking down at his newborn daughter’s face, Remmy said admiringly, “Carla looks just like you.” His wife, Darla, replied, “That’s what my mother said.” “I’m in awe,” said Remmy. “Over a few short months, this little person popped into existence from pixie dust!” Darla laughed and protested, “My baby girl was never pixie dust!”

Remmy’s silly observation describes the dramatic process of prenatal development. Over nine months, a single cell transforms and grows into a neonate, a newborn. Every infant is born with a unique set of characteristics that reflect the genetic makeup of both parents. In this chapter, we discuss the process of how prenatal development unfolds, how a baby is born, and what the newborn baby is like.

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Education/Universal/Getty

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Prenatal Development

Remarkably, a human infant progresses from fertilization to birth in just 166 days, or 38 weeks. Conception, the union of ovum and sperm, marks the beginning of prenatal development, the transformative process in which the fertilized ovum, known as a zygote, progresses through several periods of development, finally emerging from the womb as a neonate.

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Conception

A woman can conceive only during a short window of time each month. About every 28 days, an ovum bursts from one of the ovaries into the long, thin fallopian tube that leads to the uterus; this event is known as ovulation. The ovum is the largest cell in the human body, yet it is only 1/175th of an inch in diameter (about the size of the period at the end of this sentence). Over several days, the ovum travels down the fallopian tube while the corpus luteum, the spot on the ovary from which the ovum was released, secretes hormones that cause the lining of the uterus to thicken in preparation for the fertilized ovum (Moore & Persaud, 2013). If fertilization does not occur, the lining of the uterus is shed through menstruation about two weeks after ovulation.

Conception, of course, also involves the male. Each day, a man’s testes produce millions of sperm, which are composed of a pointed head packed with 23 chromosomes’ worth of genetic material and a long tail. During ejaculation, about 360 million, and as many as 500 million, sperm are released, bathed in a protective fluid called semen (Sadler, 2012). After entering the female’s vagina, the sperm’s tail propels it through the cervix into the uterus and onward toward the ovum. Sperm must travel for about six hours to reach the fallopian tube where an ovum may—or may not—be present. The journey is difficult: Some sperm get tangled up with other sperm, some travel up the wrong fallopian tube, others do not swim vigorously enough to reach the ovum. On average, about 300 sperm reach the ovum, if one is present (Moore & Persaud, 2013). Those that travel up the fallopian tube can live up to six days, able to fertilize a yet unreleased ovum. The ovum, however, remains viable for about only a day after being released into the fallopian tube.

Figure 3.1: Female Reproductive System

Source: Levine and Munsch (2010, p. 102).

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The tiny sperm is fertilizing the much larger ovum.

F. Leroy / Science Source

Both sperm and ovum play a role in fertilization. The temperature gradient in the female reproductive system guides sperm toward the ovum while the sperm track the heat of an expectant ovum (Beckman, 2003). In the presence of sperm, the ovum exudes a chemical signal to draw the sperm closer. In turn, in the presence of an ovum, sperm become hyperactivated, they swim even more vigorously, and the sperm’s head releases enzymes to help it penetrate the protective layers of the ovum (Krug, Riffell, & Zimmer, 2009; Primakoff & Myles, 2002). As soon as one sperm penetrates the ovum, a chemical reaction makes the ovum’s membrane impermeable to other sperm. The sperm’s tail falls off, and the genetic contents merge with that of the ovum.

At the moment of conception, the zygote, or fertilized egg, now contains 46 chromosomes, half from the ovum and half from the sperm. After fertilization, the zygote rapidly transforms into a multi-celled organism. Prenatal development takes place over several stages representing shifts in developmental processes.

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Germinal Period (First Two Weeks After Conception)

During the germinal period, also known as the period of the zygote, the newly created zygote begins cell division and travels down the fallopian tube toward the uterus. After a few hours, the genetic material within the zygote duplicates itself, forming two complete sets of genetic material that move to opposite sides of the cell. About 30 hours after conception, the zygote then splits down the middle, forming two identical cells (Moore & Persaud, 2013; Sadler, 2012). This process is called cleavage, and it continues at a rapid pace. As shown in Figure 3.2, the two cells each split to form four cells, then eight, and so on. Each of the resulting cells is identical until about the third set of cell divisions. Any of these cells may become a person (and sometimes do, in the case of monozygotic [MZ] or identical twins).

This ball of cells, known as a morula, is formed at about three days after conception. Each of these cells is identical. Differentiation has not yet begun.

Pascal Goetgheluck / Science Source

Cell differentiation begins roughly 72 hours after fertilization when the organism consists of about 16 to 32 cells. Differentiation means that the cells begin to specialize and are no longer identical. (Ethical and Policy Implications of Lifespan Development, p. 64, explores the use of, and ethical issues related to, undifferentiated cells known as stem cells.) By four days, the organism consists of about 60 to 70 cells formed into a hollow ball called a blastocyst, a fluid-filled sphere with cells forming a protective circle around an inner cluster of cells from which the embryo will develop.

Figure 3.2: Germinal Period

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Source: Levine and Munsch (2010, p. 102).

Implantation, in which the blastocyst burrows into the wall of the uterus, begins at about Day 6 and is complete by about Day 11 (Moore & Persaud, 2013; Sadler, 2012). By the end of the second week, when fully implanted into the uterine wall, the outer layer of the blastocyst begins to develop into part of the placenta, the principal organ of exchange between the mother and developing organism. The placenta will enable the exchange of nutrients, oxygen, and wastes via the umbilical cord. Also during this stage, the developing organism is encased in amniotic fluid, providing temperature regulation, cushioning, and protection from shocks.

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Embryonic Period (Third to Eighth Week After Conception)

By the third week after conception, the developing organism—now called an embryo— begins a period of structural development during which the most rapid developments of the prenatal period take place. All of the organs and major body systems form during this embryonic period. The mass of cells composing the embryonic disk develops into two layers: the ectoderm, the upper layer, will become skin, nails, hair, teeth, sensory organs, and the nervous system; the endoderm, the lower layer, will become the digestive system, liver, lungs, pancreas, salivary glands, and respiratory system. The middle layer, the mesoderm, forms later and will become muscles, skeleton, circulatory system, and internal organs.

During the third week, at about 22 days after conception, the endoderm folds to form the neural tube, which will develop into the central nervous system (brain and spinal cord; Moore & Persaud, 2008; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). Now the head can be distinguished. A blood vessel that will become the heart begins to pulse, and blood begins to circulate throughout the body (Dye, 2000; Larsen, 2001). During Days 26 and 27, arm buds appear, followed by leg buds on Days 28 through 30 (Moore & Persaud, 2013; Sadler, 2012). At about this time, a tail-like appendage extends from the spine, disappearing at about 55 days after conception. The brain develops rapidly, and the head grows faster than the other parts of the body during the fifth week of development. The eyes, ears, nose, and mouth begin to form during the sixth week. Upper arms, forearms, palms, legs, and feet appear. The embryo shows reflex responses to touch.

During the seventh week, webbed fingers and toes are apparent; they separate completely by the end of the eighth week. A ridge called the indifferent gonad appears; it will develop into the male or female genitals, depending on the sex chromosomes of the fetus (Moore & Persaud, 2013). The Y chromosome of the male embryo instructs it to secrete testosterone, causing the indifferent gonad to create testes. In female embryos, no testosterone is released, and the indifferent gonad produces ovaries. The sex organs take several weeks to develop. The external genital organs are not apparent until about 12 weeks.

At the end of the embryonic period, eight weeks after conception, the embryo weighs about one seventh of an ounce and is one inch long. All of the basic organs and body parts have formed in a very rudimentary way. The embryo displays spontaneous reflexive movements, but it is still too small for the movements to be felt by the mother (Hepper, 2015). Serious defects that emerge during the embryonic period often cause a miscarriage, or spontaneous abortion (loss of the fetus); indeed, most miscarriages are the result of chromosomal abnormalities (Bainbridge, 2003). The most severely defective organisms do not survive beyond the first trimester, or third month of pregnancy. It is estimated that up to 45% of all conceptions abort spontaneously, and most occur before the pregnancy is detected

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(Larsen, 2001; Moore & Persaud, 2013).

Development proceeds very quickly during the embryonic period. Note the dramatic changes from the fifth week (left) to the seventh week (right) of prenatal development.

Wikimedia

Petit Format / Science Source

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Stem Cell Research

Human stem cells that have not yet differentiated (top). They are identical and can develop into any kind of cell, such as a nerve cell (bottom)

Wikimedia

Stem cells, first discovered in the late 1970s, are master cells that have the capacity to generate into any type of specialized cell in the body, such as muscle cells, blood cells, brain cells, and more (Shapiro, 2006; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). Stem cells serve as a repair system for the body and hold promise as the basis for treatments and cures for many diseases ranging from Parkinson’s disease to heart disease, and even spinal cord injury. There are several ways in which scientists derive stem cells. Each method yields a different type of stem cell, with different capacities for generating into specialized cells.

Embryonic stem cells are derived from blastocysts, about three to five days after conception, before the cells have begun to specialize into the various parts of the body. The blastocysts are created through in vitro fertilization for infertility treatments and are donated by couples when they are no longer needed or desired (Shapiro, 2006). Embryonic stem cells can become all cell types of the body because they have not differentiated (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). Because extracting embryonic stem cells destroys the pre-implantation blastocyst, the practice has sparked ethical debates (Insoo, 2010; Robertson, 2010). Another source of stem cells relies on somatic nuclear transfer. These cells are created using cloning techniques whereby a patient’s skin cell is inserted into a hollowed human egg; the resulting blastocyst is genetically identical to the patient so that any resulting therapies would not run the risk of rejection by the immune system (Tachibana et al., 2013). This process holds promise for creating stem cells without destroying embryos.

Adult stem cells, also known as somatic stem cells, are undifferentiated cells found among tissues and organs. They serve a repair function in the body, with the ability to repair the tissue in which they are found (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). The origin of adult stem cells is unknown, although scientists have found adult stem cells in more tissues than initially thought: blood, skin, liver, and brain. Adult stem cells are thought to remain dormant for years until they are activated by disease or tissue injury, and begin replicating and repairing the tissue. A potential advantage of using adult stem cells for treating people is that the patient’s own cells could be replicated and reintroduced into his or her body, eliminating the danger of immune system rejection.

Umbilical-cord stem cells are harvested from umbilical cords, without the need for human blastocysts, potentially reducing ethical concerns (Forraz & McGuckin, 2011). They are made up of blood stem cells,

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primarily, but also contain stem cells that may generate into bone, cartilage, heart muscle, brain, and liver (Zhong, Zhang, Asadollahi, Low, & Holzgreve, 2010). Umbilical cord cells are less plastic than embryonic stem cells; they cannot differentiate into any type of cell.

Proponents of embryonic stem cell research point out that the blastocysts are left over from in vitro fertilization treatments and would be destroyed anyway. However, advancing stem cell research would require a large supply of fresh blastocysts, more than can be supplied by fertility clinics.

There is little comprehensive or consistent regulation of stem cell research in the United States (Shapiro, 2006). In 2001, a federal ban was instituted limiting federal funding for embryonic stem cells to research conducted with the limited number of stem cells lines that currently existed. The ban led many researchers to seek funding from private sources, such as the biotech and pharmaceutical industry. This ban was revoked in 2009 by a presidential executive order freeing federal funds for work on any type of stem cell. Restoring federal funds ensures that stem cell research is conducted within similar ethical guidelines and protocols as research in other areas, perhaps addressing some of the ethical concerns regarding stem cell research. In 2009, a few weeks before the executive order restoring federal funding, the Food and Drug Administration approved the first clinical trial of a stem cell-derived therapy for spinal cord injuries. This was an important first step in moving stem cell research outside of the laboratory and into clinical practice (Robertson, 2010).

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What Do You Think? 1. What are the advantages and disadvantages of each source of stem cells? 2. What source, if any, do you prefer? Why?

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Fetal Period (Ninth Week to Birth)

The fetal period is marked by the appearance of bone—at about the end of the eighth week. From 9 weeks until birth, the fetus grows rapidly, and its organs become more complex and begin to function. The end of the third month marks the close of the first trimester, at which time all parts of the fetus’s body can move spontaneously, the legs kick, and the fetus can suck its thumb (an involuntary reflex). By the end of the 12th week, the upper limbs have almost reached their final relative lengths, but the lower limbs are slightly shorter than their final relative lengths (Sadler, 2012).

Second Trimester (Fourteen to Twenty-Six Weeks)

By the 14th week, at the start of the second trimester, limb movements are coordinated, but they will be too slight to be felt by the mother until about 17 to 20 weeks. The heartbeat gets stronger. Eyelids, eyebrows, fingernails, toenails, and tooth buds form. The first hair to appear is lanugo, a fine downlike hair that covers the fetus’s body; it is gradually replaced by human hair (Dye, 2000). The skin is covered with a greasy material called the vernix caseosa, which protects the fetal skin from abrasions, chapping, and hardening that can occur with exposure to amniotic fluid (Moore & Persaud, 2013). At 21 weeks, rapid eye movements begin, signifying an important time of growth and development for the fetal brain. The brain begins to become more responsive. For example, startle responses have been reported at 22 to 23 weeks in response to sudden vibrations and noises (Hepper, 2015; Sadler, 2012). During weeks 21 to 25, the fetus gains substantial weight, and its body proportions become more like those of a newborn infant. Growth of the fetal body begins to catch up to the head, yet the head remains disproportionately larger than the body at birth.

Third Trimester (Twenty-Seven to Forty Weeks; Seventh, Eighth, Ninth Months)

During the last three months of pregnancy, the fetal body grows substantially in weight and length; specifically, it typically gains over 5 pounds and grows 7 inches. At about 28 weeks after conception, brain development grows in leaps and bounds. The cerebral cortex develops convolutions and furrows, taking on the brain’s characteristic wrinkly appearance (Dye, 2000). The fetal brain wave pattern shifts to include occasional bursts of activity, similar to the sleep–wake cycles of newborns. By 30 weeks, the pupils of the eyes dilate in response to light. At 35 weeks, the fetus has a firm hand grasp and spontaneously orients itself toward light.

During the third trimester, pregnant women and their caregivers are mindful that the baby

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may be born prematurely. Although the expected date of delivery is 166 days or 38 weeks from conception (40 weeks from the mother’s last menstrual period), about one in every eight American births is premature (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2014). The age of viability—the age at which advanced medical care permits a preterm newborn to survive outside the womb—begins at about 22 weeks after conception (Sadler, 2012). Infants born before 22 weeks rarely survive more than a few days because their brain and lungs have not begun to function. Although a 22- to 25-week fetus born prematurely may survive in intensive care, it is still at risk because its immature respiratory system may lead to death in early infancy. At about 26 weeks, the lungs become capable of breathing air and the premature infant stands a better chance of surviving if given intensive care. About 80% of infants born at 26 weeks and 87% of those born at 27 weeks survive (Stoll, Hansen, Bell, & Shankaran, 2010; Tucker & McGuire, 2004). Ninety-eight percent of 32- week premature infants survive.

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Thinking in Context 3.1 1. What does it mean to say that a woman can become pregnant only during certain limited time periods

but a man can impregnate a woman on any given day? 2. Petra noticed that her abdomen has not grown much since she became pregnant three months ago. She

concluded that the fetus must not undergo significant development early in pregnancy. How would you respond to Petra?

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Environmental Influences on Prenatal Development

The vast majority of infants are born healthy, but some are exposed before birth to environmental obstacles that hinder their development. A teratogen is an agent that causes damage to prenatal development, producing a birth defect. Teratogens include diseases, drugs, and other agents that influence the prenatal environment to disrupt development. The field of teratology attempts to find the causes of birth defects so that they may be avoided. Health care providers help pregnant women and those who intend to become pregnant to be aware of teratogens and avoid them, as much as possible, to maximize the likelihood of having a healthy baby.

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Principles of Teratology

As we will discuss, there are many types of teratogens. It is particularly important to understand the principles according to which teratogens are likely to have an effect on the unborn baby’s development. As shown in Figure 3.3, each organ of the body has a sensitive period in development during which it is most susceptible to damage from teratogens. Generally, sensitivity to teratogens begins at about three weeks after conception (Sadler, 2012). Because the embryonic period is a time of structural development, it is during this period that the organism is most vulnerable to damage from drugs, alcohol, and environmental harms. Once a body part is fully formed, it is less likely to be harmed by exposure to teratogens; however, some body parts, like the brain, remain vulnerable throughout pregnancy.

Figure 3.3: Sensitive Periods in Prenatal Development

Source: Levine and Munsch (2010, p. 113).

Despite what researchers have learned about sensitive periods in prenatal development, it is not always easy to predict the harm caused by teratogens. Generally, the effects of exposure to teratogens on prenatal development vary depending on the following principles (Collins, 2006; Moore & Persaud, 2013; Sadler, 2012).

There are critical periods during prenatal development in which an embryo is more susceptible to damage from exposure to teratogens. The extent to which exposure to a teratogen disrupts prenatal development depends on the stage of prenatal development when exposure occurs. Structural defects occur when the embryo is exposed to teratogen while that part of the body is developing. There are individual differences in susceptibility to particular teratogens. An organism’s

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susceptibility to harm from exposure to a teratogen is influenced by the genetic makeup of both the organism and mother as well as the quality of the prenatal environment. The amount of exposure (i.e., dose level) to a teratogen influences its effects. Generally, the greater the dose, the more damage to development; however, teratogens also differ in their strength. Some teratogens, like alcohol, display a powerful dose–response relationship so that larger doses, heavier and more frequent drinking, result in greater damage. Teratogens show complicated effects on development. Different teratogens can cause the same birth defect, and a variety of birth defects can result from the same teratogen. Some teratogens have subtle effects that result in developmental delays that are not obvious at birth. Infants exposed prenatally to as little as an ounce of alcohol a day usually display no obvious physical deformities but later, as children may demonstrate cognitive delays. They process information more slowly and score lower on IQ tests than children whose mothers did not drink while pregnant (Jacobson & Jacobson, 1996). Some teratogens display sleeper effects—effects that are not visible until many years later. For example, infants born to women who consumed diethylstilbestrol (DES), a hormone that was widely prescribed between 1945 and 1970 to prevent miscarriages, were born healthy but as adults were more likely to experience problems with their reproductive systems. Daughters born to mothers who took DES were more likely to develop a rare form of cervical cancer, have miscarriages, and give birth to infants who were premature or low birth weight (Barnes et al., 1980; Schrager & Potter, 2004).

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Types of Teratogens

Prenatal development can be influenced by many contextual factors, including maternal consumption of over-the-counter (OTC), prescription, and recreational drugs; illness; environmental factors; and more, as shown in Table 3.1. Although the developing organism is vulnerable to many teratogens, the mother’s body is designed to protect the growing fetus.

Some teratogens can be avoided by choice; for example, a woman can choose not to drink alcohol or smoke cigarettes during pregnancy. Others, however, may be involuntary, as in the case of maternal illness. Sometimes a pregnant woman and her doctor may have to make a difficult choice between forgoing a needed prescription drug and putting the fetus at risk. And, in any case, a woman may not know she is pregnant until after the first few weeks of the embryonic stage are already past. Thus, in the real world, almost no pregnancy can be entirely free of exposure to teratogens. However, each year about 97% of infants are born without defects (CDC, 2014).

Maternal Illness

Depending on the type and when it occurs, an illness experienced by the mother during pregnancy can have devastating consequences for the developing fetus. For example, rubella (German measles) prior to the 11th week of pregnancy can cause a variety of defects including blindness, deafness, heart defects, and brain damage, but after the first trimester, adverse consequences become less likely (Santis, Cavaliere, Straface, & Caruso, 2006). Other illnesses have varying effects on the fetus. For example, chicken pox can produce

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birth defects affecting the arms, legs, eyes, and brain; mumps can increase the risk of miscarriage (Ornoy & Tenenbaum, 2006; Tan & Koren, 2006). In addition to posing risks to development, some sexually transmitted infections (STIs), such as syphilis, can be transmitted to the fetus during pregnancy (Gomez et al., 2013; Sánchez & Wendel, 1997). Others, such as gonorrhea, genital herpes, and HIV, can be transmitted as the child passes through the birth canal during birth or through bodily fluids after birth (see Lives in Context, p. 69). Since some diseases, such as mumps and rubella, can be prevented with vaccinations, it is important for women who are considering becoming pregnant to discuss their immunization status with their health care provider.

Prescription and Nonprescription Drugs

Both prescription and nonprescription drugs can potentially harm the developing fetus. Prescription drugs that can act as teratogens include antibiotics, certain hormones, anticoagulants, anticonvulsants, and some acne drugs (Collins, 2006; Moore & Persaud, 2013; Sadler, 2012). In several cases, physicians have unwittingly prescribed drugs to ease pregnant women’s discomfort that caused harm to the fetus. For example, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, many pregnant women were prescribed thalidomide to prevent morning sickness. However, taking thalidomide four to six weeks after conception (in some cases, even just one dose) caused deformities of the child’s arms and legs, and, less frequently, damage to the ears, heart, kidneys, and genitals (Laughton, Cornell, Boivin, & Van Rie, 2012; Vargesson, 2009).

Nonprescription drugs, such as diet pills and cold medicine, can also cause harm, but research on OTC drugs lags far behind research on prescription drugs. We know little about the teratogenic effect of many OTC drugs (Cabbage & Neal, 2011). For example, a couple of studies have linked dextromethorphan, commonly used in cough medicine, with birth defects in animals, but little is known about its effect in humans (Black & Hill, 2003). Research on aspirin is mixed, as some research suggests that consuming aspirin increases the risk of miscarriage, poor fetal growth, poor motor control, and neurodevelopmental difficulties (Barr, Streissguth, Darby, & Sampson, 1990; Elkarmi, Abu-Samak, & Al-Qaisi, 2007; Li, Liu, & Odouli, 2003). Yet other research with low birth weight infants suggests no adverse long-term outcomes of prenatal exposure to aspirin (Marret et al., 2010).

Caffeine, found in coffee, tea, cola drinks, and chocolate, among other foods, is an example of a very commonly ingested nonprescription drug that has come under scrutiny for its potential effects on the fetus. Though caffeine receives media attention as a possible risk, research findings regarding teratogenic effects of caffeine consumption are mixed. Some research suggests an association between caffeine intake and low birth weight in humans (Sengpiel et al., 2013) and neural defects in chicks (Ma et al., 2012), yet other research shows no association between maternal caffeine intake and risk of premature birth and low

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birth weight (Jarosz, Wierzejska, & Siuba, 2012). As with all studies of teratogens in pregnancy, it is difficult to distinguish the effects of caffeine apart from other substances. Discrepancies in findings across research studies occur because researchers often use different methods of assessing caffeine intake and vary as to whether they take into account the presence of other known teratogens such as cigarette smoking and alcohol consumption. At the present time, caffeine is not known to be a human teratogen, but there is no assurance that heavy maternal caffeine consumption is safe. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (2010) and the March of Dimes (2012) suggest that pregnant women ingest no more than one cup of coffee each day.

Alcohol

An estimated 14% to nearly 30% of pregnant women report consuming alcohol during their pregnancies (Arria et al., 2006; Meschke, Holl, & Messelt, 2013; Zhao et al., 2012). Indeed, alcohol abuse during pregnancy has been identified as the leading cause of developmental disabilities (Murthy, Kudlur, George, & Mathew, 2009; Warren, Hewitt, & Thomas, 2011). Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders refer to the continuum of effects of exposure to alcohol, which vary with the timing and amount of exposure (Riley, Infante, & Warren, 2011). Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders are estimated to affect as many as 2% to 5% of younger schoolchildren in the United States and Western Europe (May et al., 2009). At the extreme end of the spectrum is fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), a cluster of defects appearing after heavy prenatal exposure to alcohol that is detected in two to seven infants per 1,000 births (May et al., 2009). FAS is associated with a distinct pattern of facial characteristics (such as small head circumference, short nose, small eye opening, and small midface); pre- and postnatal growth deficiencies; and deficits in intellectual development, school achievement, memory, visual spatial skills, attention, language, problem solving, motor coordination, and the combined abilities to plan, focus attention, problem solve, and use goal-directed behavior (Jirikowic, Gelo, & Astley, 2010; Mattson, Crocker, & Nguyen, 2011; Thomas, Warren, & Hewitt, 2010). The effects of exposure to alcohol within the womb persist throughout childhood and have been found to be associated with deficits in learning and memory in early adulthood (Coles et al., 2011; McLachlan, Roesch, Viljoen, & Douglas, 2014; Wheeler, Kenney, & Temple, 2013).

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Fetal alcohol syndrome is associated with distinct facial characteristics, growth deficiencies, and deficits in intellectual development, language, motor coordination, and the combined abilities to plan, focus attention, problem solve, and use goal directed behavior that persist throughout childhood and into adulthood.

Betty Udesen/KRT/Newscom

Many adults realize that heavy drinking has devastating consequences for prenatal development, but it is important to note that moderate drinking is also harmful. Pregnant women who consume alcohol in moderation place their fetuses at risk because some children are born displaying some but not all of the problems of FAS; they are said to show fetal alcohol spectrum effects known as partial FAS or fetal alcohol effects (Thomas et al., 2010). Consuming 7 to 14 drinks per week during pregnancy is associated with lower birth size; growth deficits in weight, height, and head circumference through adolescence; and lower IQ and attention and memory problems (Alati et al., 2013; Chen, 2012; O’Leary & Bower, 2012; Willford, Leech, & Day, 2006). Less than one drink per day has been associated with negative effects on fetal growth (Day & Richardson, 2004; Day et al., 2002; Mariscal et al., 2006) and with deficits in visual information processing, attention, and numerical processing at one year of age (Lu, 2005; Testa, Quigley, & Das Eiden, 2003). Scientists have yet to determine if there is a safe level of drinking; however, the research to date suggests that pregnant women be cautious. The only way to be certain of avoiding alcohol-related risks is to avoid alcohol altogether.

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Lives in Context

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HIV Infection in Newborns

Mother-to-child transmission of HIV has declined as scientists have learned more about HIV. However, it remains a worldwide problem especially in developing nations where cultural, economic, and hygienic reasons prevent mothers from seeking alternatives to breastfeeding, a primary cause of mother-to-child transmission of HIV.

Jon Hrusa/epa/Corbis

The rate of mother-to-child transmission of HIV has dropped in recent years as scientists have learned more about HIV. The use of cesarean delivery as well as prescribing anti-HIV drugs to the mother during the second and third trimesters of pregnancy, and to the infant for the first six weeks of life, has reduced mother-to-child HIV transmission to less than 2% in the United States and Europe (from over 20%; Ch, 2004; Torpey, Kabaso, et al., 2010; Torpey, Kasonde, et al., 2010). Research has suggested that aggressive treatment may further reduce the transmission of HIV to newborns. In a breakthrough case, an infant received drug therapy starting at 30 hours of age until around 18 months of age, when the child showed no detectible virus in the blood and was said to be cured (Pollack & McNeil, 2013). This case raised scientists’ hopes; however, the child remained in remission for 27 months before the virus reappeared (McNeil, 2014). Based on these findings, in 2014 the National Institutes of Health began a study examining the use of aggressive drug treatment in newborns (National Institute of Allergy and infectious Diseases, 2014).

Worldwide, mother-to-child HIV transmission remains a serious issue. For example, in Zambia 40,000 infants acquire HIV each year (Torpey, Kasonde, et al., 2010). Globally, breast-feeding accounts for 30% to 50% of HIV transmission in newborns (Sullivan, 2003; World Health Organization, 2011). The World Health Organization (2010) recommends that women who test positive for HIV receive information about how HIV may be transmitted to their infants and should not breast-feed. Yet cultural, economic, and hygienic reasons often prevent mothers in developing nations from seeking alternatives to breast-feeding. For example, the widespread lack of clean water in some countries makes the use of powdered formulas dangerous. Also, in some cultures, women who do not breast-feed may be ostracized from the community (Sullivan, 2003). Balancing cultural values with medical needs is a challenge.

Treating newborns is critical, however, as worldwide, 20% to 30% of neonates with HIV develop AIDS during the first year of life and most die in infancy (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2013). Between 50% and 80% of HIV-infected children show below average growth, manifested in smaller than average weight,

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length, and head circumference (Palmer, 2003; Venkatesh et al., 2010). In addition to chronic bacterial infections and disorders of the central nervous system, heart, gastrointestinal tract, lungs, kidneys, and skin, children with HIV tend to suffer neurodevelopmental delays, including brain atrophy, which contribute to cognitive and motor impairment, and delays in reaching developmental milestones (Blanchette, Smith, Fernandes-Penney, King, & Read, 2001; Laughton, Cornell, Boivin, & Van Rie, 2013; Sherr, Mueller, & Varrall, 2009).

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What Do You Think? Imagine that you work as an HIV educator with women in an underdeveloped country. What challenges might you face in encouraging women to take steps to reduce the potential for HIV transmission to their infants? How might you help them?

Cigarette Smoking

Every package of cigarettes sold in the United States includes a warning about the dangers of smoking while pregnant, yet 16% of pregnant women aged 15 to 44 years old smoke while pregnant (Bandstra, Morrow, Mansoor, & Accornero, 2010; Ebrahim & Gfroerer, 2003; Keegan, Parva, Finnegan, Gerson, & Belden, 2010). Nicotine reduces the supply of oxygen and nutrients available to the fetus, affecting growth and development. Fetal deaths, premature births, and low birth weight are associated with maternal smoking (Juárez & Merlo, 2013). Premature delivery is twice as frequent in mothers who are heavy smokers (20 cigarettes or more a day) than in mothers who do not smoke (Moore & Persaud, 2013). Infants exposed to smoke while in the womb are prone to congenital heart defects, respiratory problems, asthma, and sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) and, as children, have more behavior problems and attention difficulties as well as score lower on intelligence and achievement tests (Kiechl-Kohlendorfer et al., 2010; Lee & Lupo, 2013). There is no safe level of smoking during pregnancy. Even babies born to light smokers (one to five cigarettes per day) show higher rates of low birth weight than do babies born to nonsmokers (Ventura, Hamilton, Mathews, & Chandra, 2003). Quitting smoking before or during pregnancy reduces the risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes.

Marijuana

The effects of marijuana on prenatal development are not well understood. Evidence suggests that that marijuana use during early pregnancy negatively affects fetal length and birth weight (Huizink, 2013; Hurd et al., 2005; Moore & Persaud, 2013). Prenatal exposure to marijuana is associated with impairments in memory, verbal skills, and quantitative skills, as well as impulsivity and depressive symptoms at ages 4 and 10 (Gray, Day, Leech, & Richardson, 2005; Huizink & Mulder, 2006; Richardson, Ryan, Willford, Day, & Goldschmidt, 2002). Other research suggests that prenatal exposure to marijuana is associated with attention problems that may influence achievement in adolescence (Goldschmidt, Richardson, Willford, Severtson, & Day, 2012; Wu, Jew, & Lu, 2011). Yet some studies find more modest effects with few consistent findings in infants (Huizink, 2013) and few cognitive difficulties later in development through adolescence (Fried & Watkinson, 2000, 2001). Some research has found that once the effects of exposure to other teratogens are controlled, marijuana does not show a teratogenic effect (Nordstrom-

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Klee, Delaney-Black, Covington, Ager, & Sokol, 2002; van Gelder et al., 2010). Some have thereby concluded that there is little evidence that marijuana is a human teratogen (Moore & Persaud, 2013). Given these conflicting findings, the safest course is for pregnant women to avoid marijuana.

Other Drugs

Infants exposed to drugs such as cocaine and heroin face special challenges. Prenatal exposure to cocaine is associated with reduced birth weight, length, and head circumference and impaired motor performance at birth (Frank, Augustyn, Knight, Pell, & Zuckerman, 2001). At one month after birth, babies who were exposed to cocaine have difficulty regulating their arousal states and show poor movement skills, poor reflexes, and greater excitability (Hedley et al., 2004). Children exposed to cocaine during the first three months of prenatal development displayed decreased head circumference, lower scores on memory tests, and more behavior problems at 3 years of age than children of women who never used cocaine prenatally (Richardson, Goldschmidt, & Willford, 2009). Like cocaine-exposed infants, heroin-exposed infants often show signs of addiction and withdrawal symptoms including tremors, irritability, abnormal crying, disturbed sleep, and impaired motor control. Infants exposed to heroin and methadone are less attentive to the environment and show slower motor development.

Exposure to these drugs during prenatal development influences brain development, particularly the regions associated with attention, arousal, and regulation (Behnke & Smith, 2013; Coyle, 2013; Lebel et al., 2013; Roussotte et al., 2011). Research with school children over the age of 6 has found prenatal cocaine exposure to be associated with difficulty in sustained attention and behavioral control, as well as behavioral problems in adolescence (Accornero et al., 2011; Ackerman, Riggins, & Black, 2010; Richardson, Goldschmidt, Leech, & Willford, 2011). Likewise, adolescents exposed to cocaine in utero show higher levels of substance use than do their nonexposed peers (Min et al., 2014).

Though it was once believed that cocaine- and heroin-exposed infants would suffer lifelong cognitive deficits, research suggests more mixed and subtle effects (Bandstra et al., 2010; Behnke & Smith, 2013; Lambert & Bauer, 2012). Some research has suggested that prenatal cocaine exposure is not linked with impairments in overall development, IQ, or school readiness in toddlers, elementary school-age children, or middle school-age children (Asanbe & Lockert, 2006; Behnke & Smith, 2013; Jones, 2006). Yet other research has demonstrated small but lasting effects on language skills at ages 10 and 12 (Lewis et al., 2011, 2013).

The challenge of determining the effects of prenatal exposure to cocaine and heroin is that most cocaine- and heroin-exposed infants were also exposed to other substances, including tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana (Jones, 2006), making it difficult to isolate the effect of

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each drug on prenatal development. We must be cautious in interpreting findings about illicit drug use and the effects on prenatal development because there are many other contextual factors that often co-occur with substance use and also pose risks for development, including poverty, malnutrition, social isolation, stress, and diminished parental responsiveness (Bandstra et al., 2010; Bendersky & Lewis, 1999; Frank et al., 2001). For example, parents who abuse drugs tend to provide poorer quality care, a home environment less conducive to cognitive development, and parent–child interaction that is less sensitive and positive than the environments provided by other parents (Hans, 2002). Children raised by substance-abusing parents are at risk for being subjected to overly harsh discipline and lack of supervision (Burlew et al., 2012) as well as disruptions in care due to factors such as parental incarceration, inability to care for a child, and even death (e.g., from a drug overdose or drug gang violence).

At the same time, quality care can lessen the long-term impact of prenatal exposure to substances (Lewis et al., 2011; Ornoy, Michailevskay, Lukashov, Barttamburger, & Harel, 1996). Some evidence suggests, for example, that developmental differences in exposed infants often disappear when medical and environmental factors are considered. Disentangling the long-term effects of prenatal exposure to substances, subsequent parenting, and contextual factors is challenging. Researchers and health care providers who construct interventions must address the contextual and parenting-related risk factors to improve the developmental outlook for children exposed to drugs prenatally (Butz et al., 2001; Kilbride, Castor, Hoffman, & Fuger, 2000). (Does maternal drug use during pregnancy constitute child abuse? See Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development, p. 72, for a discussion of this issue.)

Environmental Hazards

Prenatal development can also be harmed by factors in the environment, including chemicals, radiation, and extremes of heat and humidity. Infants exposed to heavy metals, such as lead and mercury, whether through ingestion or inhalation, score lower on tests of cognitive ability and intelligence as well as have higher rates of childhood illness (Sadler, 2012). Exposure to radiation can cause genetic mutations. For example, infants born to mothers pregnant during the atomic bomb explosions in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and after the nuclear power accident at Chernobyl displayed many physical deformities, mutations, and intellectual deficits. Prenatal exposure to radiation is associated with mental retardation, reduced head circumference, Down syndrome, and reduced intelligence scores and school performance. About 85% of the world’s birth defects occur in developing countries, supporting the role of context in influencing prenatal development directly via environmental hazards, but also indirectly through the opportunities and resources for education, health, and financial support (Weinhold, 2009). Does maternal drug use during pregnancy constitute child abuse?” See Box 3.3 for a discussion of this issue.

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Parental Characteristics and Behaviors

Teratogens—and the avoidance of them—are, of course, not the only determinants of how healthy a baby will be. A pregnant woman’s characteristics, such as her age and her behaviors during pregnancy, including nutrition and emotional well-being, also influence prenatal outcomes.

Nutrition

Nutrition plays a role in prenatal development both before and after conception. The quality of men’s and women’s diets influences the health of the sperm and egg (Sinclair & Watkins, 2013). The mother’s diet plays a major role in the development and health of the fetus. Most women need to consume 2,200 to 2,900 calories per day to sustain a pregnancy (Kaiser, Allen, & American Dietetic Association, 2008; Simkin, Whalley, & Keppler, 2001). Mothers who consume diets rich in nutrients tend to have fewer complications during pregnancy and give birth to healthier babies. Fetal malnutrition is associated with increased susceptibility to complex diseases in postnatal life (Chmurzynska, 2010). Unfortunately, over 1 billion people in the world are chronically hungry each year (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 2009). Dietary supplements can reduce many of the problems caused by maternal malnourishment (Ortolano, Mahmud, Iqbal Kabir, & Levinson, 2003), and infants who are malnourished can overcome some of the negative effects if they are raised in enriched environments. However, most children who are malnourished before birth remain malnourished; few have the opportunity to be raised in enriched environments after birth (Ricciuti, 1993).

Mothers who consume nutritious diets tend to have fewer complications during pregnancy and give birth to healthier babies.

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canstock / pasiphae

Some deficits resulting from an inadequate diet cannot be remedied. For example, inadequate consumption of folic acid (a B vitamin) by the mother can result in the formation of neural tube defects. During the fourth week of prenatal development, the neural tube begins to close at both ends, and the brain and spinal cord begin to develop. Should either end of the neural tube fail to close, defects result. Spina bifida occurs when the lower part of the neural tube fails to close. Spinal nerves begin to grow outside of the vertebrae, often resulting in paralysis. Surgery must be performed before or shortly after birth, but lost capacities cannot be restored. Spina bifida is often accompanied by malformations in brain development and impaired cognitive development (Barnes et al., 2006; Dennis, Landry, Barnes, & Fletcher, 2006). Another neural tube defect, anencephaly, occurs when the top part of the neural tube fails to close. In an infant with anencephaly, all or part of the brain fails to develop, resulting in death shortly after birth. As researchers have learned and disseminated the knowledge that folic acid helps prevent these defects, the frequency of neural tube defects has declined to about 1 in 1,000 births (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2004; Cordero et al., 2010). However, in a national study of U.S. mothers, only 24% consumed the recommended dose of folic acid during pregnancy (Tinker, Cogswell, Devine, & Berry, 2010).

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Maternal Drug Use While Pregnant We have seen that exposure to teratogens such as drugs and alcohol adversely affect the developing fetus. In recent years, some states have sought to penalize women for consuming illegal drugs while pregnant, characterizing such behavior as child abuse and/or neglect (Gostin, 2001). Does maternal drug use while pregnant constitute child abuse?

About one half of states require physicians to test for or report drug-exposed newborns to child protective services or other agencies (Berger & Waldfogel, 2000; Guttmacher Institute, 2014; Logan, 1999). Eighteen states classify controlled substance use during pregnancy as child abuse, which may lead to removing the infant from parental custody or even terminating parental rights. Two states, Alabama and South Carolina, actively prosecute pregnant women. And in 2014, Tennessee became the only state to specifically criminalize drug use during pregnancy, charging substance-abusing pregnant women with assault (Chokshi, 2014; Guttmacher Institute, 2014).

In many instances, however, state supreme courts have overruled the extension of child abuse laws to the fetus (Stone-Manista, 2009). Several state supreme court rulings, including those in Kentucky, Nevada, and Ohio, have held that a mother cannot be convicted of child abuse or endangerment for substance use while pregnant (Fortney, 2003).

The debate regarding policies that require drug testing and prosecutiong of pregnant women for drug use raises issues regarding women’s constitutional rights (Bornstein, 2003). For example, between 1989 and 1994, pregnant women who received prenatal treatment at a public hospital operated by the Medical University of South Carolina and met one of more of these criteria—no or minimal prenatal care, birth defects or poor fetal growth, and a history of drug or alcohol abuse—were tested for substance use without their knowledge (Chande, 2001). Thirty of these women who tested positive for cocaine in urine tests given as part of their treatment were arrested. In the resulting court case on behalf of the 30 arrested women, Ferguson v. City of Charleston, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that pregnant women seeking prenatal care in a public hospital could not be drug tested and have positive results turned over to police without a warrant (Gostin, 2001). It was ruled an unreasonable search without consent and unconstitutional (Flavin & Paltrow, 2010). Though this decision was controversial, many researchers and policymakers view it as important because prior to it, pregnant women who were suspected of drug use were tested without their permission. Moreover, after learning that the women tested positive, no effort was made to diagnosis their substance use disorders, intervene, or refer the women to treatment. Women were even led away in handcuffs to face charges. Newborns were removed from their mothers and placed under the care of child services, who often directed them to foster care, where they often experienced difficulty finding suitable homes.

Both the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (2011) and the American Medical Association (2014) argue that criminal sanctions for maternal drug use are ineffective as they increase the risk of harm by discouraging prenatal and postnatal care and undermining the physician–patient relationship. Such policies can cause women to develop a mistrust in medical professionals that ultimately harms their care if they become reluctant to seek medical care for themselves and their children. Others argue that these policies may be a subtle form of discrimination applied to women of color, as well as the most poor and vulnerable members of society because low income African American and Hispanic women are disproportionately tried (Flavin & Paltrow, 2010; Gostin, 2001). The criteria to determine who would be tested were those prevalent within low-income minority populations, specifically in the Ferguson v. City of Charleston case, including the absence of prenatal care and a previously documented history of substance abuse.

Other professionals argue that testing pregnant women for drug use could ultimately lead to permitting searches for legal drugs that are known to be harmful, such as alcohol and tobacco (Bornstein, 2003; Fortney, 2003). Pregnant women have been punished for drinking alcohol, using prescription drugs, and

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even driving negligently on the grounds that these behaviors harm the unborn child (Bornstein, 2003). For example, in 1987, a Michigan woman was charged with child abuse and temporarily lost custody of her infant because she had taken Valium while pregnant to relieve pain from injuries suffered in a car accident (Johnsen, 1992). Some experts have expressed concern that criminal sanctions against a pregnant woman’s behavior could even be expanded to the point where the woman is considered guilty of failing to meet her duty to the fetus if she does not take enough vitamins, or uses an OTC medication (Fortney, 2003).

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, is substance use during pregnancy a form of abuse? Why or why not? 2. What do you think could be done to reduce the prevalence of substance use by pregnant

women?

Emotional Well-Being

Although stress is inherently part of almost everyone’s life, exposure to chronic and severe stress during pregnancy poses risks including low birth weight, premature birth, and a longer postpartum hospital stay (Field, 2011; Kingston, Tough, & Whitfield, 2012; Marcus et al., 2011; Mulder et al., 2002). Stress may be particularly damaging to prenatal development. Pregnant women who experience one or more negative life events, such as a family member’s death, in the past five months are more likely to have a spontaneous miscarriage (Nelson, Mcmahon, Joffe, & Brensinger, 2003). Maternal stress influences prenatal development because stress hormones cross the placenta, raising the fetus’s heart rate and activity level. Long-term exposure to stress hormones in utero is associated with higher levels of stress hormones in newborns and may lead the newborn to become more irritable, active, and have difficulties in sleep, digestion, and self-regulation (Davis, Glynn, Waffarn, & Sandman, 2011; Kingston et al., 2012). Prenatal exposure to stress hormones is also associated with a higher risk of displaying symptoms of anxiety, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and aggression (Glover, 2011).

Stress also influences prenatal development in indirect ways. Stress weakens the immune system, making the mother and fetus more susceptible to disease (Christian, 2015; Coussons-Reid, Okun, & Simms, 2003; Parker & Douglas, 2010). Pregnant women who experience high levels of chronic stress are more likely to use cigarettes and marijuana during pregnancy (Nelson et al., 2003). If stress continues after birth, the mother may experience difficulty responding to the infant with sensitivity. This coupled with an irritable infant can make warm and responsive parenting a challenge (Brockington, 1996; Sameroff & Chandler, 1975). Social support from family and paternal support reduces the risk of stress on pregnancy (Feldman, Dunkel-Schetter, Sandman, & Wadhwa, 2000; Ghosh, Wilhelm, Dunkel-Schetter, Lombardi, & Ritz, 2010).

Maternal Age

Maternal age at pregnancy receives a great deal of media attention. Does maternal age matter? U.S. women are becoming pregnant at later ages than ever before. The pregnancy rates for women ages 35 to 39 nearly doubled from 1985 to 2009, from 24 to 46.9 per 1,000 women; the rate more than doubled for women aged 40 to 44, from 4 to 10.1 (Ventura & Hamilton, 2011).

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However, it is important to be aware that women who give birth over the age of 35, and especially over 40, are at greater risk for pregnancy and birth complications than are younger women. They are more likely to have a miscarriage or stillbirth. They are more vulnerable to pregnancy-related illnesses such as hypertension and diabetes, and their pregnancies involve increased risks to the newborn including low birth weight, preterm birth, respiratory problems, and related conditions requiring intensive neonatal care (Grotegut et al., 2014; Kenny et al., 2013; Khalil, Syngelaki, Maiz, Zinevich, & Nicolaides, 2013; Shrim et al., 2010). As illustrated in Figure 3.4, the risk of having a child with Down syndrome also increases sharply with maternal age, especially after age 40 (Hazlett, Hammer, Hooper, & Kamphaus, 2011). Although risks for complications rise linearly with each year (Salem Yaniv et al., 2011), it is important to note that the majority of women over age 35 give birth to healthy infants. Older mothers tend to be healthier and show lower rates of alcohol consumption and cigarette smoking than do younger mothers (Salihu, Shumpert, Slay, Kirby, & Alexander, 2003). Differences in context and behavior may compensate for some of the risks of advanced maternal age. For example, longer use of oral contraceptives is associated with a lower risk of giving birth to a child with Down syndrome (Nagy, Győrffy, Nagy, & Rigó, 2013).

Figure 3.4: Maternal Age and Risk of Down Syndrome

Sources: Data from Cuckle, Wald, and Thompson (1987); figure from Newberger (2000).

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Thinking in Context 3.2 1. Referring to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (see Chapter 1), identify factors at each bioecological

level that may influence development in the womb. 2. Imagine that you are a health care provider conferring with a woman who is contemplating becoming

pregnant. Give some examples of specific advice you would offer to help her promote a healthy pregnancy and baby.

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Birth and The Newborn

At about the 166th day after conception, the placenta releases a hormone that triggers the onset of labor (Bainbridge, 2003). Hormones cause the mother’s uterus to contract and relax at regular intervals, aiding delivery.

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Childbirth

Childbirth, known as labor, progresses in three stages. The first stage of labor, dilation, is the longest. It typically lasts 8 to 14 hours for a woman having her first child; for later-born children, the average is 3 to 8 hours. Labor begins when the mother experiences regular uterine contractions spaced at 10- to 15-minute intervals. Initial contractions may feel like a backache or menstrual cramps, or may be extremely sharp. The amniotic sac (“water”) may rupture at any time during this stage. The contractions, which gradually become stronger and closer together, cause the cervix to dilate so that the fetus’s head can pass through, as shown in Figure 3.5.

The second stage of labor, delivery, begins when the cervix is fully dilated to 10 cm and the fetus’s head is positioned at the opening of the cervix—known as “crowning.” It ends when the baby emerges completely from the mother’s body. It is during this stage that the mother typically feels an urge to push or bear down with each contraction to assist the birth process. Delivery can take from 30 minutes to an hour and a half.

Figure 3.5: Stages of Labor

In the third stage of labor, the placenta separates from the uterine wall and is expelled by uterine contractions. This typically happens about 5 to 15 minutes after the baby has emerged, and the process can take up to a half hour.

Sometimes a vaginal birth is not possible because of health or safety reasons for the mother

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or fetus. A cesarean section, or C-section, is a surgical procedure that removes the fetus from the uterus through the abdomen. About 33% of all singleton births are cesarean deliveries (Martin, Hamilton, Osterman, Curtin, & Mathews, 2013). Cesarean sections are performed when labor progresses too slowly, the fetus is in breech position (feet first) or transverse position (crosswise in the uterus), the head is too large to pass through the pelvis, or the fetus or mother is in danger (Curtis & Schuler, 2004). Because a cesarean section is an operation, women who undergo it are at risk for infection and usually endure a longer hospital stay. Babies delivered by cesarean are exposed to more maternal medication and secrete lower levels of the stress hormones that occur with vaginal birth that are needed to facilitate respiration, enhance circulation of blood to the brain, and help the infant adapt to the world outside of the womb. Interactions between mothers and infants, however, are similar for infants delivered vaginally and by cesarean section (Durik, Hyde, & Clark, 2000).

The average newborn is about 20 inches long and weighs about 7.5 pounds. Boys tend to be slightly longer and heavier than girls. Newborns have distinctive features, including a large head (about one fourth of body length) that is often long and misshapen from passing through the birth canal. The newborn’s skull bones are not yet fused—and will not be until about 18 months of age—permitting the bones to move and the head to mold to the birth canal, easing its passage. A healthy newborn is red-skinned and wrinkly at birth; skin that is bluish in color indicates that the newborn has experienced oxygen deprivation. Some babies emerge covered with lanugo, the fuzzy hair that protects the skin in the womb; for other babies, the lanugo falls off prior to birth. The newborn’s body is covered with vernix caseosa, a waxy substance that protects against infection; this dries up within the first few days. Although many hospital staff wash the vernix caseosa away after birth, research suggests that it is a naturally occurring barrier to infection and should be retained at birth (Visscher et al., 2005). See Cultural Influences on Development, p. 76, for a discussion of cultural differences in childbirth.

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The Partner’s Role During Pregnancy and Birth

Pregnancy is an important event for relationships. How might it change a couple’s relationship?

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Medical and Behavioral Assessment of Infants

After birth, newborns are routinely screened with the Apgar scale, which provides a quick and easy overall assessment of the baby’s immediate health. As shown in Table 3.2, the Apgar is composed of five subtests: appearance (color), pulse (heart rate), grimace (reflex irritability), activity (muscle tone), and respiration (breathing). The newborn is rated 0, 1, or 2 on each subscale for a maximum total score of 10. A score of 4 or lower means that the newborn is in serious condition and requires immediate medical attention. The rating is conducted twice, one minute after delivery, and again five minutes after birth; this timing ensures that hospital staff will monitor the newborn over several minutes. Over 98% of all newborns in the United States achieve a five-minute score of 7 to 10, indicating good health (Martin et al., 2013).

The Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) is the most common neurobehavioral assessment administered to newborns, especially those who are judged to be at risk (Lester & Tronick, 2004). It is administered a few days after birth to assess the newborn’s neurological functioning, including the strength of 20 inborn reflexes, responsiveness to the physical and social environment, and changes in state. Indicators of motor organization include activity level and the ability to bring a hand to the mouth. The NBAS also assesses infants’ attention and state changes, including excitability and ability to settle down after being upset. The NBAS offers quick and early identification of infants who may have brain damage or neurological impairments. The assessment takes about 30 minutes and scores are based on an infant’s best performance.

The NBAS has also been used as an intervention to help parents learn about their newborn’s perceptual and behavioral capacities. When parents participate in their baby’s NBAS screening, they learn how to interact appropriately to elicit gazes and quiet fussiness and tend to be more responsive to and involved with their infants one month later (Britt & Myers, 1994). Viewing filmed NBAS assessments and discussing the newborn’s capacities with a professional also improves parent–infant interactions and sensitivity (Wendland- Carro, Piccinini, & Miller, 1999).

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Cultural Influences on Development

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Cultural Differences in Childbirth

A midwife prepares a mother to give birth in her home. Birth practices vary by culture.

Stephanie Maze/Corbis

Societies vary in their customs and perceptions of childbirth, including the privacy afforded to giving birth and how newborns are integrated into the community. In the United States, birth is a private event that usually occurs in a hospital, attended by medical personnel and one or two family members. In most cases, the first-time mother has never witnessed a birth but is well educated and may have well-informed expectations. After birth, the mother and infant are often visited by family within designated hospital visiting hours; the newborn usually rooms with the mother all or part of the day.

In a small village in southern Italy, birth is a community event. It usually takes place in a hospital, attended by a midwife (Fogel, 2007; Schreiber, 1977). Just after birth, the midwife brings the mother’s entire family (immediate and extended) to the mother’s room, and they take turns congratulating the mother and baby, kissing them. The family provides a party including pastry and liqueurs. During labor and afterward, the mother is supported and visited by many of her friends and relatives to recognize the contribution that the mother has made to the community. The mother-in-law is an example of the social support system in place because a few days before until about one month after the birth, she brings and feeds the mother ritual foods of broth, marsala, and fresh cheeses (Fogel, 2007; Schreiber, 1977).

Other cultures see birth as a more public process. For example, the Jahara of South America give birth under a shelter in full view of everyone in the village (Fogel, 2007). On the Indonesian island of Bali, it is assumed that the husband, children, and other family will want to be present. The birth occurs in the home with the aid of a midwife and female relatives. Even when it is their first child, Balinese women know what to expect as they have been present at many births (Diener, 2000). The baby is immediately integrated into the family and community as he or she is considered a reincarnated soul of an ancestor. Many kin are present to support the mother and baby since the child is considered to be related to many more people than its parents.

Childbirth is tied to social status in the Brong-Ahafo Region in Ghana: After a delivery, women achieve a higher social position and can then give advice to other women (Jansen, 2006). Home deliveries are highly valued. The more difficult the delivery and the less skilled assistance she receives; the more respect a woman attains, the higher her position will be; and the more influence she has on the childbirth decisions of other women, such as whether to give birth at home or in a medical setting and how to combine traditional and modern practices (Bazzano, Kirkwood, Tawiah-Agyemang, Owusu-Agyei, & Adongo, 2008).

Many cultures conduct rites that they believe protect newborns from evil and spirits. Among the Maya of the Yucatan region of Mexico, there are few changes in the expectant mother’s surroundings; the Mayan woman lies in the same hammock in which she sleeps each night. The father-to-be will be present during labor and birth to take an active role but also to witness the suffering. If the child is stillborn, it is blamed on an absent father. The pregnant woman’s mother is present, often in the company of other females including sisters, sisters-in-law, mothers-in-law, godmothers, and sometimes neighbors and close friends. The mother and child must remain inside the house for one week before returning to normal activity after

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birth because it is believed that the mother and newborn are susceptible to the influence of evil spirits from the bush (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010).

A neighboring ethnic group, the Zinacanteco, place their newborns naked before a fire. The midwife who assisted the mother says prayers asking the gods to look kindly upon the infant. The infant is dressed in a long skirt made of heavy fabric extending beyond the feet; this garment is to be worn throughout the first year. The newborn is then wrapped in several layers of blankets, even covering the face, to protect against losing parts of the soul. These traditional practices are believed to protect the infant from illnesses as well as evil spirits (Brazelton, 1977; Fogel, 2007).

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What Do You Think? 1. Which of these birthing customs most appeals to you? Why? 2. If you, a family member, or friend have given birth, describe the process. Where did the birth

occur? Who witnessed it? What happened afterward? When did family and friends meet the baby?

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The Newborn’s Perceptual Capacities

Until recent decades, it was widely believed that the newborn was perceptually immature— blind and deaf at birth. Developmental researchers now know that the newborn is more perceptually competent than ever imagined. For example, both taste and smell are well developed at birth. Taste appears to function well before birth because research has shown that fetuses swallow sweetened amniotic fluid more quickly than bitter fluid (Sadler, 2012). Newborns can discriminate smells (Goubet et al., 2002) and calm in response to the scent of amniotic fluid and other familiar smells (Goubet, Strasbaugh, & Chesney, 2007; Porter, Varendi, Christensson, Porter, & Winberg, 1998; Rattaz, Goubet, & Bullinger, 2005). The visual capacities of the newborn are more limited and focused primarily on the near environment. Newborn vision is blurry and best at about 18 inches away—the typical distance to a parent’s face when holding the infant.

The most remarkable newborn capacities for perception and learning are auditory in nature. Pregnant women often report that they notice fetal movements in response to a loud sound like a car horn or a door slamming. The fetus responds to auditory stimulation as early as 23 to 25 weeks after conception (Hepper, 2015). By 32 to 34 weeks, the fetus responds to the mother’s voice as indicated by a change in heart rate (Kisilevsky & Hains, 2011). Prior to birth, the fetus can discriminate voices and speech sounds and has auditory memory for both speech and musical sounds (Granier-Deferre, Ribeiro, Jacquet, & Bassereau, 2011). One study demonstrated that the newborn retains memory for music heard prenatally even five days after birth (James, Spencer, & Stepsis, 2002). At birth, newborns show preferences for speech sounds, their mother’s voice, their native language, and even stories and music heard prenatally (Moon, Cooper, & Fifer, 1993). Moreover, from birth the newborn is an active listener, paying attention to sounds and naturally taking advantage of opportunities to learn (Philbin & Klaas, 2000; Vouloumanos, Hauser, Werker, & Martin, 2010).

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Newborn States of Arousal

Newborns display regular cycles of eating, elimination, and states of arousal or degrees of wakefulness. In a typical day, newborns move in and out of six infant states or levels of arousal, as shown in Table 3.3. Most newborns spend about 70% of their time sleeping and wake every two to three hours. These short stretches of sleep alternate with shorter periods of wakefulness that are primarily devoted to feeding. During the first month, infants often move rapidly from one state to another, dozing off during feeding, for example. Naps are punctuated by periods of drowsiness, alert and inalert activity, and crying.

Newborn sleep cycles are brief, lasting from 45 minutes to two to three hours, but similar to those of adults in that they consist of both REM sleep, or rapid eye movement (REM) sleep, and non-REM sleep (Joseph, 2000). When a person is in REM sleep, the brain wave activity is remarkably similar to that of the waking state. Their eyes move back and forth beneath closed lids; heart rate, blood pressure and breathing are uneven; and there are slight body movements. Newborns spend about half of their sleep time in REM, but by ages 3 to 5, children spend about 15% to 20% of their sleep in REM, similar to adults (Kobayashi, Good, Mamiya, Skinner, & Garcia-Rill, 2004; Roffwarg, Muzio, & Dement, 1966).

Why do newborns spend so much time in REM sleep? REM sleep is associated with dreaming in both children and adults. Young infants appear to have a special need for REM sleep because they spend little time in the active alert state in which they get stimulation from the environment. REM is a way that the brain stimulates itself, which is important for the growth of the central nervous system. This view of REM sleep as serving a self-stimulation function is supported by findings that fetuses and preterm babies, who are even less able to take advantage of external stimulation than are newborns, spend even more time in REM sleep (DiPietro, Hodgson, Costigan, & Hilton, 1996; Sahni, Schulze, Stefanski, Myers, & Fifer, 1995). Neonates with low REM sleep activity tend to score lower on mental tests at 6 months of age (Arditi-Babchuk, Feldman, & Eidelman, 2009).

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Labor: Preparation and Process

In this clip, doula Laura Erlich describes the process of labor and what women and their partners can expect.

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Infants at Risk: Low Birth Weight and Small-for-Date Babies

Infants who are born with low birth weight are at risk for a variety of developmental difficulties. Indeed, their very survival is far from certain; the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention lists prematurity and low birth weight among the leading causes of infant mortality, accounting for 35% of mortality cases in infancy (Mathews & MacDorman, 2013).

There are two types of low birth weight infants: those who are preterm, or premature (born before their due date), and those who are small for date, who are full term but have experienced slow growth and are smaller than expected for their gestational age. Infants are classified as low birth weight when they weigh less than 2,500 grams (5.5 pounds) at birth; very low birth weight refers to a weight less than 1,500 grams (3.5 pounds), and extremely low birth weight refers to a weight less than 750 grams (1lb 10 oz.; Alexander & Slay, 2002). About 8% of infants born in the United States each year are low birth weight (Martin et al., 2013). Developmental outcomes vary among low birth weight infants. Infants most at risk for developmental challenges, handicaps, and difficulty surviving are those with extremely low birth weight (under 1,000 grams; Fogel, 2007). Prenatal care (see Lives in Context, p. 79) can help to prevent premature and small-for-date births.

Small-for-date babies tend to have more serious problems than preterm babies because their low birth weight is a result of stunted growth and development throughout pregnancy. Maternal illness, malnutrition, and exposure to many of the teratogens discussed earlier in this chapter can result in a baby who is small for date. Infants who are small for date show higher mortality and are more likely than preterm infants to remain small relative to other children throughout childhood, perform poorly on neurological and cognitive tests, suffer learning and behavioral problems at school, and display immature social behavior (Arcangeli, Thilaganathan, Hooper, Khan, & Bhide, 2012).

Low birth weight infants are at a disadvantage when it comes to adapting to the world outside the womb. Simply surviving is a challenge. At birth, they often experience difficulty breathing and are likely to suffer from respiratory distress syndrome, in which the newborn breathes irregularly and at times may stop breathing. Low birth weight infants have difficulty maintaining homeostasis, a balance in their biological functioning. Their survival depends on care in neonatal hospital units, where they are confined in isolettes that separate them from the world, regulating their body temperature, aiding their breathing with the use of respirators, and protecting them from infection. Many low birth weight infants cannot yet suck from a bottle so are fed intravenously. The first few weeks and even months of life can be isolating for low birth weight infants as they live in isolettes, are fed through tubes, and undergo many medical procedures.

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Low birthweight infants require extensive care. They are at risk for poor developmental outcomes and even death.

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Low birth weight infants face many obstacles throughout development, including higher rates of cerebral palsy, seizure disorders, neurological difficulties, respiratory problems, and vision problems (Agustines et al., 2000; Aylwrad, 2005; Chan et al., 2000; Taylor, Klein, Minich, & Hack, 2001). The deficits that low birth weight infants endure range from mild to severe and correspond closely to the infant’s birth weight, with extremely low birth weight infants suffering the greatest deficits. Low birth weight infants experience higher rates of sensory, motor, and language problems, learning disabilities, behavior problems, deficits in social skills, and peer rejection through adolescence (Brown, Kilbride, Turnbull, & Lemanek, 2003; Gray, Indurkhya, & McCormick, 2004; Seitz, 2006; Vohr et al., 2000; Yau et al., 2013). Very low birth weight infants are likely to experience frequent illnesses and as children have deficits in cognitive skills, academic achievement, and school performance (Talge et al., 2010; Taylor et al., 2001). Extremely low birth weight infants are at risk for particularly poor outcomes as they are less likely to catch up with peers over time (Taylor et al., 2001).

Not only are low birth weight infants at a physical disadvantage but they often begin life at an emotional disadvantage because they are at risk for experiencing difficulties in their relationships with parents. Parents of low birth weight infants tend to experience additional stress and emotional trauma because their infants are in the hospital for a great deal of time (Conner & Nelson, 1999; Singer et al., 1999). Although the causes of premature and small-for-date birth are varied and in many cases unknown, parents may feel anxiety or guilt about the baby’s condition, wondering if they have “done something wrong” to cause the low birth weight. Furthermore, parenting a low birth weight infant is stressful even in the best of circumstances (Taylor et al., 2001). Premature infants tend to be easily overwhelmed by stimulation and smile less and fuss more, making parents feel unrewarded for their efforts. Low birth weight infants are slow to initiate social interactions and often do not attend to parents; they look away, fuss, or otherwise resist parental attempts to obtain their attention (Eckerman, Hsu, Molitor, Leung, & Goldstein, 1999). Because low birth weight infants often do not respond to attempts to solicit interaction, they can be frustrating to interact with and are at risk for less secure attachment to their parents (Mangelsdorf et al., 1996). Research also indicates that they experience higher rates of child

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abuse (Brockington, 1996). Generally, however, parents of low birth weight infants do not differ from those of normal birth weight infants in terms of their enthusiasm and their efforts to provide the best care possible (Saigal, Hoult, Streiner, Stoskopf, & Rosenbaum, 2000).

Though low birth weight infants pose challenges to parenting, if parents have stable life circumstances and social supports, they can overcome the difficulties of caring for their babies and help them catch up in development by middle childhood (Liaw & Brooks- Gunn, 1993). For example, one study of very low birth weight infants showed that females displayed catch-up growth; by the time they were 20 years old, they were no different in size from normal birth weight infants. However, very low birth weight males remained shorter and smaller than normal birth weight males at age 20 (Hack et al., 2003). Other research suggests that the difference in intelligence between infants with low and normal birth weight grows smaller with age: At age 5, low birth weight children scored 7 IQ points lower than normal birth weight children and at age 11, it was 4 points lower (Elgen, Sommerfelt, & Ellertsen, 2003).

The long-term outcomes of low birth weight vary considerably and depend on the environment in which the children are raised. When mothers have knowledge about child development and how to foster healthy development, are involved with their children, and create a stimulating home environment, low birth weight infants tend to have good long- term outcomes (Benasich & Brooks-Gunn, 1996; Jones, Rowe, & Becker, 2009). However, low birth weight children raised in less stable and economically disadvantaged families tend to remain smaller in stature, experience more emotional problems, and show more long-term deficits in intelligence and academic performance than do those raised in more advantaged homes (Taylor et al., 2001). If parents have opportunities to engage in caregiving in the hospital setting, learn about the special needs of their infant, and understand what to expect, they can be very supportive and help their low birth weight children overcome many of the obstacles to their development (Brooks-Gunn, Klebanov, Liaw, & Spiker, 1993; McCormick, McCarton, Tonascia, & Brooks-Gunn, 1993). Synchrony in parent–infant interactions predicts positive neurodevelopmental outcomes (Treyvaud et al., 2009, 2011). Therefore, interventions to promote the development of low birth weight children often emphasize helping parents learn coping strategies for interacting with their low birth weight infants and managing parental stress (Lau & Morse, 2003; Xu & Filler, 2005). Interventions focused on teaching parents how to massage and touch their infants in therapeutic ways as well as increase skin-to-skin contact with their infants are associated with better cognitive and neurodevelopmental outcomes at age 2 (Procianoy, Mendes, & Silveira, 2010). One intervention common in developing countries where mothers may not have access to hospitals is kangaroo care. The low birth weight or premature infant is placed vertically against the parent’s chest, under the shirt, providing skin-to-skin contact (Charpak et al., 2005). As the parent goes about his or her activities, the infant remains warm and close, hears her voice and heartbeat, smells her, and feels

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constant skin-to-skin contact. Kangaroo care is so effective that the majority of hospitals in the United States offer kangaroo care to preterm infants. Babies who receive early and consistent kangaroo care grow more quickly, sleep better, and show more cognitive gains throughout the first year of life (Jefferies, 2012).

In summary, an amazing amount of growth and development takes place between conception and birth. In nine short months, the zygote transforms into a newborn. Although there are a variety of risks to health development within the womb, most newborns are healthy. Infants are born with a surprising array of competencies, such as well-developed hearing, taste, and smell. Additional physical, cognitive, and psychosocial capacities develop shortly after birth, as we will see in upcoming chapters.

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Lives in Context

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Prenatal Care Prenatal care, a set of services provided to improve pregnancy outcomes and engage the expectant mother, family members, and friends in health care decisions, is critical for the health of both mother and infant (Daniels, Noe, & Mayberry, 2006). About 26% of pregnant women in the United States do not seek prenatal care until after the first trimester; 6% seek prenatal care at the end of pregnancy or not at all (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2014). Inadequate prenatal care is a risk factor for low birth weight and preterm births as well as infant mortality during the first year (Daniels et al., 2006; Handler, Rosenberg, Raube, & Lyons, 2003). In addition, use of prenatal care predicts pediatric care throughout childhood, which serves as a foundation for health and development throughout the lifespan (Handler et al., 2003).

Why do women delay or avoid seeking prenatal care? A common reason is the lack of health insurance (Maupin et al., 2004). Although government-sponsored health care is available for the poorest mothers, many low-income mothers do not qualify for care or lack information on how to take advantage of care that may be available. Other barriers to seeking prenatal care include difficulty in finding a doctor, lack of transportation, demands of caring for young children, ambivalence about the pregnancy, depression, lack of education about the importance of prenatal care, lack of social support, poor prior experiences in the health care system, and family crises (Daniels et al., 2006; Lu & Halfon, 2003).

Moreover, there are significant ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in prenatal care. Inadequate prenatal care is most likely among Native American women (23%), followed by African American (19%), Latina (17%), Asian American (14%), and white American women (13%; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013). African American women, in particular, are far more likely than all other groups to give birth to low birth weight or preterm infants, as shown in Figure 3.6 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2014). Ethnic differences are thought to be largely influenced by socioeconomic factors, as the ethnic groups least likely to seek early prenatal care are also the most economically disadvantaged members of society.

Although prenatal care predicts birth outcomes, cultural factors appear to protect some women and infants from the negative consequences of inadequate prenatal care. A phenomenon termed the Latina paradox (McGlade, Saha, & Dahlstrom, 2004) found that Latina mothers, despite low rates of prenatal care, experience low birth weight and mortality rates below national averages. These favorable birth outcomes are striking because of the strong and consistent association between socioeconomic status and birth outcomes as well as because Latinas as a group are among the most socioeconomically disadvantaged ethnic populations in the United States (McGlade et al., 2004).

Figure 3.6: Very Low and Low Birth Weight Rates, by Maternal Race/Ethnicity, 2012

Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2014).

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Several factors are thought to account for the Latina paradox, including strong cultural support for maternity, healthy traditional dietary practices, and the norm of selfless devotion to the maternal role (marianismo; Fracasso & Busch-Rossnagel, 1992; McGlade et al., 2004). These protective cultural factors interact with strong social support networks and informal systems of health care among Latina women, in which women tend to take responsibility for the health needs of those beyond their nuclear households. Mothers benefit from the support of other family members such as sisters, aunts, and other extended family. In this way, knowledge about health is passed down from generation to generation. There is a strong tradition of women helping other women in the community, and warm interpersonal relationships, known as personalismo, are highly valued (Fracasso & Busch-Rossnagel, 1992; McGlade et al., 2004). These cultural factors are thought to underlie the positive birth outcomes seen in Latina women; however, these factors appear to erode as Latino women acculturate to American society and the birth advantage declines in subsequent American-born generations.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, what are the most important contextual factors that contribute to prenatal care? 2. What is the Latina paradox with regard to prenatal care? Why do you think it declines as

women acculturate to American society?

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Thinking in Context 3.3 Parents’ decisions about childbirth reflect their knowledge about birth options as well as cultural values.

1. Referring to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (see Chapter 1), identify factors at each bioecological level that may influence childbirth. For example, how might neighborhood factors influence birth options? Culture?

2. Thinking of how society and medical science have changed in recent decades, in what ways might recent cohorts of parents differ from prior cohorts? What implications might these differences hold for prenatal development and childbirth?

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Apply Your Knowledge Dr. Preemie conducted a research study of the prevalence and correlates of drug use in college students. Because of the sensitive nature of the research topic, Dr. Preemie promised her participants confidentiality. Each college student who participated completed a set of surveys and an interview about his or her lifestyle and drug use habits. One participant, Carrie, revealed that she engages in moderate to heavy drug use (i.e., drinks two to four alcoholic beverages each day and smokes marijuana several times per week). During the interview, Carrie mentioned that she’s feeling nauseous. Concerned, Dr. Preemie asked, “Do you want to stop the interview and go to the campus medical center?” “No,” Carrie replied, “It’s just morning sickness. I’m pregnant.” “Oh,” said Dr. Preemie, who nodded and continued with the interview.

Afterward, in her office, Dr. Preemie was torn and wondered to herself, “I’m worried about Carrie. Drugs and alcohol disrupt prenatal development, but I promised confidentiality. I can’t tell anyone about this! Should I say something to Carrie? I’m supposed to be nonjudgmental! Intervening might keep other students from participating in my research, for fear that I’d break my promises. I don’t know what to do.”

1. What are the effects of teratogens, like drugs and alcohol, on prenatal development? 2. Describe the course of prenatal development. How do the effects of exposure to teratogens change

during prenatal development? 3. Consider Dr. Preemie’s dueling obligations. As a researcher, is she responsible to Carrie as a

participant in her study who signed an informed consent form? Is Dr. Preemie responsible to the developing fetus? Why or why not? Do Dr. Preemie’s actions have any ramifications for the other participants in her study? How might these responsibilities conflict?

4. What should Dr. Preemie do?

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Chapter Summary

3.1 Describe the process of conception, identifying the roles of female and male.

Conception occurs in the fallopian tube. The temperature gradient in the female reproductive system guides sperm toward the ovum while the sperm track the heat of an expectant ovum. In the presence of sperm, the ovum exudes a chemical signal to draw the sperm closer. In turn, in the presence of an ovum, sperm become hyperactivated, they swim even more vigorously, and the sperm’s head releases enzymes to help it penetrate the protective layers of the ovum. As soon as one sperm penetrates the ovum, a chemical reaction makes the ovum’s membrane impermeable to other sperm. The sperm’s tail falls off, and the genetic contents merge with that of the ovum. At the moment of conception the zygote is formed. 3.2 Describe the three periods of prenatal development.

During the germinal period, the zygote begins cell division and travels down the fallopian tube toward the uterus. During the embryonic period from weeks 2 to 8, the most rapid developments of the prenatal period take place. From 9 weeks until birth, the fetus grows rapidly, and the organs become more complex and begin to function. 3.3 List six principles of teratology, and explain how they can be used to predict prenatal outcomes.

Teratogens include diseases, drugs, and other agents that influence the prenatal environment to disrupt development. Generally, the effects of exposure to teratogens on prenatal development vary depending on the stage of prenatal development and dose. There are individual differences in effects, different teratogens can cause the same birth defect, a variety of birth defects can result from the same teratogen, and some teratogens have subtle effects that result in developmental delays that are not obvious at birth or not visible until many years later. 3.4 Identify drugs, illness, and environmental factors that act as teratogens.

There are many types of teratogens. Both prescription and nonprescription drugs can potentially harm the developing fetus. Prescription drugs that can act as teratogens include antibiotics, certain hormones, anticoagulants, anticonvulsants, some acne drugs, and thalidomide. Nonprescription drugs, such as diet pills and cold medicine, can also cause harm, but we know little about the teratogenic effect of many OTC drugs. Maternal illnesses such as rubella, chicken pox, and some STIs can also act as teratogens. Cigarette smoking and nicotine, as well as other recreational drugs, such as cocaine and heroin, harm the fetus. Prenatal development can also be harmed by factors in the environment, including chemicals, radiation, and extremes of heat and humidity.

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3.5 Define fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, and differentiate between fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) and fetal alcohol effects.

Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders refer to the continuum of effects of exposure to alcohol, which vary with the timing and amount of exposure. At the extreme end of the spectrum is FAS, a cluster of defects appearing after heavy prenatal exposure to alcohol that include a distinct pattern of facial characteristics, pre- and postnatal growth deficiencies, and deficits in intellectual development as well as the combined abilities to plan, focus attention, problem solve, and use goal directed behavior. Pregnant women who consume alcohol in moderation place their fetuses at risk because some children are born displaying some but not all of the problems of FAS; they are said to show fetal alcohol effects. 3.6 Discuss the contributions of maternal characteristics and behaviors on prenatal development.

The mother’s diet plays a major role in the development and health of the fetus. For example, inadequate consumption of folic acid by the mother can result in the formation of neural tube defects such as spina bifida and anencephaly. Exposure to chronic and severe stress during pregnancy poses risks including low birth weight, premature birth, and a weakened immune system. Women who give birth over the age of 35 are at greater risk for pregnancy and birth complications, more vulnerable to pregnancy-related illnesses, and are more likely to give birth to a child with Down syndrome. Although risks for complications rise, the majority of women over age 35 give birth to healthy infants. 3.7 Explain the process of childbirth.

At about the 166th day after conception, the placenta releases a hormone that triggers the onset of labor. The first stage of labor begins when the mother experiences regular uterine contractions that cause the cervix to dilate so that the fetus’s head can pass through. The second stage of labor, delivery, begins when the fetus’s head is positioned at the opening of the cervix and ends when the baby emerges completely from the mother’s body. The placenta is expelled by uterine contractions during the third stage of labor. 3.8 Identify and explain the neonate’s physical capacities.

Taste and smell are well developed at birth. Newborn vision is blurry. The most well developed sense is audition. The fetus responds to auditory stimulation as early as 23 to 25 weeks after conception. Newborns display regular cycles of eating, elimination, and states of arousal or degrees of wakefulness, spending about 50% of their sleep time in REM, thought to permit the brain to stimulate itself. 3.9 Discuss the challenges low birth weight and small-for-date infants face as well as influences on infant adjustment.

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There are two types of low birth weight infants, those who are preterm and those who are small for date, who are full term but have experienced slow growth and are smaller than expected for their gestational age. At birth, low birth weight infants often experience difficulty breathing and are likely to suffer from respiratory distress syndrome. Low birth weight infants experience higher rates of sensory, motor, and language problems, learning disabilities, behavior problems, and deficits in social skills into adolescence. The long-term outcomes of low birth weight vary considerably and depend on the environment in which the children are raised.

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Key Terms

age of viability 65 anencephaly 73 Apgar scale 75 blastocyst 63 Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) 75 cesarean section 75 ectoderm 63 embryo 63 embryonic disk 63 endoderm 63 fetal alcohol spectrum disorders 68 fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) 68 fetus 64 implantation 63 indifferent gonad 63 lanugo 65 low birth weight 68 mesoderm 63 neonate 60 neural tube 63 ovum 62 placenta 63 preterm 78 small for date 78 spina bifida 73 stem cells 63 teratogen 66 teratology 66 vernix caseosa 65

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Part II Infancy and Toddlerhood

Chapter 4 Physical Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood 86 Chapter 5 Cognitive Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood 112 Chapter 6 Socioemotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood 138

The most dramatic developments in the lifespan occur in infancy. In addition to tripling their weight during the first year of life, infants progress through an orderly series of motor milestones that transforms them from newborns unable to lift their heads to babies able to roll over, sit up, crawl, and, at about a year of age, walk.

As infants practice their motor skills, they explore their environment, build their understanding of phenomena, and adapt to the world around them. Cognitive changes are supported by brain development. A multitude of new connections among brain cells are created and pruned in response to experience. Naturally primed to learn language, infants discriminate speech sounds from birth and progress steadily from gurgles and coos, to speech-like babbling, to first words.

Warm, sensitive, and responsive interactions with caregivers foster close and secure attachment bonds. Caregivers help infants learn to understand and regulate their emotions. In turn, infants influence their caregivers by smiling, reaching, and crawling to them. Infants’ growing ability to express their thoughts and emotions advances parent-child communication and aids in sustaining a secure emotional base that supports their exploration of the world and their physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development.

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Chapter 4 Physical Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

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Learning Objectives 4.1. Identify two patterns of growth during infancy. 4.2. Discuss the role of feeding and nutrition in the growth of infants and toddlers. 4.3. Explain four processes of infants’ and toddlers’ neural development. 4.4. Analyze the role of experience neural development. 4.5. Compare infants’ early learning capacities for habituation, classical conditioning, and operant conditioning. 4.6. Evaluate infants’ capacities for imitation. 4.7. Contrast the development of infants’ visual and auditory capacities. 4.8. Discuss infants’ capacities for intermodal perception. 4.9. Summarize milestones in infant and toddler motor development. 4.10. Analyze the roles of maturation and contextual factors in infant and toddler motor development.

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Key Study Tools

Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Childhood Vaccination (p. 89) Video Case Body Proportions in Infancy and Early Childhood Cultural Influences on Development Co-Sleeping (p. 91) Think Critically Promotion of Breast-Feeding Listen Benefits of Breast-Feeding Watch Infant Brain Development Explore Further Neuropsychological Assessment Connect Baby Edward’s Amazing Brain Explore Further Conditioning: Classical and Operant Watch The Little Albert Experiment Watch Neonate Imitation Lives in Context Neonatal Circumcision (p. 102) Watch Visual Habituation Explore Further Infant Perception Video Case Motor Development in Infancy Connect Perceptual and Motor Development

“You’re such a big girl!” the pediatric nurse exclaimed as she weighed baby Regina. Regina’s mother marveled at how much her daughter had grown during the first six months of her life—she had more than doubled her weight. Over the past six months, Regina has transformed from a newborn unable to raise her head into a baby who can sit up on her own. Her mother told the nurse, “She seems to like spending time on all fours. Maybe she’s practicing and getting ready to crawl.” The nurse smiled and said, “Start thinking about babyproofing your home because Regina will be crawling before you know it!” In the next few months, Regina will crawl, pull herself up to stand, and eventually walk. Babies grow and change very quickly. In this chapter, we explore the physical changes that occur in a child’s first two years of life. These first years are collectively called the developmental stage of infancy and toddlerhood; the term toddler refers to toddling, the unsteady gait of babies who are just learning to walk. During this stage, infants and toddlers experience advances in growth, perceptual capacities, and motor skills that enable them to interact with their world and learn in new ways.

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AP/Mayra Beltran

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Body Growth and Nutrition in Infants and Toddlers

Perhaps the most obvious change that infants undergo during the first year of life is very rapid growth. Growth during the prenatal period and infancy proceeds in particular patterns, which are known as cephalocaudal and proximodistal. Cephalocaudal development refers to the principle that growth proceeds from the head downward. The head and upper regions of the body develop before the lower regions. For example, recall the fetus’s disproportionately large head. During prenatal development, the head grows before the other body parts. Even at birth, the newborn’s head is about one fourth the total body length, as shown in Figure 4.1. As the lower parts of the body develop, the head becomes more proportionate to the body. By 3 years of age, the child is less top-heavy. Proximodistal development refers to the principle that growth and development proceed from the center of the body outward. During prenatal development, the internal organs develop before the arms and legs. After birth, the trunk grows before the limbs and the limbs before the hands and feet.

Figure 4.1: Body Proportions Throughout Life

Source: Huelke, D. M. (1998).

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Growth Norms

It is easy to observe that infants grow substantially larger and heavier over time—but there are many individual differences in growth. How can parents and caregivers tell if a child’s growth is normal? By compiling information about the height and weight of large samples of children from diverse populations, researchers have determined growth norms. Growth norms are expectations for typical gains and variations in height and weight for children based on their chronological age and ethnic background. Genetic and environmental factors can cause some children to grow more quickly than others and fall outside of the norm.

In the first few days after birth, newborns shed excess fluid and typically lose 5% to 10% of their body weight. After this initial loss, however, infants gain weight quickly. Infants typically double their birth weight at about 5 months of age and triple it by 12 months. Most toddlers gain 5 or 6 pounds during the second year of life and another 4 to 5 pounds during the third year so that the average 3-year-old weighs about 31 pounds (Kuczmarski et al., 2000).

Gains in height of 10 to 12 inches can be expected over the first year of life, making the average 1-year-old child about 30 inches tall. Most children grow about 5 inches during their second year of life and 3 to 4 inches during their third. To parents, growth may appear slow and steady, but research has shown that it often occurs in spurts in which an infant or toddler can grow up to one quarter of an inch overnight (Lampl, Johnson, Frongillo, & Frongillo, 2001; Lampl, Veldhuis, & Johnson, 1992). At about 2 years of age, both girls and boys have reached one half of their adult height (Huelke, 1998). During their first three years, infants and toddlers grow faster than they ever will again.

Growth is largely maturational, but it can be influenced by health and environmental factors. Today’s children grow taller and faster than ever before, and the average adult is taller today than a century ago (Cole, 2003). Improved sanitation, nutrition, and access to medical care have contributed to an increase in children’s growth over the past century in the United States and other industrialized countries. One significant aspect of today’s medical care is the availability of vaccinations to prevent infectious diseases that were once an inevitable part of childhood; see Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 89).

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Body Proportions in Infancy and Early Childhood

Watch 13-month-old London, 3-year-old Ella, and 4-year-old Abigail as they demonstrate changing body proportions from infancy to early childhood.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Childhood Vaccination

Vaccines protect children and communities from diseases that once spread quickly and killed thousands of people.

Mark Thomas / Science Source

Over the past fifty years, childhood diseases such as measles, mumps, and whooping cough have declined dramatically because of widespread immunization of infants and young children. A vaccine is a small dose of inactive virus that is injected into the body to stimulate the production of antibodies to guard against the disease. Vaccines control infectious diseases that once spread quickly and killed thousands of people.

Vaccines are administered early in life because many preventable diseases are more common in infants and young children. Vaccinations protect the child as well as those in the child’s community because an immunized person is less susceptible to a disease and therefore also less likely to transmit it to others. Most public schools require that children be fully immunized before enrollment, a requirement that has increased vaccination rates and prevented many diseases (Salmon et al., 2005).

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends that children be vaccinated against most vaccine-preventable disease by the time they are 2 years of age. Vaccination rates have increased markedly over the past 15 years. The proportion of children aged 19 to 35 months receiving the recommended series of vaccines increased from 69% to 83% between 1994 and 2004. However, the rate has stalled since, standing at 82% in 2011 (Child Trends, 2014).

Why is the immunization rate relatively low? One reason is that many children in the United States do not have access to the health care they need. There are no ethnic differences in childhood vaccination rates, but children in families with incomes below the poverty level are less likely than are those with families with incomes at or above the poverty level to receive the combined series vaccination. Many parents are unaware that children from low-income families who do not have medical insurance can receive vaccinations through the federal Vaccines for Children Program, begun in 1994 (CDC, 1994).

Another, more troubling, reason for the stalled vaccination rate is that, based on the common misconception that vaccines are linked with autism, some parents refuse to have their children vaccinated (Gust et al., 2004). Extensive research indicates that there is no association between vaccination and autism (Gerber & Offit, 2009; Taylor, Swerdfeger, & Eslick, 2014). In fact, a U.S. court ruled against parents who sought damages from vaccine manufacturers on the basis that vaccination does not cause autism (McNeil, 2009).

One reason for the misconception is that children tend to receive vaccines at the age when some chronic illnesses and developmental disorders—such as autism—tend to emerge, but this correlation is not

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indicative of a cause-and-effect relationship. (Recall from Chapter 1 that correlational research documents phenomena that occur together but cannot demonstrate causation.) While specific causes of autism spectrum disorders have yet to be fully identified, we do know that autism has a strong genetic component and is also associated with both maternal and paternal age (Grether, Anderson, Croen, Smith, & Windham, 2009; Idring et al., 2014; Waltes et al., 2014).

Even when children receive the full schedule of vaccinations, many do not receive them on the timetable recommended by the National Vaccine Advisory Committee (Luman, Barker, McCauley, & Drews-Botsch, 2005). Vaccine timeliness is important because the efficacy of early and late vaccination is not always known and may vary by disease (Luman et al., 2005). When a child receives a vaccination may be just as important as whether the child receives it in promoting disease resistance.

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What Do You Think? 1. What do you think about the use of vaccines? 2. In your view, what is the most important reason in favor of vaccinations? 3. Why do you think some parents object to their use? How might you respond to their

objections?

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Breast-Feeding

One of the best ways of meeting infants’ complex nutritional needs is through breast- feeding. Recommended by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2011), breast-feeding has increased in popularity in the United States from about one half of mothers ever breast-feeding in 1990 to over three quarters in 2010 (Child Trends, 2013; Li, Zhao, Mokdad, & Barker, 2003). About 49% of women continue to breast-feed after 6 months and 27% at 12 months. Breast-feeding practices vary by ethnicity, education, socioeconomic status, and maternal age (Hauck, Fenwick, Dhaliwal, & Butt, 2011).

Breast-feeding is associated with many health benefits for infants and mothers, and provides opportunities for infant–mother bonding.

canstock/lucidwaters

Countries where women have paid maternity leave for part or all of their infants’ first year of life, such as Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Australia, show very high breast-feeding rates of 94% and more (Hauck et al., 2011; Imdad, Yakoob, & Bhutta, 2011; Roelants, Hauspie, & Hoppenbrouwers, 2010). In the United States and the United Kingdom, the lowest rates of breast-feeding are among low-income mothers, mothers who are young, and mothers with low levels of education. Researchers have observed that the employment settings of low-income mothers may offer few resources to support breast-feeding, such as private places for women to use breast pumps (Griffiths & Tate, 2007; Racine, Frick, Guthrie, & Strobino, 2009). In contrast to industrialized countries, in developing countries women with low educational levels and in the poorest social classes are usually more likely to breast-feed their children. In these countries, educated women of higher income brackets tend to shun breast-feeding; it is looked upon as an option primarily for low-income women who are unable to afford formula (Berra et al., 2003; Imdad et al., 2011; Rasheed,

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Frongillo, Devine, Alam, & Rasmussen, 2009).

Breast-feeding offers benefits for mothers and infants. Mothers who breast-feed have lower rates of diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and depression, and after they reach menopause they are at lower risk for ovarian and breast cancer and bone fractures (Godfrey & Lawrence, 2010; Saunders-Goldson & Edwards, 2004). Infants benefit from the unique composition of breast milk. A mother’s milk is tailored to her infant and has the right amount of fat, sugar, water, and protein needed for the baby’s growth and development. Most babies find it easier to digest breast milk than formula. In addition, breast milk contains immunizing agents that protect the infant against infections (Hetzner, Razza, Malone, & Brooks-Gunn, 2009; Saunders-Goldson & Edwards, 2004). Breast-feeding is associated with a reduced risk of sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), allergies, and gastrointestinal symptoms as well as with fewer visits to physicians (Schulze & Carlisle, 2010; Stein & Kuhn, 2009). Breast-feeding for more than six months is associated with reduced risk of obesity and childhood cancer, especially lymphomas (American Academy of Pediatrics [AAP] Work Group on Breastfeeding, 1997; Savino, Fissore, Liguori, & Oggero, 2009; Schulze & Carlisle, 2010).

The effects of breast-feeding on cognitive development are less clear. In some studies, infants breast-fed for more than six months perform better on tests of cognitive ability as compared with their formula-fed counterparts (Kramer et al., 2008; Sloan, Stewart, & Dunne, 2010). Others suggest that the differences in test scores are influenced by the characteristics of mothers who breast-feed, such as higher levels of education and socioeconomic status (Der, Batty, & Deary, 2006; Schulze & Carlisle, 2010; Tanaka, Kon, Ohkawa, Yoshikawa, & Shimizu, 2009). Yet studies that control for maternal factors still support a cognitive advantage to breast-fed infants (Sloan et al., 2010). The cognitive advantages may persist throughout childhood into adolescence. The duration of breast- feeding, specifically longer than six months, is associated with higher scores in language ability at ages 5 and 10 (Whitehouse, Robinson, Li, & Oddy, 2011) and intelligence in adolescence (Isaacs et al., 2010). However, it is important to recognize that differences in cognitive development between breast-fed and formula-fed infants are small (Jenkins & Foster, 2014; Schulze & Carlisle, 2010).

Despite these benefits, many mothers do not breast-feed, either by choice or by necessity. In this case, infant formula is a safe and healthy alternative to breast milk. Formula production is monitored by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. Most formulas are made from cow’s milk, but soy-based alternatives exist for infants with allergies or parents who choose to raise their child vegetarian. Infants subsist on milk or formula alone for the first few months of life, after which other foods begin to be integrated into their diet.

The typical newborn sleeps about 18 hours each day, waking every 2 hours to eat, and babies continue to require nighttime feedings until they are 4 or 5 months old (Sola, Rogido, & Partridge, 2002). Every 2 hours, newborns transition through several different

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states of sleep and wakefulness, from alert wakefulness, to fussing, to light sleep, deep sleep, and back to wakefulness, waking to eat. Infants’ sleep patterns change over the first months of life, so that by 8 weeks of age they begin showing signs of day–night sleep rhythms.

Culture plays an important role in shaping how parents manage these frequent feedings. For example, parents in the United States typically look forward to the time when their infant will sleep through the night, viewing the newborn’s unpredictable sleep pattern as something to fix (Harkness, 1998). In contrast, many European parents view newborn sleep as part of normal development and do not intervene to shape newborn sleep cycles. Parental behavior, in turn, can have an influence on babies’ sleep patterns. Infants are more likely to continue waking overnight when their parents play with them during nighttime feedings, as stimulation and attention may reinforce nighttime waking (Bornstein, 2002). Cultures also have different beliefs and practices around sleeping arrangements for infants, toddlers, and older children—including co-sleeping—see Cultural Influences on Development, p. 91.

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Cultural Influences on Development

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Co-Sleeping

While sharing a bedroom can enhance the infant–parent bond and make nighttime feedings easier, infants are safest in their own bassinets, such as this one, which is adapted to promote safe parent–infant contact.

Jennie Hart/Alamy

The practice of co-sleeping, the infant sharing a bed with the mother or with both parents, is common in many countries, yet controversial in others. In Japan, China, Kenya, Bangladesh, and the Mayan peninsula of Mexico, co-sleeping in infancy and early childhood is the norm and is believed to enhance the child’s sense of security (Morelli, Rogoff, Oppenheim, & Goldsmith, 1992; Super & Harkness, 1982; Xiao-na, Hui-shan, Li-jin, & Xi-cheng, 2010).

In Latin America and Asia, infants are not expected to go to bed and sleep alone at a regular time each night; instead, they are held until they fall asleep and then are placed in the parental bed (Lozoff, Wolf, & Davis, 1984). In contrast, in many industrialized countries, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, newborns are placed to sleep in their own bassinets, whether in their parents’ room or in a separate nursery (Ball, Hooker, & Kelly, 1999; McKenna & Volpe, 2007). Parents’ decisions of whether to co-sleep are influenced by their own values and beliefs, which are often shaped by the context in which they live.

Pediatricians in Western nations tend to advise separate sleeping arrangements for parents and infants. The AAP and the U.K. Department of Health have declared sharing a bed with an infant to be an unsafe practice; instead, they advise having infants sleep in a crib in the parents’ room (AAP, 2005; U.K. Department of Health, 2005). Despite these warnings, co-sleeping has become more common among Western families. When co-sleeping occurs, it is usually initiated by the mother, especially if she breast-feeds (Ball, Hooker, & Kelly, 2000; McCoy et al., 2004).

Proponents of co-sleeping argue that it best meets the physiological, psychological and developmental needs of human newborns (McKenna, 2001; McKenna & Mosko, 1993; Trevathan & McKenna, 1994; Willinger, Ko, Hoffman, Kessler, & Corwin, 2003). Infants who sleep with their mothers synchronize their sleep patterns with her, permitting more awakenings for breast-feeding yet lengthening the total time that infants sleep (Gettler & McKenna, 2011; Goldberg & Keller, 2007; Mosko, Richard, & McKenna, 1997). Both mothers and babies benefit from skin-to-skin contact, as it enhances breast milk production, stabilizes infants’ heart rate, reduces apnea (gaps in the infant’s breathing), increases the prevalence and duration of breast-feeding, reduces crying, and is associated with more positive mother–infant interactions (McKenna & Volpe, 2007; Taylor, Donovan, & Leavitt, 2008). Fathers report that they find co-sleeping rewarding rather than an intrusion on the marital bed (Ball et al., 2000; McCoy et al., 2004).

Some pediatricians caution that co-sleeping may become a habit that is difficult to break and that it is associated with sleep problems, like nighttime waking and bedtime protests when the child is moved to his or her own bed (Lozoff et al., 1984; McKenna & Mosko, 1993; Schachter, Fuchs, Bijur, & Stone, 1989). Most importantly, opponents of co-sleeping point to increased risk of accidental suffocation and an increased risk of SIDS, especially among mothers who smoke (Brenner et al., 2003; Mitchell, 2009). Yet other studies suggest that co-sleeping is a protective factor against SIDS (McKenna, 2001). Many experts

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believe that while the use of comforters and pillows is hazardous, co-sleeping can be safe if appropriate precautions are taken, such as using light bed coverings and a firm mattress (McKenna, 2001).

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What Do You Think? 1. Should infants and parents co-sleep? 2. In your view, what are the advantages and disadvantages of co-sleeping? 3. How might safety concerns be addressed?

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Solid Food

Somewhere between 4 and 6 months of age, infants eat their first solid food—although “solid food” is actually a misnomer; the first food consumed is usually iron-fortified baby cereal mixed with breast milk or formula to make a very thin gruel. As babies get older, the amount of milk is reduced to make porridge of a thicker consistency. Now infants’ diets begin to include other pureed foods, such as vegetables and fruits. The addition of pureed meats comes later. Infants do not necessarily like these new flavors and textures—many foods must be introduced over a dozen times before an infant will accept them.

Figure 4.2: Weight Norms for Infants and Toddlers

As infants grow to become toddlers, their appetites decrease. They begin to feed themselves, which means meals may take more time; self-feeding might also reduce toddlers’ food consumption. Toddlers’ appetites tend to be less consistent than those of infants, but as long as they are offered a variety of foods and they continue to gain weight, their eating habits should not be a concern.

Although babies need adequate calories, fats, and proteins in order to grow, some babies gain more weight, even appearing chubby. Parents who feed their infants nutritious foods need not worry about increases in weight and should not restrict infants’ caloric intake without consulting a pediatrician. Most chubby babies become thinner toddlers and young children as they learn to crawl, walk, run, and become more active. However, many infants are not served nutritious foods. One recent study of 4- to 24-month-olds found that many were served fattening “junk” foods such as French fries, pizza, candy, and soda (Siega-Riz et al., 2010). Many consumed 20% to 30% more calories than they needed, and up to one third consumed no vegetables regularly. Rapid, excessive weight gain in infancy is associated with childhood obesity (Botton, Heude, Maccario, Ducimetière, & Charles,

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2008; Chomtho et al., 2008). Pediatricians suggest that parents consider their infants’ growth in light of norms to determine whether intervention is needed. As shown in Figure 4.2, only about 5% of 12-month-old boys and girls weigh 26 pounds or more (World Health Organization, 2009).

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Malnutrition

For many children, however, receiving adequate calories and nutrition is a challenge. Over one quarter of the world’s children under age 5 are moderately or severely underweight. About one third of 3- to 5-year-old children in developing countries show growth stunting (de Onis, Blössner, & Borghi, 2012). Malnutrition has devastating effects on physical growth. A diet that is chronically insufficient in protein and calories commonly results in marasmus, a wasting disease in which the body’s fat and muscle are depleted. Growth stops, the body wastes away, the skin becomes wrinkly and aged looking, the abdomen shrinks, and the body takes on a hollow appearance. Another malnutritive disease is kwashiorkor, found in children who experience a sudden deprivation of food and calories. It is characterized by lethargy; wrinkled skin; and a bloating and swelling of the stomach, face, legs and arms. Because the vital organs of the body take all of the available nutrients, the other parts of the body deteriorate and the hair becomes thin, brittle, and colorless.

This child suffers from an extreme nutritional deficiency, kwashiorkor. Early treatment can reduce the deficits associated with kwashiorkor, but most children will not reach their full potential for height and growth.

Wikimedia

Children who are malnourished in infancy tend to show impaired learning, concentration, and language skills throughout childhood and adolescence. For example, malnutrition in the first year of life is associated with depression in 11- to 17-year-olds (Galler et al., 2010). Some of the damage caused by malnutrition can be reversed, and motor and mental development enhanced, if nutrition is reinstated early, but long-term difficulties with attention and learning often remain (UNICEF, 2009; Victora, 2009). It is believed that growth stunting is largely irreversible after 2 years of age (UNICEF, 2009). Humanitarian

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relief programs often provide infants and young children with fortified foods as dietary supplements, but some researchers argue that such programs offer minimal benefits for children because they are short term and are unable to correct the underlying problems (Pérez-Expósito & Klein, 2009).

Though malnutrition is common in developing countries, it is also found in some of the world’s wealthiest countries. In 2012, 15% of American households experienced food insecurity, meaning that they lacked consistent access to food to support an active healthy lifestyle for all family members (Coleman-Jensen, Nord, & Singh, 2013). The most common nutrients missing from infants and toddlers’ diets are iron, zinc, and calcium. Meat is an important source of iron and zinc. Dairy foods are a source of zinc and calcium, and broccoli is also rich in calcium. It is estimated that one third of toddlers fail to consume enough calcium. Few U.S. children who are malnourished will display marasmus or kwashiorkor, but their growth and cognitive development will be affected nonetheless (Gehri, Settler, & Di Paolo, 2006).

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Failure to Thrive

Individual differences are the norm when it comes to growth; children grow at different rates. However, some children show significantly slower growth than other children their age. Some infants display failure to thrive, a condition in which their weight is less than 80% of the norm for their age without any medical reason, such as illness (Dorota, 2004). The most common cause of failure to thrive is inadequate nutrition and eating too few calories (Stephens, Gentry, Michener, & Kendall, 2008), which may be influenced by a small appetite and fussy eating. Sometimes psychosocial and contextual factors contribute to failure to thrive, such as insecure attachment to caregivers, parents who lack knowledge about parenting and child development, emotional neglect and abuse, and other stressful contexts such as living in poverty (Batchelor, 2008; Dorota, 2004).

Children with failure to thrive may be irritable and emotional, easily fatigued, lacking in age-appropriate social responses such as smiling and eye contact, and delayed in motor development. Untreated failure to thrive is accompanied by delays in cognitive, verbal, and behavioral skills that make it difficult for the child to achieve success in school, home, and peer environments (Benoit, 2009; Dykman, Casey, Ackerman, McPherson, & McPherson, 2001).

Pediatricians typically treat failure to thrive by providing the child with the nutrients necessary to grow normally. They may also work with other health professionals such as psychologists and social workers to address underlying medical and psychosocial conditions, such as abuse or neglect (Benoit, 2009). Although nutritional interventions can alleviate many of the effects of malnutrition on physical development, some children might show long-term cognitive and psychosocial deficits (Black, Dubowitz, Krishnakumar, & Starr, 2007).

We have seen that growth proceeds rapidly over the first two years of life. Consistent patterns of growth are evident and most infants’ growth falls within the norm. Body growth is largely maturationally driven, but parental choices and other environmental factors influence infant growth rates. Whereas breast-feeding and introducing healthy solid foods can aid infants’ growth, malnutrition and a diet of sweet and fatty foods can hinder infants’ development with effects that can persist throughout childhood.

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Thinking in Context 4.1 1. Why are marasmus and kwashiorkor uncommon in the United States? What contextual factors place

children in developing nations at risk for these impairments? 2. What are the pros and cons of public education programs that aim to increase parents’ knowledge about

health topics such as breast-feeding or vaccines? If you were assigned to design such a program, what would you need to know to begin your design? How would you go about gathering information and ideas?

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Brain Development During Infancy and Toddlerhood

All of the developments in infants’ physical and mental capacities are influenced by the dramatic changes that occur in the brain. At birth, the brain is about 25% of its adult weight and it grows rapidly throughout infancy, reaching 80% of its adult weight by 2 years of age (Nelson & Luciana, 2008). As the brain develops, it becomes larger and more complex.

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Processes of Neural Development

Just like every other part of the human body, the brain is made up of billions of cells. Brain cells are called neurons, and they are specialized to communicate with one another to make it possible for people to sense the world, think, move their body, and carry out their lives (Price, Jarman, Mason, & Kind, 2011; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). Brain development begins well before birth. Neurogenesis, the creation of new neurons, begins in the embryo’s neural tube. We are born with more than 100 billion neurons, more than we will ever need—and more than we will ever have at any other time in our lives. However, as some of our neurons die out and new ones are formed, neurogenesis continues throughout life, though at a much slower pace than during prenatal development (Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). As the brain develops, new neurons migrate along a network of glial cells, a second type of brain cell that outnumbers neurons 10 to 1 (Jessen, 2004; Nelson & Bloom, 1997). Glial cells nourish neurons and move throughout the brain to provide a physical structure to the brain (Klämbt, 2009). As shown in Figure 4.4, neurons travel along glial cells to the location of the brain where they will function (Nelson & Bloom, 1997; Zhang et al., 2010), such as the outer layer of the brain, known as the cortex, and glial cells instruct neurons to form connections with other neurons (Ullian, Sapperstein, Christopherson, & Barres, 2001).

At birth, the neural networks of axons and dendrites are simple, with few connections, or synapses, between neurons (DiPietro, 2000). Early in infancy, major growth takes place. Neurons and glial cells enlarge. As the dendrites grow and branch out, neurons form synapses and thereby increase connections with others, a process called synaptogenesis. Synaptogenesis peaks in different brain regions at different ages (Price et al., 2011). The most active areas of synaptogenesis during the first five weeks of life are in the sensorimotor cortex and subcortical parts of the brain, which are responsible for respiration and other essential survival processes. The visual cortex develops very rapidly between 3 and 4 months and reaches peak density by 12 months of age. The prefrontal cortex—responsible for planning and higher thinking—develops more slowly (Nelson & Luciana, 2008).

Throughout the lifespan, stimulation and experience are key components needed to maximize neural connections and brain development. In response to exposure to stimulation from the outside world, the number of synapses initially rises meteorically in the first year of life and the dendrites increase 500% by age 2 (Monk, Webb, & Nelson, 2001). By age 3, children have more synapses than at any other point in life, with at least 50% more synapses than in the adult brain (DiPietro, 2000; Monk et al., 2001). This explosion in connections in the early years of life has been called transient exuberance because the brain makes more connections than it needs, in preparation to receive any and all conceivable kinds of stimulation (Nowakowski, 1987). Those connections that are used become stronger and more efficient, while those unused eventually shrink, atrophy, and disappear. This loss of unused neural connections is a process called synaptic pruning. The

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first three years of life have been identified as a particularly important time for neural development because stimulation during infancy and early childhood influence the number of connections among neurons and, by extension, the child’s cognitive potential (DiPietro, 2000).

Stimulation and experience strongly influence brain development, but maturational processes are also important. In a process called myelination, which begins during the first two years of life, glial cells produce and coat the axons of neurons with a fatty substance called myelin (Jessen, 2004; Nelson & Luciana, 2008; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010; Ullian et al., 2001). Myelination contributes to advances in neural communication because axons coated with myelin transmit neural impulses more quickly than unmyelinated axons. With increases in myelination, infants and children process information more quickly. Myelination proceeds most rapidly from birth to age 4 and continues through adolescence into early adulthood (Fischer & Rose, 1995; Jessen, 2004).

Figure 4.3: Image of Neurons

Figure 4.4: Glial Cell–Neuron Relationship

Source: Gasser and Hatten (1990).

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Experience and Brain Development

Much of what we know about brain development comes from studying animals. Animals raised in stimulating environments with many toys and companions to play with develop brains that are heavier and have more synapses than do those who grow up in standard laboratory conditions (Greenough & Black, 1992; Grossman, Churchill, McKinney, Kodish, & Otte, 2003; Rosenzweig, 1984). Likewise, when animals raised in stimulating environments are moved to unstimulating standard laboratory conditions, their brains lose neural connections (Grossman et al., 2003; Thompson, 1993). This is true for humans, too. Infants who are understimulated, such as those who experience child maltreatment or who are reared in deprivation, such as in poor understaffed orphanages in foreign countries, also show cognitive and perceptual deficits (Twardosz & Lutzker, 2009; Wilson, 2003). Experience influences the physical structure of our brains throughout life. Though infancy is a particularly important time for the formation and strengthening of synapses, experience shapes brain structure at all ages of life even into adulthood (Rosenzweig, 2002; Zeanah, 2009).

The powerful role that experience plays in brain development can be categorized into two types. First, the brain depends on experiencing certain basic events and stimuli at key points in time in order to develop normally (Fox, Levitt, & Nelson, 2010); this is referred to as experience-expectant brain development. Experience-expectant brain development is demonstrated in sensory deprivation research with animals. If animals are blindfolded and prevented from using their visual system for the first several weeks after birth, they never acquire normal vision because the connections among the neurons that transmit sensory information from the eyes to the visual cortex fail to develop and decay (DiPietro, 2000; Neville & Bavelier, 2001). If only one eye is prevented from seeing, the animal will be able to see well with one eye but will not develop binocular vision, the ability to focus two eyes together on a single object.

Similarly, human infants born with a congenital cataract in one eye (an opaque clouding that blocks light from reaching the retina) will lose the capacity to process visual stimuli in the affected eye if they do not receive treatment. Even with treatment, subtle differences in facial processing may remain (Fox et al., 2010). Brain organization depends on experiencing certain ordinary events, such as opportunities to hear language, see the world, touch objects, and explore the environment (Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). All infants around the world need these basic experiences in order to develop normally.

A second type of development, experience-dependent brain development, refers to the growth that occurs in response to learning experiences (Greenough & Black, 1992). Experiences such as learning to stack blocks or crawl on a slippery wood floor are unique to individual infants, and they influence what particular brain areas and functions are

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developed and reinforced. Experience-dependent development is the result of lifelong experiences that vary by individual based on contextual and cultural circumstances (Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). Exposure to enriching experiences, such as interactive play with toy cars and other objects that move; hands-on play with blocks, balls, and cups; and stimulating face-to-face play can all enhance children’s development (Fox et al., 2010). Experience- expectant abilities may change and develop throughout life based on an individual’s experiences (Nelson & Luciana, 2008).

Brain development is a multifaceted process that is not is a result of maturational or environmental input alone. Brains do not develop normally in the absence of a basic genetic code, nor in the absence of essential environmental input. At all points in development, intrinsic and environmental factors interact to support the increasingly complex and elaborate structures and functions of the brain.

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Thinking in Context 4.2 1. How might contextual factors influence brain development? Consider infants raised in different contexts:

urban, suburban, or rural contexts as well as with different family formations, such as single parent, two parent, only child, or multiple siblings. How might these differences influence brain development?

2. What would you tell a new parent about brain development? Why? What advice might you give new parents on how to promote brain development in their child over the first three years of life?

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Early Learning Capacities

Can newborns learn? If we define learning as changing behavior in response to experience, certainly: Animals and even insects learn. Yet infants were once believed to be born incapable of sensing and understanding the physical world around them. Most new parents will quickly tell you that this is far from the truth. At birth, and even before, neonates can perceive their physical world and have powerful capacities for learning about it.

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Habituation

Less than 1 day old, cradled next to his mother in the hospital maternity center, Tommy is already displaying the earliest form of learning: He no longer cries each time he hears the loud beep made by the machine that reads his mother’s blood pressure. This type of learning is called habituation; it occurs when repeated exposure to a stimulus results in the gradual decline in the intensity, frequency, or duration of a response (see Figure 4.5). All animals and humans are programmed to learn. Even before birth, humans demonstrate habituation, as early as 22 to 24 weeks’ gestation (Hepper, 2015). For example, 27- to 36- week-old fetuses demonstrate habituation to vibration as well as auditory stimuli, such as the sound of a tone. Initially, the fetus moves in response to the vibration, suggesting interest in a novel stimulus, but after repeated stimulation the fetus no longer responds to the stimulus, indicating that it has habituated to it (Madison, Madison, & Adubato, 1986; McCorry & Hepper, 2007; Muenssinger et al., 2013). Not only can the fetus habituate to stimuli but it can recall a stimulus, as measured by habituation, for at least 24 hours (van Heteren, Boekkooi, Jongsma, & Nijhuis, 2000).

Habituation improves with development. For example, the performance of fetuses on habituation tasks improves with gestational age (James, 2010; McCorry & Hepper, 2007). After birth, habituation is often measured by changes in an infant’s heart rate and in attention, or looking at a stimulus (Colombo, 2010; Domsch, 2010). Younger infants require more time to habituate than older infants (Kavšek & Bornstein, 2010; Krafchuk, Tronick, & Clifton, 1983; Rovee-Collier, 1999). Babies younger than 4 months require more exposure to a stimulus to habituate, but 5- to 12-month-old babies habituate quickly —even after just a few seconds of sustained attention—and in some cases they can recall the stimulus for weeks, such as recalling faces that they have encountered for brief periods of time (Fagan, 1984; Richards, 1997).

Figure 4.5: Habituation

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SOURCE: Visual development by Marcela Salamanca and Donald Kline, University of Calgary (http://psych.ucalgary.ca/PACE/VA-Lab/).

Neural development, specifically development of the prefrontal cortex, is thought to underlie age-related gains in habituation skill (Nakano, Watanabe, Homae, & Taga, 2009). As the brain matures, infants process information more quickly and learn more about stimuli in fewer exposures (DiPietro, 2000; Richards, 1997). Fetuses with more mature nervous systems require fewer trials to habituate than do those with less well developed nervous systems, even at the same gestational age (Morokuma et al., 2004). Fetal habituation predicts measures of information processing ability at 6 months of age (Gaultney & Gingras, 2005). Younger infants and those with low birth weight require more time to habituate than do older and more fully developed infants (Kavšek & Bornstein, 2010; Krafchuk et al., 1983; Rovee-Collier, 1987).

There are also individual differences in habituation among healthy, developmentally normal infants. Some habituate quickly and recall what they have learned for a long time. Other infants require many more exposures to habituate and quickly forget what they have learned. The speed at which infants habituate is associated with cognitive development when they grow older. Infants who habituate quickly during the first six to eight months of life tend to show more advanced capacities to learn and use language during the second year of life (Tamis-LeMonda, Song, & Bornstein, 1989). Rapid habituation is also associated with higher scores on intelligence tests in childhood (McCall & Carrigher, 1993; Rose & Feldman, 1995). The prolem-solving skills measured by intelligence tests tap information processing skills such as attention, processing speed, and memory—all of which influence the rate of habituation (McCall, 1994).

Innate learning capacities permit young infants to adapt quickly to the world, a skill essential for survival. Researchers use these capacities to study infant perception and cognition (Aslin, 2014). For example, to examine whether an infant can discriminate between two stimuli, a researcher presents one until the infant habituates to it. Then a second stimulus is presented. If dishabituation, or the recovery of attention, occurs, it indicates that the infant detects that the second stimulus is different from the first. If the infant does not react to the new stimulus by showing dishabituation, it is assumed that the infant does not perceive the difference between the two stimuli. The habituation method is very useful in studying infant perception and cognition, and underlies many of the findings discussed later in this chapter.

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Classical Conditioning

In addition to their capacity to learn by habituation, infants are born with a second powerful tool for learning. They can learn through association. Classical conditioning entails making an association between a neutral stimulus and an unconditioned stimulus that triggers an innate reaction. Eventually the neutral stimulus (now conditioned stimulus) produces the same response as the unconditioned stimulus.

Newborns demonstrate classical conditioning. For example, when stroking the forehead was paired with tasting sugar water, 2-hour-old infants were conditioned to suck in response to having their heads stroked (Blass, Ganchrow, & Steiner, 1984). Similarly, Lipsitt and Kaye (1964) paired a tone with the presentation of a nipple to 2- and 3-day-old infants. Soon, the infants began to make sucking movements at the sound of the tone. Even premature infants can demonstrate associative learning, though at slower rates than full- term infants (Herbert, Eckerman, Goldstein, & Stanton, 2004). Research with chimpanzee fetuses has shown that they display classical conditioning before birth (Kawai, 2010). It is likely that the human fetus can as well. Although classical conditioning is innate, neurological damage can hinder infants’ abilities to learn by association. Infants with fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) require much more time than other infants to learn to associate reflexes such as eye blinking with external stimuli, such as sounds (Jacobson et al., 2008).

Classical conditioning is successful in newborns only for biological reflexes, such as sucking, and it requires repeated exposures because newborns process information slowly (Little, Lipsitt, & Rovee-Collier, 1984). As infants grow older, classical conditioning occurs more quickly and to a broader range of stimuli. For example, in a classic study, Watson and Raynor (1920) paired a white rat with a loud banging noise to evoke fear in an 11-month- old boy known as Little Albert. Soon Albert demonstrated fear in response to seeing the rat, indicating that emotional responses can be classically conditioned. Our capacities to learn through classical conditioning are evident at birth—and persist throughout life.

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Operant Conditioning

At birth, babies are attuned to the environment and can learn from it. Infants learn to engage in behaviors based on their consequences, whether they are followed by reinforcement or punishment; this is known as operant conditioning. Behaviors increase when they are followed by reinforcement and decrease when they are followed by punishment. For example, newborns will change their rate of sucking on a pacifier, increasing or decreasing the rate of sucking, in order to hear a tape recording of their mother’s voice, a reinforcer (Moon, Cooper, & Fifer, 1993). Other research shows that newborns will change their rate of sucking to see visual designs or hear human voices that they find pleasing (Floccia, Christophe, & Bertoncini, 1997). We are born with the ability to learn through operant conditioning—premature infants and even third trimester fetuses can be operantly conditioned (Dziewolska & Cautilli, 2006; Thoman & Ingersoll, 1993). For example, a 35-week-old fetus will change its rate of kicking in response to hearing the father talk against the mother’s abdomen (Dziewolska & Cautilli, 2006).

As infants develop, they process information more quickly and require fewer trials pairing behavior and consequence to demonstrate operant conditioning. For example, it requires about 200 trials for 2-day-old infants to learn to turn their heads in response to a nippleful of milk, but 3-month-old infants require about 40 trials, and 5-month-olds require less than 30 trials (Papousek, 1967). Infants’ early capacities for operant conditioning imply that they are active and responsive to their environments and adapt their behavior from birth.

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Imitation

Toddler Tula puts a bowl on her head and pats it just as she watched her older sister do yesterday. Imitation is an important way in which children and adults learn. Can young infants imitate others? Believe it or not, yes. Newborns have a primitive ability to learn through imitation. In a classic study (see Figure 4.6), 2-day-old infants mimicked adult facial expressions including sticking out the tongue, opening and closing the mouth, and sticking out the lower lip (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977; Nagy, 2006). The prevalence and function of neonate imitation is debated (Oostenbroek, Slaughter, Nielsen, & Suddendorf, 2013). Some studies have failed to replicate this ability and have suggested that tongue protruding is a general newborn response to interesting stimuli (Anisfeld et al., 2001; Jones, 2006) and that neonate imitation is not developmentally similar to later social imitation (Suddendorf, Oostenbroek, Nielsen, & Slaughter, 2013). Others have confirmed that newborns from several ethnic groups and cultures display early capacities for imitation (Meltzoff & Kuhl, 1994; Nadel & Butterworth, 1999) and it is not simply an arousal response (Nagy, Pilling, Orvos, & Molnar, 2013). For example, in one study, newborns made corresponding mouth movements to both vowel and consonant vocal models; when the adult model made an a sound, newborns opened their mouths, and when the model made an m sound, newborns clutched their mouths (Chen, Striano, & Rakoczy, 2004).

Figure 4.6: Newborn Imitating Facial Expression

Source: Meltzoff and Moore (1977).

Newborns mimic facial expressions, but they are simply carrying out an innate program thought to be controlled by the mirror neuron system, located in the premotor cortex (Rizzolatti, Sinigaglia, & Anderson, 2008). The mirror neuron system, an inborn capacity to make associations and respond to the actions of others by mirroring their actions in our own neural circuits, is apparent in both newborn humans and monkeys (Cook, Bird, Catmur, Press, & Heyes, 2014; Iacoboni, 2009; Keysers & Gazzola, 2010; Lepage & Théoret, 2007; Shaw & Czekóová, 2013). The ability to copy others’ actions is inborn and

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may have fostered the evolutionary development of social communication (Nagy, 2006; Oberman, Hubbard, & McCleery, 2014; Rizzolatti et al., 2008). Neonates mimic simple facial expressions instinctively. The regulatory mechanisms to inhibit imitative responding develop during infancy (Nagy, 2006; Rizzolatti et al., 2008). Therefore, newborns do not understand imitation; rather, their facial expressions naturally mimic others (Meltzoff & Moore, 1989). But soon imitation becomes voluntary.

One important way in which infants learn is by observing and imitating others (Jones & Herbert, 2006). From 6 to 12 months of age, infants display the ability to imitate a wide range of behaviors and demonstrate deferred imitation, the ability to imitate an absent model (Meltzoff & Moore, 1999). Six- and 9-month-old infants show deferred imitation after 24 hours (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996; Collie & Hayne, 1999; Learmonth, Lamberth, & Rovee-Collier, 2004). For example, in one study, 6-month-old infants observed a model remove a mitten from a puppet’s hand, shake it, and put it back on; the infants imitated the sequence of actions 24 hours later (Barr et al., 1996). Nine-month-old infants can apply actions that they have observed with one object to new objects that they have not observed 24 hours later (Lukowski, Wiebe, & Bauer, 2009). Twelve-month-old infants display deferred imitation four weeks after observing a model manipulate toys like cups, beads, and blocks (Klein & Meltzoff, 1999). Infants imitate not only adults but also peers. For example, 14-month-old infants who observed a peer playing in specific ways with toys—such as pulling, pushing, and poking them—repeated the actions in their own homes two days and then a week later (Klein & Meltzoff, 1999).

Imitation improves throughout infancy. Older infants imitate after shorter demonstration periods, display imitation after longer delays, and are more likely to generalize what they learn through imitation when they are tested with new objects in new contexts than are younger infants (Barr & Hayne, 2003; Herbert, Gross, & Hayne, 2006). By imitating others’ actions on objects, older infants advance their manual skills—they observe and learn new ways of holding and manipulating objects (Fagard & Lockman, 2010). Infants not only learn from watching others but they also selectively imitate the actions of others (Kolling, Oturai, & Knopf, 2014). When 14- to 18-month-old infants observed an adult’s action that was accompanied by a verbal expression indicating that the action was intentional (“There!”) or accidental (“Whoops!”), the infants were more likely to imitate the intentional than the accidental actions (Carpenter, Akhtar, & Tomasello, 1998).

In summary, infants enter the world equipped with several basic learning capacities that permit them to learn even before birth. Newborns display classical and operant conditioning, imitation, and habituation, illustrating that they are wired to attend to their environment. Not only do infants display early competencies that permit them to learn quickly but they are also surprisingly adept at sensing and perceiving stimuli around them.

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Thinking in Context 4.3 1. What do early learning capacities mean for parenting? What information about habituation,

conditioning, or imitation should parents be aware of, if any? Why? 2. How might these learning principles be applied to address child-rearing issues, such as how to get infants

to sleep through the night or how to introduce new foods?

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Sensation and Perception During Infancy and Toddlerhood

Visiting the doctor’s office for the first time in her young life, Kerry followed the doctor’s finger with her eyes as he passed it over her face. “I think she sees it!” said her surprised mother. “She most certainly does,” said the doctor. “Even as a newborn, your Kerry can sense the world. She can see, hear, and smell better than you know.” Newborns can see, hear, smell, taste, and respond to touch, but it is unclear how infants perceive sensory stimuli. Developmental researchers draw a distinction between sensation and perception. Sensation occurs when our senses detect a stimulus. Perception refers to the sense our brain makes of the stimulus and our awareness of it. The newborn is equipped with a full range of senses, ready to experience the world.

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Hearing

The capacity to hear develops in the womb, as discussed in Chapter 2; in fact, hearing is the most well-developed sense at birth. Newborns are able to hear about as well as adults (Northern, 2014). Shortly after birth, neonates can discriminate among sounds, such as tones (Hernandez-Pavon, Sosa, Lutter, Maier, & Wakai, 2008). By 3 days of age, infants can turn their head and eyes in the general direction of a sound, and this ability to localize sound improves over the first six months (Clifton, Rochat, Robin, & Berthier, 1994; Litovsky & Ashmead, 1997).

The process of learning language begins at birth, through listening. Newborns are attentive to voices and can detect their mothers’ voices. Newborns only 1-day-old prefer to hear speech sounds over acoustically comparable nonspeech sounds. Newborns can perceive and discriminate nearly all sounds in human languages, but from birth, they prefer to hear their native language (Moon et al., 1993).

Infants’ brain activity illustrates their preference for their native language and the developing neurological specialization for language. Neuroimaging studies have found that the areas of the brain responsible for language show greater activation when they hear speech sounds (Vouloumanos, Hauser, Werker, & Martin, 2010). Brain activity in the temporal and left frontal cortex in response to auditory stimuli indicates that newborns can discriminate speech patterns, such as differences in cadence among languages and can discriminate different speech patterns (Gervain, Macagno, Cogoi, Peña, & Mehler, 2008; Gervain & Mehler, 2010). In one study, 4-month-old Japanese infants showed increased brain activity in the left hemisphere of the brain, responsible for language in adults, in response to hearing their native language as compared with nonnative speech, emotional voices (human vocalizations with no linguistic content), monkey calls, and scrambled versions of each vocalization (Minagawa-Kawai et al., 2011).

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Vision

At birth, vision is the least developed sense, but it improves rapidly. Researchers study visual acuity, sharpness of vision or the ability to see, in infants with the use of preferential looking tasks designed to determine whether infants prefer to look at one stimulus or another. For example, consider an array of black and white stripes. As shown in Figure 4.7, an array with more stripes (and therefore, many more narrow stripes) tends to appear gray rather than black and white because the pattern becomes more difficult to see as the stripes become more narrow. Researchers determine infants’ visual acuity by comparing infants’ responses to stimuli with different frequencies of stripes because infants who are unable to detect the stripes lose interest in the stimulus and look away from it. Newborn visual acuity is approximately 20/400 (Farroni & Menon, 2008). Preferential-looking studies show that infants reach adult levels of visual acuity between 6 months and 1 year of age (Courage & Adams, 1990; Gwiazda & Birch, 2001; Mercuri, Baranello, Romeo, Cesarini, & Ricci, 2007). Improvement in vision is due to the increasing maturation of the structures of the eye and the visual cortex, the part of the brain that processes visual stimuli.

Newborns are born with preferences for particular visual stimuli. Newborns prefer to look at patterns, such as a few large squares, rather than a plain stimulus such as a black or white oval shape (Fantz, 1961). Newborns also prefer to look at faces, and the preference for faces increases with age (Frank, Vul, & Johnson, 2009; Gliga, Elsabbagh, Andravizou, & Johnson, 2009). How infants explore visual stimuli changes with age. Until about 1 month of age, infants tend to scan along the outer perimeter of stimuli. For example, when presented with a face, the infant’s gaze will scan along the hairline and not move to the eyes and mouth. By 6 to 7 weeks of age, infants study the eyes and mouth which hold more information than the hairline, as shown in Figure 4.8 (Hunnius & Geuze, 2004). Similarly, the ability to follow an object’s movement with the eyes, known as visual tracking, is very limited at birth but improves quickly. By 2 months of age, an infant can follow a slow- moving object smoothly, and by 3 to 5 months, their eyes can dart ahead to keep pace with a fast-moving object (Richards & Holley, 1999; Teller, 1997).

Figure 4.7: Visual Acuity

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Source: Leat, Yadev, and Irving (2009).

Figure 4.8: Externality Effect and Face Perception

Source: Gallotti (2011).

Like other aspects of vision, color vision improves with age. Newborns see the world in color but have trouble discriminating colors. Early visual experience with color is necessary for normal color perception to develop (Sugita, 2004). Habituation studies show that by 1 month of age, infants can distinguish among red, green, and white (Teller, 1997). By 2 to 3 months of age, infants are as accurate as adults in discriminating the basic colors of red, yellow, and blue (Matlin & Foley, 1997; Teller, 1998). By 3 to 4 months of age, infants can distinguish many more colors as well as distinctions among closely related colors (Bornstein & Lamb, 1992; Haith, 1993). Seven-month-old infants detect color categories similar to those of adults; for example, they can group slightly different shades into the same basic color categories as adults do (e.g., see light blue as a shade of blue; Clifford, Franklin, Davies, & Holmes, 2009).

Depth perception is the ability to perceive distance—the distance of objects from each other

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and from ourselves. Depth perception is what permits infants to successfully reach for objects and, later, to crawl without bumping into furniture. By observing that newborns prefer to look at three-dimensional objects than two-dimensional figures, researchers have seen that we can perceive depth at birth (Slater, Rose, & Morison, 1984). Three- to 4- week-old infants blink their eyes when an object is moved toward their face, as if to hit them, suggesting that they are sensitive to depth cues (Kayed, Farstad, & van der Meer, 2008; Náñez & Yonas, 1994). Infants learn about depth by observing and experiencing motion.

A classic series of studies using the visual cliff demonstrated that crawling influences how infants perceive depth. The visual cliff, as shown in Figure 4.9, is a Plexiglas-covered table bisected by a plank so that one side is shallow, with a checkerboard pattern right under the glass, and the other side is deep, with the checkerboard pattern a few feet below the glass (Gibson & Walk, 1960). In this classic study, crawling babies readily moved from the plank to the shallow side, but not to the deep side, even if coaxed by their mothers, suggesting that they perceive the difference in depth (Walk, 1968). The more crawling experience infants have, the more likely they are to refuse to cross the deep side of the visual cliff (Bertenthal, Campos, & Barrett, 1984).

Does this mean that babies cannot distinguish the shallow and deep sides of the visual cliff until they crawl? No, because even 3-month-old infants who are too young to crawl distinguish shallow from deep drops. When placed facedown on the glass surface of the deep side of the visual cliff, 3-month-old infants became quieter and showed a decrease in heart rate as compared with when they were placed on the shallow side of the cliff (Campos, Langer, & Krowitz, 1970; Dahl et al., 2013). The young infants can distinguish the difference between shallow and deep drops but do not yet associate fear with deep drops.

As infants gain experience crawling, their perception of depth, the meaning they associate with it, changes. Newly walking infants avoid the cliff’s deep side even more consistently than do crawling infants (Dahl et al., 2013; Witherington, Campos, Anderson, Lejeune, & Seah, 2005). A new perspective on the visual cliff studies argues that infants avoid the deep side of the cliff not out of fear but simply because they perceive that they are unable to successfully navigate the drop; fear might be conditioned through later experiences, but infants are not naturally fearful of heights (Adolph, Kretch, & LoBue, 2014).

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Touch

As compared with vision and hearing, we know much less about the sense of touch in infants. The mouth is the first part of the body to show sensitivity to touch prenatally and remains one of the most sensitive areas to touch after birth. A stroke to the newborn’s cheek elicits the rooting reflex, a powerful survival mechanism for babies. In early infancy, touch, especially with the mouth, is a critical means of learning about the world (Piaget, 1936/1952).

Figure 4.9: Visual Cliff

Source: Levine and Munsch (2010).

Touch, specifically a caregiver’s massage, can reduce stress responses in preterm and full- term neonates and is associated with weight gain in newborns (Diego et al., 2007; Hernandez-Reif, Diego, & Field, 2007). Skin-to-skin contact with a caregiver has an analgesic effect, reducing infants’ pain response to the heel stick (de Sousa Freire, Santos Garcia, & Carvalho Lamy, 2008; Ferber & Makhoul, 2008). Although it was once believed that newborns were too immature to feel pain, we now know that the fetus has the capacity to feel pain by at least the 30th week of gestation (Benatar & Benatar, 2003). The neonate’s capacity to feel pain has influenced debates about infant circumcision, as discussed in Lives in Context (p. 102).

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Smell and Taste

Smell and taste are well developed at birth. Classic experiments demonstrate that newborns can discriminate between smells (Goubet et al., 2002). Just hours after birth, newborns display facial expressions signifying disgust in response to odors of ammonia, fish, and other scents that adults find offensive (Steiner, 1979). Within the first days of life, newborns detect and recognize their mother’s odor (Macfarlane, 1975; Porter, Varendi, Christensson, Porter, & Winberg, 1998; Russell, 1976; Schaal et al., 1980). Infants are calmed by their mother’s scent. Newborns who smelled their mother’s odor displayed less agitation during a heel-stick test and cried less afterward than infants presented with unfamiliar odors (Rattaz, Goubet, & Bullinger, 2005). Familiar scents reduce stress responses in infants (Goubet, Strasbaugh, & Chesney, 2007; Nishitani et al., 2009).

Mark Richard/Photo Edit

Infants show innate preferences for some tastes (Beau champ & Mennella, 2011). For example, both bottle- and breast-fed newborns prefer human milk—even milk from strangers—to formula (Marlier & Schaal, 2005). Newborns prefer sugar to other substances, and a small dose of sugar can serve as an anesthetic, distracting newborns from pain (Gradin, Eriksson, Schollin, Holmqvist, & Holstein, 2002). Experience can modify taste preferences, beginning before birth: Fetuses are exposed to flavors in amniotic fluid that influence their preferences after birth (Beauchamp & Mennella, 2011). In one study, the type of formula fed to infants influenced their taste preferences at 4 to 5 years of age (Mennella & Beauchamp, 2002). Infants who were fed milk-based formulas and protein- based formulas were more likely to prefer sour flavors at 4 to 5 years of age as compared with infants who were fed soy-based formulas, who, in turn, were more likely to prefer bitter flavors. In addition, mothers reported that the infants fed protein- or soy-based formulas were more likely to prefer broccoli than those fed milk-based formulas. Touch, taste, and smell further illustrate infants’ amazing capacities to sense and respond to the world around them.

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Intermodal Perception

Though we have discussed the senses separately, when we attend to the environment we combine information from our various sensory systems to understand our world. Not only are infants able to sense in multiple modalities; they are able to coordinate their senses. Intermodal perception is the process of combining information from more than one sensory system. Most of the stimuli we experience are intermodal because they provide more than one type of sensory information (Slater, Quinn, Brown, & Hayes, 1999). Newborns’ ability to imitate facial expressions is an example of intermodal matching, as they are able to link what they see (an adult’s facial expression) with their own body and move their own facial muscles to mirror the adult’s expression.

Research on intermodal perception supports the finding that infants expect vision, auditory, and tactile information to occur together (Sai, 2005). For example, newborns coordinate visual and auditory senses, turning their heads and eyes in the direction of a sound source, suggesting that they intuitively recognize that knowledge about spatial location is provided by both visual and auditory information (Clifton, Morrongiello, Kulig, & Dowd, 1981; Muir & Clifton, 1985; Newell, 2004; Wertheimer, 1961). By 6 months of age, infants who explore an object with their hands alone can recognize it by sight alone and vice versa, a finding that supports the integration of vision and touch (Pineau & Streri, 1990; Rose, Gottfried, & Bridger, 1981; Ruff & Kohler, 1978).

Infants integrate touch and vision very early in life. In one classic study, 1-month-old infants were presented with a smooth-surfaced pacifier or one with nubs on it (see Figure 4.10). After exploring it with their mouths, the infants were shown two pacifiers—one smooth and one nubbed. The infants preferred to look at the shape they had sucked, suggesting that they could match tactile and visual stimuli (Meltzoff & Borton, 1979). In another example, 8- to 31-day-old infants fitted with special goggles were presented with a virtual object created by a shadow caster (Bower, Broughton, & Moore, 1970). The virtual object was an illusory object that could be seen by the infant but not touched. When the infant reached for the object, his or her hand felt nothing and flailed through the air. Infants exposed to the virtual object attempted to reach for it and became distressed when they did not feel it, suggesting that vision and touch are integrated and infants expect to feel objects that they can see and reach. Although young infants show impressive capacities to integrate visual and tactile information, these senses are not completely integrated at birth. Newborns can visually recognize an object previously held but not seen, but they cannot tactually recognize an object previously seen and not held, suggesting that intermodal relations among senses are not bidirectional at birth (Sann & Streri, 2007).

Intermodal matching of visual and auditory stimuli shows similar patterns as visual and tactile. By 4 months of age, infants coordinate visual stimuli with expectations about

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auditory stimuli. For example, in one study, 4-month-old babies were presented with two films, side by side—one with a woman playing peekaboo and another with a person playing a percussion instrument. When percussion sounds were played alongside the films, infants looked more at the percussion video than the peekaboo video, preferring the film synchronized with the soundtrack (Spelke, 1976). Even neonates show evidence of linking visual and auditory stimuli. For example, 2-day-old infants shown two alternating visual stimuli, each accompanied by its own sound, demonstrated the ability to learn the arbitrary visual-auditory combinations, suggesting that we perceive and can learn intermodal relations shortly after birth (Slater, Brown, & Badenoch, 1997; Slater et al., 1999).

Figure 4.10: Nubbed vs. Smooth Pacifier Used to Study Intermodal Perception

Sensitivity to intermodal relations among stimuli is critical to perceptual development and learning—and this sensitivity emerges early in life (Bahrick, 2002; Gibson & Pick, 2000; Lewkowicz, 2000; Lewkowicz & Lickliter, 1994; Newell, 2004). But just how early? Newborns show a preference for viewing their mother’s face at 78, 72, 12, and even just 4 hours after birth (Bushnell, Sai, & Mullin, 1989; Field, Cohen, Garcia, & Greenberg, 1984; Pascalis, Dechonen, Morton, Duruelle, & Grenet, 1995). Because 4-hour-old neonates prefer their mother’s face, it was once believed that infants’ preference for their mother’s face was innate. However, infants are not born knowing their mother’s face. Instead, they quickly learn to identify their mother. How? In one study, neonates were able to visually recognize their mother’s face only if the face was paired with their mother’s voice at least once after birth (Sai, 2005). Thus, intermodal perception is evident at birth because neonates can coordinate auditory and visual stimuli in order to associate their mother’s face with her voice. They quickly remember the association and demonstrate a preference for her face even when it is not paired with her voice.

Newborns are equipped with remarkable capacities for sensing and perceiving stimuli. Their senses, although well developed at birth, improve rapidly over the first year of life. Moreover, capacities for intermodal perception mean that infants can combine information from various sensory modalities to construct a sophisticated and accurate picture of the world around them.

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Lives in Context

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Neonatal Circumcision Neonatal circumcision, removal of the foreskin of the penis, is the oldest known planned surgery (Alanis & Lucidi, 2004). Although it is uncommon throughout much of the world, the United States leads Western nations in rates of infant circumcision (Elder, 2007). Overall, circumcision rates declined from 65% of male newborns in 1979 to 57% in 2010; however, there are regional differences, with nearly twice as many infant circumcisions in the Midwest than West (Owings, Uddin, & Williams, 2013). In recent years, circumcision has come under increasing scrutiny within the United States as some charge that it places the newborn under great distress for few medical benefits.

For decades, many scientists and physicians believed that newborns did not feel pain, leading many to perform circumcision without pain management techniques such as anesthesia or analgesia (Alanis & Lucidi, 2004). We now know that even the fetus feels pain (Benatar & Benatar, 2003). Newborns show many indicators of distress during circumcision, such as a letting out a high-pitched wail, flailing, and grimacing as well as dramatic rises in heart rate, blood pressure, palm sweating, pupil dilation, muscle tension, and cortisol levels (Paix & Peterson, 2012; Razmus, Dalton, & Wilson, 2004). Experts argue that exposure to pain early in infancy can lead to neurological changes and changes in the endocrine and immune systems that increase sensitivity to pain later in development (Bellieni et al., 2009; Razmus et al., 2004). According to the AAP Task Force on Circumcision (1999), analgesia (pain relief in which the newborn remains conscious) is safe and effective in reducing the pain associated with circumcision. Pain management, however, is not uniformly practiced; only 71% of pediatricians, 56% of family practitioners, and 25% of obstetricians report using analgesia when conducting circumcisions (Alanis & Lucidi, 2004). The American Society for Pain Management Nursing has issued a position statement that when circumcision is chosen, it must be accompanied by pain management before, during, and after the procedure (O’Conner-Von & Turner, 2013).

The medical benefits of circumcision, which are debated, include a small decrease in the rate of urinary tract infection and penile cancer and a lower risk of acquiring HIV (Benatar & Benatar, 2003). However, the American Medical Association (1999) and AAP Task Force on Circumcision (1999) noted that urinary tract infections and penile cancer show low prevalence rates. Also in the case of HIV, the research supporting this finding was conducted with adult males in Africa; whether the same effects apply to infants is uncertain (Alanis & Lucidi, 2004; Benatar & Benatar, 2003). Moreover, behavior is a more important factor in preventing infection than is circumcision. In 1999, both the American Medical Association and AAP Task Force on Circumcision concluded that the benefits of circumcision are not large enough to recommend routine circumcision; instead it is a parental decision. However, the AAP Task Force on Circumcision (2012) modified its view to note that the benefits of circumcision justify providing access to this procedure (by insurance companies) to families who choose it.

Figure 4.3: Rates of Circumcision Performed, 1979–2010

NOTES: Rates represent circumcisions performed during the birth hospitalization.Circumcision is identified by International Classication of Diseases, NinthRevision, Clinical Modication (ICD–9–CM) procedure code 64.0.

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Source: Owings et al. (2013).

Education about the risks and benefits of circumcision, especially the controversy over the medical necessity of circumcision, generally does not influence parental decisions regarding circumcision (Binner, Mastrobattista, Day, Swaim, & Monga, 2003). Instead, it is tradition and culture, especially social factors such as religion, that influence parental decisions about circumcision. For example, in Jewish cultures, a boy is circumcised on the eighth day after birth in a ritual celebration known as a bris, in which the boy is welcomed as a member of the community. Parents’ decisions are also influenced by social factors such as whether the father is circumcised and the desire that the child resemble his peers (Bo & Goldman, 2008; Waldeck, 2003). The decision is complicated, as parents weigh health risks and benefits with contextual factors such as religious and cultural beliefs as well as personal desires, in order to determine what is best for their child.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, what are the most important considerations in making a decision about whether

to circumcise a newborn boy? 2. Imagine that you had a newborn boy. Would you choose to circumcise your son? Why or why

not?

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Thinking in Context 4.4 1. How might infants’ powerful sensory capacities prime them to learn how to think about their world?

Learn language? 2. How might parents and caregivers design caregiving environments that are tailored to infants’ early

learning and sensory capacities and stimulate development? What advice would you give on how to design such an environment for a newborn? For a 6-month-old infant?

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Motor Development During Infancy and Toddlerhood

In addition to their ability to perceive and learn, newborns also are able to respond to the stimulation they encounter in the world. The earliest ways in which infants adapt are through the use of their reflexes, involuntary and automatic responses to stimuli such as touch, light, and sound. Each reflex has its own developmental course. Some disappear early in life and others persist throughout life, as shown in Table 4.1. Infants show individual differences in how reflexes are displayed, specifically the intensity of the response. Preterm neonates, for example, show reflexes suggesting a more immature neurological system than full-term neonates (Barros, Mitsuhiro, Chalem, Laranjeira, & Guinsburg, 2011). The absence of reflexes, however, may signal neurological deficits.

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Motor Milestones

Like physical development, motor skills evolve in a predictable sequence. By the end of the first month of life, most infants can reach the first milestone, or achievement, in motor development: lifting their heads while lying on their stomachs. After lifting the head, infants progress through an orderly series of motor milestones: lifting the chest, reaching for objects, rolling over, and sitting up with support (see Table 4.2). Notice that these motor achievements reflect a cephalocaudal progression of motor control, proceeding from the head downward. Researchers have long believed that all motor control proceeds from the head downward, but we now know that motor development is more variable. Instead, some infants may sit up before they roll over or not crawl at all before they walk (Fogel, 2007). Similarly, infants reach for toys with their feet weeks before they use their hands, suggesting that early leg movements can be precisely controlled, the development of skilled reaching need not involve lengthy practice, and that early motor behavior does not necessarily follow a strict cephalocaudal pattern (Galloway & Thelen, 2004).

Gross motor development refers to the ability to control the large movements of the body —that is, to control actions that help infants move around in their environment. The first milestone in gross motor development is the ability to roll over voluntarily, which occurs at about 3 months of age. Success at initiating forward motion, or crawling (6–10 months), is particularly significant for both infants and parents. Infants vary in how they crawl. Some use their arms to pull and legs to push, some use only their arms or only their legs, and others scoot on their bottoms. Once infants can pull themselves upright while holding on to a chair or table, they begin “cruising,” moving by holding on to furniture to maintain their balance while stepping sideways. At about 1 year of age, most American infants walk alone.

Once babies can walk, their entire visual field changes. Whereas crawling babies are more likely to look at the floor as they move, walking babies gaze straight ahead at caregivers, walls, and toys (Kretch, Franchak, & Adolph, 2014). Independent walking holds implications for cognitive, social, and emotional development, as it is associated not only

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with more attention and manipulation of objects but also with more sophisticated social interactions with caregivers, such as directing mothers’ attention to particular objects and sharing, which in turn are associated with advanced language development relative to nonwalkers in both U.S. and Chinese infants (Clearfield, 2011; He, Walle, & Campos, 2015; Karasik, Tamis-LeMonda, & Adolph, 2011; Walle, 2013).

Fine motor development refers to the ability to control small movements of the fingers such as reaching and grasping. Voluntary reaching plays an important role in cognitive development because it provides new opportunities for interacting with the world. Like other motor skills, reaching and grasping begin as gross activity and are refined with time. Newborns begin by engaging in prereaching, swinging their arms, and extending them toward nearby objects (Ennouri & Bloch, 1996; von Hofsten & Rönnqvist, 1993). Newborns use both arms equally and cannot control their arms and hands, so they rarely succeed in making contact with objects of interest (Lynch, Lee, Bhat, & Galloway, 2008). Prereaching stops at about 7 weeks of age.

Voluntary reaching appears at about 3 months of age and slowly improves in accuracy. At 5 months, infants can successfully reach for moving objects. By 7 months, the arms can reach independently, and infants are able to reach for an object with one arm rather than both (Spencer, Vereijken, Diedrich, & Thelen, 2000). By 10 months, infants can reach for moving objects that change direction (Fagard, Spelke, & von Hofsten, 2009). As they get experience with reaching and acquiring objects, infants develop cognitively because they learn by exploring and playing with objects—and object preferences change with experience. For example, in one study 4- to 6-month-old infants with less reaching experience spend more time looking at and exploring larger objects whereas 5- to 6-month- old infants with more reaching experience spent more time looking at and touching smaller objects despite first looking at and touching the largest object (Libertus et al., 2013). With experience, infants’ attention moves away from the motor skill (like the ability to

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coordinate their movement to hit a mobile), to the object (the mobile), as well as to the events that occur before and after acquiring the object (how the mobile swings and how grabbing it stops the swinging or how batting at it makes it swing faster). In this way, infants learn about cause and how to solve simple problems.

Though these motor milestones might look like isolated achievements, they are not. Motor skills develop systematically and build on each other with each new skill preparing an infant to tackle the next (Thelen, 1995; Thelen, 2000). Simple motor skills are combined in increasingly complex ways, permitting advances in movement including a wider range and more precise movements that enable babies to more effectively explore and control their environments.

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Determinants of Motor Development

Motor development illustrates the complex interactions that take place between maturation and contextual factors. Maturation plays a very strong role in motor development. Preterm infants reach motor milestones later than do full-term infants (Gabriel et al., 2009). Cross- cultural research also supports the role of maturation because around the world, infants display roughly the same sequence of motor milestones. Among some Native Americans and other ethnic groups around the world, it is common to follow the tradition of tightly swaddling infants to cradleboards and strapping the board to the mother’s back during nearly all waking hours for the first six to twelve months of the child’s life. Although this might lead one to expect that swaddled babies will not learn to walk as early as babies whose movements are unrestricted, studies of Hopi Indian infants have shown that swaddling has little influence on when Hopi infants initiate walking (Dennis & Dennis, 1991; Harriman & Lukosius, 1982). Such research suggests that walking is very much maturationally programmed. Other evidence for the maturational basis of motor development comes from twin studies. Identical twins, who share the same genes, share more similarities in the timing and pace of motor development than do fraternal twins, who share half of their genes (Fogel, 2007; Wilson & Harpring, 1972).

Much of motor development is driven by maturation, yet opportunities to practice motor skills are also important. In a classic naturalistic study of institutionalized orphans in Iran who had spent their first two years of life lying on their backs in their cribs and were never placed in sitting positions or played with, none of the 1- to 2-year-old infants could walk, and less than half of them could sit up; the researchers also found that most of the 3- to 4- year-olds could not walk well alone (Dennis, 1960). While maturation is necessary for motor development, it is not sufficient; we must have opportunities to practice our motor skills.

Practice can also enhance motor development (Lobo & Galloway, 2012). For example, when infants from 1 to 7 weeks of age practice stepping reflexes each day, they retain the movements and walk earlier than infants who receive no practice (Vereijken & Thelen, 1997; Zelazo, 1983). Practice in sitting has a similar effect (Zelazo, Zelazo, Cohen, & Zelazo, 1993). Even 1-month-old infants given postural training showed more advanced control of their heads and necks than other infants (Lee & Galloway, 2012). Similarly, infants who spend supervised playtime prone on their stomachs each day reach many motor milestones, including rolling over and crawling, earlier than do infants who spend little time on their stomachs (Fetters & Hsiang-han, 2007; Kuo, Liao, Chen, Hsieh, & Hwang, 2008). In one study, over a two-week period, young infants received daily play experience with “sticky mittens”—Velcro-covered mitts that enabled them to independently pick up objects. These infants showed advances in their reaching behavior and greater visual exploration of objects, whereas a comparison group of young infants who passively watched

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an adult’s actions on the objects showed no change (Libertus & Needham, 2010).

Although this infant spends much of day tightly swaddled and carried on her mother’s back, she will likely crawl at about a year of age, similar to other infants who are not regularly swaddled.

Winfield Parks/natgeo/Getty

Practice contributes to cross-cultural differences in infant motor development. Different cultures provide infants with different experiences and opportunities for development. For example, in many cultures, including several in sub-Saharan Africa and in the West Indies, infants attain motor goals like sitting up and walking much earlier than do North American infants. Among the Kipsigi of Kenya, parents seat babies in holes dug in the ground and use rolled blankets to keep babies upright in the sitting position (Keller, 2003). The Kipsigis help their babies practice walking at 2 to 3 months of age by holding their hands, putting them on the floor, and moving them slowly forward (Keller, 2003). Infants of many sub-Saharan villages, such as the Kung San, Gusii, and Wolof, are also trained to sit using holes or containers for support and are often held upright and bounced up and down, a social interaction practice that contributes to earlier walking (Lohaus et al., 2011). Caregivers in some of these cultures further encourage walking by setting up two parallel bamboo poles that infants can hold onto with both hands, learning balance and stepping skills (Keller, 2003). Similarly, mothers in Jamaica and other parts of the West Indies use a formal handling routine to exercise their babies’ muscles and help them to grow up strong and healthy (Dziewolska & Cautilli, 2006; Hopkins, 1991; Hopkins & Westra, 1989, 1990).

The social context in which infants develop influences parental behavior; parents socialize infants by fostering the skills needed for success and survival in a particular cultural and contextual setting. Sometimes survival and success requires continued dependence on caregivers and delaying motor milestone. For example, parents may not encourage crawling in potentially dangerous environments, such as environments with lots of insects, rodents, and/or reptiles on the ground. In other cases, success entails fostering early development of motor skills such as walking. An interesting contrast is found between two different

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nomadic cultures, the Turkana tribe of Kenya and the Ache of eastern Paraguay. While the Turkana encourage early walking in their infants (Keller, 2003), the Ache discourage their infants from crawling or moving independently. Ache infants walk at 18 to 20 months, as compared with the 12-month average of North American infants (Kaplan & Dove, 1987).

Figure 4.11: Dynamic Systems Theory

Cultural differences in styles of interaction, such as a Western cultural emphasis on individualism and Eastern cultural emphasis on collectivism, influence children’s motor development. In one cross-cultural study comparing infants in Germany and in the Cambodian Nso culture, the Nso infants showed overall more rapid motor development. The Nso practice of close proximity, lots of close body contact, and less object play are related to the socialization goals of fostering relationships; they also provide infants with body stimulation that fosters gross motor skills. German mothers displayed a parenting style with less body contact but more face-to-face contact and object play, socialization practices that emphasize psychological autonomy, but less gross motor exploration. However, the German infants learned how to roll from back to stomach earlier than the Nso infants, likely because Nso infants are rarely placed on their backs and instead are carried throughout the day (Lohaus et al., 2011).

Even simple aspects of the child-rearing context, such as choice of clothing, can influence motor development. In the 19th century, 40% of American infants skipped crawling, possibly because their long flowing gowns impeded movement on hands and knees (Trettien, 1990). One study of 13- and 19-month-old infants compared their gait while wearing a disposable diaper, a thicker cloth diaper, and no diaper (Cole, Lingeman, & Adolph, 2012). When naked, infants demonstrated the most sophisticated walking with fewer missteps and falls. While wearing a diaper, infants walked as poorly as they would have done several weeks earlier had they been walking naked. Motor development is largely maturational, but subtle differences in context and cultural emphasis play a role in its timing.

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Motor Development in Infancy

Observe 5-month-old Marlee, 10-month-old Damian, and 13-month-old London as they demonstrate milestones of motor development, moving from pushing up from their chest, to sitting, rolling over, crawling, and standing.

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Motor Development as a Dynamic System

Motor development reflects an interaction between maturation and environment in which the infant acquires increasingly complex dynamic systems of action (Thelen, 1995; Thelen, 2000). Dynamic systems theory describes how separate abilities are blended together to provide more complex and effective ways of exploring and controlling the environment. For example, the abilities to sit upright, hold the head upright, match motor movements to vision, reach out an arm, and grasp are all combined into coordinated reaching movements to obtain a desired object (Corbetta & Snapp-Childs, 2009; Spencer et al., 2000). Motor development reflects goal-oriented behavior because it is initiated by an infant’s desire to accomplish something, such as pick up a toy or move to the other side of the room. The infant’s abilities and the immediate environment (e.g., whether he or she is being held, lying in a crib, or lying freely on the floor) determine whether and how the goal can be achieved (Spencer et al., 2000). The infant tries out behaviors and persists at those that enable him or her to move closer to the goal, practicing and refining the behavior. For example, infants learn to walk by taking lots of steps and making lots of falls, but they persist even though, at the time, crawling is a much faster and more efficient means of transportation (Adolph et al., 2012). Why? Perhaps because upright posture leads to many more interesting sights, objects, and interactions. The upright infant can see more and do more, with two hands free to grasp objects, making walking a very desirable goal (Adolph & Tamis-LeMonda, 2014).

Therefore, motor development is the result of several processes: central nervous system maturation, the infant’s physical capacities, environmental supports, and the infant’s desire to explore the world (see Figure 4.11). It is learned by revising and combining abilities and skills to fit the infant’s goals. In this way, motor development is highly individualized as each infant has goals that are particular to his or her specific environment. For example, an infant might respond to slippery hardwood floors by crawling on her stomach rather than all fours or by shuffling her feet and hands rather than raising each. Infants attain the same motor tasks, such as climbing down stairs, at about the same age, yet differ in how they approach the task. Some, for example, might turn around and back down, others descend on their bottoms, and others slide down face first (Berger, Theuring, & Adolph, 2007). By viewing motor development as dynamic systems of action produced by an infant’s abilities, goal-directed behavior, and environmental supports and opportunities, we can account for the individual differences that we see in motor development.

Infants are born with a collection of reflexes that aid their adaptation to the world. Gross and fine motor development progress through a series of milestones that follow cephalocaudal and proximodistal patterns. Gross motor development proceeds from the head down, and fine motor development proceeds from the inner body out. Our increasing capacity to control and coordinate our body movements is the result of complex

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interactions between our physical maturation and the contexts in which we develop— inborn capacities are strengthened and modified by interactions with the environment and environmental experiences influence the acquisition, adaptation, and strengthening of motor behaviors.

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Thinking in Context 4.5 1. Carmen is concerned because her 14-month-old baby is not walking. All of the other babies she knows

have walked by 12 months of age. What would you tell Carmen? 2. How might a fine motor skill, such as learning to use a spoon, reflect the interaction of maturation and

sociocultural context?

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Apply Your Knowledge Lena is 7 months old and lags behind in height and weight as compared with other infants her age. Early in life, she showed normative growth, but her growth has since slowed. Recently, Lena’s parents separated, and she and her mother moved to a new home. Her mother is 19 years old, does not have a high school degree, and had few job opportunities. She took the first job that panned out, despite its long hours. Lena was placed in child care. Her mother continued to breast-feed, despite its increasing difficulty given her new work schedule. Lena’s mother insisted that Lena eat less solid food and baby food given her continued breast-feeding. Staff at the child care center approached Lena’s mother to express their concern over Lena’s lack of growth and development; she has not begun crawling like other infants and tends to avoid eye contact with others.

1. What are normative patterns of growth for infants? Motor skills? How does Lena’s development compare with these norms?

2. What are potential causes of or influences on the developmental difficulties Lena experiences? How might contextual factors influence Lena’s development?

3. What are the child care staff’s responsibilities? 4. What should the mother do? What treatment do you suggest?

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Chapter Summary

4.1 Identify two patterns of growth during infancy.

Growth proceeds from the head downward (cephalocaudal) and from the center of the body outward (proximodistal). 4.2 Discuss the role of feeding and nutrition in the growth of infants and toddlers.

Breast-feeding provides benefits to both mother and infant, but infant formula is also a healthy alternative. At around 4 to 6 months, gruel and progressively more solid foods can be introduced. Toddlers can be picky eaters, and many U.S. toddlers are given junk food that does not build optimal dietary habits. Malnourishment is associated with impaired learning, concentration, and language skills throughout childhood and adolescence. Severely malnourished children may suffer from diseases such as marasmus and kwashiorkor, or, more common in the United States, failure to thrive. If nutrition is reinstated early, some of the damage caused by malnutrition can be reversed, but long-term cognitive difficulties often remain. 4.3 Explain four processes of neural development.

The brain develops through several processes: neurogenesis (the creation of neurons), synaptogenesis (the creation of synapses), pruning (reducing unused neural connections), and myelination (coating the axons with myelin to increase the speed of transmission). 4.4 Analyze the role of experience in infants’ and toddlers’ neural development.

Experience shapes the brain structure. The brain produces an excess of connections among neurons during the first three years of life. Those connections that are used become stronger, and neural connections that are not used are pruned. Though infancy is a particularly important time for the formation and strengthening of synapses, experience shapes the brain structure at all ages of life. 4.5 Compare infants’ early learning capacities for habituation, classical conditioning, and operant conditioning.

Innate learning capacities permit young infants to quickly adapt to the world. Habituation is a type of innate learning in which repeated exposure to a stimulus results in the gradual decline in the intensity, frequency, or duration of a response. In classical conditioning, an association is formed between a neutral stimulus and one that triggers an innate reaction in an animal or person. Infants also demonstrate the ability to learn based on the consequences of the behaviors, whether they are followed by reinforcement or punishment, known as operant conditioning. Similar to habituation and classical conditioning, infants are born able learn through operant conditioning—premature infants and even third-trimester fetuses can be operantly

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conditioned. 4.6 Evaluate infants’ capacities for imitation.

Neonates mimic simple facial and finger expressions but do so without control. The regulatory mechanisms to inhibit imitative responding develop during infancy. From 6 to 12 months of age, infants display the ability to imitate a wide range of behaviors and demonstrate deferred imitation, the ability to imitate an absent model. Imitation improves throughout infancy. Older infants imitate after shorter demonstration periods, display imitation after longer delays, and are more likely to generalize what they learn through imitation when they are tested with new objects in new contexts than are younger infants. 4.7 Contrast the development of infants’ visual and auditory capacities.

Visual acuity, pattern perception, visual tracking, and color vision improve over the first few months of life. Neonates are sensitive to depth cues and young infants can distinguish depth, but crawling stimulates the perception of depth and the association of fear with sharp drops. Neonates demonstrate sound localization, which improves over the first six months. Newborns can perceive and discriminate nearly all sounds in human languages, but from birth, they prefer to hear their native language. Babies naturally notice the complex patterns of sounds around them and organize sounds into meaningful units. 4.8 Discuss infants’ capacities for intermodal perception.

From birth, infants are wired to perceive the world using intermodal perception, by combining information from more than one sensory system. Infants expect vision, auditory, and tactile information to go together. Intermodal perception is evident at birth because neonates can coordinate auditory and visual stimuli to associate their mother’s face with her voice—and they quickly remember the association to demonstrate a preference for her face even when it is not paired with her voice. 4.9 Summarize milestones in infant and toddler motor development.

Infants are born with reflexes; their absence signals neurological abnormalities. Each reflex has its own developmental course. After lifting the head, at about 1 month of age, infants progress through an orderly series of motor milestones: lifting the chest, reaching for objects, rolling over, sitting up, crawling, cruising, and walking alone. Gross and fine motor skills develop systematically and build on each other, with each new skill preparing the infant to tackle the next. 4.10 Analyze the roles of maturation and contextual factors in infant and toddler motor development.

Much of motor development is influenced by maturation, but infants benefit from opportunities to practice motor skills. Different cultures provide infants with different experiences and opportunities for practice, contributing to cross cultural

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differences in motor development. Viewing motor development as dynamic systems of action produced by an infant’s abilities, goal-directed behavior, and environmental supports and opportunities accounts for the individual differences that we see in motor development.

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Key Terms

cephalocaudal development 88 circumcision 101 cortex 94 deferred imitation 98 dynamic systems theory 107 experience-dependent brain development 95 experience-expectant brain development 95 failure to thrive 93 fine motor development 105 glial cells 94 gross motor development 104 growth norms 88 habituation 96 intermodal perception 101 kwashiorkor 93 marasmus 92 myelination 94 neurogenesis 94 neurons 94 perception 97 proximodistal development 88 reflexes 97 sensation 99 synapses 94 synaptic pruning 94 synaptogenesis 94 vaccinations 89

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Chapter 5 Cognitive Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

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Learning Objectives 5.1. Define cognitive schemas, and explain the processes by which infants and toddlers modify their cognitive schemas. 5.2. Summarize infants’ progression through six substages of sensorimotor reasoning. 5.3. Explain the development of object permanence during the sensorimotor period. 5.4. Discuss the core knowledge perspective as it applies to infancy and toddlerhood. 5.5. Identify the parts of the information processing system and its function in infancy and toddlerhood. 5.6. Describe developmental changes in infants’ capacities for attention and memory. 5.7. Examine how infants’ categorization skills change with development. 5.8. Discuss how intelligence is measured in infancy and findings regarding infant intelligence. 5.9. Explain patterns of language development from birth through infancy and toddlerhood. 5.10. Contrast learning, nativist, and interactionist perspectives on language.

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Key Study Tools

Explore Further Schemas Watch Schemas, Assimilation, and Accommodation Watch How Babies Think Video Case Object Permanence Think Critically Core Knowledge Perspective Lifespan Brain Development The Media and Baby Geniuses (p. 123) Connect Information Processing Theory Explore Further Attention Watch The Still-Face Experiment Connect How Categorization is Learned Watch Bayley Scales of Infant Development Think Critically Bayley-III Lives in Context Baby Signing (p. 129) Lives in Context Development in Internationally Adopted Children (p. 131) Listen ‘Baby’ Robot Learns Language Video Case Developmental Milestones: Parent Views

Be careful with Baby Emily,” Lila warned her 22-month-old son, Michael. “She’s just 1 week old and very little. You were once little like her.” “No,” Michael said and giggled. “Big boy!” Michael picked up his teddy bear, cradled it like a baby, then held it to his chest rubbing its back, just like what he sees Mommy do with Baby Emily. In less than two years, Michael has transformed from a tiny infant, like Baby Emily, to a toddler who imitates what he sees and can verbally express his ideas. Like all newborns, Baby Emily is equipped with inborn sensory capacities and preferences that enable her to tune in to the world around her. Baby Emily’s abilities to think, reason, problem solve, and interact with objects and people will change dramatically over the next two years. In this chapter, we will explore the cognitive developments that occur during infancy and toddlerhood.

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Catherine Delahaye/Photononstop/Corbis

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Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective

The first scientist to systematically examine children’s thinking and reasoning, Swiss scholar Jean Piaget (1896–1980), believed that in order to understand children we must understand how they think because thinking influences all of behavior. Piaget formulated the cognitive-developmental perspective, which views children and adults as active explorers who learn by interacting with the world, building their own understanding of everyday phenomena, and applying it to adapt to the world around them.

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Schemas, Assimilation, and Accommodation

According to Piaget, children are active in their own development not simply because they engage other people but because they engage the world, adapting their ways of thinking in response to their experiences. Through these interactions, they organize what they learn to construct and refine their own schemas, or concepts, ideas, and ways of interacting on the world. Our earliest schemas are inborn motor responses, such as the reflex response that causes infants to close their fingers around an object when it touches their palm. As the infant grows and develops, these early motor schemas are transformed into cognitive schemas, or thought. At all ages, we rely on our schemas to make sense of the world, but our schemas are constantly adapting and developing in response to our experiences. According to Piaget, cognitive development is the result of two developmental processes: assimilation and accommodation.

Assimilation involves integrating a new experience into a preexisting schema. For example, suppose that 1-year-old Kelly uses the schema of “grab and shove into the mouth” to learn. He grabs and shoves his rattle into his mouth, learning about the rattle by using his preexisting schema. When Kelly comes across another object, such as Mommy’s wristwatch, he transfers the schema to it—and assimilates the wristwatch by grabbing it and shoving it into his mouth. He develops an understanding of the new objects through assimilation, by fitting them into his preexisting schema.

Sometimes we encounter experiences or information that do not fit within an existing schema, so we must change the schema, adapting and modifying it in light of the new information. This process is called accommodation. For example, suppose Kelly encounters another object, a beach ball. He tries his schema of grab and shove but finds that he cannot shove the ball into his mouth. Or perhaps he cannot even grab the ball. So he must adapt his schema, or perhaps create a new one in order to incorporate the new information—to learn about the beach ball. Kelly may squeeze and mouth the ball instead, accommodating or changing his schema to interact with the new object.

The processes of assimilation and accommodation are continually occurring and are ways that people adapt to their environment, absorbing the constant flux of information they encounter daily (see Figure 5.1). People—infants, children, and adults—constantly integrate new information into their schemas and are constantly confronted with new information that requires that they modify their schemas. Piaget proposed that people naturally strive for cognitive equilibrium, a balance between the processes of assimilation and accommodation. When assimilation and accommodation are balanced, individuals are neither incorporating new information into their schemas nor changing their schemas in light of new information. In other words, when we experience cognitive equilibrium, our schemas match the outside world and represent it clearly. A state of cognitive equilibrium is

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rare and fleeting. More frequently, people experience a mismatch or disequilibrium between their schemas and the world. For example, when Kelly encounters his mother’s wristwatch and must learn about it by applying his grab-and-shove schema, he displays cognitive disequilibrium because he has discovered information that is new to him and therefore must be assimilated. Likewise, Kelly also displays cognitive disequilibrium when he must accommodate his schema to learn from a new experience, such as an encounter with the beach ball.

Disequilibrium leads to cognitive growth because of the mismatch between children’s schemas and reality. This mismatch leads to confusion and discomfort, which in turn motivate children to modify their cognitive schemas so that their view of the world matches reality. It is through assimilation and accommodation that this modification takes place so that cognitive equilibrium is restored. Children’s drive for cognitive equilibrium is the basis for cognitive change and propels them through the four stages of cognitive development proposed by Piaget (refer back to Table 1.4). With each advancing stage, children create and use more sophisticated cognitive schemas, enabling them to think, reason, and understand their world in more complex ways. The earliest schemas emerge during the first stage of cognitive development: the sensorimotor stage.

Figure 5.1: Assimilation and Accommodation

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Substages of Sensorimotor Reasoning

During the sensorimotor stage, from birth to about 2 years old, infants learn about the world through their senses and motor skills. To think about an object, they must act on it by viewing it, listening to it, touching it, smelling it, and tasting it. Piaget believed that infants are not capable of mental representation—thinking about an object using mental pictures. They also lack the ability to remember and think about objects and events when they are not present. Instead, in order to think about an object, an infant must experience it through both the visual and tactile senses. The sensorimotor period of reasoning, as Piaget conceived of it, progresses through six substages in which cognition develops from reflexes to intentional action to symbolic representation.

Substage 1: Reflexes (Birth–1 Month)

In the first substage, newborns use their reflexes, such as the sucking and palmar grasp reflexes, to react to stimuli they experience. During the first month of life, infants use these reflexes to learn about their world, through the process of assimilation; they apply their sucking schema to assimilate information and learn about their environment. At about 1 month of age, newborns begin to accommodate, or modify, their sucking behaviors to specific objects, sucking differently in response to a bottle verses a pacifier. For example, they may modify their sucking schema when they encounter a pacifier, perhaps sucking less vigorously and without swallowing. During the first month of life, newborns strengthen and modify their original reflexive schemas to explore the world around them.

Substage 2: Primary Circular Reactions (1–4 Months)

During the second substage, infants begin to make accidental discoveries. Early cognitive growth in the sensorimotor period comes through engaging in circular reactions, the repetition of an action and its response. Infants learn to repeat pleasurable or interesting events that originally occurred by chance. Between 1 and 4 months, infants engage in behaviors called primary circular reactions, which consist of repeating actions involving the parts of the body that produce pleasurable or interesting results. A primary circular reaction begins by chance or by accident, as the infant produces a pleasurable sensation and learns to repeat the behavior to make the event happen again and experience the pleasurable effect again. For example, an infant flails her arms and accidentally puts her hand in her mouth. She is surprised at the outcome (her hand in her mouth) and tries to make it happen again. Therefore, the infant repeats the behavior to experience and explore her body.

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Primary circular reactions are babies’ first discoveries.

canstock / 4774344sean

Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions (4–8 Months)

During the third sensorimotor substage, infants’ awareness begins to extend outside their bodies and they become interested in manipulating and learning about objects. Infants engage in secondary circular reactions, repetitions of actions that trigger responses in the external environment, outside of the baby’s body. Now the patterns of repetition include objects and are oriented toward making interesting events occur in the infant’s environment. For example, the infant shakes a rattle to hear its noise or kicks his or her legs to make a mobile hanging over the crib move. Secondary circular reactions signify that infants are beginning to understand that their actions cause results in the external environment and indicate that their attention has expanded to include the environment outside their bodies. As infants become more aware of objects and people, they develop new ways of interacting with their environments to continue experiencing sensations and events that they find pleasing.

Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Schemas (8–12 Months)

While primary and secondary circular reactions are behaviors that are discovered by accident, the coordination of secondary circular reactions substage represents true means– end behaviors and signifies the beginning of intentional behavior. During this substage, infants purposefully coordinate two secondary circular reactions and apply them in new situations to achieve a goal. For example, Piaget described how his son, Laurent, combined the two activities of knocking a barrier out of his way and grasping an object. When Piaget put a pillow in front of a matchbox that Laurent desired, the boy pushed the pillow aside and grabbed the box. In this way, two secondary circular reactions were integrated to achieve a goal. Now planning and goal-directed behavior have emerged.

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This infant is showing object permanence by reaching over to uncover the toy. What does object permanence signify?

Doug Goodman / Science Source

One of the most important advances during the coordination of secondary schemas substage is object permanence, the understanding that objects continue to exist outside of sensory awareness (e.g., are no longer visible). According to Piaget, infants younger than 8 months of age do not yet have object permanence—out of sight is literally out of mind. An infant loses interest and stops reaching for or looking at a small toy after it is covered by a cloth. It is not until 8 to 12 months, during the coordination of secondary schemas substage, that object permanence emerges and infants will search for hidden objects. Displaying object permanence is an important cognitive advance because it signifies a capacity for mental representation, or internal thought. The ability to think about an object internally is an important step toward learning language because language uses symbols: Sounds symbolize and stand for objects (e.g., infants must understand that the sound “ball” represents an object, a ball).

Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions (12–18 Months)

During the fifth substage, infants begin to experiment with new behaviors to see the results. Piaget described infants as “little scientists” during this period because they move from intentional behavior to systematic exploration. Infants now engage in active, purposeful trial-and-error exploration to search for new discoveries. They vary their actions to see how the changes affect the outcomes. Piaget referred to these mini-experiments as tertiary circular reactions. For example, many infants begin to experiment with gravity by dropping objects to the floor while sitting in a high chair. First an infant throws a ball and watches it bounce. Next a piece of paper floats slowly down. Then mommy’s keys clatter down. And so on. This purposeful exploration is how infants search for new discoveries and learn about the world. When presented with a problem, babies in the tertiary circular reactions substage engage in trial and error analyses, trying out behaviors until they find the best one to attain their goal.

Substage 6: Mental Representation (18–24 Months)

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The sixth sensorimotor substage marks a transition between the sensorimotor and preoperational reasoning stages. Between 18 and 24 months of age, infants develop representational thought, the ability to use symbols such as words and mental pictures to represent objects and actions in memory. In developing this ability, infants are freed from immediate experience: They can think about objects that they no longer see directly in front of them and can engage in deferred imitation, imitating actions of an absent model. Now, external physical exploration of the world gives way to internal mental exploration. Children can think through potential solutions and create new solutions to problems without engaging in physical trial and error but by simply considering the potential solutions and their consequences. Table 5.1 summarizes the substages of sensorimotor reasoning.

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Recent Findings on Sensorimotor Reasoning

Piaget’s contributions to our understanding of cognitive development are vast and invaluable. He was the first to ask what develops during childhood and how it occurs. Piaget recognized that motor action and cognition are inextricably linked, an assumption still held true by today’s developmental scientists (Adolph & Berger, 2005; Beilin & Fireman, 2000; Woods & Wilcox, 2013).

Piaget’s work has stimulated a great deal of research as developmental scientists have investigated the accuracy of his theory. But how is such research conducted? Measuring cognitive capabilities in infants and toddlers is very challenging because, unlike older children and adults, babies cannot fill out questionnaires or answer questions orally. Researchers have had to devise methods of measuring observable behavior that can provide clues to what an infant is thinking. For example, researchers measure infants’ looking behavior: What does the infant look at, and for how long? Using such methods, they have found support for some of Piaget’s claims and evidence that challenges others. One of the most contested aspects of Piaget’s theory concerns his assumption that infants are not capable of mental representation until late in the sensorimotor period. A growing body of research conducted with object permanence and imitation tasks suggests otherwise, as described in the following sections.

Violation-of-Expectation Tasks

Piaget’s method of determining whether an infant understood object permanence relied on the infant’s ability to demonstrate it by uncovering a hidden object. Critics argue that many infants may understand that the object is hidden but lack the motor ability to coordinate their hands to physically demonstrate their understanding. Studying infants’ looking

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behavior eliminates the need for infants to use motor activity to demonstrate their cognitive competence, permitting the study of object permanence in younger infants with undeveloped motor skills.

One such research design uses a violation-of-expectation method, a task in which a stimulus appears to violate physical laws (Baillargeon, 1994). Specifically, in a violation-of- expectation method, an infant is shown two events: one that is labeled expected because it follows physical laws and a second that is called unexpected because it violates physical laws. If the infant looks longer at the unexpected event, it suggests that he or she is surprised by it, is aware of physical properties of objects, and can mentally represent them.

In a classic study, developmental researcher Renée Baillargeon (1987) utilized the violation- of-expectation method to study the mental representation capacities of very young infants. Infants were shown a drawbridge that rotated 180 degrees. Then the infants watched as a box was placed behind the drawbridge to impede its movement. Infants watched as either the drawbridge rotated and stopped upon hitting the box or did not stop and appeared to move through the box (an “impossible” event). As shown in Figure 5.2, 4.5-month-old infants looked longer when the drawbridge appeared to move through the box (the “impossible” unexpected event) rather than when it stopped upon hitting the box. Baillargeon (1987) interpreted infants’ looking longer at the unexpected event as suggesting that they maintained a mental representation of the box, even though they could not see it, and therefore understood that the drawbridge could not move through the entire box.

Figure 5.2: Object Permanence in Young Infants: Baillargeon’s Drawbridge Study

Sources: Baillargeon (1987). http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2605404

Other researchers counter that these results do not demonstrate object permanence in young infants and instead illustrate infants’ preference for novelty or for greater movement (Bogartz, Shinskey, & Schilling, 2000). For example, when the study was replicated

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without the box, 5-month-old infants looked longer at the full rotation, suggesting that infants looked at the unexpected event not because it violated physical laws but because it represented greater movement (Rivera, Wakely, & Langer, 1999). However, studies that use simpler tasks have shown support for young infants’ competence. Four- and 5-month- old infants will watch a ball roll behind a barrier, gazing to where they expect it to reappear (Bertenthal, Longo, & Kenny, 2007; von Hofsten, Kochukhova, & Rosander, 2007). When 6-month-old infants are shown an object and the lights are then turned off, they will reach in the dark for the object (Goubet & Clifton, 1998; Shinskey & Munakata, 2003). They will also reach for an object hidden by being immersed in liquid (Shinskey, 2012), suggesting that they maintain a mental representation of the object and therefore have object permanence earlier than Piaget believed.

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Object Permanence

7-month-old Nicho and 10-month-old Damian illustrate developmental changes in infants’ understanding of object permanence. At 7 months of age, Nicho does not search for the hidden horse. However, Damian successfully locates the horse, even when presented with the A-not-B search task.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

A-Not-B Tasks

Other critics of Piaget’s views of infants’ capacities for object permanence focus on an error that 8- to 12-month-old infants make, known as the A-not-B error. The A-not-B error occurs when infants are able to uncover a toy hidden behind a barrier, yet when they observe the toy moved from behind one barrier (Place A) to another (Place B), they look for the toy in the first place it was hidden, Place A, even after watching the toy be moved to Place B (see Figure 5.3). Piaget believed that the infant incorrectly, but persistently, searches for the object in Place A because he or she lacks object permanence. More recent research shows that infants look at Place B, the correct location, at the same time as they mistakenly reach for Place A (Diamond, 1985), suggesting that they understand the correct location of the object (Place B) but cannot keep themselves from reaching for Place A because of neural and motor immaturity (Diamond, 1991).

Other researchers propose that infants cannot restrain the impulse to repeat a behavior that was previously rewarded (Zelazo, Reznick, & Spinazzola, 1998). When looking time procedures are used to study the A-not-B error (Ahmed & Ruffman, 1998), infants look longer when the impossible illusory event occurs (when the toy is moved from Place A to Place B but is then found at Place A) than when the expected, possible event occurs (when the toy is moved from Place A to Place B and is found at Place B), suggesting that infants have object permanence but their motor skills prohibit them from demonstrating it in A- not-B tasks. One longitudinal study followed infants from 5 to 10 months of age and found that between 5 and 8 months infants showed better performance on an A-not-B looking task rather than a reaching task. Nine- and 10-month-old infants performed equally well on A-not-B looking and reaching tasks (Cuevas & Bell, 2010). Age-related changes in performance on A-not-B and other object permanence tasks may be due to maturation of brain circuitry controlling motor skills and inhibition as well as advances in the ability to control attention (Cuevas & Bell, 2010; Watanabe, Forssman, Green, Bohlin,

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

& von Hofsten, 2012).

Figure 5.3: A-Not-B Error

Deferred Imitation Tasks

Another method of studying infants’ capacities for mental representation relies on deferred imitation, the ability to repeat an act performed some time ago. Piaget (1962) believed that, because they lack mental representation abilities, infants under 18 months cannot engage in deferred imitation. Yet laboratory research on infant facial imitation has found that 6-week- old infants who watch an unfamiliar adult’s facial expression will imitate it when they see the same adult the next day (Meltzoff & Moore, 1994). Six- and 9-month-old infants also display deferred imitation of unique actions performed with toys, such as taking a puppet’s glove off, shaking it to ring a bell inside, and replacing it, over a 24-hour delay (Barr, Marrott, & Rovee-Collier, 2003).

When infants engage in deferred imitation, they act on the basis of stored representations of actions—memories—that counter Piaget’s beliefs about infants’ capabilities (Jones & Herbert, 2006). Many researchers now suggest that deferred imitation, along with object permanence itself, is better viewed as a continuously developing ability, rather than the stagelike shift in representational capacities that Piaget proposed (Hayne, 2004; Rovee- Collier, Hayne, & Colombo, 2002). For example, a three-year longitudinal study of infants 12, 18, and 24 months old showed that performance on deferred imitation tasks improved throughout the second year of life (Kolling, Goertz, Stefanie, & Knopf, 2010). Between 12 and 18 months, infants remember modeled behaviors for several months and imitate peers as well as adults (Hayne, Boniface, & Barr, 2000; Klein & Meltzoff, 1999). Increases in imitative capacity are observed with development up to 30 months of age as well as when shorter sequences of action are used, such as a sequence of fewer than eight unique actions (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996; Herbert & Hayne, 2000; Kressley-Mba, Lurg, & Knopf, 2005). These gradual changes suggest that infants and toddlers increase their representational capacities in a continuous developmental progression.

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Core Knowledge Perspective as an Alternative Theory

Developmental psychologists generally agree with Piaget’s description of infants as interacting with the world, actively taking in information, and constructing their own thinking. However, most researchers no longer agree with Piaget’s belief that all knowledge begins with sensorimotor activity. Instead, infants are thought to have some innate, or inborn, cognitive capacities. Conservative theorists believe that infants are born with limited learning capacities such as a set of biases that cause them to attend to features of the environment that will help them to learn quickly (Kagan, 2008). Alternatively, the core knowledge perspective explains that infants are born with several innate knowledge systems or core domains of thought that enable early rapid learning and adaptation (Spelke & Kinzler, 2007; Spelke, Lee, & Izard, 2010).

Core knowledge theorists explain that infants learn so quickly and encounter such a great amount of sensory information that some prewired evolutionary understanding must be at work. Using the violation-of-expectation method, core knowledge researchers have found that young infants have a grasp of the physical properties of objects, including the knowledge that objects do not disappear out of existence (permanence), they cannot pass through another (solidity), and they will fall without support (gravity; Baillargeon, Li, Gertner, & Wu, 2011). Newborns are sensitive to the physical properties of objects and show preferences for causality, looking longer at stimuli that illustrate physical causality (e.g., Ball A rolling and hitting Ball B and Ball B rolling) than those that do not (e.g., Ball A rolling and Ball B rolling after a delay; Mascalzoni, Regolin, Vallortigara, & Simion, 2013). Infants are also thought to have early knowledge of numbers. Five-month-old infants can discriminate between small and large numbers of items (Cordes & Brannon, 2009; Libertus & Brannon, 2009). Even newborns are sensitive to large differences in number, distinguishing nine items from three, for example, but newborns show difficulty distinguishing small numbers from each other (two vs. three items; Coubart, Izard, Spelke, Marie, & Streri, 2014). Comparative research has shown that animals display these systems of knowledge early in life and without much experience (Vallortigara, 2012), suggesting that it is possible for infants to quickly yet naturally construct an understanding of the world (Xu & Kushnir, 2013).

Much core knowledge research employs the same looking paradigms described earlier, in which infants’ visual preferences are measured as indictors of what they know. Critics argue that it is unclear whether we can interpret infants’ looking in the same way as adults (Kagan, 2008). Such measures demonstrate discrimination—that young infants can tell the difference between stimuli—yet perceiving the difference between two stimuli does not necessarily mean that an infant understands how the two stimuli differ (Bremner, Slater, & Johnson, 2015). Others have suggested that infants are not detecting differences in number but differences in area (Mix, Huttenlocher, & Levine, 2002). For example, it may be that

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the infant attends to space rather than number and may differentiate nine items from three not because of the change in number but simply that nine items take up more space than three. More recent research has shown that 7-month-old infants can differentiate changes in number and area, are more sensitive to changes in number than area, and prefer to look at number changes over area changes (Libertus, Starr, & Brannon, 2014). Infants apply basic inferential mechanisms to quickly yet naturally construct an understanding of the world (Xu & Kushnir, 2013). Research with toddlers has suggested that they can understand, learn, and use causal principles to guide their actions (Walker & Gopnik, 2013).

Overall, Piaget’s theory has had a profound influence on how we view cognitive development. However, infants and toddlers are more cognitively competent than Piaget imagined, showing signs of representational ability and conceptual thought that he believed were not possible (Flavell, 1993). Developmental scientists agree with Piaget that immature forms of cognition give way to more mature forms, that the individual is active in development, and that interaction with the environment is critical for cognitive growth. However, developmental scientists also agree that cognitive development entails increasing competence in information processing abilities. Although they represent contrasting views, both Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory and information processing theory contribute to our understanding of children’s thinking.

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Thinking in Context 5.1 1. Toys offer infants important opportunities to practice and hone their development, and infants play with

toys in different ways at different ages. Identify a toy appropriate for an infant in the secondary circular reactions substage (e.g., a loud rattle or jingling set of toy keys).

2. Compare and contrast how infants in the secondary circular reactions substage and coordination of secondary schemas substage might play with the toy.

3. How might infants in the tertiary reactions substage play with it? 4. How might infants’ play match their developing schemes? 5. Might parent–infant interactions, the home environment, and sociocultural context influence when

infants develop object permanence? Why or why not? 6. Infants around the world delight in playing peekaboo. Compare and contrast how Piaget and core

knowledge theorists might account for infants’ attention and interest in the caregiver’s disappearing and reappearing face.

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Information Processing

Information processing theorists describe cognition as a set of interrelated components that permit people to process information—to notice, take in, manipulate, store, and retrieve it. Newborns are ready to learn and adapt to their world because, like children and adults, they are born information processors.

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Organization of the Information Processing System

From an information processing perspective, the mind is composed of three mental stores: sensory memory, working memory, and long-term memory. From early infancy to mature adulthood, we use these three stores to manipulate and store information.

Sensory memory is the first step in getting information into the mind; it holds incoming sensory information in its original form. For example, look at this page, then close your eyes. Did you “see” the page for a fraction of a second after you closed your eyes? That image, or icon, represents your sensory memory. Information fades from sensory memory quickly if it is not processed, even as quickly as fractions of a second. Newborn infants display sensory memory, although it is much shorter in duration than adults’ memory (Cheour et al., 2002). As a great deal of information is taken in and rapidly moves through sensory memory, much of it is discarded. When we direct our attention or awareness to information, however, it passes to the next part of the information processing system: working memory.

Working memory, sometimes called short-term memory, holds and processes information that is being “worked on” in some way: manipulated (considered, comprehended), encoded (transformed into a memory), or retrieved (recalled). Working memory is responsible for maintaining and processing information used in many complex cognitive tasks (Gathercole, 1998). All of your thoughts—that is, all conscious mental activity—occur within working memory. For example, reading this paragraph, remembering assignments, and considering how this material applies to your own experience taps your working memory. Just as your thoughts are constantly changing, so are the contents of working memory. While infants cannot tell us their thoughts, looking-time studies suggest that by 5 or 6 months of age, infants can remember and manipulate information to determine the locations of hidden objects (Reznick, Morrow, Goldman, & Snyder, 2004).

Figure 5.4: Information Processing System

An important part of working memory is the central executive, a control processor that directs the flow of information and regulates cognitive activities such as attention, action, and problem solving (Daneman & Carpenter, 1980; Just & Carpenter, 1992). The central executive determines what is important to attend to, combines new information with

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information already in working memory, and selects and applies strategies for manipulating the information in order to understand it, make decisions, and solve problems (Andersson, 2008; Baddeley, 1986, 1996).

As information is manipulated in working memory, it becomes more likely that it will enter long-term memory, the third mental store. Long-term memory is an unlimited store that holds information indefinitely. Information is not manipulated or processed in long-term memory; it is simply stored until it is retrieved to manipulate in working memory (e.g., remembering events and thinking about them). With development, we amass a great deal of information, organize it in increasingly sophisticated ways, and encode and retrieve it more efficiently and with less effort.

We are born with the ability to take in, store, and manipulate information through our sensory, working, and long-term memory. The structure of the information processing system remains the same throughout the lifespan (see Figure 5.4). With development, we get better at moving information through our cognitive system in ways that allow us to adapt to our world. We can process more information, retain more information, and do so more quickly and efficiently. We are born with a functioning information processing system, and it develops rapidly and very early in life.

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Attention

Attention refers to the ability to direct one’s awareness. Infant attention is often studied using preferential looking procedures (measuring the length of time infants look at two stimuli) and habituation procedures, in which researchers measure the length of time it takes infants to habituate to looking at a nonchanging stimulus, such as a geometric pattern (Oakes, 2010; Richards, 2010, 2011). Infants show more attentiveness to dynamic than static stimuli (Richards, 2010). Young infants require a long time to habituate to stimuli and will look longer at stimuli than will older infants.

By around 10 weeks of age, infants show gains in attention. They become more efficient at scanning and processing visual information and therefore require less exposure to stimuli to habituate (Colombo, 2001; Colombo, McCollam, Coldren, Mitchell, & Rash, 1990). For example, in one experiment, 3- to 13-month-old infants were shown displays that included a range of static and moving stimuli (Courage, Reynolds, & Richards, 2006). Overall, looking time peaked at 14 weeks of age and dropped steadily, demonstrating infants’ growing cognitive efficiency. From about 6.5 months of age, infants’ looking time varied with stimulus complexity, decreasing for simple stimuli such as dot patterns, increasing slightly for complex stimuli such as faces, and increasing more for very complex stimuli such as video clips (Courage et al., 2006).

The toy keys have captured this infant’s attention. How long will it take for the baby to habituate to this interesting stimulus?

Burger/Phanie/Science Source

Most research on infant attention has studied habituation and infant looking behavior to infer attention. More recently, researchers have begun using brain imaging techniques to

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measure infants’ brain activity because the development of infant attention is thought to be closely related to neurological development in the areas underlying attentional control (Richards, 2010). In response to tasks that challenge attention, infants show activity in the frontal cortex (used for thinking and planning) that is diffuse (widely spread) at 5.5 months of age, but more specific or localized by 7.5 months of age (Richards, 2010). Important developments in attention occur over the course of infancy and continue throughout childhood. As discussed in Lifespan Brain Development (p. 123), the changes in information processing skills like attention influence infants’ ability to attend to and learn from television and video.

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Memory

The ability to focus and switch attention is critical for selecting information to process in working memory. Even newborns have memory, as demonstrated by habituation studies (Streri, Hevia, Izard, & Coubart, 2013). When infants habituate to a stimulus and are shown the stimulus again after a delay, more rapid habituation on the second exposure indicates that they remember the stimulus (Oakes, 2010). Classic habituation studies have shown that by 3 months of age infants can remember a visual stimulus for 24 hours, and by the time they are 1 year old they can retain such memories for several days or even weeks (Fagan, 1973; Martin, 1975). In one study, 2- to 3-month-old infants were taught to kick their foot, which was tied to a mobile with a ribbon, to make the mobile move (see Figure 5.5). One week later, the infants were reattached to the mobile and kicked vigorously, indicating their memory of the first occasion. The infants would kick even four weeks later if the experimenter gave the mobile a shake to remind them of its movement (Rovee- Collier, 1999; Rovee-Collier & Bhatt, 1993). Infants have basic memory capacities common to children and adults (Rose, Feldman, Jankowski, & Van Rossem, 2011), but they are most likely to remember events when they take place in familiar contexts and when the infants are actively engaged (Learmonth, Lamberth, & Rovee-Collier, 2004).

Emotional engagement also enhances infants’ memory. Infants are more likely to remember events that are associated with emotions. For example, the still-face interaction paradigm is an experimental task in which an infant interacts with an adult who first engages in normal social interaction and then suddenly becomes unresponsive (Tronick, Als, Adamson, Wise, & Brazelton, 1978). Infants usually respond to the adult’s still face with brief smiles followed by negative facial expressions, crying, looking away, thumb sucking, and other responses suggesting emotional distress (Shapiro, Fagen, Prigot, Carroll, & Shalan, 1998; Weinberg & Tronick, 1994, 1996). In one study, 5-month-old infants who were exposed to the still face demonstrated recall over a year later, at 20 months of age, by looking less at the woman who appeared in the still-face paradigm than at two other women whom the infants had never previously seen (Bornstein, Arterberry, & Mash, 2004). These lines of research suggest that memory improves over the course of infancy, but even young infants are likely to recall events in which they are actively engaged, that take place in familiar surroundings, and that are emotionally salient (Courage & Cowan, 2009; Learmonth et al., 2004).

Figure 5.5: Rovee-Collier Ribbon Study

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Source: Levine and Munsch (2010).

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Categorization

In infants’ eyes, the entire world is new—“one great blooming, buzzing confusion” in the famous phrase of 19th-century psychologist William James (1890). As infants are bombarded with a multitude of stimuli, encountering countless new objects, people, and events, they naturally group stimuli into classes or categories. Categorization, grouping different stimuli from a common class, is an adaptive mental process that allows for organized storage of information in memory, efficient retrieval of that information, and the capacity to respond with familiarity to new stimuli from a common class (Bruner, Goodnow, & Austin, 1956; Murphy, 2002). Infants naturally categorize or organize information, just as older children and adults do, for without the ability to categorize, we would have to respond anew to each novel stimulus we experience (Bornstein & Arterberry, 2010; Rosenberg & Feigenson, 2013).

Just as in studying perception and attention, developmental researchers must rely on basic learning capacities, such as habituation, to study how infants categorize objects. For example, infants are shown a series of stimuli belonging to one category (e.g., fruit: apples and oranges), and then are presented with a new stimulus of the same category (e.g., a pear or a lemon) and a stimulus of a different category (e.g., a cat or a horse). If an infant dishabituates, or shows renewed interest by looking longer at the new stimulus (e.g., cat), it suggests that he or she perceives it as belonging to a different category from that of previously encountered stimuli (Cohen & Cashon, 2006). Using this method, researchers have learned that 3-month-old infants categorize pictures of dogs as different from cats based on perceived differences in facial features (Quinn, Eimas, & Rosenkrantz, 1993).

Infants’ earliest categories are based on the perceived similarity of objects (Rakison & Butterworth, 1998). By 4 months, infants can form categories based on perceptual properties, grouping objects that are similar in appearance including shape, size, and color (Colombo et al., 1990; Quinn & Eimas, 1996; Rakison & Butterworth, 1998). As early as 7 months of age, infants use conceptual categories based on perceived function and behavior (Mandler, 2000, 2004). Moreover, patterns in 6- to 7-month-old infants’ brain waves correspond to their identification of novel and familiar categories (Quinn, Doran, Reiss, & Hoffman, 2010). Seven- to 12-month-old infants use many categories to organize objects, such as food, furniture, birds, animals, vehicles, kitchen utensils, and more, based on perceptual similarity and perceived function and behavior (Mandler & McDonough, 1993, 1998; Oakes, Coppage, & Dingel, 1997).

Researchers also use sequential touching tasks to study categorization in older infants (Mandler, Fivush, & Reznick, 1987). Infants are presented with a collection of objects from two categories (e.g., four animals and four vehicles), and their patterns of touching are recorded. If the infants recognize a categorical distinction among the objects, they touch

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those from within a category in succession more than would be expected by chance (Bornstein & Arterberry, 2010). Research using sequential touching procedures has shown that 12- to 30-month-old toddlers categorize objects first at a global level and then at more specific levels. They categorize at more inclusive levels (e.g., animals or vehicles) before less inclusive levels (e.g., types of animals or vehicles) and before even less inclusive levels (e.g., specific animals or vehicles; Bornstein & Arterberry, 2010). Infants’ and toddlers’ everyday experiences and exploration contribute to their growing capacity to recognize commonalities among objects and group them in meaningful ways (Mandler, 2004; Oakes & Madole, 2003). Recognizing categories is a way of organizing information that allows for more efficient storage and retrieval of information in memory. Therefore, advances in categorization are critical to cognitive development.

As shown in Table 5.2, cognition changes dramatically over the first two years of life. According to cognitive-developmental theory, infants move from basic reflexes to representational thought. Although recent research has modified the timetable of cognitive development in response to findings that infants are more competent than believed, descriptions of the cognitive advances themselves are unchanged. At the same time as infants show advances in representational thinking, the underlying information processing capacities, such as attention, memory, and categorization skill, show continuous change over the first three years of life (Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2009). Infants get better at attending to the world around them, remembering what they encounter, and organizing and making sense of what they learn. Infants’ emerging cognitive capacities influence all aspects of their development and functioning, including intelligence.

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LifeSpan Brain Development

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The Media and Baby Geniuses

Most babies watch at least some television or play with electronic devices, such as their parents’ mobile phones and tablets. How might viewing media influnce infants’ development?

Pictorium/Alamy

Nine-month-old Derek sat in his high chair, munching cereal and watching the flickering television screen in front of him. On average, infants watch television and videos for about one to two hours each day (Rideout, 2013). In fact, 90% of parents report that their infants under the age of 2 years watch some form of electronic media, and the programming they watch is often specifically tailored to infants (AAP; Brown 2011).

Infant-directed videos are often advertised as a way to enhance babies’ brain development, intelligence, and early learning as they offer educational content embedded in an engaging video format and focused on themes such as language and general knowledge, including, shape, color, reading, and numbers (Fenstermacher et al., 2010). Most parents believe that age-appropriate videos can have an important positive impact on early child development, providing good entertainment for babies and convenience for parents (Robb, Richert, & Wartella, 2009).

But do baby videos really aid development? Brain-building claims made by baby media manufacturers are not supported by the research literature (Christakis, 2009), and longitudinal studies suggest no evidence of long-term benefits of media use in early childhood (Courage & Howe, 2010; Ferguson & Donnellan, 2014). One study tested a popular DVD program that claims to help young infants learn to read. Ten- to 18-month-old infants who regularly watched the program for seven months did not differ from other infants in intelligence, cognitive skills, reading skill, or word knowledge (Neuman, Kaefer, Pinkham, & Strouse, 2014). Other research has demonstrated that infants learn more readily from people than from TV, a finding known as the video deficit effect (Anderson & Pempek, 2005). For example, when 12- to 18- month-old infants watched a best-selling DVD that labels household objects, the infants learned very little from it as compared with what they learned though interaction with parents (DeLoache et al., 2010). Yet the video deficit is reduced when infants’ memory capacities are taken into account, such as by repeating content and adding visual and auditory cues (Barr, 2013). Infants and toddlers may be capable of learning from screen media, depending on the degree to which the media content resembles infant and toddlers’ real- life experiences including the use of simple stories and familiar objects or routines (Linebarger & Vaala, 2010).

Are baby videos harmful? Some studies suggest that exposure to baby media may be associated with deficits

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and delays in language development (Chonchaiya & Pruksananonda, 2008; Zimmerman, Christakis, & Meltzoff, 2007). The effects of media use vary with its content, quality, and context. For example, one study showed that Hispanic infants and toddlers who viewed more than two hours of television per day showed poor scores on a language measure—but the relationship was true only for infant media; those who viewed adult media showed no difference in language scores (Duch, Fisher, Ensari, & Harrington, 2013). It may not be the quantity of television viewing that is related with language outcomes but instead poor- quality viewing (e.g., television unintended for children, background television, solitary viewing, and earlier age of viewing), which were related to lower vocabulary scores overall but especially the English vocabulary scores of bilingual toddlers (Hudon, Fennell, & Hoftyzer, 2013). Age certainly matters. For example, one study showed that infants who are 17 months old and older were able to learn words from infant DVDs, as evidenced by looking measures, but not younger infants (Krcmar, 2014).

Although infant media will not turn ordinary infants into baby Einsteins, it does not seem to cause harm (Neuman et al., 2014). Parents play a role in influencing the effects of educational and interactive baby media on their infants. When parents watch videos along with their infants and talk to them about the content, infants spend more time looking at the screen, learn more from the media, and show greater knowledge of language as toddlers (Linebarger & Vaala, 2010). In today’s electronically connected world, it is impossible for most families to prevent infants from coming into contact with screens, whether television, tablet, or mobile phone. Considering that nearly 40% of infants under the age of 2 have viewed a mobile device, it appears that a developmental task for today’s infants and toddlers is to learn how to learn from screens (Wartella & Lauricella, 2012).

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What Do You Think? 1. How might you teach infants and toddlers how to learn from screens, such as from televisions,

cell phones, and tablets? 2. Imagine that you are a parent. What are some of the reasons why you might allow your young

child to play with your mobile phone or tablet? In your view, what are some disadvantages to screen use by infants and toddlers?

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Thinking in Context 5.2 1. Recall from Chapter 1 that an important theme of development is that it is influenced by multiple

contexts. How might contextual influences, such as family, neighborhood, sociocultural context, and even cohort or generation, influence cognitive development?

2. Identify personal examples of attention, working memory, and long-term memory. What is the earliest personal example that you can identify? How have your information processing capacities changed with development?

3. Given what we know about infants’ capacities for attention, memory, and categorization, what kinds of toys and activities would you recommend to caregivers who want to entertain infants while promoting their development?

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Individual Differences in Infant Intelligence

At its simplest, intelligence refers to an individual’s ability to adapt to the world. Of course, different people have different levels of intelligence—an example of the concept of individual differences or variation from one individual to another. Intelligence tests are used to measure these differences; they include questions that measure memory, pattern recognition, verbal knowledge, quantitative abilities, and logical reasoning. Measuring intelligence in infancy is challenging because, as noted earlier, infants cannot answer questions. Instead, researchers who study infant intelligence rely on an assortment of nonverbal tasks—the same kinds of methods, described earlier, that are used to study cognitive development. There are two general approaches to studying intelligence in infancy. As discussed next, the testing approach emphasizes standardized tests that compare infants with age-based norms. A second approach, the information processing approach, examines specific processing skills.

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Testing Approach to Intelligence

At 3 months of age, Baby Lourdes can lift and support her upper body with her arms when on her stomach. She grabs and shakes toys with her hands and enjoys playing with other people. Lourdes’s pediatrician tells her parents that her development is right on track for babies her age, and she shows typical levels of infant intelligence. Standardized tests permit the pediatrician to determine Lourdes’s development relative to other infants her age.

The most often used standardized measure of infant intelligence is the Bayley Scales of Infant Development III (BSID-III), commonly called “Bayley-III” (see Figure 5.6). This test is appropriate for infants from 1 month through 42 months of age (Bayley, 1969, 2005). The Bayley-III consists of five scales: three consisting of infant responses and two of parent responses. The motor scale measures gross and fine motor skills, such as grasping objects, drinking from a cup, sitting, and climbing stairs. The cognitive scale includes items such as attending to a stimulus or searching for a hidden toy. The language scale examines comprehension and production of language, such as following directions and naming objects. The social-emotional scale is derived from parental report regarding behaviors such as the infant’s responsiveness and play behaviors. Finally, the adaptive behavior scale is based on parental reports of the infant’s ability to adapt in everyday situations, including the infant’s ability to communicate, regulate his or her emotions, and display certain behaviors.

The Bayley-III provides a comprehensive profile of an infant’s current functioning, but infants’ performance often varies considerably from one testing session to another (Bornstein, Slater, Brown, Roberts, & Barrett, 1997). Scores vary with infants’ states of arousal and motivation. This suggests that pediatricians and parents must exert great care in interpreting scores—particularly poor scores—because an infant’s performance may be influenced by factors other than developmental functioning. Alternatively, some researchers have argued that perhaps the variability in Bayley-III scores from one occasion to another suggests that intelligence itself is variable in infancy (Bornstein et al., 1997). Regardless, the low test–retest reliability (recall from Chapter 1) means that infants who perform poorly on the Bayley-III should be tested more than once.

Figure 5.6 Bayley-III Scales (BSID-III)

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Although Bayley-III scores offer a comprehensive profile of an infant’s abilities, scores do not predict performance on intelligence tests in childhood (Honzik, 1983; Luttikhuizen dos Santos, de Kieviet, Königs, van Elburg, & Oosterlaan, 2013; Rose & Feldman, 1995). Even Nancy Bayley (1949), who invented the BSID-III, noted in a longitudinal study that infant performance was not related to intelligence scores at age 18. Why is infant intelligence relatively unrelated to later intelligence? Consider what is measured by infant tests: perception and motor skills, responsiveness, and language skills. The ability to grasp an object, crawl up stairs, or search for a hidden toy—items that appear on the Bayley-III— are not measured by childhood intelligence tests (Bornstein et al., 1997). Instead, intelligence tests administered in childhood examine more complex and abstract abilities such as verbal reasoning, verbal comprehension, and problem solving.

If the Bayley-III does not predict later intelligence, why administer it? Infants whose performance is poor relative to age norms may suffer from serious developmental problems that can be addressed. The intellectual abilities measured by the Bayley-III are critical indicators of neurological health and are useful for charting developmental paths, diagnosing neurological disorders, and detecting intellectual disabilities in infants and toddlers. As such, the Bayley-III is used as a screening tool to identify infants who can benefit from medical and developmental intervention.

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Information Processing Approach to Intelligence

The challenge in determining whether intelligence in infancy predicts performance in childhood and beyond rests in identifying measures that evaluate cognitive functioning from infancy through childhood. New approaches look to information processing as an indicator of intellectual ability (Kail, 2000). Information processing capacities, such as attention, are evident at birth and persist for a lifetime.

Individuals who process information more efficiently are thought to acquire knowledge more quickly. This is true for infants as well as for older children and adults. Information processing capacities—such as attention, memory, and processing speed—in infancy predict cognitive ability and intelligence through late adolescence (Cuevas & Bell, 2013; Luttikhuizen dos Santos et al., 2013; Rose, Feldman, Jankowski, & Van Rossem, 2012). These information processing abilities can be measured in simple ways. For example, attention, memory, and processing speed can be measured by assessing visual reaction time (how quickly infants look when shown a stimulus) and preference for novelty (the degree to which they prefer new stimuli over familiar ones). Both of these measures have been shown to predict childhood and adolescent intelligence (Fagan, 2011; Kavšek, 2004, 2013; McCall & Carrigher, 1993).

Infants show individual differences in cognitive capacities as indexed by basic learning tasks. Habituation tasks such as those discussed earlier in this chapter are used to study what babies can perceive and how they think, but habituation tasks also provide information about the efficiency of information processing because they indicate how quickly an infant learns: Infants who learn quickly look away from an unchanging stimulus more quickly. In looking time studies assessing habituation, some infants are short-lookers, habituating quickly, and others are long-lookers, taking more time to habituate. Infants who are short-lookers require less time to process information about the stimulus and are therefore more efficient information processors. Longitudinal studies suggest that infants who are fast habituators (short-lookers) score higher on measures of intelligence measures in childhood and adolescence than do those who are slower habituators (Kavšek, 2004, 2013; Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2012). For example, infant fast habituators had higher IQs and higher educational achievement when they were followed up 20 years later, in emerging adulthood (Fagan, Holland, & Wheeler, 2007).

Attention, memory, speed of thinking, and cognitive adaptability are competencies that permit individuals to make sense of and adapt to their world—qualities that constitute intelligence. Information processing skills in infancy are effective predictors of intelligence in childhood; however, these findings are generally the result of laboratory research. That is, although pediatricians might test an infant’s attention and habituation as part of an examination, there is no standardized information processing test of intelligence to apply to

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infants, as compared with the Bayley-III. The sensory and motor skills emphasized by the Bayley-III provide information about the infant’s current state and neurological functioning, which are critical to determining an infant’s health.

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Thinking in Context 5.3 1. Thinking back to the continuity–discontinuity theme of development, would you say that intelligence

represents an example of continuous or discontinuous change? Explain your answer. 2. Why is infant intelligence a poor predictor of later intelligence? 3. How might contextual factors, such as home environment and experiences, influence the skills measured

by infant intelligence tests such as the Bayley-III?

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Language Development

Eleven-month-old William was wide eyed as his father handed him a ball and said, “Ball!” “Ba!” said William. Unlike the random cooing and babbling sounds he made a few months ago, William is now beginning to show evidence of understanding a few words and trying to utter them.

Developing the ability to use language is a critical step in infancy and toddlerhood; it has important implications for the child’s cognitive, social, and emotional development. Gaining the ability to use words to represent objects, experience, thoughts, and feelings permits children to think and to communicate with others in increasingly flexible and adaptive ways.

We know from experiments with newborns that infants are primed to learn language from birth. Infants naturally notice the complex patterns of sounds around them and organize sounds into meaningful units. They recognize frequently heard words, like their name (Aslin, Clayards, & Bardhan, 2008). By 4.5 months of age, infants will turn their head to hear their own name but not to hear other names, even when the other names have a similar sound pattern (e.g., Annie vs. Johnny; Aslin et al., 2008; Mandel, Jusczyk, & Pisoni, 1995). Neonates prefer to listen to their native language, as well as stories that they have heard prenatally, suggesting that they are sensitive to the sound of words and the pattern of speech from birth. Newborns are able to hear all of the sounds of which the human voice is capable but by 10 to 12 months their ability to perceive nonnative sounds declines significantly (Aslin et al., 2008; Kuhl, Williams, Lacerda, Stevens, & Lindblom, 1992). The quality of mother–infant interactions plays a role in determining the timing of infants’ narrowing of speech sound discrimination. Specifically, infants who experience high-quality interactions with their mothers, characterized by frequent speech, show a narrowing earlier, as early as 6 months of age (Elsabbagh et al., 2013).

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Prelinguistic Communication

At birth, crying is the infant’s only means of communication. Infants soon learn to make many more sounds like gurgles, grunts, squeals, and more. Between 2 and 3 months, infants begin cooing, making deliberate vowel sounds like “ahhhh,” “ohhhhhh,” and “eeeeeee.” These vocal sounds are a form of vocal play; they are likely to be heard when the baby is awake, alert and contented. At the cooing stage, infants already use pauses that are consistent with the turn-taking pattern of spoken conversations. Babbling, repeating strings of consonants and vowels such as “ba-ba-ba-ba” and “ma-ma-ma,” begins to appear at about 6 months of age. At first, babbling is universal. All babies do it, and the sounds they make are similar no matter what language their parents speak or in what part of the world they are raised. However, as mentioned earlier, infants soon become sensitive to the ambient language around them, and it influences their vocalizations (Chen & Kent, 2010). With development and exposure to speech, babbling becomes more wordlike and sounds more like the infant’s native language; by the end of the first year, infants’ babbling sounds as if they are speaking (Andruski, Casielles, & Nathan, 2013; Rothgänger, 2003).

Language acquisition is a socially interactive process—babies learn by hearing others speak and by the reactions their vocalizations evoke in caregivers. Caregivers tend to recognize specific syllables and babbling repertoires, which serve as foundations for word learning (Ramsdell, Oller, Buder, Ethington, & Chorna, 2012). Infants modify their babbling in response to caregiver interactions (Tamis-LeMonda, Kuchirko, & Song, 2014).

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First Words

At about 1 year of age, the average infant speaks his or her first word. At first, infants use one-word expressions, called holophrases, to express a complete thought. A first word might be a complete word or a syllable. Usually the word has more than one meaning depending on the context in which it is used. For example, “Da” might mean, “I want that,” “There’s Daddy!” or “What’s that?” Caregivers usually hear and understand first words before other adults do. The first words that infants use are those that they hear often or are meaningful for them, such as their own name, the word no, or the word for their caregiver.

Throughout language development, babies’ receptive language (what they can understand) exceeds their productive language (what they can produce themselves). That is, infants understand more words than they can use. By 13 months of age, children begin to quickly learn the meaning of a new word, and they understand that a word corresponds to a particular thing or event (Woodward, Markman, & Fitzsimmons, 1994), but they tend to learn the names of objects more easily than the names of actions.

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Learning Words

“I can’t believe how quickly Matthew picks up new words. It’s time for us to be more careful about what we say around him,” warned Elana. Her husband agreed, “He’s only 2 years old, and he has quite a vocabulary. Who would think that he’d learn so many words so quickly!” Is Matthew unusual? Most infants Matthew’s age rapidly expand their vocabulary, often to the surprise of their parents. How do infants learn new words? They do it through fast mapping, a process of quickly acquiring and retaining a word after hearing it applied a few times. Two-year-olds are able to learn a word even after a single brief exposure under ambiguous conditions (Spiegel & Halberda, 2011). Fast mapping improves with age and accounts for the naming explosion, also known as the vocabulary spurt, a period of rapid vocabulary learning that occurs between 16 and 24 months of age (Dapretto & Bjork, 2000). Within weeks, a toddler may increase her vocabulary from 50 words to over 400 (Bates, Bretherton, & Snyder, 1988).

Recent research has suggested that the vocabulary spurt is not universal. Word acquisition occurs gradually for many children, rather than through a sudden spurt (Ganger & Brent, 2004; Parladé & Iverson, 2011). At 18 months, toddlers are more likely to learn a new word if both they and the speaker are attending to the new object when the speaker introduces the new word (Baldwin et al., 1996). Yet by 24 to 30 months of age, toddlers can determine the meaning of words even if they simply overhear the speaker talking to someone else (Akhtar, Jipson, & Callanan, 2001), and they can learn new words when their attention is distracted by other objects or events (Moore, Angelopoulos, & Bennett, 1999). Fast mapping helps young children learn many new words, but their own speech lags behind what they can understand, because young children have difficulty retrieving the words from memory to use (Dapretto & Bjork, 2000).

As children learn words, we see two interesting kinds of mistakes that tell us about how words are learned (Gershkoff-Stowe, 2002). Underextension refers to applying a word more narrowly than it is usually applied so that the word’s use is restricted to a single object. For example, cup might refer to Daddy’s cup but not to the general class of cups. Later, the opposite tendency appears. Overextension refers to applying a word too broadly. Cow might refer to cows, sheep, horses, and all farm animals. Overextension suggests that the child has learned that a word can signify a whole class of objects. As children develop a larger vocabulary and get feedback on their speech, they demonstrate fewer errors of overextension and underextension.

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Two-Word Utterances

At about 21 months of age, or usually about 8 to 12 months after they say their first word, most children compose their first simple two-word sentences, such as “Kitty come,” or “Mommy milk.” Telegraphic speech, like a telegram, only includes a few essential words. Like other milestones in language development, telegraphic speech is universal among toddlers. Children around the world use two-word phrases to express themselves.

Language development follows a predictable path, as shown in Table 5.3. By 2.5 years of age, children demonstrate an awareness of the communicative purpose of speech and the importance of being understood. For example, in one experiment, 2.5-year-old children asked an adult to hand them a toy. The child was more likely to repeat and clarify the request for the toy when the adult’s verbal response indicated misunderstanding of the child’s request (“Did you say to put the toy on the shelf?”) than when the adult appeared to understand the request, regardless of whether the adult gave the child the toy (Shwe & Markman, 1997).

It is not until some time between 20 and 30 months that children show competence in using syntax, the rules for forming sentences in a given language. Soon they become more comfortable with using articles (such as a, and, the), prepositions (such as in or on), conjunctions (such as and, or, but), plurals, and past tense.

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Theories of Language Development

Over the first two years of life, children transform from wailing newborns who communicate their needs through cries to toddlers who can use words to articulate their needs, desires, and thoughts. Developmental scientists have offered several explanations for infants’ rapid acquisition of language. Some explanations emphasize the role of the environment in accounting for language whereas others emphasize biological factors.

Learning Theory and Language Acquisition

Baby Howie gurgled, “Ba-ba-ba-ba!” His parents encouraged him excitedly, “Say bottle. Ba-ba!” Howie squealed, “Ba-ba-ba-ba-ba!” Parents play an important role in language development. They provide specific instruction and communicate their excitement about their infants’ developing competence, encouraging infants to practice their new language skills. Learning theorist B. F. Skinner (1957) proposed that language, just like all other behaviors, is learned through operant conditioning: reinforcement and punishment.

From birth, infants make sounds at random. Caregivers respond to infants’ early utterances with interest and attention, imitating and reinforcing infants’ verbal behaviors (Gratier & Devouche, 2011; Pelaez, Virues-Ortega, & Gewirtz, 2011). Infants repeat the sounds. Caregivers then reward sounds that resemble adult speech with attention, smiles, and affection. Infants imitate sounds that adults make and repeat sounds that are reinforced. From this perspective, imitation and reinforcement shape children’s language acquisition. The quantity and quality of the parents’ verbal interactions with the child and responses to the child’s communication attempts influence the child’s rate of language development.

Infants and children learn by observing the world around them. Parents and caregivers offer important encouragement and reinforcement of infants’ language learning. However, critics point out that learning theory cannot account for all of language development because it cannot account for the unique utterances and errors that young children make (Epstein, 1991). Word combinations are complex and varied—they cannot be acquired solely by imitation and reinforcement. Toddlers often put words together in ways that they likely have never heard (e.g., “Mommy milk”). Young children make grammatical errors, such as “mouses” instead of “mice” or “goed” instead of “went,” that cannot be the result of imitation. If language is learned through imitation, how do young children make grammatical errors that they have never heard spoken? Young children repeat things that they hear (sometimes to parents’ chagrin!), but they also construct new phrases and utterances that are unique. Reinforcement from parents and caregivers is powerful encouragement for children, but language development cannot be completely explained by learning theory alone. Despite wide variations in circumstances, living situations, and contexts, infants around the world achieve language milestones at about the same time,

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suggesting a biological component to language development.

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Lives in Context

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Baby Signing

Although signing may not accelerate language development, it offers opportunities for parent-infant interaction and play.

AP/Justin Hayworth

Few things are as frustrating for a parent as trying to decipher their baby’s cry. What does she need? Is she hungry? Cold? Does she have a wet diaper? Is she hurt? Imagine that the baby could communicate her needs. The baby signing movement, teaching infants to communicate with symbolic gestures, promotes early communication between infants and parents. The assumption behind baby signing is that the gross motor skills needed for signing develop before the relatively fine motor control of the mouth, tongue, and breath needed to articulate speech (Goodwyn & Acredolo, 1998). Parents who read about the benefits of teaching signs to their infants often embrace the practice. Numerous companies have been created to promote and sell baby signing materials. Most advertise benefits such as facilitating spoken language, reducing tantrums, and increasing IQ.

The roots of baby signing lie in research conducted by Acredolo and Goodwyn. Their research has shown that babies readily acquire symbolic gestures when exposed to enhanced gestural training that they refer to as baby signs (Acredolo, Goodwyn, & Abrams, 2009). They propose that the rewards of baby signing include larger and more expressive vocabulary, advanced mental development, improved parent–child relationships, and fewer tantrums and behavior problems (Acredolo & Goodwyn, 1988; Goodwyn & Acredolo, 1998). Based on their findings, Acredolo and Goodwyn created a signing program for infants with videos, classes, books, and cue cards (Acredolo et al., 2009).

It is generally recognized that gesture and language are linked and that babies naturally make early gestures that precede their use of language (Iverson & Goldin-Meadow, 2005). But is baby signing effective in accelerating language and other aspects of development? According to the websites promoting it, yes. However, one review of 33 websites associated with various baby signing products revealed that all claimed benefits such as faster language development and many claimed to foster higher IQs, improvements in parent–child interactions, and fewer child tantrums. Yet nearly none provided evidence to support their claims. Those that did referred to case studies (such as Acredolo & Goodwyn, 1985) and opinion articles rather than experiments (Nelson, White, & Grewe, 2012). A review of research studies examining the outcomes of baby signing programs found that although some of the studies suggest some benefits, nearly all contained methodological weaknesses like a lack of control groups or no random assignment. It was concluded that there is not enough evidence to support the claims of baby signing products (Johnston, 2005).

A recent longitudinal study tested the effects of baby signing products. Infants were followed from 8 months of age until 20 months of age (Kirk, Howlett, Pine, & Fletcher, 2013). Babies were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: baby signing training, verbal training (mothers modeled words without signs), and nonintervention. At 20 months of age, the language development was similar for all babies, regardless of intervention. Encouraging gestures did not result in higher scores on language measures, providing no support for the claims of baby signing proponents. Yet many parents report benefits of baby signing and believe that it has improved their child’s ability to communicate and overall parent–infant interactions (Doherty-Sneddon, 2008; Mueller & Sepulveda, 2014). Although baby signing may not have

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research support for accelerating language development, it has not been shown to be harmful. If using baby signing products encourages frequent parent–infant interaction, does not rush or pressure infants, and parents feel that it is helpful, there is no reason to discourage its use.

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What Do You Think? Should we encourage parents to teach their babies how to sign? Why or why not?

Nativist Theory and Language Acquisition

Nativist theorist Noam Chomsky (1959, 1965) argued that language is too complex a behavior to be learned so early and quickly from conditioning. Chomsky noted that all young children grasp the essentials of grammar, the rules of language, at an early age, and the languages of the world have many similarities. The human brain has an innate capacity to learn language. Specifically, Chomsky believed that infants are born with a language acquisition device (LAD), an innate facilitator of language that permits infants to quickly and efficiently analyze everyday speech and determine its rules, regardless of whether their native language is English, German, Chinese, or Urdu. The LAD has an innate storehouse of rules that apply to all human languages that Chomsky (1965) referred to as universal grammar. When infants hear language spoken, they naturally notice its linguistic properties, and they acquire the language.

The nativist perspective can account for children’s unique utterances and the unusual grammatical mistakes they make in speaking because children are biologically primed to learn language and do not rely on learning. However, like learning theory, the nativist perspective offers an incomplete account of language acquisition. Specifically, Chomsky’s nativist perspective does not explain the process of language acquisition, how it occurs (Miller, 2009). Researchers have not identified the LAD or universal grammar Chomsky thought underlies all languages (Tomasello, 2009). Moreover, language does not emerge in a finished form. Instead, children learn to string words together over time based on their experiences and trial and error (Tomasello, 2012). Language learning does not occur as quickly and requires more effort on the part of children than Chomsky described. Instead, language acquisition is influenced by both nature and nurture, biology, and learning. An interactionist perspective offers the most comprehensive perspective of language development by encompassing both biology and social interaction. As described in Lives in Context (p. 131), children who are adopted from foreign countries experience particular challenges in learning language.

Interactionist Perspective on Language Acquisition

Language development is a complex process that is influenced by both maturation and context. Infants are born with the capacity to discriminate a wide variety of speech sounds including those that adults can no longer differentiate, suggesting an inborn sensitivity to language (Posner, 2001). Biological capacities interact with the social context in which

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children are reared to influence language development.

Biological Contributions to Language Acquisition

The brain, specifically the left hemisphere, is wired for language at birth. Speech sounds produce more electrical activity in the left hemisphere of newborns’ brains, while nonspeech sounds elicit more activity in the right hemisphere (Molfese, 1977). By studying individuals who have suffered brain damage, scientists have learned about two areas in the left hemisphere of the brain that are vital for language: Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas (Price, Jarman, Mason, & Kind, 2011). Broca’s area controls the ability to use language for expression. Damage to this area inhibits the ability to speak fluently, leading to errors in the production of language. Wernicke’s area is responsible for language comprehension. Damage to Wernicke’s area impairs the ability to understand others’ speech and sometimes the ability to speak coherently.

The brain plays a critical role in language capacities throughout life. However, biological factors, though powerful, cannot completely account for language development. For example, infants’ ability to detect sounds not used in their native language declines throughout the first year of life, suggesting that contextual factors, specifically exposure to the native language influences older infants’ sensitivity to speech sound (Posner, 2001; Sansavini, Bertoncini, & Giovanelli, 1997). At the same time, information processing factors largely influenced by neurological development, such as attention and memory, influence how infants comprehend and respond to social interaction and other contextual influences on language development.

Contextual Contributions to Language Acquisition

Language acquisition occurs in a social context. When babies begin to engage in canonical babbling—a type of babbling with well-formed syllables that sounds remarkably like language—parents, regardless of socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and home environment, tune in and treat the vocalizations in a new way (Oller, Eilers, & Basinger, 2001). The utterances sound like words, and parents help infants to associate the wordlike utterances with objects and events, encouraging word learning. In this way, infants are predisposed to learn language and reside in a social context that fosters language learning (Oller et al., 2001).

Parental responsiveness to infants’ vocalizations predicts the size of infants’ vocabularies, the diversity of infants’ communications, and the timing of language milestones (Tamis- LeMonda et al., 2014). For example, infants of highly responsive mothers achieved language milestones such as first words, vocabulary spurt, and telegraphic speech at 9 to 13 months—4 to 6 months earlier than infants of low-responsive mothers (Tamis-LeMonda, Bornstein, & Baumwell, 2001). Interactions with fathers are also important contributors to language development. Fathers’ responsiveness to their 2- and 3-year-olds predicted

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toddlers’ cognitive and language abilities (Tamis-LeMonda, Shannon, Cabrera, & Lamb, 2004). Parental responsiveness is also associated with the language skills of adopted children, supporting the contextual influence of parents (Stams, Juffer, & van IJzendoorn, 2002).

The use of infant-directed speech, also known as “motherese,” is another way in which adults attract infants’ attention and influence language development. Infant-directed speech uses shorter words and sentences, higher and more varied pitch, repetitions, a slower rate, and longer pauses (Thiessen, Hill, & Saffran, 2005). Preverbal infants prefer listening to infant-directed speech (Fernald & McRoberts, 1996), and infant-directed speech has been documented in many languages and cultures (Bryant, 2012; Kuhl et al., 1997). The pattern of infant-directed speech is similar across cultures such that adults can discriminate it from adult-directed speech even while listening to a language they do not speak. For example, when adults in the Turkana region of northwestern Kenya listened to speech produced in English by American mothers, they were able to discriminate between infant-directed and adult-directed speech, suggesting that infant-directed speech is universally recognizable (Bryant, 2012).

Through infant-directed speech, adults attract infants’ attention by using shorter words and sentences, higher and more varied pitch, repetition, and a slower rate. Infants prefer listening to infant-directed speech, and infant-directed speech appears cross culturally.

Ali Russell/Alamy

Infants are primed to detect infant-directed speech. Infant-directed speech influences social preferences—infants prefer adults who use it (Schachner & Hannon, 2011). Infant- directed speech appears to facilitate language development by making sounds more exaggerated, helping infants hear and distinguish the different sounds and map sounds to meanings (Burnham, Kitamura, & Vollmer-Conna, 2002; Estes, 2013; Kitamura &

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Burnham, 2003; Thiessen et al., 2005). It also exaggerates lip movements, helping infants to distinguish lip movements relevant to speech (Green, Nip, Wilson, Mefferd, & Yunusova, 2010). It teaches babies how to take turns talking, models how to carry on a conversation, and helps babies learn to respond to emotional cues and link word meanings with familiar things. In one study, 7- and 8-month-old infants were more likely to learn words presented by infant-directed speech than those presented through adult-directed speech (Singh, Nestor, Parikh, & Yull, 2009). Babies learn language by interacting with more mature, expert speakers who can speak at their developmental level. Parents adjust their infant-directed speech to match infants’ linguistic needs. For example, parents use longer and more complicated words and sentences as infants’ comprehension increases (Englund & Behne, 2006; Sundberg, 1998). The quality of language input from parents and the number of words a child hears is related to children’s vocabulary size at age 2 (Hoff, Naigles, & Nigales, 2002).

Though parents do not reliably reinforce correct grammar, they communicate in ways that tell young children when they make errors and show how to correct them (Saxton, 1997). Adults often respond to children’s utterances with expansions, enriched versions of the child’s statement. For example, if the child says, “bottle fall,” the parent might respond, “Yes, the bottle fell off of the table.” Adults also recast children’s sentences into new grammatical forms. For example, “Kitty go,” might be recast into, “Where is the kitty going?” When children use grammatically correct statements, parents maintain and extend the conversation (Bohannon & Stanowicz, 1988). When adults recast and expand young children’s speech, the children tend to acquire grammatical rules more quickly and score higher on tests of expressive language ability than when parents rely less on these conversational techniques (Abraham, Crais, & Vernon-Feagans, 2013; Bohannon, Padgett, Nelson, & Mark, 1996).

Culture also shapes language acquisition. Parents from different cultures may differ in how often they respond to their infants; however, parental response patterns that are warm, contingent on infant responses, and consistent are associated with positive language development in infants across cultures (Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2014). For example, in a study of six cultural communities, mothers from Berlin and Los Angeles were more likely to respond to infant nondistress vocalizations and gazes than were mothers from Beijing and Delhi and Nso mothers from various cities in Cameroon (Kärtner et al., 2008). In contrast, Nso mothers responded more often to infant touch than did mothers from other cultures. Although parental responsiveness may look different and take different forms across cultures, its benefits generalize across families from different cultural communities and socioeconomic strata (Rodriguez & Tamis-LeMonda, 2011). Culture even shapes the words that infants learn. In Asian cultures such as Japan, China, and Korea that stress interpersonal harmony, children acquire verbs and social words much more quickly than do North American toddlers (Gopnik & Choi, 1995; Tardif et al., 2008). In another study, U.S. mothers responded to infant object play more than social play whereas Japanese

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mothers responded more to social play (Tamis-LeMonda, Bornstein, Cyphers, Toda, & Ogino, 1992). For example, North American infants’ first words tend to include more referential language, or naming words such as ball, dog, cup, and so on, while Japanese infants tend to use more expressive language, or words that are used mainly in social interaction, such as please and want (Fernald & Morikawa, 1993). Italian, Spanish, French, Dutch, Hebrew, and English-speaking infants tend to display a preference for using more nouns than verbs (Bassano, 2000; Bornstein et al., 2004; Caselli et al., 1995; de Houwer & Gillis, 1998; Jackson-Maldonado, Thal, Marchman, Bates, & Gutierrez-Clellen, 1993; Maital, Dromi, Sagi, & Bornstein, 2000; Parisse & Le Normand, 2000; Tardif, Shatz, & Naigles, 1997).

The interactionist perspective on language development points to the interactive influence of biology and context (see Table 5.4). Infants are equipped with biological propensities and information processing capacities that permit them to perceive and analyze speech and learn to speak. Infants are motivated to communicate with others. Interactions with others provide important learning experiences, which help infants expand their language capacities.

Infancy represents an important time for development that illustrates the interaction of biology, maturation, and the sociocultural context. Infants are equipped with early and rapidly emerging capacities to move and control their bodies, sense the world around them, and learn and think. However, interactions with their sociocultural context strengthen and modify infants’ capacities in every domain of development. In turn, babies’ actions influence elements of their sociocultural context. Infants’ active role in their own cognitive development cannot be denied. Infants also play an active role in their socioemotional development, as discussed in Chapter 6.

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Lives in Context

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Development in Internationally Adopted Children

Many internationally adopted children experience speech and language delays. Younger children tend to adapt to a new language more quickly but over time most children reach age-expected language levels.

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In the three decades since the mid-1980s, international adoption has become commonplace. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1990, the media drew attention to the large number of children who lived in orphanages in substandard conditions—without adequate food, clothing, or shelter and with poorly trained caregivers. Such orphanages have been found in a number of countries, including China, Ethiopia, Ukraine, Congo, and Haiti, accounting for over two thirds of internationally adopted children in 2013 (U.S. Department of State, 2014). One third of all international adoptions in 2013 included children from China. Underfunded and understaffed orphanages often provide poor, nonnurturing care for children, increasing the risks for malnutrition, infections, physical handicaps, and growth retardation.

With infant-to-caregiver ratios ranging from 10 to 60 infants per adult (Mason & Narad, 2005), children available for adoption often spend a significant amount of time deprived of consistent human contact. Observations of infants and toddlers in a Russian orphanage revealed that they experience few opportunities for interacting with caregivers. Most conversation tended to be caregiver to caregiver, even while feeding the youngest infants (Glennen, 2002). Toddlers were expected to feed themselves at the table without interaction from adults. Even while being held, children were faced outward, reducing opportunities for adult interaction.

Few internationally adopted children enter the United States healthy and at age-appropriate developmental norms. Not surprisingly, the longer the children were institutionalized, the more developmental challenges they face (Jacobs, Miller, & Tirella, 2010). Physical growth stunting is directly associated with the length of institutionalization, but catch-up growth is commonly seen after adoption (Wilson & Weaver, 2009). As with growth, the time spent in an orphanage predicts the degree of developmental delay. Longer institutionalization is associated with delays in development of language, fine motor skills, social skills, and attention and other cognitive skills (Mason & Narad, 2005; Wiik et al., 2011).

Speech and language delays are the most consistent deficiencies among internationally adopted children (Johnson, 2000). In one study, 60% of 2.5-year-old children in a Russian orphanage had no expressive language (Glennen, 2002; Miller, 2000). One year later, only 14% used two-word utterances; at the ages of 3 to 4, the children had limited vocabulary, receptive language delays, and unintelligible speech phrases (Glennen, 2002). Other studies have demonstrated that 40% to 60% of children evaluated who were adopted from Eastern Europe and China show language delays (Albers, Johnson, Hostetter, Iverson, & Miller, 1997; Miller & Hendrie, 2000). Over half of internationally adopted children are seen by speech language pathologists (Pollack & Bechner, 2000).

The few available studies of the long-term prognosis for language development in internationally adopted children suggest that children can catch up from language delays if they are adopted at a young age (Frank, Vul, & Johnson, 2009; Mason & Narad, 2005). For example, Glennen and Masters (2002) noted an

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improvement in speech delay by 36 to 40 months of age; however, children adopted at older ages lagged behind in their language improvement. Generally, the younger the child is at adoption, the more quickly he or she will adapt to the new language and close any gaps in language delays (Glennan & Masters, 2002; Mason & Narad, 2005). More recent research suggests that in the presence of a high-quality parent–child relationship the age of adoption did not influence language, speech, or academic outcomes, and most children reach age-expected language levels (Glennen, 2014; Harwood, Feng, & Yu, 2013). Despite this, surveys of adoptive parents have revealed that one year following adoption, speech and language development is their top concern (Clauss & Baxter, 1997). Although there are individual differences in the degree of resilience and in functioning across developmental domains, adopted children overall show great developmental gains and resilience in physical, cognitive, and emotional development (Misca, 2014; Palacios, Román, Moreno, León, & Peñarrubia, 2014; Wilson & Weaver, 2009).

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What Do You Think? 1. How might learning theory, nativist theory, and interactionist theory account for these

findings? 2. In your view, what are the most important challenges adopted children and their families face?

Identify sources and forms of support that might help adopted children and their parents.

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Developmental Milestones: Parent Views

Milestones of development are important not just for children, but for parents. Lara describes milestones in her 2-year-old’s development. Parents’ joy in their children influences their children’s development.

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Thinking in Context 5.4 1. How is language development influenced by other areas of development? Specifically, what role, if any,

might motor development, perception, or cognition hold in influencing a child’s language development? 2. Referring to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (see Figure 1.6), identify contextual factors that

influence language acquisition. 3. What factors at the level of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem and mesosystem play a role in language? 4. How might the exosystem influence language acquisition? Macrosystem?

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Apply Your Knowledge Researchers use a variety of methods to study infant cognition:

In one experiment, an infant looks longer at an expected, seemingly impossible event that occurs: a board appears to move through a box. An infant is shown a toy, then the overhead lights are turned off, hiding the toy from his sight. The infant successfully reaches for the toy. An infant watches as a researcher covers a toy with a blanket. The infant reaches for the blanket and uncovers the toy.

An infant watches as a researcher covers a toy with a blanket several times. The infant successfully reaches for the toy every time. Next, the researcher places the toy under a different blanket, adjacent to the first hiding space. The infant reaches in the first place and is unsuccessful in finding the toy.

1. What do these tasks measure? What do the infants’ responses demonstrate? 2. What Piagetian substage do each of these infants show? 3. How might changes in information processing skills contribute to these developments? 4. Are infants’ responses to these tasks indicators of intelligence in infants? Why or why not?

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Chapter Summary

5.1 Define cognitive schemas, and explain the processes by which infants and toddlers modify their cognitive schemas.

According to Piaget, cognitive development is the result of assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation involves integrating a new experience into a preexisting schema. Changing an existing schema in light of the new information is accommodation. People naturally strive for cognitive equilibrium, a state in which their schemas are matched with the outside world, clearly representing it. A state of cognitive equilibrium is rare and fleeting. Individuals’ drive for cognitive equilibrium is the basis for cognitive change. 5.2 Summarize infants’ progression through six substages of sensorimotor reasoning.

During the first month of life (substage 1), newborns strengthen and modify their original schemas to explore the world around them. From 1 to 4 months of age (substage 2), infants begin to engage in primary circular reactions. At 4 months of age (substage 3), infants’ awareness begins to extend outside their bodies and they engage in secondary circular reactions. At 8 months (substage 4), infants purposefully coordinate two secondary circular reactions and apply them in new situations to achieve a goal.

As infants enter their second year of life, they reason at the tertiary circular reactions substage (12 to 18 months; substage 5). Infants experiment with new behaviors to see the results and search for new discoveries. Eighteen to 24 months of age marks a transition between sensorimotor and preoperational reasoning (substage 6). Infants develop representational thought and can consider potential solutions without engaging in physical trial and error. 5.3 Examine the development of object permanence during the sensorimotor period.

According to Piaget, object permanence emerges between 8 and 12 months and signifies a capacity for mental representation. Piaget’s method of determining whether an infant understood object permanence relied on the infant’s ability to demonstrate it by uncovering a hidden object. Violation of expectation tasks have shown that infants as young as 5.5 months maintain mental representations and show object permanence. Research examining the A-not-B error suggest that it is a result of neural immaturity and a deficit in impulse control rather than a lack of object permanence. 5.4 Discuss the core knowledge perspective as it applies to infancy and toddlerhood.

The core knowledge perspective explains that infants are born with several core domains of thought that enable early rapid learning and adaptation. Core knowledge

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researchers have shown that young infants have a grasp of the physical properties of objects, such as object permanence, solidity, gravity, number, and language. Critics argue that the violation of expectation method of testing infants’ knowledge demonstrates discrimination, that young infants can tell the difference between stimuli, but not that infants understand how the two stimuli differ. 5.5 Identify the parts of the information processing system and its function in infancy and toddlerhood.

According to information processing theory, we are born with a functioning information processing system that is composed of three mental stores. Sensory memory holds incoming sensory information in its original form for a very brief period. When we direct our attention or awareness to information, it passes working memory, which holds and processes information that is being manipulated, encoded, or retrieved. An important part of working memory is the central executive, which directs the flow of information and regulates cognitive activities such as attention, action, and problem solving. As information is manipulated in working memory it becomes more likely that it will enter long-term memory. 5.6 Describe developmental changes in infants’ capacities for attention and memory.

Young infants require a long time to habituate to stimuli and will look longer at stimuli than older infants. By around 10 weeks of age, habituation times start to decline; infants become more efficient at scanning and processing visual information and therefore require less exposure to stimuli to habituate. Individual differences in attention occur at all ages and tend to be stable over time. Classic habituation studies have shown that by 3 months of age infants can remember a visual stimulus for 24 hours and for several days or even weeks by the end of the first year of life. 5.7 Examine how infants’ categorization skills change with development.

Categorization is an adaptive mental process that allows for organized storage of information in memory, efficient retrieval of that information, and the capacity to respond with familiarity to new stimuli from a common class. Infants’ earliest categories are based on the perceived similarity of objects. As early as 7 months of age, infants use conceptual categories based on perceived function and behavior. Seven- to 12-month-old infants use many categories to organize objects, such as food, furniture, birds, animals, vehicles, kitchen utensils, and more. Twelve- to 30-month- old infants categorize objects first at a global level and then at more specific levels. 5.8 Discuss how intelligence is measured in infancy and findings regarding infant intelligence.

The most commonly used measure of infant intelligence is the BSID-III, or Bayley III, appropriate for infants from 2 months through 30 months of age. The intellectual abilities measured by the Bayley-III are critical indicators of neurological health and are useful for charting developmental paths, diagnosing neurological

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disorders, and detecting mental retardation very early in life. However, performance on infant intelligence scales tends to show little relation with intelligence and achievement in childhood. Intelligence tests administered in childhood examine more complex and abstract abilities such as verbal reasoning, verbal comprehension, and problem solving. New approaches look to information processing as an indicator of intellectual skill. 5.9 Explain patterns of language development from birth through infancy and toddlerhood.

Newborns are able to hear all of the sounds of which the human voice is capable, but by 10 to 12 months, their ability to perceive nonnative sound declines. Infants begin cooing by 3 months and babbling at about 6 months of age. At first, babbling is universal, but with exposure to speech, babbling sounds more like the infant’s native language. Fast mapping helps young children learn many new words, but their own speech lags behind what they can understand, and they display underextension and overextension errors. At about 21 months of age, most children compose their first simple two-word sentences, telegraphic speech. 5.10 Contrast learning, nativist, and interactionist perspectives on language.

Learning theory poses that language is learned through operant conditioning. From this perspective, imitation and reinforcement shape children’s language acquisition. Nativist theorists pose that the human brain has an innate capacity to learn language. An interactionist perspective integrates nature and nurture, noting that we have innate perceptual biases for discriminating and listening to language, and the brain is wired for language at birth. At the same time, language acquisition occurs in a social context in which adults use infant-directed speech to catch the infant’s attention and facilitate language development by responding in ways that foster language learning, such as by using expansions and recasts.

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Key Terms

accommodation 114 assimilation 114 attention 115 babbling 127 Broca’s area 130 canonical babbling 130 categorization 122 central executive 121 circular reactions 115 cooing 127 core knowledge perspective 119 expansions 132 fast mapping 127 grammar 130 holophrases 127 infant-directed speech 131 intelligence 123 language acquisition device (LAD) 130 long-term memory 120 mental representation 115 naming explosion 127 object permanence 116 overextension 128 primary circular reactions 115 recast 132 secondary circular reactions 115 sensory memory 120 telegraphic speech 128 tertiary circular reactions 116 underextension 128 universal grammar 130 video deficit effect 123 violation-of-expectation method 117 Wernicke’s area 130 working memory 120

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Chapter 6 Socioemotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

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Learning Objectives 6.1. Summarize the psychosocial tasks of infancy and toddlerhood. 6.2. Examine infants’ developing capacities for basic and self-conscious emotions and emotional regulation. 6.3. Identify contextual and cultural influences on emotional development in infants and toddlers. 6.4. Define temperament in infancy, and identify styles of temperament. 6.5. Discuss the stability of temperament and the role of goodness of fit in infant development. 6.6. Examine attachment styles. 6.7. Discuss culture and attachment as well as strategies to promote the development of attachment relationships. 6.8. Differentiate self-concept, self-recognition, and self-control, and discuss their respective roles in infant development.

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Key Study Tools

Explore Further Psychosocial Development Explore Further Self-Conscious Emotions Applying Developmental Science Postpartum Depression (p. 145) Video Case Parent and Infant Psychotherapy Explore Further Temperament Think Critically Goodness of Fit Listen Temperament Into Adulthood Explore Further Attachment Typologies Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Infant Child Care (p. 153) Lives in Context Attachment to Fathers (p. 156) Video Case Transition to Parenthood Think Critically Self-Recognition Connect Recognizing Objects, People, and Self

As a newborn, Terrence expressed distress by spreading his arms, kicking his legs, and crying. When he did this, his mother or father would scoop him up and hold him, trying to comfort him. Terrence quickly began to prefer interacting with attentive adults who cared for him. Soon, baby Terrence began to smile and gurgle when held. In turn, Terrence’s parents played with him and were delighted to see his animated, excited responses. When Terrence was a toddler, his emerging language skills enabled him to express his needs in words. He quickly learned that words are powerful tools that can convey emotions (“I love you, Mommy”). He does not know it, but Terrence uses words to help him manage strong emotions and difficult situations. For example, he distracts himself from stressful stimuli, like the scary dog in the yard next door, by singing to himself. Terrence can express his ideas and feelings to everyone around him—and that makes for new and more complicated relationships with his family, including his parents and older brothers and sisters.

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Bryan and Cherry Alexander/Science Source

As Terrence illustrates, in the first two years of life babies learn new ways of expressing their emotions. They become capable of new and more complex emotions and relationships with others and develop a greater sense of self-understanding, social awareness, and self- management. These processes collectively are referred to as socioemotional development. In addition to socioemotional development, infants are faced with two important developmental tasks. They must come to trust others and develop a sense of autonomy, or the ability to make some choices on their own and direct themselves.

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Psychosocial Development in Infancy

According to Erik Erikson (1950), throughout the lifespan we all proceed through a series of psychosocial crises or developmental tasks. As discussed in Chapter 1, how well each crisis is resolved, or the extent to which each developmental task is completed, influences psychological development and how the individual approaches the next crisis or developmental task. Erikson believed that infants and toddlers progress through two psychosocial stages that influence their personality development: trust versus mistrust, and autonomy versus shame and doubt.

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Trust Versus Mistrust

From the day she was born, each time Erin cried, her mother or father would come to her bassinet and hold her, check her diaper, and feed her if necessary. Soon, Erin developed the basic expectation that her parents would meet her needs. According to Erikson (1950), developing a sense of trust versus mistrust is the first developmental task of life: Infants must develop a view of the world as a safe place where their basic needs will be met. Throughout the first year of life, infants depend on their caregivers for food, warmth, and affection. If parents and caregivers attend to the infant’s physical and emotional needs and consistently fulfill them, the infant will develop a basic sense of trust in his or her caregivers and, by extension, in the world in general.

However, if caregivers are neglectful or inconsistent in meeting the infant’s needs, he will develop a sense of mistrust toward the world and interpersonal relationships, feeling that he cannot count on others for love, affection, or the fulfillment of other basic human needs. The sense of trust or mistrust developed in infancy influences how people approach the subsequent stages of development. Specifically, when interaction with adults around them inspires trust and security, babies are more likely to feel comfortable exploring the world, which enhances their learning, social development, and emotional development.

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Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt

Two-and-a-half-year-old Sarah is an active child who vigorously explores her environment, tests new toys, and attempts to learn about the world on her own. At dinnertime, she wants to feed herself and gets angry when her parents try to feed her. Each morning, she takes pleasure in attempting to dress herself and expresses frustration when her mother helps. Erin is progressing through the second stage in Erikson’s scheme of psychosocial development—autonomy versus shame and doubt—which is concerned with establishing a sense of autonomy, or the feeling that one can make choices and direct oneself.

Toddlers walk on their own, talk, and express their own ideas and needs and become more independent. The developmental task for toddlers is to learn to do things for themselves and feel confident in their ability to maneuver themselves in their environment. According to Erikson (1950), if parents encourage the toddler’s initiative and allow him to explore, experiment, make mistakes, and test limits, the toddler will develop autonomy, self- reliance, self-control, and confidence. If parents are overprotective or disapprove of his struggle for independence, the child may begin to doubt his abilities to do things by himself, may feel ashamed of his desire for autonomy, may passively observe, and will not develop a sense of independence and self-reliance.

Both trust and autonomy develop out of warm and sensitive parenting and developmentally appropriate expectations for exploration and behavioral control throughout infancy and toddlerhood. Without a secure sense of trust in caregivers, toddlers will struggle to establish and maintain close relationships with others and will find it challenging to develop autonomy. Adjustment difficulties are more likely when children do not develop a sense of individuality and confidence in their own abilities to meet new challenges. However, as discussed later in this chapter, the value placed on autonomy varies by culture, and parenting and child outcomes differ across cultures.

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Joey takes pride in completing this task—tooth brushing—all by himself, developing a sense of autonomy.

iStock/Signature

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Thinking in Context 6.1 1. How do contextual factors, such as those that accompany being raised in an inner city, suburban

neighborhood, rural environment, or nomadic society, influence how infants approach the psychosocial tasks of infancy—developing a sense of trust and autonomy? Would you expect infants in each of these contexts to demonstrate trust and autonomy in similar ways? Why or why not?

2. What kinds of behaviors on the part of parents promote a sense of trust in infants? Do trust-promoting activities, such as attentiveness and cuddling, also foster a sense of autonomy in infants? Why or why not?

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Emotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood

What emotions do infants feel? Infants cannot describe their experiences and feelings, which makes studying infants’ emotional development quite challenging. How do you determine what another person is feeling? Most people show their emotions on their faces, such as by smiling or frowning. If we use facial expressions as a guide to what emotions infants might feel, the first and most reliable emotion that newborns show is distress. They cry, wail, and flail their arms and bodies, alerting caregivers to their need for attention. Newborns also show interest with wide-eyed gazes when something catches their attention, and they smile when they are happy.

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Infants’ Emotional Experience

Are we born with the ability to feel emotions? No one knows for sure because we cannot ask infants what they feel, but observation of newborn facial expressions suggests that newborns experience interest, distress, disgust, and contentment (Campos et al., 2000; Izard et al., 1995). Between 2 and 7 months of age, infants begin to display additional expressions including anger, sadness, joy, surprise, and fear (Bennett, Bendersky, & Lewis, 2005). Of course, we do not know whether internal emotional states accompany these facial expressions, but infants’ facial expressions are remarkably similar to those of adults (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). These discrete emotional expressions, known as basic emotions or primary emotions, appear so early in life that researchers generally agree that they are biologically predetermined (Izard, 2007). Basic emotions emerge in all infants at about the same ages and are seen and interpreted similarly in all cultures that have been studied, suggesting that they are inborn (Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake, & Bradshaw, 1992; Izard, 2007).

Emotions arise from interactions of richly connected structures within the brain, including the brainstem, the lower part of the brain located between the cortex and spine, and the limbic system, a collection of subcortical brain structures (Phelps & LeDoux, 2005). These structures develop prenatally and are present in animals, suggesting that emotions serve a biological purpose and are critical to survival (LeDoux & Phelps, 2008). Emotions develop in predictable ways, as shown in Table 6.1.

During the first few months of life, the form of basic emotions as well as the conditions that elicit them change. For example, consider smiling, indicative of happiness and one of the most important emotional expressions in infancy. Newborns smile. Newborn smiles are reflexive, involuntary, linked with shifts in arousal state (e.g., going from being asleep to drowsy wakefulness), and occur frequently during periods of REM sleep (Kawakami et al., 2008; Korner, 1969). At about 3 weeks old, infants smile while awake and alert and in response to familiarity—familiar sounds, voices, and tastes (Sroufe & Waters, 1976). During the second month of life, babies smile more in response to visual stimuli (Sroufe, 1997). The social smile, in response to seeing familiar people, emerges between 6 and 10 weeks (Lewis, Hitchcock, & Sullivan, 2004) and is indicative of social engagement (Messinger & Fogel, 2007). The social smile is an important milestone in infant development because it plays a large role in initiating and maintaining social interactions between infants and adults. The social smile enhances caregiver–child bonding. Parents are enthralled when their baby shows delight in seeing them.

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As infants grow, laughs begin to accompany their smiles, and they laugh more often and at more things. For example, at 6 months of age, an infant might laugh at unusual sounds or sights, such as when Mommy makes a face or hides her head under a blanket. Laughing at unusual events illustrates the baby’s increasing cognitive competence as he or she knows what to expect and is surprised when something unexpected occurs. Infants may show clear expressions of joy as early as 2.5 months while playing with a parent and at 3 to 4 months of age when they laugh at stimuli that they find intensely arousing (Bornstein & Lamb, 2011).

Anger appears at about 6 months of age and develops rapidly, becoming more complex in terms of elicitors and responses (Lemerise & Dodge, 2008). Initially, physical restrictions can elicit anger, such as being restrained in a high chair or when dressing. With time, the inability to carry out a desired act, such as unsuccessfully reaching to obtain a desired toy, can provoke frustration and anger (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003, 2012). Between 8 and 20 months, the infant gradually becomes more reactive and anger is more easily elicited (Braungart-Rieker, Hill-Soderlund, & Karrass, 2010). He or she becomes aware of others’ actions, and anger can be elicited by others’ behaviors. For example, an infant may become upset when Mommy goes to the door to leave or when Grandma takes out the towels in preparation for bath time. During the second year of life, temper tantrums become common when the toddler’s attempts at autonomy are thwarted and he or she experiences frustration or stress. The anger escalates with the child’s stress level (Potegal, Robison, Anderson, Jordan, & Shapiro, 2007). Some toddlers show extreme tantrums, lie on the floor, scream, and jerk their arms and legs. Other children’s tantrums are more subtle. They may whine, mope, and stick out their bottom lip.

Emotional development is an orderly process in which complex emotions build on the foundation of simple emotions. Basic emotions of contentment, interest, and distress are reflexive physiological responses to stimulation. Over the next few months, the full range of basic emotions develops to include joy, surprise, sadness, anger, and fear.

The development of self-conscious emotions, or secondary emotions, such as empathy, embarrassment, shame, and guilt, depends on cognitive development as well as an awareness of self and does not emerge until about 15 to 18 months (Lewis, 2008, 2011). In order to experience self-conscious emotions, the toddler must be able to observe himself

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and others, be aware of standards and rules, and compare his behavior with the standard (Lagattuta & Thompson, 2007).

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Emotion Regulation

As children become aware of social standards and rules, emotional regulation—the ability to control their emotions—becomes more important. How do infants regulate emotions? Very young infants have been observed to manage negative emotions by sucking vigorously on objects or turning their bodies away from distressing stimuli (Mangelsdorf, Shapiro, & Marzolf, 1995). Smiling is also thought to serve a purpose in regulating emotions. It allows the infant to control aspects of the situation without losing touch with it. When an infant gets excited and smiles, she looks away briefly. This may be a way of breaking herself away from the stimulus and allowing her to regroup, preventing overstimulation. Smiling is associated with a decline in heart rate, suggesting that it is a relaxation response to decrease an infant’s level of arousal.

While 6-month-old infants are more likely to use gaze aversion and fussing as primary emotional regulatory strategies, 12-month-old infants are more likely to use self-soothing (e.g., thumb sucking, rocking themselves) and distraction (chewing on objects, playing with toys), and 18-month-old toddlers use distraction and active attempts to change the situation, such as moving away from upsetting stimuli (Crockenberg & Leerkes, 2004; Mangelsdorf et al., 1995). By 18 to 24 months, toddlers try to adjust their emotional reactions to a comfortable level of intensity by distracting themselves when they are distressed, such as by playing with toys or talking (Cole, Martin, & Dennis, 2004; Feldman, Dollberg, & Nadam, 2011; Grolnick, Bridges, & Connell, 1996). Researchers have found that infants’ abilities to self-regulate at 15 months predict executive functioning at 4 years (Ursache, Blair, Stifter, Voegtline, & Family Life Project Investigators, 2013).

Emotion regulation is also related to children’s increasing ability to use language. After 18 months of age, toddlers’ vocabulary for talking about feelings develops rapidly, presenting new opportunities for emotional regulation because toddlers can tell caregivers how they feel (Bretherton, Fritz, Zahn-Waxler, & Ridgeway, 1986). Vocabulary has been found to predict self-regulation abilities in 24-month-old infants (Vallotton & Ayoub, 2011).

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Social Interaction and Emotional Development

Social engagement increases rapidly over the first year of life (Feldman et al., 2009). The parent–child relationship is an important context for developing emotional regulation skills. Warm and supportive interactions with parents and other caregivers can help infants understand their emotions and learn how to manage them. Responsive parenting that is attuned to infants’ needs helps infants develop skills in emotional regulation, especially in managing negative emotions like anxiety as well as their physiological correlates, such as accelerated heart rate (Feldman et al., 2011; Haley & Stansbury, 2003). For example, when mothers responded promptly to their infants’ cries at 2 months of age, the infants, at 4 months of the age, cried for shorter durations, were better able to manage their emotions, and stopped crying more quickly than other infants (Jahromi & Stifter, 2007). Infants and young children often need outside assistance in regulating their emotions.

Responsive parenting helps infants learn to manage their emotions and self-regulate.

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Parental Interaction

Parents can help their infants learn to manage their emotions with the use of many techniques, including direct intervention, modeling, selective reinforcement, control of the environment, verbal instruction, and touch (Crockenberg & Leerkes, 2004; Meléndez, 2005; Wolfe & Bell, 2007). The techniques parents use to soothe infants change with age. Touching becomes a less common regulatory strategy with age whereas vocalizing and distracting techniques increase (Jahromi & Stifter, 2007). At 7.5 months of age, infants tend to change their patterns of expression to show more positive and less negative emotions, at least partly in response to their mothers’ behavior—which tends to be

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increasingly responsive to expressions of interest and decreasingly responsive to expressions of discomfort (Malatesta & Haviland, 1982). When mothers provide more guidance in helping infants regulate their emotions, their infants tend to engage in more distraction and mother-oriented strategies, such as seeking help, during frustrating events (Calkins & Johnson, 1998).

Some caregivers, however, interpret some emotional displays as attempts at manipulation (“he’s just trying to get attention”) rather than as valid expressions of feeling, which may result in insensitive responses to children’s emotional displays (“that’s enough, stop it”) and interfere with children’s emotional development. In one study, fathers’ negativity was associated with higher levels of stress hormones in infants at 7 and 24 months of age (Mills- Koonce et al., 2011).

Maladaptive social contexts, such as parental stress and family conflict, pose a risk to infants’ development of emotional regulation. Specifically, exposure to anger in the family sensitizes infants to stress and increases infants’ needs for aid in managing their physiological reactions. At the same time, exposure to anger places extra demands on adults’ coping capacities that may interfere with their ability to provide sensitive care for their infants (Moore, 2009). In a longitudinal study following infants from 4 to 18 months of age, family factors such as maternal depression and the mother’s experience of relationship stress were associated with the infant’s developing strong negative emotions early in infancy which compromised infants’ emotional regulation capacities (Bridgett et al., 2009). Declines in infants’ regulatory control were in turn associated with negative parenting in toddlerhood because parents and children interact and influence each other reciprocally.

Changes in emotional expression and regulation are dynamic, because the changing child influences the changing parent. In particular, mothers and infants systematically influence and regulate each other’s emotions and behaviors. Mothers regulate infant emotional states by interpreting their emotional signals, providing appropriate arousal, and reciprocating and reinforcing infant reactions. Infants regulate their mother’s emotions through their receptivity to her initiations and stimulation and by responding to her emotions (Cole et al., 2004). By experiencing a range of emotional interactions—times when their emotions mirror those of their caregivers and times when their emotions are different from those of their caregivers—infants learn how to transform negative emotions into neutral or positive emotions and regulate their own emotional states (Cole et al., 2004; Lyons-Ruth, Bronfman, & Parsons, 1999).

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Parent and Infant Psychotherapy

Watch as therapist Kerry Taylor observes a mother and infant interact and provides advice to help them strengthen their bond.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Interactive Play and Test of Wills

Face-to-face social play is an important way in which infants learn how to manage their emotions. Face-to-face play involves short but intense episodes of focused interaction between an infant and adult. Each entertains the other with smiling, vocalizing, and using animated facial expressions. The goal of these interactions is to establish and maintain synchronous, or coordinated, exchanges that are pleasurable for both infant and adult. However, synchronous exchanges occur only about one third of the time mothers and infants interact with each other (Tronick, 1989; Tronick & Cohn, 1989). Instead, the typical mother–infant interaction is one that cycles from coordinated synchrony to nonmatching states and back again. For example, in studies of face-to-face interaction at 6 months of age, a loss and repair of synchrony occurs every few seconds and is influenced by the mother adjusting her interactions in light of the infant’s response (Tronick, 2007). Successfully regaining synchrony and experiencing coordinated mother–infant states are associated with positive affect on the part of infants. Infants’ affective experience is influenced by this dyadic regulatory process.

At 6 or 7 months of age, face-to-face play transforms into more active kinds of play that correspond to the baby’s developing motor skills (Tronick & Cohn, 1989). In addition, crawling, creeping, and walking introduce new challenges to parent–infant interaction and socioemotional growth (Bertenthal & Campos, 1990; Campos et al., 2000; Campos, Kermoian, & Zumbahlen, 1992). Motor development thereby holds important implications for socioemotional development. As crawling begins, parents and caregivers respond with happiness and pride, providing the infant with an increase in emotional communication (Bertenthal, Campos, & Barrett, 1984). Crawling increases a toddler’s capability to attain goals—a capability that, while often satisfying to the toddler, involves hazards such as wandering away from parents and acting in dangerous ways.

A variety of feelings are associated with these activities, and emotional outbursts become

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more common in infants. For example, parents report that advances in locomotion are accompanied by increased expressions of affection as well as frustration in toddlers as they attempt to move in ways that often exceed their abilities or are not permitted by parents (Campos et al., 1992; Clearfield, 2011; Karasik, Tamis-LeMonda, & Adolph, 2011). When mothers recognize the dangers that some objects, such as houseplants, vases, and electrical appliances, pose to infants, they sharply increase the anger and fear expressed to infants, which often leads to fear and frustration in infants. Toddlers, too, tend to display an increase in expressions of anger in situations that block their goals (Pemberton Roben et al., 2012). As you might imagine, this results in a testing of wills that influences the parent– child relationship. Now, parents must actively monitor infants’ whereabouts, protect them from dangerous situations, and expect infants to comply—a dynamic that is often a struggle, amounting to a test of wills between toddler and caregivers. At the same time, these struggles help the infant to begin to develop a grasp of mental states in others that are different from his or her own (Thompson, 2004). As described in Applying Developmental Science (p. 145), infants of mothers who experience postpartum depression are exposed to a particularly challenging emotional environment.

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Social Referencing

The use of social referencing is one way that infants demonstrate that they understand that others’ experience their own emotions and thoughts. Early in life, the ability to discriminate facial expressions indicating emotion emerges. For example, newborns are able to discriminate happy faces from fearful ones (Farroni, Menon, Rigato, & Johnson, 2007). Between 2 and 4 months of age, infants can distinguish other emotional expressions in others, especially happiness as opposed to anger, surprise, and sadness (Bornstein, Arterberry, & Lamb, 2013). Infants around the world develop a similar capacity to recognize the emotional signals of diverse facial expressions (Leppänen, Richmond, Vogel- Farley, Moulson, & Nelson, 2009). It is thought that infants are innately prepared to attend to facial displays of emotion as it is biologically significant and important for their survival (Leppänen, 2011). Beyond recognizing the emotional expressions of others, infants also respond to them. Between 6 and 10 months, infants begin to use social referencing, the tendency to look to the caregiver or other adults’ emotional expressions to find clues for how to interpret ambiguous events (Boccia & Campos, 1989; Slaughter & McConnell, 2003; Striano, Vaish, & Benigno, 2006). For example, when a toddler grabs the sofa to pull herself up, turns and tumbles over as she takes a step, she will look to her caregiver to determine how to interpret her fall. If the caregiver has a fearful facial expression, the infant is likely to be fearful also, but if the caregiver smiles, the infant will probably remain calm and return to play.

Social referencing occurs in ambiguous situations, provides infants and toddlers with guidance in how to interpret the event, and influences their emotional responses and subsequent actions (Striano et al., 2006). The caregiver’s emotional expression, whether happy, sad, or fearful, influences whether a 1-year-old will play with a new toy, be wary of strangers, or cross to the deep side of a visual cliff (Mumme, Fernald, & Herrera, 1996; Rosen, Adamson, & Bakeman, 1992; Sorce, Emde, Campos, & Klinnert, 1985; Striano et al., 2006). Older infants tend to show a negativity bias when it comes to social referencing. The effect of social referencing cues is stronger for negative cues than positive. Infants tend to attend and follow social referencing cues more closely when they indicate negative attitudes toward the object, as compared with neutral or happy (Biro, Alink, van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2014; Carver & Vaccaro, 2007; Leventon & Bauer, 2013; Repacholi, Meltzoff, & Olsen, 2008; Vaish, Grossmann, & Woodward, 2008). In addition, infants may be more influenced by the vocal information conveyed in emotional messages than the facial expressions themselves, especially within the context of fearful messages (Bir et al., 2014; Kim, Walden, & Knieps, 2010).

How infants employ social referencing changes with development. Ten-month-old infants show selective social referencing. They monitor the caregiver’s attention and do not engage in social referencing when the adult is not attending or engaged (Striano & Rochat, 2000).

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At 12 months, infants use referential cues such as the caregiver’s body posture, gaze, and voice direction to determine to what objects caregivers’ emotional responses refer (Brooks & Meltzoff, 2008; Moses, Baldwin, Rosicky, & Tidball, 2001). Social referencing reflects infants’ growing understanding of others’ emotional states; it signifies that infants can observe, interpret, and use emotional information from others to form their own interpretation and response to events.

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Applying Developmental Science

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Postpartum Depression Giving birth to a child is a monumental event that first-time mothers are often surprised to find stressful. While every mother of a newborn is likely to feel overwhelmed or sad at one time or another, about 8% to 19% of women experience clinical depression, commonly referred to as postpartum depression, following childbirth (Ko, Farr, Dietz, & Robbins, 2012; O’Hara & McCabe, 2013), Depression is not simply sadness; rather, it is characterized by a lack of emotion and a preoccupation with the self that makes it challenging for depressed mothers to care for their infants and recognize their infants’ needs. Mothers are at greater risk for postpartum depression when they experience chronic stressors over the course of pregnancy across multiple domains: financial, physical, relationship, and so forth (Liu & Tronick, 2013).

Depressed mothers interact with their babies differently than do nondepressed mothers. Mothers who are depressed show more negative emotions and behaviors such as withdrawal, intrusiveness, hostility, coerciveness, and insensitivity (Jennings et al., 2008). They are more likely to lack knowledge of nurturing and sensitive parenting, be less responsive to their babies, show less affection, use more negative forms of touch, and show poor parenting practices (Jennings et al., 2008; Zajicek-Farber, 2009). Depressed mothers have difficulty paying attention to their infants and may fail to protect them from potential dangers; for example, babies might fall off their mother’s lap, have access to electrical sockets, or may not be placed in a car seat (McLennan & Kotelchuck, 2000). Mothers who are depressed not only interact with their babies differently but they perceive them differently—they rate their infant’s behavior more negatively than do nondepressed mothers and independent observers (Field et al., 1996; Hart, Field, & Roitfarb, 1999).

It is no surprise to observe that infants of depressed mothers show a variety of negative outcomes; these may include overall distress, withdrawn behavior, poor social engagement, problems with sleep and feeding, flat affect, and difficulty regulating emotions (Bayer, Hiscock, Hampton, & Wake, 2007; Feldman et al., 2009; Leventon & Bauer, 2013; Muscat, Obst, Cockshaw, & Thorpe, 2014; Tronick & Reck, 2009). They often show poor attentiveness, limited capacity to interact with objects and people, and difficulty reading and understanding others’ emotions (Field, 2011; Lyubchik & Schlosser, 2010). In addition, they are more likely to show deficits in cognitive development, language development, and insecure attachment at 1 year and 18 months (Quevedo et al., 2012; Sohr-Preston & Scaramella, 2006; Speranza, Ammaniti, & Trentini, 2006). The ongoing reciprocal interactions between mothers and infants account for the long-term effects of maternal depression. For example, in one study, maternal depressive symptoms 9 months after birth predicted infants’ negative reactions to maternal behavior at 18 months of age and, in turn, higher levels of depressive symptoms on the part of mothers at 27 months of age (Roben et al., 2015).

Early intervention can help foster the parent–child relationship and promote the health of both mother and infant. Mothers with postpartum depression are often prescribed antidepressant medication, and the mother along with the father—or, in some cases, the entire family—may benefit from therapy, education, and parenting support (Bobo & Yawn, 2014; Fletcher, 2009). Although postpartum depression is a risk to infants, relationships with fathers and other caregivers are an important source of support that can buffer the negative effects of poor interactions with mothers the father and other caregivers can foster the child’s healthy development (Cabrera, Fitzgerald, Bradley, & Roggman, 2014).

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What Do You Think? In your view, how can we best support new mothers? If you were to create a program to help prevent postpartum depression or to help depressed mothers, what might you include?

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Cultural Influences on Emotional Development

Emotional development does not occur in a vacuum. Contextual factors, such as culture, influence how infants interpret and express emotions.

Emotional Display Rules

Every society has a set of emotional display rules that specify the circumstances under which various emotions should or should not be expressed (Gross & Ballif, 1991; LeVine et al., 1994; Safdar et al., 2009). We learn these emotional display rules very early in life, as every interaction between parent and infant is shaped by the culture in which they live which influences mothers’ emotional behavior, infant smiles, and other emotional expressions (Bornstein et al., 2013). When North American mothers play with their 7- month-old babies, they tend to model positive emotions, restricting their own emotional displays to show joy, interest, and surprise (Malatesta & Haviland, 1982). They also are more attentive to infants’ expression of positive emotions, such as interest or surprise, and respond less to negative emotions (Malatesta, Grigoryev, Lamb, Albin, & Culver, 1986). Thus, babies are socialized to respond and display their emotions in socially acceptable ways. The emotions that are considered acceptable, as well as ways of expressing them, differ by culture and context. North American parents tickle and stimulate their babies, encouraging squeals of pleasure. The Gusii and Aka people of Central Africa prefer to keep babies calm and quiet; they engage in little face-to-face play (Hewlett, Lamb, Shannon, Leyendecker, & Scholmerich, 1998; LeVine et al., 1994). These differences in caregiving styles communicate cultural expectations about emotions. North American infants learn to express positive emotions, and Central African babies learn to restrain strong emotions.

In some cultures infants cry very little, perhaps because they are in constant contact with

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their mothers.

Pavel Gospodinov/Design Pics/Corbis

Similarly, cultures often have particular beliefs about how much responsiveness to babies’ crying and fussing is appropriate (Garcia Coll, 1990; Keller, 2003; Meléndez, 2005). The !Kung San hunter–gatherers of Botswana respond to babies’ cries nearly immediately (within 10 seconds nearly all of the time), while Western mothers tend to wait a considerably longer period of time before responding to infants’ cries (e.g., 10 minutes; Barr, Konner, Bakeman, & Adamson, 1991). Gusii mothers believe that constant holding, feeding, and physically caring are essential for keeping the infant fed and calm, which in turn protects the infant from harm and disease; therefore, Gusii mothers respond immediately to their babies’ cries (LeVine et al., 1994). Non-Western infants are thought to cry very little because they are carried often (Bleah & Ellett, 2010). In one study, infants born to parents who were recent immigrants from Africa cried less than U.S. infants, illustrating the role of culture in influencing infant cries (Bleah & Ellett, 2010). Caregivers’ responses to infant cries influence infants’ capacities for self-regulation and responses to stress (Barr & Gunnar, 2000). Babies who receive more responsive and immediate caregiving when distressed show lower rates of persistent crying, spend more time in happy and calm states, and cry less overall as they approach their first birthday (Axia & Weisner, 2002; Feng, Harwood, Leyendecker, & Miller, 2001; Papoušek & Papoušek, 1990).

Stranger Wariness

Many infants around the world display stranger wariness (also known as stranger anxiety), a fear of unfamiliar people. Whether infants show stranger wariness depends on the infant’s overall temperament, past experience, and the situation in which the infant meets a stranger (Thompson & Limber, 1990). In many but not all cultures, stranger wariness emerges at about 6 months and increases throughout the first year of life, beginning to decrease after about 15 months (Bornstein et al., 2013; Sroufe, 1977; Waters, Matas, & Sroufe, 1975). More recent research has suggested that the pattern of stranger wariness varies among infants, as some show rapid increases and others show slow increases in stranger wariness; once established, some infants show steady decline and others show more rapid changes. Twin studies suggest that these patterns are influenced by genetics, as monozygotic (MZ) twins show higher rates of concordance than do dizygotic (DZ) twins (Brooker et al., 2013).

Among North American infants, stranger wariness is so common that parents and caregivers generally expect it. However, infants of the Efe people of Zaire, Africa, show little stranger wariness; this is likely related to the Efe collective caregiving system in which Efe babies are passed from one adult to another, relatives and nonrelatives alike (Tronick, Morelli, & Ivey, 1992). In contrast, babies reared in Israeli kibbutzim (cooperative

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agricultural settlements that tend to be isolated and have been subjected to terrorist attacks), tend to demonstrate widespread wariness of strangers. By the end of the first year, when infants look to others for cues about how to respond emotionally, kibbutz babies display far greater anxiety than babies reared in Israeli cities (Saarni, Mumme, & Campos, 1998). In this way, stranger wariness may be adaptive, modifying infants’ drive to explore in light of contextual circumstances (Easterbrooks, Bartlett, Beeghly, & Thompson, 2012; Thompson & Limber, 1990).

Culture influences infants’ experience of stranger wariness but so do other factors, including the infant’s individual tendencies towards social interaction, past experience with strangers, the current situation, and the mother’s stress reactivity and anxiety (Brooker et al., 2013; Greenberg, Hillman, & Grice, 1973; Thompson & Limber, 1990; Waters, West, & Mendes, 2014). Infants whose mothers report greater stress reactivity, who experience more anxiety and negative affect in response to stress, show higher rates of stranger wariness (Brooker et al., 2013; Waters et al., 2014). Characteristics of the stranger (e.g., his or her height), the familiarity of the setting, and how quickly the stranger approaches all influence how the infant appraises the situation. Infants are more open to strangers when the stranger approaches slowly, keeps an appropriate distance, and does not tower over them (Greenberg et al., 1973; Thompson & Limber, 1990). Infants react more positively to strangers in the presence of their mother, family, or other familiar caregivers and when the stranger is sensitive to the infant’s signals and makes the child comfortable by approaching at the infant’s pace (Mangelsdorf, 1992). Infants are more open to strangers in unfamiliar settings such as a laboratory as compared to a home, suggesting that infants expect to encounter unusual things and people in strange places, but not at home (Brookhart & Hock, 1976).

Over the first few months of life, young infants display the full range of basic emotions. As infants’ cognitive and social capabilities develop, they are able to experience complex social emotions, such as embarrassment. The social world plays a role in emotional development. Adults interact with infants, provide opportunities to observe and practice emotional expressions, and assist in regulating emotions. Much of emotional development is the result of the interplay of infants’ emerging capacities and the contexts in which they are raised. Culture influences what emotions infants experience and how they are displayed.

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Thinking in Context 6.2 1. Recall from Chapter 1 that development over our lifespans is multidimensional and that various types of

development interact and influence one another. Provide examples for how this might be true for physical, cognitive, and emotional development in infancy and toddlerhood.

2. Identify examples of how infants’ emotional development is influenced by their interactions with elements their physical, social, and cultural context. In your view, what factors best promote healthy emotional development? Why?

3. Can you identify ways in which your own culture has influenced your development?

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Temperament

“Joshua is such an easygoing baby!” gushed his babysitter. “He eats everything, barely cries, and falls asleep without a fuss. I wish all my babies were like him.” The babysitter is referring to Joshua’s temperament. Temperament, the characteristic way in which an individual approaches and reacts to people and situations, is thought to be one of the basic building blocks of our emotion and personality. Temperament has strong biological determinants; it is biologically based yet influenced by reciprocal interactions among genetic predispositions, maturation, and experience (Gagne, Vendlinski, & Goldsmith, 2009; Rothbart, 2011; Thompson, 1998; Thompson, Winer, & Goodvin, 2013). Every infant behaves in a characteristic, predictable style that is influenced by his or her inborn tendencies towards arousal and stimulation and experiences with adults and contexts. In other words, every infant displays a particular temperament style.

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Styles of Temperament

The New York Longitudinal Study (NYLS), begun in 1956, is a pioneering study of temperament that has followed 133 infants into adulthood. Early in life, the infants in the study demonstrated differences in nine characteristics that are thought to capture the essence of temperament (Buss & Plomin, 1984; Chess & Thomas, 1991; Goldsmith et al., 1987).

Activity level. Some babies wriggle, kick their legs, wave their arms, and move around a great deal while other babies tend to be more still and stay in one place. Rhythmicity. Some infants are predictable in their pattern of eating, sleeping, and defecating; other babies are not predictable. Approach-withdrawal. Some babies tend to approach new situations, people, and objects while others withdraw from novelty. Adaptability. Some babies get used to new experiences and situations quickly; others do not. Intensity of reaction. Some babies have very extreme reactions, giggling exuberantly and crying with piercing wails. Other babies show more subdued reactions, such as simple smiles and soft whimpering cries. Threshold of responsiveness. Some babies notice many stimuli—sights, sounds, and touch sensations—and react to them. Other infants notice few stimuli and seem oblivious to the changes. Quality of mood. Some babies tend toward near-constant happiness while others tend toward irritability. Distractibility. Some babies can be distracted from objects or situations easily while others cannot. Attention span. Some babies play with one toy for a long time without becoming bored while others get bored easily and change toys often.

Some aspects of infant temperament, particularly activity level, irritability, attention, and sociability or approach-withdrawal, show stability for months and years at a time—and in some cases even into adulthood (Kochanska & Knaack, 2003; Lemery, Goldsmith, Klinnert, & Mrazel, 1999; Pedlow, Sanson, Prior, & Oberklaid, 1993; Salekin & Averett, 2008; van Aken, 2009). One of the developmental tasks of infancy is to learn how to regulate attention and emotions, which may influence several components of temperament, including rhythmicity, distractibility, intensity of reaction, and attention. The components of infant temperament cluster into three profiles, as summarized in Table 6.2 (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1970):

1. Babies with an easy temperament are often in a positive mood, even-tempered, open, adaptable, regular, and predictable in biological functioning. They establish regular

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feeding and sleeping schedules easily. About 40% of the NYLS sample fell into this category.

2. Babies with a difficult temperament are active, irritable, and irregular in biological rhythms. They are slow to adapt to changes in routine or new situations, react vigorously to change, and have trouble adjusting to new routines. About 10% of the NYLS sample fell into this category.

3. Just as it sounds, babies with a slow-to-warm-up temperament tend to be inactive, moody, and slow to adapt to new situations and people. They react to new situations with mild irritability but adjust more quickly than do infants with difficult temperaments. About 15% of the NYLS sample fell into this category.

Although it may seem as if all babies were easily classifiable, about 35% of the NYLS sample did not fit squarely into any of the three categories but displayed a mix of characteristics, such as eating and sleeping regularly but being slow to warm up to new situations.

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Temperament and Development

Temperament tends to be stable over months and even years, even into adulthood. But in infancy temperament is less stable than any other time in life. Young infants’ temperament can change with sensitive caregiving (e.g., helping babies regulate their negative emotions), experience, and neural development (Thompson et al., 2013). As infants gain experience and learn how to regulate their states and emotions, those who are cranky and difficult may become less so. By the second year of life, styles of responding to situations and people are better established; in early childhood, temperament is even more stable and predictive of later behavior (Caspi, 1998; Lemery et al., 1999; Thompson et al., 2013). However, there are also individual differences throughout life; some children’s temperament remains the same and others’ change (Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Salekin & Averett, 2008; van Aken, 2009).

Temperament as a Reciprocal Process

Temperament is part of the social exchanges that we all encounter, influenced by reciprocal reactions as one person influences the other and vice versa. An infant’s temperament may be continuous over time because certain temperamental qualities evoke certain reactions from others. Easy babies usually get the most positive reactions from others, but babies with a difficult temperament receive mixed reactions (Chess & Thomas, 1991). For example, an “easy” baby tends to smile often, eliciting smiles and positive interactions from others, which reinforce those easy temperamental qualities. Conversely, a “difficult” baby may evoke more frustration and negativity from caregivers as they try unsuccessfully to soothe the baby’s fussing. Researchers found that mothers who view their 6-month-old infants as difficult may be less emotionally available to them (Kim & Teti, 2014). Babies’ emotionality and negative emotions predict maternal perceptions of parenting stress and poor parenting (Kiang, Moreno, & Robinson, 2004; Oddi, Murdock, Vadnais, Bridgett, & Gartstein, 2013; Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermanns, & Peetsma, 2007). In turn, however, research has shown that mothers who, prior to giving birth, believe that they are less well equipped to care for their infant are more likely to have infants who show negative aspects of temperament, such as fussiness, irritability, and difficulty being soothed, suggesting that perceptions of parenting may shape views of infant temperament—and thereby temperament (Verhage, Oosterman, & Schuengel, 2013).

Goodness of Fit

An important influence on socioemotional development is the goodness of fit between the child’s temperament and the environment around him or her, especially the parent’s temperament and child-rearing methods (Chess & Thomas, 1991). Infants with difficult

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temperament are more likely than others to later experience difficulties with externalizing behaviors, such as aggression and conduct problems, and internalizing behaviors, such as anxiety and depression (Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Thomas et al., 1970). Infants are at particular risk for poor outcomes when their temperaments are not well matched with the settings in which they live (Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Thomas et al., 1970). If an infant who is fussy, difficult, and slow to adapt to new situations is raised by a patient and sensitive caregiver who requires that the infant comply with rules but provides time for him or her to adapt to new routines, the infant may become less cranky and more flexible over time. The infant may adapt her temperament style to match her context so that later in childhood she may no longer be classified as difficult and no longer display behavioral problems (Bates, Pettit, Dodge, & Ridge, 1998; Chess & Thomas, 1984). If, on the other hand, a child with a difficult temperament is reared by a parent who is insensitive, coercive, and difficult in temperament, she may not learn how to regulate her emotions and may have behavioral problems and adjustment difficulties that worsen with age even into early adolescence (Pluess & Birkbeck, 2010; Thompson, 1998). Likewise, when children are placed in low- quality caregiving environments, those with difficult temperaments respond more negatively and show more behavior problems than do those with easy temperaments (Pluess & Belsky, 2009; Pluess & Birkbeck, 2010; Poehlmann et al., 2011).

As mentioned earlier, socioemotional development is a dynamic process in which infants’ behavior and temperament styles influence the family processes that shape their development. Sensitive and patient caregiving is not always easy with a challenging child, and the adults’ own temperamental style influences their caregiving. A poor fit between the caregiver and infant’s temperament can make an infant more fussy and cranky. When a difficult infant is paired with a parent with a similar temperament, who is impatient, irritable, and forceful, behavioral problems in childhood and adolescence are likely (Chess & Thomas, 1984; Rubin, Hastings, Chen, Stewart, & McNichol, 1998).

Three months after giving birth, new mothers’ feelings of competence are associated with infant temperament. Mothers’ beliefs about their ability to nurture are shaped by the interaction between their infants’ traits and their parenting self-efficacy and opportunities for developing successful caregiving routines (Porter & Hsu, 2003; Verhage et al., 2013). This is true across cultures as well. Both British and Pakistani mothers in the United Kingdom reported fewer problems with their infants’ temperaments at 6 months of age when those mothers had a greater sense of parenting efficacy and more warm and less hostile parenting styles (Prady, Kiernan, Fairley, Wilson, & Wright, 2014). However, the most adaptive matches between infant temperament and context can sometimes be surprising. Consider the Maasai, an African agricultural society. In times of drought, when the environment becomes extremely hostile, herds of cattle and goats die, and infant mortality rises substantially. Under these challenging conditions, the infants with difficult temperaments tend to survive at higher rates than do those with easy temperaments. Infants who cry and are demanding are attended to, fed more, and are in better physical condition

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than do easy babies who tend to cry less and therefore are assumed to be content and not fed as much as difficult infants (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010). Thus, the infants with difficult temperaments demonstrate higher rates of survival because their temperaments better fit the demands of the hostile context in which they are raised.

Cultural Differences in Temperament

There are consistent cultural differences in temperament that are rooted in cultural differences in how individuals are perceived. Japanese mothers, for example, view their infants as independent beings who must learn the importance of relationships and connections with others. Infants maintain close physical contact with their mothers, who encourage them to develop close ties and depend on their assistance. North American mothers, on the other hand, view their task as shaping babies into autonomous beings (Kojima, 1986). Japanese mothers tend to interact with their babies in soothing ways, discouraging strong emotions, whereas North American mothers are active and stimulating (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000). Differences in temperament result, such that Japanese infants tend to be more passive, less irritable and vocal, and more easily soothed when upset as compared with North American infants (Kojima, 1986; Lewis, Ramsay, & Kawakami, 1993; Rothbaum et al., 2000). Culture influences the behaviors that parents view as desirable and the means that parents use to socialize their infants. Culture, therefore, plays a role in how emotional development, in this case temperament, unfolds. The cultural context plays a similar role in the development of attachment.

Culture plays a role in emotional development. Japanese mothers tend encourage their infants to develop close ties and depend on their assistance whereas North American mothers tend to emphasize autonomy.

Asahi Shimbun/Getty

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Thinking in Context 6.3 1. Contrast the inborn nature of temperament with contextual factors that may promote change in

temperament style. How do researchers address the question of how much of temperament is inborn? What role does goodness of fit play in determining temperament?

2. In your view, is it possible for an infant with a difficult temperament to grow into a young child with an easy temperament? Why or why not?

3. Under what conditions might a child with an easy temperament become difficult?

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Attachment

Raj gurgles and cries out while lying in his crib. As his mother enters the room, he squeals excitedly. Raj’s mother smiles as she reaches into the crib, and Raj giggles with delight as she picks him up. Raj and his mother have formed an important emotional bond, called an attachment. Attachment refers to a lasting emotional tie between two people who each strive to maintain closeness to the other and act to ensure that the relationship continues. It is a strong emotional bond that endures over time. Two theorists have made particularly important contributions to our understanding about infant attachment: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.

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Bowlby’s Ethological Perspective on Attachment

Bowlby, a British psychiatrist who became one of the first developmental psychologists, volunteered at a school for troubled children after he completed college in 1928. His experiences with two students changed his career: an affectionless, isolated teenager who had been expelled from his previous school for theft and who had no mother figure and an 8-year-old boy who was anxious and closely followed Bowlby as if he were his shadow (Ainsworth, 1974; Bretherton, 1992). These experiences led Bowlby to wonder about the effects of early family relationships, specifically mother–child relationships, on personality development (Bretherton, 1992). Bowlby was inspired both by psychoanalytic theory (via his undergraduate training with psychoanalytic theorist, Melanie Klein) and by ethology, particularly by Lorenz’s work on the imprinting of geese (see Chapter 1) and by observations of interactions of monkeys. He was one of the first to believe that emotional disturbances are influenced by early family experiences, rather than conflicts between aggressive and libidinal drives, as the psychoanalytic theorists argued.

Bowlby (1969) developed an ethological theory of attachment that characterizes it as an adaptive behavior that evolved because it contributed to the survival of the human species. An attachment bond between caregivers and infants ensures that the two will remain in close proximity, thereby aiding the survival of the infant and, ultimately, the species. From this perspective, caregiving responses are inherited and are triggered by the presence of infants and young children. Infants are innately drawn to particular aspects of the caregiver. Infants use signaling behaviors, such as crying and smiling, to bring the caregiver into contact. Infants become attached to those who respond consistently and appropriately to their signaling behavior. In this way, attachment behaviors, such as crying, clinging, smiling, having stranger wariness, and having separation protest, increase infants’ chances for survival and healthy development because they keep the caregiver nearby.

Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans suggest that first-time mothers are innately disposed to respond to infants. Mothers’ brains light up with activity when they see their own infants’ faces, and areas of the brain associated with rewards are activated specifically in response to happy, but not sad, infant faces (Strathearn, Jian, Fonagy, & Montague, 2008). Bowlby proposed that attachment formation progresses through several developmental phases during infancy. With each phase, infants’ behavior becomes increasingly organized, adaptable, and intentional.

Indiscriminate Social Responsiveness (Birth to 1–2 Months)

A newborn’s cry is an example of a signaling behavior designed to ensure that caregivers remain near him and that he is cared for. Babies develop a repertoire of signals, such as smiling, cooing, and clinging, but crying is a particularly effective signal because it conveys

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negative emotion that adults can judge reliably, and it motivates adults to relieve the infant’s distress (Leger, Thompson, Merritt, & Benz, 1996). Attachment behaviors provide comfort and security to infants because they bring babies close to adults who can protect them. During the first months of life, infants rely on caregivers to regulate their states and emotions—to soothe them when they are distressed and help them establish and maintain an alert state. When caregivers are sensitive and consistent in responding to babies’ signals, babies learn to associate their caregivers with alertness and the relief of distress, forming the basis for an initial bond. What defines this stage as indiscriminate is that infants are satisfied with any caregiver who responds to their signals (Lamb & Lewis, 2011).

Discriminating Sociability (1–2 Months to 6–7 Months)

In this phase, babies begin to show a preference for familiar people and make discriminations among adults. Adults influence babies’ states of arousal. While all adults may carry babies, help them calm themselves, and teach them about their environment, particular adults might be better able to soothe the baby, which is very rewarding to caregivers because it signifies obvious appreciation. The infant’s behavior becomes more coordinated during this phase and interactions with adults involve more play. Face-to-face play teaches babies the rules of reciprocity—that social interactions entail taking turns, that they can affect the behavior of others in consistent and reliable ways, and that caregivers can be counted on to respond when signaled (Lamb & Lewis, 2011; Thompson, 2000).

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Transition to Parenthood

In this video, parents discuss what it’s like to have an infant, their experience adjusting to parenthood, and the challenges of balancing work and child care.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Attachments (7–24 Months)

Infants become attached to adults who attend, accurately interpret, and promptly respond to their signals (Ainsworth, 1979; Bowlby, 1969). In this phase, infants can gain proximity to caregivers through their own motor efforts, like crawling. Intentional social behavior develops as infants begin to understand reciprocity and play becomes a more important part of infant–caregiver interactions. It is the quality of interaction with caregivers that counts in forming and maintaining an attachment. Though babies tend to spend much less time with their fathers than with their mothers, they tend to become attached to both at about the same age (Lamb, 1997). Regular interaction is needed for attachments to form, but it is unclear how much or little contact is needed.

The formation of an attachment bond is crucial for infants’ development because infants now begin to explore the world, using their attachment figure as a secure base, or foundation to return to when frightened. When infants are securely attached to their caregivers, they feel confident to explore the world and to learn by doing so. It is during the attachment phase that stranger wariness and separation protest emerge. Separation protest (sometimes called separation anxiety) occurs when infants respond to separations from an attachment figure with fear, distress, crying, and whining. Separation protest signals an infant’s concern about the absence of an attachment figure (Lamb & Lewis, 2011). Whereas stranger wariness refers to a fear of strangers, infants who experience separation protest fear being apart from their caregiver. Separation protest tends to increase from 8 to 13 or 15 months of age and then declines (Kagan, 1983). This pattern appears across many cultures and environments as varied as the United States, Israeli kibbutzim, and !Kung San hunting and gathering groups in the Kalahari Desert in Africa (Kagan et al., 1994). It is the formation of the attachment bond that makes separation anxiety possible because infants must feel connected to their caregiver in order to feel distress in his or her absence.

Reciprocal Relationships (24–30 Months to 30 Months and

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Onward)

Separation protest declines during this phase as toddlers advance in cognitive development and language use. They can understand and predict parents’ patterns of separation and return, reducing their confusion and distress. Toddlers now can use language to make requests of caregivers, use persuasion, and create a more sophisticated relationship.

The attachment bond developed during infancy and toddlerhood influences personality development because it becomes internally represented as an internal working model, or a set of expectations about one’s worthiness of love and the availability of attachment figures during times of distress. The internal working model influences the development of self- concept, or sense of self, in infancy and becomes a guide to later relationships throughout life (Bretherton, 1992; Johnson, Dweck, & Chen, 2007; Lamb & Lewis, 2011).

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Ainsworth’s Strange Situation

Mary Salter Ainsworth, a Canadian psychologist, posed that infants must develop a dependence on parents in order to feel comfortable exploring the world (Salter, 1940). In the early 1950s she began a collaboration with John Bowlby on a project examining the effects of separation from the mother on personality development. Ainsworth’s observations of children during this project formed the basis of her theory of attachment (Bretherton, 1992).

Virtually all infants are attached to their parents, but they differ in security of attachment, the extent to which the infant feels that he or she can count on the parent to be there to meet his or her needs. Mary Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation, a structured observational procedure that reveals the security of attachment when the child is placed under stress. As shown in Table 6.3, the Strange Situation is a heavily structured observation task consisting of eight three-minute-long episodes. In each segment, the infant is with the parent (typically the mother), with a stranger, with both, or alone. The observation begins with the child and his or her mother together in an observation room equipped with many toys and a video camera to record the observations. Every three minutes, the stranger or mother enters or leaves the room. Researchers attend to several aspects of the situation:

Exploration of the toys and room. Does the infant explore and play with the toys? A secure infant happily explores the room when the mother is present. Reaction during separations. How does the infant react to the mother’s departure? Securely attached infants notice the mother’s departure and may or may not cry. Reaction during reunions. How does the infant react to the mother’s return? Secure infants welcome the mother’s return, seek comfort, and then return to play and exploration.

On the basis of responses to the Strange Situation, children are classified into one of four attachment types (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).

1. About two thirds of infants in middle-class samples demonstrate secure attachment

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in the Strange Situation (Thompson, 1998). Infants who are securely attached display stranger anxiety and separation protest. The infant greets the mother enthusiastically and seeks comfort during reunion sessions. Once comforted, he or she returns to individual play. The infant uses the mother as a secure base as he or she plays and explores but returns regularly to check in with the mother (e.g., bring her a toy)

2. Insecure–avoidant attachment is an insecure form of attachment in which the child is minimally interested in the mother and busily explores the room. The child shows little distress during the Strange Situation and is not enthusiastic upon reuniting with the mother. The child ignores or avoids the mother on return or shows subtle signs of avoidance, like failing to greet her. Infants with avoidant attachment resist attempts to be comforted by turning away. About 20% of typical samples of infants reflect this style of attachment (Thompson, 1998).

3. Initially, Ainsworth characterized this insecure–resistant attachment pattern as ambivalent because the infant remains preoccupied with the mother throughout the procedure, but reunions suggest that resistance and signs of anger and distress on the part of infants. They mingle proximity seeking and contact maintaining behaviors with resistance. The infant engages in minimal exploration and is preoccupied with the mother. The child experiences difficulty settling down and simultaneously seeks and resists contact on reunion. Resistant attached infants have more difficulty feeling comfortable in the Strange Situation. At reunion, resistant attached infants are ambivalent in that they seek proximity and then push away or hit. They may show anger or be passive. About 15% of infants fall into this category (Thompson, 1998).

4. The disorganized–disoriented attachment category was developed more recently to account for the set of infants who show inconsistent, contradictory behaviors (Main & Solomon, 1986). The infant with disorganized–disoriented attachment may cling while crying hard with an averted glaze or may hit the parent’s face or eyes while in an apparently good mood (Main & Solomon, 1986). Disorganized attachment orientation is a reliable predictor of social and emotional maladjustment from childhood into adulthood (Bernier & Meins, 2008; Wolke, Eryigit-Madzwamuse, & Gutbrod, 2014).

Attachment has lifelong consequences because it is manifested in the infant’s internal working model of self and his or her feelings of worthiness of love. Early interactions with parents also influence infants’ mental representations of people and relationships and create a foundation for future interactions with other people (Ranson & Urichuk, 2008). Representations of self and other act as filters to social perception, expectations, and memory that influence how children approach new social partners (Raikes & Thompson, 2008). Security of attachment is not static. However, it varies with the mother’s behavior. If the mother’s behavior changes over time, the infant’s security of attachment and internal working model of self can change as well. As discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 153), the issue of attachment is more complex for infants and

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children who spend many hours in child care.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Infant Child Care

High-quality child care that fosters close connections with caregivers and includes stimulating activities is associated with gains in cognitive and language development and can even compensate for lower-quality home environments.

Gaetano/Corbis

In the United States, more than half of all mothers of infants under 1 year old, and over two-thirds of mothers of children under 6, are employed (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015). These infants and young children are cared for in a variety of settings: in center-based care; in the home of someone other than a relative; or with a relative such as a father, grandparent, or older sibling (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2014). What are the effects of nonparental care? Early research suggested that infants in child care are at risk for insecure attachment; however, this is not supported in more recent studies conducted with large samples of children in infancy through preschool (Belsky, 2005; Erel, Oberman, & Yirmiya, 2000).

One of the best sources of information about the effects of nonparental care is a longitudinal study of over 1,300 children, begun in 1991 and conducted by the National Institute of Child Health and Development (NICHD). This study found, perhaps surprisingly, that infants’ developmental outcomes are influenced more by characteristics of the family, such as parenting, maternal education, and maternal sensitivity, than by the type of child care (Axe, 2007; Dehaan, 2006). Maternal employment has been shown to be either unrelated to mother–infant attachment or predictive of a positive attachment bond (Barglow, Vaughn, & Molitor, 1987; Harrison & Ungerer, 2002; Hoffman, 1974).

A second critical finding of the NICHD study was not as surprising: quality of child care matters. Infants and young children exposed to poor-quality child care score lower on measures of cognitive and social competence, regardless of demographic variables such as parental education and socioeconomic status (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2005). On the other hand, high-quality child care that includes specific efforts to stimulate children is associated with gains in cognitive and language development over the first three years of life and can even compensate for lower-quality home environments (Albers, Riksen-Walraven, & de Weerth, 2010; Watamura, Phillips, Morrissey, McCartney, & Bub, 2011).

Child care quality has long-term effects as well. Longitudinal research in Sweden showed that older children and adolescents who had received high-quality care as infants and toddlers scored higher on measures of cognitive, emotional, and social competence (Andersson, 1989; Andersson, Duvander, & Hank, 2004; Broberg, Wessels, Lamb, & Hwang, 1997). Other research shows that quality of child care from birth through age 4.5 predicted higher cognitive functioning and academic achievement and less problem behavior at age 15, with greater advances accompanying higher-quality care (Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal,

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Steinberg, & Vandergrift, 2010).

The challenge is that high-quality child care is expensive. In 2012, the annual cost of infant care in the United States ranged from about $5,700 to $15,000, and in some cities, such as Washington, DC, it was nearly $22,000 (Child Care Aware of America, 2014). In some countries, such as Sweden, Denmark, and Japan, child care is heavily subsidized by the government (Allen, 2003; Waldfogel, 2006). In the United States, however, it remains a private responsibility. The few public subsidies for child care available in the United States are tied to economic need and are mainly targeted at low-income families who receive other forms of public assistance.

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What Do You Think? 1. Consider your own experience with child care, either as a child or parent. Can you identify

examples of high quality care? Can you identify ways to improve the quality of care? 2. Assume that you are a parent seeking child care for your own child or that you were providing

advice to a parent. What are indicators of quality care? What would you look for?

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Attachment-Related Outcomes

Secure parent–child attachments are associated with a host of positive developmental outcomes. Infants who are securely attached tend to be more sociable with peers and unfamiliar adults than are those who are insecurely attached (Elicker, Englund, & Sroufe, 1992; Crugnola et al., 2011). They have more positive interactions with peers, and their attempts at friendly interactions with peers are more likely to be successful (Fagot, 1997). As preschoolers, securely attached children are better able to read others’ emotions and have a more positive self-concept as compared with children with insecure attachments (Goodvin, Meyer, Thompson, & Hayes, 2008; Steele, Steele, & Croft, 2008). Likewise, preschool and school-age children who were securely attached as infants tend to be more curious, empathetic, self-confident, and socially competent as well as have more positive interactions with peers and have more close friendships (Arend, Gove, & Sroufe, 1979; Elicker et al., 1992; McElwain & Volling, 2004; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2005; Youngblade & Belsky, 1992). In multiple studies, secure attachment in infancy predicted social competence and expressive language at 3 years of age, attention at 4.5 years of age, and autonomy in adolescence (Becker-Stoll, Fremmer-Bombik, Wartner, Zimmermann, & Grossmann, 2008; Fearon & Belsky, 2004).

The advantages of secure attachment continue into adolescence and infant attachment predicts attachment in late adolescence (Weinfield, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2000). Children who were securely attached in infancy and early childhood are more socially competent; tend to be better at making and keeping friends and functioning in a social group; and demonstrate greater emotional health, self-esteem, ego resiliency, and peer competence in adolescence (Boldt, Kochanska, Yoon, & Koenig Nordling, 2014; Jaffari-Bimmel, Juffer, van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Mooijaart, 2006; Sroufe, Carlson, & Shulman, 1993). In contrast, insecure attachment in infancy, particularly disorganized attachment, is associated with higher rates of antisocial behavior, depression, and anxiety in later childhood and adolescence (Boldt et al., 2014; Groh, Roisman, van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Fearon, 2012). For example, insecure attachment to mother and father at 12 months of age predicted externalizing, behavior problems as rated by teachers at 6.5 years of age (Kochanska & Kim, 2013). In addition to fostering healthy development in all children, a secure attachment bond may protect children from the negative effects of being raised in disadvantaged environments.

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Promoting Secure Attachment

Attachment relationships serve as an important backdrop for emotional and social development. Our earliest attachments are with our primary caregivers, most often our mothers. It was once thought that feeding determined patterns of attachment. The psychoanalytic perspective, for example, emphasized feeding as a critical context for infants and caregivers to interact and for infants to have their needs met and thereby develop a sense of trust. Behaviorist theorists, on the other hand, explain attachment as a function of associating close contact with mothers with feeding, satisfying a biological need. Certainly feeding brings infants and caregivers into close contact and offers opportunities to develop attachment bonds, but feeding itself does not determine attachment. For example, in one famous study, baby rhesus monkeys were reared with two inanimate surrogate “mothers”: one made of wire mesh and a second covered with terrycloth (see Figure 6.1). The baby monkeys clung to the terrycloth mother despite being fed only by the wire mother, suggesting that attachment bonds are not based in feeding but rather in contact comfort (Harlow & Zimmerman, 1959).

The most important determinant of infant attachment is the caregiver’s ability to consistently and sensitively respond to the child’s signals (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Behrens, Parker, & Haltigan, 2011). Infants become securely attached to mothers who are sensitive and responsive to their signals, who accept their role as caregiver, are accessible and cooperative with infants, are not distracted by their own thoughts and needs, and feel a sense of efficacy (Belsky & Fearon, 2002; DeWolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997; Gartstein & Iverson, 2014; McElwain & Booth-LaForce, 2006; van den Boom, 1997). Mothers of securely attached infants provide stimulation and warmth and consistently synchronize or match their interactions with their infants’ needs (Beebe et al., 2010; Behrens et al., 2011; Higley & Dozier, 2009).

Figure 6.1: Harlow’s Study: Contact Comfort and the Attachment Bond

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Infants who are insecurely attached have mothers who tend to be more rigid, unresponsive, inconsistent, and demanding (Gartstein & Iverson, 2014). The insecure–avoidant attachment pattern is associated with parental rejection. Insecure–resistant attachment is associated with inconsistent and unresponsive parenting. Disorganized attachment is more common among infants who have been abused or raised in particularly poor caregiving environments and is associated with infant fear (Lamb & Lewis, 2011). Although insecure attachment responses may seem suboptimal, they may represent adaptive responses to poor caregiving environments (Weinfield, Sroufe, Egeland, & Carlson, 2008). For example, not relying on an unsupportive parent may represent a good strategy for infants (Lamb & Lewis, 2011).

This infant monkey preferred to cling to the cloth-covered mother even if fed by the wire mother. Harlow concluded that attachment is based on contact comfort rather than feeding.

Photo Researchers Inc.

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Attachment patterns tend to be stable. Securely attached infants are likely to remain secure throughout development (Becker-Stoll et al., 2008; Ranson & Urichuk, 2008; Waters, Merrick, Treboux, Crowell, & Albersheim, 2000). However, negative experience can disrupt attachment. For example, the loss of a parent; parental divorce; a parent’s psychiatric disorder; physical abuse; and changes in family stressors, adaptive processes, and living conditions can transform a secure attachment into an insecure attachment pattern later in childhood or adolescence (Hamilton, 2000; Lieberman & Van Horn, 2008; Thompson, 2000; Weinfield et al., 2000). Conversely, it is also the case that quality parent–child interactions can at least partially make up for poor interactions early in life. Children with insecure attachments in infancy who experience subsequent sensitive parenting show more positive social and behavioral outcomes at 54 months of age than do those who receive continuous care of poor quality (Dehaan, 2006). An insecure attachment between child and parent can be overcome by changing maladaptive interaction patterns, increasing sensitivity on the part of the parent, and fostering consistent and developmentally appropriate responses to children’s behaviors. Pediatricians, counselors, and social workers can help parents identify and change ineffective parenting behaviors to improve parent–child interaction patterns.

Although most research on attachment has focused on the mother–infant bond, we know that infants form multiple attachments—they become attached to fathers (see Lives in Context, above) and other caregivers too. An infant’s secure attachment relationship with a father, for example, can compensate for the negative effects of an insecure attachment to a mother (Boldt et al., 2014; Engle & Breaux, 1998; Kochanska & Kim, 2013). It is important that infants develop attachments with some caregivers, but which caregivers— whether mothers, fathers, or other responsive adults—matters less than the bond itself.

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Lives in Context

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Attachment to Fathers

Infants become attached to their fathers, although fathers tend to have different interaction styles than mothers. Father–infant interaction tends to be play-oriented, with high intensity stimulation and excitement, such as tickling, providing opportunities for babies to practice arousal management.

Gerard Fritz/Science Source

We know a great deal about the influence of mother–infant relationships on infant attachment and adjustment, but much less is known about fathers. Infants develop attachments to their fathers (Grossmann et al., 2002; van IJzendoorn & De Wolff, 1997). At birth, fathers interact with their newborns much like mothers do and provide similar levels of care by cradling the newborn and performing tasks like diaper changing, bathing, and feeding the newborn (Combs-Orme & Renkert, 2009; Lewis & Lamb, 2003). This is true of fathers in Western contexts as well as those in non-Western contexts, such as the Kadazan of Malaysia and Aka and Bofi of Central Africa (Fouts, 2008; Hossain, Roopnarine, Ismail, Hashmi, & Sombuling, 2007; Tamis-LeMonda, Kahana-Kalman, & Yoshikawa, 2009).

Early in an infant’s life, fathers and mothers develop different play and communicative styles. Fathers tend to be more stimulating while mothers are more soothing (Feldman, 2003; Grossmann et al., 2002). Father– infant play is more physical in nature as compared with the social exchanges centered on mutual gaze and vocalization that is characteristic of mother–infant play (Feldman, 2003). Fathers tend to engage in more unpredictable rough-and-tumble play throughout infancy and childhood, though it becomes less prominent as children grow older (Lewis & Lamb, 2003). Paternal play styles are met with more positive reactions and arousal from infants; when young children have a choice of adult play partner, they tend to choose their fathers (Feldman, 2003; Lewis & Lamb, 2003). Overall, interactions with fathers tend to be more play- oriented than care-oriented (Lamb, 1997). Fathers provide opportunities for babies to practice arousal management by providing high-intensity stimulation and excitement, like tickling, chasing, and laughing (Feldman, 2003).

Differences in mothers and fathers’ interaction styles appear in many cultures, including France, Switzerland, Italy, and India as well as among white non-Hispanic, African American, and Hispanic American families in the United States (Best, House, Barnard, & Spicker, 1994; Hossain, Field, Pickens, Malphurs, & Del Valle, 1997; Roopnarine, Talukder, Jain, Joshi, & Srivastav, 1992). However, parent– infant interaction styles also vary by culture: German, Swedish, and Israeli kibbutzim fathers as well as fathers in the Aka ethnic group of Africa’s western Congo basin are not more playful than mothers (Frodi, Lamb, Hwang, & Frodi, 1983; Hewlett et al., 1998; Hewlett, 2008; Sagi et al., 1985). Despite these findings, overall and across cultures, most of the differences between mothers and fathers are not large (Lewis & Lamb, 2003).

Father–child interaction is an important contributor to children’s development and is associated with social competence, independence, and cognitive development in children (Amato, 1987; Caldera, 2004; Frascarolo, 2004). Fathers’ play styles influence attachment relationships with infants. Fathers who are sensitive, supportive, and appropriately challenging during play promote father–infant attachment relationships (Grossmann et al., 2002). Rough-and-tumble play contributes to advancements in emotional and behavioral regulation in children (Flanders, Leo, Paquette, Pihl, & Séguin, 2009). When fathers are involved in the caregiving of their infants, infants are more likely to enjoy a warm relationship with their

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father, carry out responsibilities, follow parents’ directions, and be well adjusted (Amato, 1987; Caldera, 2004). Similar to findings with mothers, sensitive parenting on the part of fathers predicts secure attachments with their children through age 3 (Brown, Mangelsdorf, & Neff, 2012; Lucassen et al., 2011). The positive social, emotional, and cognitive effects of father–child interaction continue from infancy into childhood and adolescence (Sarkadi, Kristiansson, Oberklaid, & Bremberg, 2008). Simply put, fathers serve a very important role in children’s development.

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What Do You Think? 1. What are some of the challenges of studying father–child relationships? How might researchers

address these challenges? 2. Why do you think fathers are more likely than mothers to be “playmates”?

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Cultural Variations in Attachment Classifications

Whether the Strange Situation is applicable across cultural contexts is a matter of debate. However, research has shown that infants in many countries, including Germany, Holland, Japan, and the United States approach the Strange Situation in similar ways (Sagi, van IJzendoorn, & Koren-Karie, 1991). The patterns of attachment identified by Ainsworth occur in a wide variety of cultures in North America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (Bornstein et al., 2013; Cassibba, Sette, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2013; Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010; Huang, Lewin, Mitchell, & Zhang, 2012; Jin, Jacobvitz, Hazen, & Jung, 2012). Insecure–avoidant attachments are more common in Western European countries and insecure–resistant attachments are more prevalent in Japan and Israel (Van IJzendoorn & Kroonenberg, 1988). There are different cultural interpretations of infant behaviors shown in the Strange Situation. For example, while a Western sample might interpret insecure–resistant behavior as clingy, Asian parents might interpret it as successful bonding (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010).

Many Japanese and Israeli infants become highly distressed during the Strange Situation and show higher rates of insecure resistance. Resistance in Japanese samples of infants can be attributed to cultural child-rearing practices that foster mother–infant closeness and physical intimacy that leaves infants unprepared for the separation episodes; the Strange Situation may be too stressful for them to the point where they resist comforting (Takahashi, 1990). Similarly, infants who are raised in small, close-knit Israeli kibbutz communities do not encounter strangers in their day-to-day lives, so the introduction of a stranger in the Strange Situation procedure can be too challenging for them. At the same time, kibbutz-reared infants spend much of their time with their peers and caregivers and see their parents infrequently, and therefore may prefer to be comforted by people other than their parents (Sagi et al., 1985).

Western cultures tend to emphasize individuality and independence whereas Eastern cultures are more likely to emphasize the importance of relationships and connections to others.

Dogon infants from Mali, West Africa, show similar rates of secure attachment to those of Western infants, but the avoidant attachment style is not observed in samples of Dogon infants (McMahan True, Pisani, & Oumar, 2001). Dogon infant care practices diminish the likelihood of avoidant attachment because the infant is in constant proximity to the mother, nurses in response to hunger and distress signals, and receives prompt responsiveness. Infant distress is answered with feeding, and infants feed on demand, so mothers cannot behave in ways that would foster avoidant attachment.

As shown in Figure 6.2, although secure attachment is most common, the prevalence of other attachment styles varies internationally. The behaviors that characterize sensitive

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caregiving vary with culturally specific socialization goals, values, and beliefs of the parents, family, and community (Rothbaum et al., 2000). For example, Puerto Rican mothers often use more physical control in interactions with infants, such as picking crawling infants up and placing them in desired locations, over the first year of life than do European American mothers. They actively structure interactions in ways consistent with long-term socialization goals (oriented toward calm, attentive, and well-behaved children). Typically attachment theory conceptualizes this type of control as insensitive, yet physical control is associated with secure attachment status at 12 months in Puerto Rican infants (but not white non-Hispanic infants; Carlson & Harwood, 2003; Harwood, Scholmerich, Schulze, & Gonzalez, 1999). Similarly, German mothers operate according to the shared cultural belief that infants should become independent at an early age and learn that they cannot rely on the mother’s comfort at all times. German mothers may seem unresponsive to their children’s crying, yet they are demonstrating sensitive child-rearing within their context (Grossmann, Spangler, Suess, & Unzner, 1985). Therefore, the behaviors that reflect sensitive caregiving vary with culture because they are adaptations to different circumstances (Rothbaum et al., 2000).

Figure 6.2: Cross-Cultural Variations in Attachment

In summary, attachment is an adaptive process in which infants and caregivers become attuned to each other and develop an enduring bond. Infants become attached to caregivers —mothers, fathers, and other adults—who are sensitive to their needs. Secure attachment in infancy is associated with emotional and social competence in infancy, early childhood, and even later childhood and adolescence. The attachment bond formed in infancy, whether secure or insecure, influences the child’s developing internal working model of self and thereby his self-concept, as described in the next section.

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Thinking in Context 6.4 1. Children reared in impoverished orphanages are at risk of receiving little attention from adults and

experiencing few meaningful interactions with caregivers. What might this experience mean for the development of attachment? What outcomes and behaviors might you expect from children reared under such conditions? In your view, what can be done to help such children?

2. How does an infant’s emotional capacities, coupled with the goodness of fit between her temperament and that of her parent, influence attachment outcomes?

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Self-Concept and Self-Recognition

What do babies know about themselves? When do they know that they have a “self”—that they are separate from the people and things that surround them? We have discussed the challenges that researchers who study infants face. Infants cannot tell us what they perceive, think, or feel. Instead, researchers must devise ways of inferring infants’ states, feelings, and thoughts. As you might imagine, this makes studying infants’ conceptions of self—their awareness and understanding of themselves—very difficult.

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Self-Concept

Maya, 4 months of age, delights in seeing that she can make her crib mobile move by kicking her feet. Her understanding that she can influence her world suggests that she has a sense of herself as different from her environment (Rochat, 2004). This is an early sense of self-concept, or awareness of self. Before infants can take responsibility for their own actions, they must begin to see themselves as physically separate from the world around them and understand that their behavior can be described and evaluated.

Some developmental researchers believe that infants are born with a capacity to distinguish the self from the surrounding environment (Meltzoff, 1990). Newborns show distress at hearing a recording of another infant’s cries but do not show distress at hearing their own cries, suggesting that they can distinguish other infants’ cries from their own and thereby have a primitive notion of self (Dondi, Simion, & Caltran, 1999). Newborn facial imitation, their ability to view another person’s facial expression and produce it, may suggest a primitive awareness of self and others (Meltzoff, 2007). It is unclear, however, whether these findings suggest that newborns have self-awareness or whether these are simply innate responses.

Other researchers argue that an awareness of oneself is not innate but emerges by 3 months of age (Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Neisser, 1993) and is indicated by infants’ awareness of the consequences of their own actions on others (Rochat & Striano, 1999). As infants interact with people and objects, they become aware of how their actions influence others, learn that their behaviors have effects, begin to experiment to see how their behaviors influence the world around them, begin to differentiate themselves from their environments, and develop a sense of self (Bigelow, 2001; Bigelow & Walden, 2009).

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Self-Recognition

How do we know whether self-awareness is innate or develops in the early months of life? One way of studying self-awareness in infants is to examine infants’ reactions to viewing themselves in a mirror. Self-recognition, the ability to recognize or identify the self, is assessed by the “rouge test.” In this experiment, a dab of rouge or lipstick is applied to an infant’s nose without the infant’s awareness—for example, under the pretext of wiping his or her face. The infant is then placed in front of a mirror (Bard, Todd, Bernier, Love, & Leavens, 2006). Whether the infant recognizes himself or herself in the mirror is dependent on cognitive development, especially the ability to engage in mental representation and hold images in one’s mind. Infants must be able to retain a memory of their own image in order to display self-recognition in the mirror task. If the infant has an internal representation of her face and recognizes the infant in the mirror as herself, she will notice the dab of rouge and reach for her nose.

This toddler recognizes herself in the mirror, as shown by her touching the rouge mark on her face.

Thierry Berrod/Mona Lisa/Science Source

Mirror self-recognition develops gradually and systematically (Courage, Edison, & Howe, 2004). From 3 months of age, infants pay attention and react positively to their mirror image, and by 8 to 9 months of age, they show awareness of the tandem movement of the mirror image with themselves and play with the image, treating it as if it is another baby (Bullock & Lutkenhaus, 1990; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979). Some 15- to 17-month-old infants show signs of self-recognition, but it is not until 18 to 24 months that a majority of infants demonstrate self-recognition by touching their nose after noticing the rouge mark in the mirror (Cicchetti, Rogosch, Toth, & Spagnola, 1997; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979).

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Does experience with mirrors influence how infants respond to the rouge test? Interestingly, infants from nomadic tribes with no experience with mirrors demonstrate self-recognition at the same ages as infants reared in surroundings with mirrors (Priel & deSchonen, 1986). This suggests that extensive experience with a mirror is not needed to demonstrate self-recognition in the mirror task. In addition, research with Canadian toddlers shows that their performance on the mirror task is unrelated to their experience with mirrors in the home (Courage et al., 2004).

Mirror self-recognition is not the only indicator of a sense of self. By age 2, young children can recognize themselves in photographs. Many 18- to 24-month-old children recognize themselves in pictures and refer to themselves in the pictures as “me” or by their first names (Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979). One study of 20- to 25-month-old toddlers showed that 63% could pick themselves out when they were presented with pictures of themselves and two similar children (Bullock & Lutkenhaus, 1990). By 30 months of age, nearly all of the children could pick out their own picture. In addition, 2-year-olds’ speech is peppered with pronouns (“me,” “mine”), suggesting self-awareness (Bates, 1990).

Self-awareness is the capability that enables toddlers to experience more complex emotions, such as self-conscious emotions, which—as mentioned earlier in this chapter—include embarrassment, shame, guilt, jealousy, and pride (Lewis & Carmody, 2008). Self-conscious emotions begin to emerge at around the second birthday; they require having an understanding of self and others (Fogel, 2007). Self-awareness is needed before children can be aware of being the focus of attention and feel embarrassment, identify with what others are feeling and feel guilt, or wish they had what someone else has and feel jealousy. In a study of 15- to 24-month-old infants, only those who recognized themselves in the mirror looked embarrassed when an adult gave them overwhelming praise. They smiled, looked away, and covered their faces with their hands. The infants who did not recognize themselves in the mirror did not show embarrassment (Lewis, 2011). A developing sense of self and the self-conscious emotions that accompany it leads toddlers to have more complex social interactions with caregivers and others.

In toddlerhood, between 18 and 30 months of age, children’s sense of self-awareness expands beyond self-recognition to include a categorical self, a self-description based on broad categories such as sex, age, and physical characteristics (Stipek, Gralinski, & Kopp, 1990). Toddlers describe themselves as “big,” “strong,” “girl/boy,” and “baby/big kid.” Children use their categorical self as a guide to behavior. For example, once toddlers label themselves by gender, they spend more time playing with toys stereotyped for their own gender. Applying the categorical self as a guide to behavior illustrates toddlers’ advancing capacities for self-control.

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Self-Control

Self-awareness permits self-control, as one must be aware of oneself as separate from others to comply with requests and modify behavior in accordance with caregivers’ demands. In order to engage in self-control, the infant must be able to attend to a caregiver’s instructions, shift his or her attention from an attractive stimulus or task, and inhibit a behavior. Cortical development, specifically development of the frontal lobes, is responsible for this ability (Rothbart & Bates, 1998). Between 12 and 18 months, infants begin to demonstrate self-control by their awareness of, and compliance to, caregivers’ simple requests (Kaler & Kopp, 1990).

Although toddlers are known for asserting their autonomy, such as by saying no and not complying with a caregiver’s directive, compliance is much more common (Kochanska, 2000). Delay of gratification tasks suggest that between 18 and 36 months, toddlers become better able to control their impulses and wait before eating a treat or playing with a toy (Vaughn, Kopp, & Krakow, 1984). Parent–child relationships are important influences on self-control. Mother–infant affect synchrony at 3 months is related to self-control at 2 years, suggesting that regulation of affect in infancy is an important contributor to self- regulation (Feldman, Greenbaum, & Yirmiya, 1999). Similarly, warm parenting fosters self-control in toddlers. Toddlers who experience such parenting demonstrate more compliance than opposition to caregiver requests (Kochanska, Tjebkes, & Forman, 1998).

Infants make great strides in socioemotional development over the first two years of life, as summarized in Table 6.4. Infants’ advances in emotional expression and regulation represent the interaction of biological predispositions, such as inborn capacities for basic emotions and temperament, and experience—particularly parent–child interactions—the contexts in which they are raised, and the goodness of fit between infants’ needs and what their contexts provide. Infants’ gains in emotional and social development and a growing sense of self form a socioemotional foundation for the physical and cognitive changes that they will experience in the early childhood years.

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Apply Your Knowledge A friendly lab assistant escorts 12-month-old Cassie and her mother into a research playroom containing special mirrors and hidden equipment to videotape their interactions. After providing instructions, the lab assistant leaves the mother and Cassie alone, beginning a short procedure to study the security of their attachment relationship. A female stranger enters the room to play with Cassie. Soon after, the mother leaves, and Cassie is alone with the stranger. The mother returns briefly, then leaves again; finally, the stranger leaves the room and Cassie is left alone. During each short separation from her mother, Cassie cries and wails. Surprised and disturbed to find Cassie so upset, her mother returns almost immediately. She cannot soothe Cassie, who alternates between clinging to her mother and pushing her away angrily, crying all the time. Cassie continues to cry as they leave the laboratory.

1. What was this procedure intended to study? How? Why? 2. What might Cassie’s behavior indicate about her security of attachment relationship to the mother

and overall socioemotional development? Why? 3. The Strange Situation places infants under distress, the parent’s behavior is the source of that

distress, and the procedure also is distressful to parents. From your perspective, what do researchers learn from such research? Should researchers use procedures that elicit distress from children and parents?

4. Is the Strange Situation an unethical research procedure, in your view? Why or why not? 5. If you were a parent to an infant, would you be willing to participate in such an experiment?

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Chapter Summary

6.1 Summarize the psychosocial tasks of infancy and toddlerhood.

The psychosocial task of infancy is to develop a sense of trust. If parents and caregivers are sensitive to the infant’s physical and emotional needs and consistently fulfill them, the infant will develop a basic sense of trust in his or her caregivers and the world. The task for toddlers is to learn to do things for themselves and feel confident in their ability to maneuver themselves in their environment. Psychosocial development is supported by warm and sensitive parenting and developmentally appropriate expectations for exploration and behavioral control. 6.2 Examine infants’ developing capacities for basic and self-conscious emotions and emotional regulation.

Newborns display some basic emotions, such as interest, distress, and disgust. Others emerge during the early months of life. Basic emotions emerge in all infants at about the same ages and are seen and interpreted similarly in all cultures. Self-conscious emotions, such as empathy, embarrassment, shame, and guilt, depend on cognitive development, as well as an awareness of self, and do not emerge until about late infancy. With development, infants use different and more effective strategies for regulating their emotions. 6.3 Identify contextual and cultural influences on emotional development in infants and toddlers.

At about 6 months old, infants begin to use social referencing. Social referencing occurs in ambiguous situations, provides children with guidance in how to interpret the event, and influences their emotional responses and subsequent actions. Parents socialize infants to respond to and display their emotions in socially acceptable ways. The emotions that are considered acceptable, as well as ways of expressing them, differ by culture and context. 6.4 Define temperament in infancy, and identify styles of temperament.

Temperament is biologically based and includes inborn tendencies toward nine characteristics. Children are classified into three temperament styles: easy, slow-to- warm-up, and difficult. Temperament is influenced by the interaction of genetic predispositions, maturation, and experience. 6.5 Discuss the stability of temperament and the role of goodness of fit in infant development.

Temperament tends to be stable over months and even years, from infancy through adulthood. But there are also individual differences—some children remain the same and others change. Overall, temperament is least stable in infancy and becomes more

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stable with development. An important influence on socioemotional development is the goodness of fit between the child’s temperament and the environment around him or her, especially the parent’s temperament and child-rearing methods. 6.6 Examine attachment styles.

From an ethological perspective, attachment is seen as an adaptive behavior that evolved because it ensures that the infant and caregiver will remain in close proximity, aiding the survival of the infant. Attachment formation progresses through several developmental phases in which infants’ behavior becomes increasingly organized, adaptable, and intentional. Attachments permit infants to explore the world, using their attachment figure as a secure base.

The Strange Situation is a structured observational procedure that reveals the security of attachment and classifies infants as securely attached, insecure–avoidant attached, insecure–resistant attached, or disorganized–disoriented attached. Secure attachments in infancy are associated with sociability, curiosity, empathy, self-confidence, and social competence in infancy and early childhood as well as social competence and socioemotional health in later childhood and adolescence. 6.7 Discuss culture and attachment as well as strategies to promote the development of attachment relationships.

Attachment patterns are seen in a wide variety of cultures including North America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, but there are different cultural interpretations of infant attachment behavior, as seen in the observational procedure of the Strange Situation. The behaviors that make up sensitive caregiving vary depending on the socialization goals, values, and beliefs of the family and community, which may vary by culture. Generally, infants become securely or insecurely attached to caregivers based on the caregiver’s ability to respond sensitively to the child’s signals. Mothers who consistently provide stimulation, warmth, and emotional support tend to have securely attached infants. 6.8 Differentiate self-concept, self-recognition, and self-control, and discuss their respective roles in infant development.

The earliest notion of self-concept, self-awareness, is evident in a primitive fashion at 3 months of age. Self-recognition, as indicated by mirror self-recognition, develops gradually and systematically in infants, but it is not until 18 to 24 months that a majority of infants demonstrate self-recognition in the mirror test. Once children have a sense of self, they can experience more complex emotions, such as self- conscious emotions. Self-awareness permits self-control as one must be aware of oneself as an agent apart from others to comply with requests and modify behavior in accord with caregivers’ demands.

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Key Terms

attachment 145 autonomy versus shame and doubt 140 basic emotions 141 categorical self 159 difficult temperament 148 disorganized–disoriented attachment 154 easy temperament 148 emotional display rules 147 emotional regulation 142 ethological theory 150 goodness of fit 149 insecure–avoidant attachment 152 insecure-resistant attachment 152 internal working model 151 postpartum depression 144 secure attachment 152 secure base 151 self-concept 152 self-conscious emotions 142 self-recognition 158 separation protest 151 slow-to-warm-up temperament 148 social referencing 144 social smile 141 Strange Situation 152 stranger wariness 146 temperament 146 trust versus mistrust 140

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PART III Early Childhood

Chapter 7 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood 166 Chapter 8 Socioemotional Development in Early Childhood 196

In early childhood, advances in physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development permit young children to interact with their social world in new ways. With improvements in strength and motor skills, children engage their peers in rough and tumble play—games involving chasing, jumping, and play fighting.

Advances in cognitive development help children to become better at attending, planning, and remembering. A developing understanding of the mind helps young children become aware of other perspectives and engage in sociodramatic play—acting out roles, stories, and themes as they pretend to be mothers, astronauts, and cartoon characters.

Interactions with parents are especially important in fostering development. Children respond best to parenting that is warm and sensitive yet firm, relying on discussion and reasoning as discipline tools. Nursery school and preschool programs offer new opportunities to interact with adults and other children. Young children learn how to make and keep playmates, join groups, and manage conflict. In cooperative play children learn to work with friends to achieve a common goal, express ideas, be assertive, and regulate emotions. Through interactions within the home, school, and peer contexts, young children come to view their worlds and themselves in new ways, providing opportunities to advance physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development.

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Chapter 7 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood

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Learning Objectives 7.1. Identify patterns of body growth in early childhood. 7.2. Contrast advances in gross and fine motor development and their implications for young children’s development. 7.3. Distinguish two processes of brain development and the role of plasticity in development. 7.4. Contrast Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s perspectives on young children’s thinking. 7.5. Discuss changes that occur in attention, episodic memory, and autobiographic memory during early childhood. 7.6. Summarize young children’s awareness and understanding of the mind. 7.7. Describe young children’s developing capacities for language. 7.8. Contrast social learning and cognitive-developmental perspectives on moral development in early childhood. 7.9. Identify and explain two approaches to early childhood education, including their associated outcomes. 7.10. Analyze effects of poverty on development and resources to help families in need.

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Key Study Tools

Explore Further Growth Hormone Video Case Fostering Gross Motor Skills in Early Childhood Lifespan Brain Development Brain-Based Education (p. 172) Connect Brain Plasticity Lives in Context The Development of Children’s Drawing Abilities (p. 178) Watch Preoperational Thinking: Egocentrism Applying Developmental Science Children’s Suggestibility (p. 182) Listen Childhood Amnesia Think Critically Theory of Mind Explore Further Vocabulary Growth Explore Further Moral Development Video Case Child-Oriented Preschool Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Project Head Start (p. 191) Think Critically Poverty, Race, and Early Education

George’s parents watched with pride as their 4-year-old son kicked the soccer ball to the other children. George has grown from a bowlegged, round-tummied, and top-heavy toddler, into a strong, well-coordinated young child. His body slimmed, grew taller, and reshaped into proportions similar to that of an adult. As a toddler, he often stumbled and fell, but George can now run, skip, and throw a ball. He has also gained better control over his fingers; he can draw recognizable pictures of objects, animals, and people. As his vocabulary and language skills have grown, George has become more adept at communicating his ideas and needs.

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Zero Creatives Cultura/Newscom

How do these developments take place? In this chapter, we examine the many changes that children undergo in physical and motor development as well as how their thinking and language skills change.

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Growth and Motor Development in Early Childhood

George’s abilities to run, skip, and manipulate his fingers to create objects with Play-Doh illustrate the many ways that children learn to control their bodies. George is also growing bigger and stronger day by day, though the speed of growth is not as dramatic as when he was younger. His pediatrician assures his parents that this is normal and counsels them about healthy dietary choices now that George has become a picky eater.

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Growth

Although children grow very rapidly over the first two years, growth slows during early childhood. From ages 2 through 6, the average child grows 2 to 3 inches taller and gains nearly 5 pounds in weight each year. The average 6-year-old child weighs about 45 pounds and is about 46 inches tall.

Genetics plays a role in physical development (Han-Na et al., 2010). Children’s height and rate of growth is closely related to that of their parents’ (Malina & Bouchard, 1991). Genes influence the rate of growth by stipulating the amount of hormones to be released. Hormones are chemicals that are produced and secreted into the bloodstream by glands. Hormones influence cells and are a way in which genetic instructions are transformed into physical development. Growth hormone is secreted from birth and influences growth of nearly all parts of the body. Children with growth hormone deficiencies show slowed growth (Mayer et al., 2010), but growth hormone supplements can stimulate growth when needed (Hardin, Kemp, & Allen, 2007).

Ethnic differences in patterns of growth are apparent in England, France, Canada, Australia, and the United States. Generally, children of African descent tend to be tallest, then those of European descent, then Asian, then Latino. However, there are many individual differences. Even within a given culture, some families are much taller than others (Eveleth & Tanner, 1991).

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Nutrition

From ages 2 to 6, young children’s appetites tend to decline as compared with infants and toddlers. This decline is normal and occurs as growth slows. At around age 3, it is not uncommon for children to go through a fussy eating phase where previously tolerated food is no longer accepted and it is hard to introduce new food (Fildes et al., 2014; Nicklaus, 2009). Some argue that young children’s common dislike of new foods may be adaptive from an evolutionary perspective because it encourages them to eat familiar and safe foods rather than novel and potentially dangerous foods (Birch & Fisher, 1995).

While there is no need to rule out fast food, it should be a rare addition to a child’s diet. Children require a nutritious diet filled with vegetables, fruits, whole grains, and lean protein and dairy.

PhotoPQR/La Depeche du Midi

The overall incidence of picky eating declines with time, but for many children, it is chronic, lasting for several years. Picky eating appears to be a relatively stable individual trait. For example, a difficult temperament at 1.5 years predicted picky eating 2 years later (Hafstad, Abebe, Torgersen, & von Soest, 2013). This example illustrates the dynamic interaction of developmental domains, with temperament, an emotional factor, influencing diet, an influence on physical development. Parents of picky eaters report that their children consume a limited variety of foods, require foods to be prepared in specific ways, express strong likes and dislikes, and throw tantrums over feeding. Yet in most cases, picky eating does not show significant effects on growth (Mascola, Bryson, & Agras, 2010). Regardless, picky eating is an important concern for parents and may remain so through much of childhood.

Young children require a healthy diet, with the same foods that adults need. Although most children in developed nations eat enough calories, they often do not get enough vitamins or minerals (Collins et al., 2006). Foods high in iron, zinc, and calcium are often ignored in favor of other, less healthy foods. For example, for many children in the United States, juice and soda have replaced milk as naptime snacks (Jahns, Siega-Riz, & Popkin, 2001). Sweetened cereals may contain many vitamins and minerals, but the sugar increases children’s risk for early tooth decay and other health problems such as obesity—a weight

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disorder discussed in Chapter 9—which is the most prevalent disease affecting children in developed countries (Lee et al., 2010; Lewit & Kerrebrock, 1998). One study of cereals compared those marketed to children with those marketed to adults and found that over two thirds of the cereals marketed to children did not meet U.S. nutrition standards for foods served in schools (most often because of too much sugar; Schwartz, Vartanian, Wharton, & Brownell, 2008). One study of 20 child care centers in North Carolina examined the degree to which the center-based-care diet matched federal recommendations for children 2 to 5 years of age. Only about one half to one third of center-based diets met the recommendations for milk, 13% for whole grains, and 7% for dark vegetables. Young children in full-time child care consume diets that may not meet federal guidelines for nutrition (Ball, Benjamin, & Ward, 2008). Common dietary deficiencies of the preschool years include vitamins A, B, D, and K as well as iron and calcium; these deficiencies have negative consequences for growth among children throughout the world (Kennedy, 1998; Lips, 2010; Ramakrishnan, 2002).

In developing countries, many children suffer from malnutrition either chronically or episodically (Petrou & Kupek, 2010). Inadequate nutrition is a threat to children’s growth. For example, consider a three-month-long drought that took place in Kenya in 1984. During the drought, children’s intake of food declined dramatically, and the elementary school children gained only half as much weight as normal (McDonald, Sigman, Espinosa, & Neumann, 1994). Malnutrition influences development in multiple ways, not simply growth. Malnourished children show cognitive deficits as well as impairments in motivation, curiosity, and the ability to interact with the environment (Arija et al., 2006; Smithers, Golley, Brazionis, & Lynch, 2011). During the drought in Kenya, the children became less active during play and less focused in class (McDonald et al., 1994). Deficits from early malnutrition last. For example, among Ghanaian children who survived a severe famine in 1983, those who were youngest at the time of the famine (under age 2) scored lower on cognitive measures throughout childhood and into adulthood than did those who were older (ages 6 to 8; Ampaabeng & Tan, 2013).

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Severely malnourished children, such as this boy in Somalia, often experience cognitive deficits.

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Malnutrition is not just a problem for developing countries. Many children in the United States and other developed countries are deprived of diets that support healthy growth because of socioeconomic factors. Low-income families may have difficulty providing children with the range of foods needed for healthy development. Up to 20% of U.S. children in low-income homes, particularly Hispanic and African American children, suffer from iron deficiency (Brotanek, Gosz, Weitzman, & Flores, 2007; Killip, Bennett, & Chambers, 2007). In 2013, about 14% (or 17.5 million) households were categorized as food insecure (i.e., lacking the monetary or other resources to provide adequate food) at some point during the year (Coleman-Jensen, Gregory, & Singh, 2014). In the United States, we have linked inadequate nutrition with stunted growth, health problems, poor school performance and poor relationships with peers (Alaimo, Olson, & Frongillo, 2001; Galal & Hulett, 2003; Hampton, 2007).

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Fostering Gross Motor Skills in Early Childhood

In early childhood, children make impressive gains in both gross and fine motor development. Both practice and contextual factors help advance young children’s motor development. Notice how gross motor practice, as well as instruction in yoga, supports multiple domains of development—physical, cognitive, and socioemotional.

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Motor Development

The refinement of motor skills that use the large muscles of the body—as well as those that tap hand-eye coordination and require subtle movements—is an important developmental task of early childhood.

Climbing requires strength, coordination, and balance.

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Gross Motor Skills

Between the ages of 3 and 6, children make great advances in gross motor skills—those that use the large muscles—such as running and jumping. They become physically stronger, with increases in bone and muscle strength as well as lung capacity. Children make gains in coordination as the parts of the brain responsible for sensory and motor skills develop. Now they can play harder and engage in more complicated play activities that include running, jumping, and climbing. Like other aspects of physical (and as we will see, cognitive) development, socioeconomic disadvantage is associated with poor motor skills, perhaps through inadequate nutrition and fewer environmental opportunities to practice motor skills (McPhillips & Jordan-Black, 2007). Low-income communities are more likely to lack resources that support children’s play, such as parks, recreation facilities, and safe neighborhoods and streets for outside play.

Young children practice using their large motor skills to jump; run; and ride tricycles, pedal cars, and other riding toys. Coordinating complex movements, like those entailed in riding a bicycle, is challenging for young children as it requires controlling multiple limbs, balancing, and more. As they grow and gain competence in their motor skills, young children become even more coordinated and begin to show interest in skipping, balancing, and playing games that involve feats of coordination, such as throwing and catching a ball. By age 5, most North American children can throw, catch, and kick a ball; climb a ladder; and ride a tricycle. Some can even skate and ride a bicycle.

Young children’s motor abilities are also influenced by their context. For example, young children of some nations can swim in rough ocean waves that many adults of other nations

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would not attempt. Advances in gross motor skills help children move about and develop a sense of mastery of their environment, but it is fine motor skills that permit young children to take responsibility for their own care.

Fine Motor Skills

Fine motor skills like the ability to button a shirt, pour milk into a glass, put puzzles together, and draw pictures involve eye–hand and small muscle coordination. As children get better at these skills, they are able to become more independent and do more for themselves. Young children become better at grasping eating utensils and become more self-sufficient at feeding. Many fine motor skills are very difficult for young children because they involve both hands and both sides of the brain. With short, stubby fingers that have not yet grown and a cerebral cortex that is not yet myelinated, a challenging task such as tying a shoelace becomes even more frustrating for young children. Tying a shoelace is a complex act requiring attention, memory for an intricate series of hand movements, and the dexterity to perform them. Though preschoolers struggle with this task, by 5 to 6 years of age most children can tie their shoes.

Table 7.1 summarizes milestones of gross and fine motor skill development in young children.

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Thinking in Context 7.1 1. How would you explain to parents the influence of nature and nurture on children’s growth? What

advice would you give parents about fostering healthy growth in their preschooler? 2. How might contextual factors such as neighborhood, family, school, and culture influence the

development of motor skills? How might these factors become more influential over the childhood years? 3. Why do motor skills matter? Consider your own development. What do you recall about the

development of your motors skills, for example, when you learned to tie your shoelaces or ride a bike? How did your motor skills influence other aspects of development, such as your relationships with others or your cognitive skills?

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Brain Development in Early Childhood

Continuing from infancy, early childhood is a rapid period of brain growth with an increase in synapses and connections among brain regions (Dubois et al., 2013). At age 2, the brain reaches 75% of its adult weight and 90% by age 5. Children’s increasing motor and cognitive abilities are not simply due to the increase in brain matter. As discussed in Chapter 4, the neuron’s dendrites are pruned in response to early experience, an important part of neurological development (Brown & Jernigan, 2012; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). In addition, myelination contributes to many of the changes that we see in children’s capacities.

As the neuron’s axons become coated with fatty myelin, children’s thinking becomes faster, more coordinated, and complex. Myelination aids quick complex communication between neurons and makes coordinated behaviors possible (Dubois et al., 2013; Mabbott, Noseworthy, Bouffet, Laughlin, & Rockel, 2006). Patterns of myelination correspond with the onset and refinement of cognitive functions and behaviors (Dean et al., 2014). The first areas of the brain to myelinate govern sensory and motor functions (Deoni et al., 2011). In early childhood, children process information quickly enough to complete sophisticated sequences of physical behavior, such as catching and then throwing a ball. They also become better thinkers, able to hear a question and remember it long enough to answer it appropriately. Experience also matters. As children practice activities, they become routine, which permits them to act more quickly and to multitask (Merzenich, 2001).

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Lateralization

In addition to the changes just described, parts of the brain become specialized for different functions. The two halves of the brain, known as hemispheres, may look alike but are not identical. Each hemisphere of the brain (and the parts of the brain that comprise each hemisphere) is specialized for particular functions and becomes more specialized with experience. This process of the hemispheres becoming specialized to carry out different functions is called lateralization. Lateralization (“of the side,” in Latin) begins before birth and is influenced both by genes and by early experiences (Friederici, 2006; Goymer, 2007). For example, in the womb, most fetuses face toward the left, freeing the right side of the body, which permits more movement on that side and the development of greater control over the right side of the body (Previc, 1991). In this way, one hemisphere beings to dominate, known as hemispheric dominance. Most people experience hemispheric dominance, most commonly with the left hemisphere dominating over the right. Given that the left hemisphere controls the right side of the body (and the right hemisphere controls the left side of the body), most people are right-handed, which is an indicator of hemispheric dominance. About 90% of people in Western countries are right-handed. Among right-handed people, the left hemisphere plays an important role in language and the right hemisphere influences spatial skills. In left-handed people, the right hemisphere is dominant, and language is often shared over both hemispheres rather than in solely the left hemisphere (Szaflarski et al., 2002). In some cultures, left-handedness is discouraged. For example, less than 1% of adults in Tanzania are left-handed because left-handed children often are physically restrained and punished (Provins, 1997). When left-handed children are forced to use their right hands, they typically learn to write with their right hand but carry out most other activities with their left, and brain scans reveal that their brains remain right-dominant (Klöppel, Vongerichten, van Eimeren, Frackowiak, & Siebner, 2007).

Lateralization is visible prior to birth. Fetuses display lateralized mouth movements—with the right side of the mouth showing more movement over the course of gestation (Reissland, Francis, Aydin, Mason, & Exley, 2014). In newborns, the left hemisphere tends to have greater structural connectivity and efficiency than the right—more connections and pathways suggesting that they are better able to control the right side of their bodies (Ratnarajah et al., 2013). Most newborns tend to turn their heads toward the right, causing them to spend more time looking at and using their right hand (Hinojosa, Sheu, & Michel, 2003). Children display a preference for the right or left hand and their subsequent activity makes the hand more dominant because experience strengthens the hand and neural connections, and improves agility.

Despite lateralization, the two hemispheres interact in a great many complex ways to enable us to think, move, create, and exercise our senses (Efron, 1990; Springer & Deutsch, 1998). The corpus callosum, a collection of 250 to 800 million neural fibers, connects the

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left and right hemispheres of the brain, permitting them to communicate and coordinate processing (Banich & Heller, 1998). During early childhood, the corpus callosum grows and myelinates, permitting the two halves of the brain to communicate in more sophisticated and efficient ways and to act as one, enabling the child to execute large and fine motor activities such as catching and throwing a ball or tying shoelaces (Banich, 1998; Brown & Jernigan, 2012).

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LifeSpan Brain Development

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Brain-Based Education

Effective instruction emphasizes active learning through creative play, artwork, physical activity, and social play.

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The brain-based education perspective views learning as multidimensional, including more than academics. Children are encouraged to develop all aspects of their brains, tapping physical, musical, creative, cognitive, and other abilities. According to brain-based educators, the brain changes with experience and is plastic; therefore, everyday experiences such as learning an instrument, role-playing, and learning vocabulary may alter children’s brains.

Some brain-based education emphasizes teaching different parts of the brain separately. For example, a common brain-based education instructional strategy is to teach for the left or right lateralized brain. The “left-brain” is said to be the “logical” hemisphere, concerned with language and analysis, while the “right- brain” is said to be the “intuitive” hemisphere concerned with spatial patterns and creativity (Sousa, 2001). Brain-based learning theorists may then encourage teachers to teach specific hemispheres during adapted lessons. To teach to the left hemisphere, teachers have students engage in reading and writing, while right hemisphere–oriented lessons have students create visual representations of concepts (Sousa, 2001).

However, some experts argue that the leap from neurological research to the classroom is large and not supported (Alferink & Farmer-Dougan, 2010). Like most abilities, language and spatial information are processed differently but simultaneously by the two hemispheres. It is highly improbable, then, that any given lesson, regardless of analytic or spatial type, can stimulate activation of only one hemisphere. Although lateralized, the brain functions as a whole.

For many researchers, the problem of brain-based education is its reliance on the brain itself and in its oversimplification of complex theories and research (Alferink & Farmer-Dougan, 2010; Busso & Pollack, 2014). Although we have learned much, brain research is in its infancy. Researchers do not know enough about how the brain functions and learns to draw direct inferences about teaching (Bruer, 2008). For example, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) research illuminates patterns of brain activity, but researchers do not yet conclusively know what those patterns mean or if those patterns of brain activity have implications for behavior (Willis, 2007). Using these findings to inform education is premature. Many researchers, therefore, find it problematic to state that teaching strategies should be derived from brain research—at least not yet.

On the positive side, however, brain-based education emphasizes active learning. Teachers who foster active learning encourage students to become engaged and participate in their own learning, such as being creative in artwork, physical activity, and story making (Bruer, 2008). Active learning is an important educational strategy. Active learning is in line with cognitive theory, such as Piaget’s, which points to the constructive nature of knowledge, that children must interact with the world and actively construct and modify their schemes. Although many developmental researchers argue that the neurological science behind brain-based education is questionable, the active learning practices that comprise many brain-based learning activities advance children’s learning.

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What Do You Think? Identify an advantage and a disadvantage to brain-based education. In your view, should preschools emphasize teaching specifically to the left or right hemisphere?

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Plasticity

The human brain has a capacity to change its organization and function in response to experience throughout the lifespan; this is known as plasticity (Kolb, Gibb, & Robinson, 2003). For example, in one study, young children who were given training in music demonstrated structural brain changes over a period of 15 months that correspond with increases in music and auditory skills (Hyde et al., 2009). The brain contains an overabundance of neurons and synapses that allow it to receive any and all kinds of sensory and motor stimulation possible (Johnston et al., 2009). However, our brains are prepared for experiences that are more diverse and varied than we actually encounter. Many of our neural connections remain unused. Active synapses, or connections among neurons that are used, continue to function, whereas unused synapses are pruned and the neurons are reserved for future use, such as compensating for brain injury or learning new skills (Huttenlocher, 1994; Johnston et al., 2009). Since the 1990s, brain-based education, deriving classroom activities and educational principles from brain research, has become popular (see Lifespan Brain Development, above; Colburn, 2009; Jensen, 2008).

The brain is most plastic during the first few years of life (Nelson, Thomas, & de Haan, 2006; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010). Plasticity implies that the young child’s brain can reorganize itself in response to injury in ways that the adult’s brain cannot. Adults who suffered brain injuries as infants and young children often have fewer cognitive difficulties than do adults who were injured later in life. The young child’s brain is more flexible and less functionally committed than the adult brain, but the relative advantage of this plasticity is debated (Johnston, 2009).

The immature young brain, while offering opportunities for plasticity, is uniquely sensitive to injury (Johnston et al., 2009; Uylings, 2006). If a part of the brain is damaged at a critical point in development, functions linked to that region will be irreversibly impaired (Luciana, 2003). How well a young child’s brain compensates for an injury depends on the age at the time of injury, site of injury, and brain areas and capacities compromised. Generally speaking, plasticity is greatest when neurons are forming many synapses, and it declines with pruning (Kolb et al., 2003; Nelson, 2011). However, brain injuries sustained before age 2, and in some cases 3, can result in more global and severe deficits than do those sustained later in childhood—and more long-lasting deficits (Anderson et al., 2010; Anderson et al., 2014), suggesting that a reserve of neurons is needed for the brain to show plasticity. Research with young children with brain injury showed that most experienced some cognitive deficits 18 months later and social problems at age 8, with more severe injuries associated with generalized deficits and less severe with deficits in visual memory and executive function (Gerrard-Morris et al., 2010; Sonnenberg, Dupuis, & Rumney, 2010).

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Plasticity is not absolute. Some deficits often remain. The degree to which individuals recover depends on the injury, its nature and severity, age, experiences after the injury, and contextual factors supporting recovery, such as interventions (Anderson, Spencer-Smith, & Wood, 2011; Bryck & Fisher, 2012).

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Thinking in Context 7.2 1. Children who suffer brain injuries often regain some, and sometimes all, of their capacities. How might

you explain this, given what you have learned about brain development? 2. In your view, what is the most important thing about brain development that parents need to know?

How might you teach them?

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Cognitive Devlopment in Early Childhood

Three-year-old Elisa can use language, plan out actions, and think of solutions to problems rather than relying on her motor skills to manipulate materials in a trial-and-error fashion. How do these cognitive skills develop? The three major perspectives on cognition address this question in different ways. Cognitive-developmental theories emphasize the structural changes that underlie development. Sociocultural theories point to the role of context and our need to communicate in influencing thought. Information processing theories examine changes in our physical capacities and strategy use as contributors to cognitive change.

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Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective: Preoperational Reasoning

Timothy stands up on his toes and releases his parachute toy, letting the action figure dangling from a parachute drift a few feet from him and collapse on the floor. “I’m going to go up high and make it faster,” he says, imagining standing on the sofa and making the toy sail far into the clouds. He stands on the sofa and releases the toy, which sails a bit farther this time. “Next time he’ll jump out of the plane even higher!” Timothy thinks, excitedly. His friend Martin calls out, “Let’s make him land on the moon! He can meet space people!”

Timothy and Martin learn through play and by interacting with people and objects around them. From the cognitive-developmental perspective, young children’s thought progresses from the sensory and motor schemes of infancy to more sophisticated representational thought. Preoperational reasoning appears in young children from about ages 2 to 6 and is characterized by a dramatic leap in the use of symbolic thinking that permits young children to use language, interact with others, and play using their own thoughts and imaginations to guide their behavior. It is symbolic thought that enables Timothy and Martin to use language to communicate their thoughts and desires—and it is also what allows them to send their toy on a mission to the moon to visit with pretend space people.

Young children in the preoperational stage show impressive advances in representational thinking, but they are unable to grasp logic and cannot understand complex relationships. For example, a child may not understand that her father was once her grandmother’s little boy. Alternatively, a child may not understand that his brother is also his sister’s brother. Understanding each of these complex relationships requires the use of cognitive operations that are beyond the preoperational child’s capacities. Children who show preoperational reasoning tend to make several common errors, including egocentrism, animism, centration, and irreversibility.

Egocentrism

“See my picture?” Ricardo asks as he holds up a blank sheet of paper. Miss Jones answers, “You can see your picture, but I can’t. Turn your page around so that I can see your picture. There it is! It’s beautiful,” she proclaims after Ricardo flips the piece of paper, permitting her to see his drawing. Ricardo did not realize that even though he could see his drawing, Miss Jones could not. Ricardo displays egocentrism, the inability to take another person’s point of view or perspective. The egocentric child views the world from his or her own perspective, assuming that other people share her feelings, knowledge, and even physical view of the world. For example, the egocentric child may present Mommy with her teddy bear when Mommy looks sad, not realizing that while the teddy bear may make

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her feel better, Mommy has different needs and preferences.

Figure 7.2: The Three Mountain Task

A classic task used to illustrate preoperational children’s egocentrism is the three mountain task. As shown in Figure 7.2, the child sits at a table facing three large mountains. A doll is placed in a chair across the table from the child, facing him. The child is asked how the mountains look to the doll. Piaget found that young children in the preoperational stage described the scene from their own perspectives rather than the doll’s. They could not complete the task correctly because they could not imagine that someone else could see the world differently. The children exhibited egocentrism; they were not able to take another point of view (the doll’s; Piaget & Inhelder, 1967).

Animism

Egocentric thinking can also take the form of animism, the belief that inanimate objects are alive and have feelings and intentions. “It’s raining because the sun is sad and it is crying,” 3-year-old Melinda explains. Children accept their own explanations for phenomena as they are unable to consider another viewpoint or alternative reason. The 4-year-old child who cries after bumping her head on a table may feel better after her mother smacks the table, saying, “Bad table!” In the child’s eyes, the table got what it deserved: payback!

Centration

Preoperational children exhibit centration, the tendency to focus on one part of a stimulus or situation and exclude all others. For example, a boy may believe that if he wears a dress he will become a girl. He focuses entirely on the appearance (the dress) rather than the other characteristics that make him a boy. Consider a group of children who are lined up according to height. If one child is asked, “Who is the tallest?” he or she will correctly point to the tallest child. Then, if the child is asked, “Who is the oldest?” he or she may point to the tallest child. “Who is the smartest?” Again the child points to the tallest child of the group, demonstrating centration: the child focuses on height to the exclusion of the other

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attributes.

Centration is illustrated by a classic task that requires the preoperational child to distinguish what something appears to be from what it really is, the appearance–reality distinction. In a classic study illustrating this effect, DeVries (1969) presented 3- to 6-year- old children with a cat named Maynard (see Figure 7.3). The children were permitted to pet Maynard. Then, while his head and shoulders were hidden behind a screen (and his back and tail were still visible), a dog mask was placed onto Maynard’s head. The children were then asked, “What kind of animal is it now?” “Does it bark or meow?” Three-year-old children, despite Maynard’s body and tail being visible during the transformation, replied that he was now a dog. Six-year-old children were able to distinguish Maynard’s appearance from reality and explained that he only looked like a dog.

One reason that 3-year-old children fail appearance–reality tasks is because they are not yet capable of effective dual encoding, the ability to mentally represent an object in more than one way at a time (Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1986). For example, young children are not able to understand that a scale model (like a doll house) can be both an object (something to play with) and a symbol (of an actual house; DeLoache, 2000; MacConnell & Daehler, 2004).

Irreversibility

“You ruined it!” cried Johnson after his older sister, Monique, placed a triangular block atop the tower of blocks he had just built. “No, I just put a triangle there to show it was the top and finish it,” she explains. “No!” insists Johnson. “OK, I’ll take it off,” says Monique. “See? Now it’s just how you left it.” “No. It’s ruined,” Johnson sighs. Johnson continued to be upset after his sister removed the triangular block, not realizing that by removing the block she has restored the block structure to its original state. Young children’s thinking is characterized by irreversibility, meaning that they do not understand that reversing a process can often undo it and restore the original state.

Figure 7.3: Appearance vs. Reality: Is It a Cat or Dog?

Source: DeVries (1969).

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Preoperational children’s irreversible thinking is illustrated by conservation tasks that require them to understand that the quantity of a substance is not transformed by changes in its appearance, that a change in appearance can be reversed. For example, a child is shown two identical glasses. The same amount of liquid is poured into each glass. After the child agrees that the two glasses contain the same amount of water, the liquid from one glass is poured into a taller, narrower glass, and the child is asked whether one glass contains more liquid than the other. Young children in the preoperational stage reply that the taller, narrower glass contains more liquid. Why? It has a higher liquid level relative to the shorter, wider glass. They center on the appearance of the liquid without realizing that the process can be reversed by pouring the liquid back into the shorter, wider glass. They are unable to negate the action and fail to understand that the process can be undone by pouring the liquid in the tall, narrow glass back into the shorter wider glass. They focus on the height of the water as it is poured from a short to tall glass, ignoring other aspects such as the change in width that makes the liquid appear to have changed. Young children do not understand that it is still the same water.

Figure 7.4 displays additional conservation problems. Characteristics of preoperational children’s reasoning are summarized in Table 7.2.

Evaluating Piaget’s Preoperational Reasoning Stage

Similar to findings that infants are more capable than Piaget envisioned (see Chapter 5), research with young children has contravened some of Piaget’s conclusions. Just as Piaget’s sensorimotor tasks underestimated infants’ cognitive abilities, his tests of preoperational thinking underestimated young children. Success on Piaget’s tasks appears to depend more on the child’s language abilities than his or her actions. To be successful at the three mountain task, for example, the child must not only understand how the mounds look from the other side of the table but must be able to communicate that understanding. Appearance–reality tasks require not simply an understanding of dual representation but the ability to express it. However, if the task is nonverbal, such as requiring reaching for an object rather than talking about it, even 3-year-old children can distinguish appearance from reality, as we will discuss in the following sections (Sapp, Lee, & Muir, 2000).

Research Findings on Egocentrism and Animism

Simple tasks demonstrate that young children are less egocentric than Piaget posited. When a 3-year-old child is shown a card with a dog on one side and a cat on another and the card is held up between the researcher who can see the cat and the child who can see the dog, the child correctly responds that the researcher can see the cat (Flavell, Everett, Croft, & Flavell, 1981). In a variation of the three mountain task, called the doll and police officer

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task, the child sits in front of a square board that is divided into four sections by dividers (Hughes, 1975). A toy police officer is placed at the edge of the board. A doll is placed in one section, moved to another section, and so on. With each move the child is asked whether the police officer can see the doll. Finally another police officer is placed on the board and the child is asked to hide the doll from both police officers. In this task, nearly all children ages 3.5 to 5 were able to take the police officers’ perspectives and successfully complete the task. By making the task more relevant to children’s everyday lives (i.e., hiding)—and less difficult—it became clear that young children are less egocentric than Piaget theorized (Hughes, 1975; Newcombe & Huttenlocher, 1992).

Figure 7.4: Additional Conservation Problems

Likewise, although young children sometimes provide animistic answers to questions, they do not display animism as often as Piaget believed. Three-year-old children do not tend to describe inanimate objects with lifelike qualities, even when the object is a robot that can move (Gelman & Gottfried, 1996). Three- and 4-year-old children recognize that living things are regulated by their own internal energy but inanimate objects are not (Gottfried & Gelman, 2005). Most 4-year-old children understand that animals grow, and even plants grow, but objects do not (Backschneider, Shatz, & Gelman, 1993). Sometimes, however, young children provide animistic responses. For example, Dolgin and Behrend (1984) found that animistic statements are not due to a belief that all objects are alive but rather that novel objects that seem to move independently are alive. Three-year-old children may display animism when considering trains and airplanes, believing that they are alive, because these objects appear to move on their own, like other living things (Massey & Gelman, 1988; Poulin-Dublis & Héroux, 1994). Finally, children show individual differences in their expressions of animism and reasoning about living things and these

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differences are linked with aspects of cognitive development such as memory, working memory, and inhibition (Zaitchik, Iqbal, & Carey, 2014).

Research Findings on Reversibility and the Appearance– Reality Distinction

Piaget (1970) posited that young children cannot solve or be taught to solve conservation problems because they lack the cognitive operations needed to understand reversibility and that transformations in appearance do not change a given substance. However, research has shown that 4-year-old children can be taught to conserve (Gelman, 1969; Hendler & Weisberg, 1992), suggesting that children’s difficulties with reversibility and conservation tasks can be overcome (Gallagher, 2008). In addition, when a conservation of numbers task is scaled down to include only three objects instead of six, even 3-year-olds perform well without training (Gelman, 1972).

In the classic appearance–reality task, when 3-year-old children are shown a sponge that looks like a rock, they tend to say that it “really and truly is” a rock (Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 1987; Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1989). They focus or center on the most salient feature, its rocklike appearance, displaying centration. However, if the children are told to play a trick on someone (i.e., “let’s pretend that this sponge is a rock and tell Anne that it is a rock when it really is a sponge”) or are asked to choose an object that can be used to clean spilled water, many choose the sponge, illustrating that they can form a dual representation of the sponge as an object that looks like a rock (Rice, Koinis, Sullivan, Tager-Flusberg, & Winner, 1997; Sapp et al., 2000). Research suggests that 3-year-old children can shift between describing the real and fake or imagined aspects of an object or situation and can flexibly describe misleading appearances and function of objects in response to natural conversational prompts, as compared with the traditional appearance–reality tasks, as depicted in Figure 7.5 (Deák, 2006; Hansen & Markman, 2005).

Some responses to appearance–reality tasks may reflect how children respond to sequences of questions rather than confusing appearance and reality (Deák, 2006). Some preschoolers will repeat their first answer to every successive question about a topic, making it hard to determine what they understand. These types of errors are related to age as 3-year-old children are especially likely to make such errors, 5-year-olds make few repetitive errors, and 4-year-old children tend to make intermediate errors, suggesting a clear developmental trend in language ability that appears on appearance–reality tests as well as other tests of cognitive ability (Deák, 2006). Preschoolers show an understanding of the appearance– reality distinction, and it develops throughout childhood (Woolley & Ghossainy, 2013).

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Pura helps her grandmother grind corn for tortillas.

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Researchers generally conclude that typical Piagetian tasks emphasize what young children cannot understand more than what they can understand (Beilin, 1992). Traditional appearance–reality tasks require that young children articulate their understanding rather than demonstrate it nonverbally. Often asking different, simplified questions enables children to demonstrate their understanding (Bullock, 1985; Deák, 2006; Hansen & Markman, 2005; Waxman & Hatch, 1992). Certainly young children are more egocentric and illogical than older, school-aged children; however, they are able to demonstrate logical reasoning about simple problems in familiar contexts. Young children can adapt their speech to their listeners, for example, using simpler language when talking to younger siblings (Gelman & Shatz, 1978), suggesting that they can understand that their sibling has a different perspective and capacity for language than they do. Young children also quickly develop increasingly sophisticated representational abilities through their symbolic play activities. Pretending that objects and people are something other than what they really are helps young children to develop capacities for dual representation, and they slowly begin to differentiate misleading appearances from reality (Golomb & Galasso, 1995). Children can also imagine what something looks like and draw a picture to represent that vision, as discussed in Lives in Context (p. 178).

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Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective

A second major approach to understanding cognitive development was developed by the Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky. According to Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory, we are embedded in a context that shapes how we think and who we become. Much of children’s learning comes not from working alone but from collaborating with others. Children interact with more skilled partners who serve as models and provide instruction. Over time, children internalize the instruction, making it part of their skill set, and they thereby master tasks. For example, children of the Zinacantec Maya of Chiapas, Mexico, learn by actively participating in informal tasks such as making tortillas and weaving (Maynard, 2002, 2004). Children learn by working alongside more skilled partners who provide assistance when needed (Rogoff, 1998; Rogoff, Mosier, Mistry, & Göncü, 1993). Older and more skilled members of society stimulate children’s cognitive development by presenting new challenges and guiding or assisting them with particularly difficult tasks. Parents and child care providers often teach children, but anyone who is more skilled at a given task, including older siblings and peers, can promote children’s cognitive development (Maynard, 2002; Rogoff, 1990).

According to the sociocultural perspective, children’s social experiences teach them how to think. Guided participation (also known as an apprenticeship in thinking) is a form of sensitive teaching in which the partner is attuned to the needs of the child and helps him or her to accomplish more than the child could do alone (Rogoff, 1990). As novices, children learn from more skilled, or expert, partners by observing them and asking questions. The expert partner provides scaffolding that permits the child to bridge the gap between his or her current competence level and the task at hand. For example, consider a child working on a jigsaw puzzle. She is stumped, unable to complete it on her own. Suppose a more skilled partner, such as an adult, sibling, or another child who has more experience with puzzles, provides a little bit of assistance, a scaffold. The expert partner might point to an empty space on the puzzle and encourage the child to find a piece that fits that spot. If the child remains stumped, the partner might point out a piece or rotate it to help the child see the relationship. The partner acts to motivate the child and provide support to help the child finish the puzzle, emphasizing that they are working together. The child novice and expert partner interact to accomplish the goal and the expert adjusts his or her responses to meet the needs of the child. With time, the child internalizes the lesson and learns to accomplish the task on her own. In this way, cognitive development and learning occurs as the child actively internalizes elements of context, such as interactions with more skilled people (Fernyhough, 2008). Scaffolding occurs in formal educational settings, but also informally, any time a partner adjusts his or her interactional style to fit the needs of a child and guide the child to complete a task that he or she could not complete alone.

Effective scaffolding works within the zone of proximal development, the gap between the

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child’s competence level, what he can do alone, and what he can do with assistance. The upper limit of this zone is what the child can accomplish with a skilled partner. Over time, the child internalizes the scaffolding, the skill becomes within his range of competence, and his zone of proximal development shifts. Adults tend to naturally provide children with scaffolds (Conner, Knight, & Cross, 1997; Rogoff, 1998). For example, when an adult reads a picture book or storybook to a child, he or she will tend to point to items, label, and describe characters’ emotional states; explain; ask questions; listen; and respond sensitively to the child helping the child understand material that they cannot on their own (Adrián, Clemente, & Villanueva, 2007; Danis, Bernard, & Leproux, 2000; Silva, Strasser, & Cain, 2014). Effective teachers take advantage of this pattern of learning by assigning children tasks that they can accomplish with some assistance, providing just enough help so that students learn to complete the tasks independently, and providing learning environments that stimulate children to complete more challenging tasks on their own (Wass & Golding, 2014).

This mother is providing a scaffold to help her daughter learn how to complete a puzzle. Effective scaffolding occurs within the zone of proximal development, the gap between what the child can do on her own and what she can accomplish with a little bit of help.

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The quality of scaffolding influences children’s development. In one study of preschool teachers and children, the degree to which the adult matched the child’s needs for help in playing predicted more autonomous play on the part of children over a six-month period (Trawick-Smith & Dziurgot, 2011). Adults act intentionally to encourage and support children’s initiative (Zuckerman, 2007). Mothers vary their scaffolding behaviors in response to children; for example, they use different behaviors depending on the child’s attention skills, using more verbal engagement, strategic questions, verbal hints, and verbal prompts when children show poor attention-regulating skills (Robinson, Burns, & Davis, 2009). Adults learn as they participate in the child’s zone of proximal development, and they modify their behaviors (Ferholt & Lecusay, 2010). In addition, the timing of maternal utterances helps children attend and switch tasks appropriately (Bibok, Carpendale, & Müller, 2009). Moreover, maternal reading, scaffolding, and verbal guidance is associated with 2- to 4-year-olds’ capacities for cognitive control and planning (Bibok et al., 2009; Hughes & Ensor, 2009; Moriguchi, 2014).

The contextual nature of learning is illustrated by a study of two generations of Zinacantec

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Maya children: one generation studied in 1969 and 1970 and a second generation in 1991 and 1993 (Greenfield, Maynard, & Childs, 2003). In the intervening two decades, the community, located in Chiapas, Mexico, was involved in a transition from an economy based primarily on subsistence and agriculture to an economy based primarily on money and commerce. Researchers examined the number and quality of weaving apprenticeships as well as visual representation ability and concluded that the processes of learning and cognition changed over this period. Over time, there was a greater emphasis on independent cultural learning, abstract thinking, and creativity as well as a movement away from scaffolding, simple representation of tasks, and imitating strategies (Greenfield et al., 2003). Changes in cultural apprenticeships were associated with shifts in the process of child cognition. The contexts in which we are embedded are always changing and evolving, as are our ways of thinking.

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Lives in Context

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The Development of Children’s Drawing Abilities “Very pretty! What is it?” asks Jessica as she examines the marked-up page. “A flower,” answers 3-year-old Noah. “It’s a beautiful flower,” Jessica responds as she tries to see a flower in the messy scribbles on the page. Most parents and teachers are familiar with this scenario. What is it that children draw, and does it really have meaning? How does it change over time?

Young children’s skills in drawing and writing illustrate the interaction of cognitive and motor domains of development. Drawing reflects fine motor control, planning skills, spatial understanding, and the recognition that pictures can symbolize objects, people, and events (Yamagata, 2007). Young children’s drawing skills progress through a predictable sequence alongside cognitive, motor, and brain maturation (Kellogg, 1970). Drawing begins as scribbles during the second year of life (Dunst & Gorman, 2009; Toomela, 2003). At first, the physical gestures children use are the content, not the drawing itself. For example, an 18-month-old bounced a crayon around the page, making dots, to indicate that a rabbit jumps (Winner, 1986). One- and 2-year-olds engage in random scribbling, taking great pleasure in moving the crayon over paper and becoming interested in the paper only when they notice that their movements result in drawings. The scribbles of 2-year-olds begin to become patterns, such as vertical and zigzag lines (Dunst & Gorman, 2009). If asked to draw a human figure, 2- to 3-year-olds usually draw a tadpole-like figure with a circle for the head with eyes and sometimes a smiley mouth and then a line or two beneath to represent the rest of the body (see Figure 7.5). Tadpole-like forms are characteristic of young children’s art in all cultures (Cox, 1993).

By age 3, children’s scribbles become more controlled and begin to become pictures, representational forms. Often this happens by accident in that they begin drawing, notice that the shape is recognizable, and label it (Winner, 1986). Three- and 4-year-olds manipulate materials more purposefully and engage in controlled scribbling. Most 3-year-olds can draw circles, squares, rectangles, triangles, crosses, and Xs, and they begin to combine shapes into more complex designs. Some 3-year-olds create drawings that are recognizable enough for others to identify what their picture represents. Other young children begin to understand the representational function of drawings after adults show them how pictures can be used to stand for people, objects, and places (Callaghan, 1999). Even when drawings appear to be nothing more than scribbles, young children often label them as representing a particular object and remember the label. In one study, children were asked to draw a balloon and a lollipop. The drawings looked the same to adults, but the children were adamant about which was which (Bloom, 2000), suggesting that it is important to ask a child what his or her drawing is rather than guess, because children’s creations reflect their perspectives.

Figure 7.5: A Typical Two- to Three-Year-Old’s Drawing of a Person

Between ages 4 and 5, children’s drawings loosely begin to depict actual objects, demonstrating the convergence of fine motor skills and the cognitive development of representational ability. By age 4, children’s drawings of people consist of simple figures, mostly heads with legs and arms, and a circle is often used to represent a stomach (Cox, 1997). As cognitive and fine motor skills improve, children create more sophisticated drawings of the human form in which the head and body are differentiated. Five-year-olds include a torso, and after 5, arms and hands are included (Cox, 1997). However, even older preschoolers’

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drawings contain perceptual distortions. During middle childhood, the use of depth improves, and children’s drawings become more perceptually realistic (Cox & Littlejohn, 1995).

The ability to copy a design and write letters predicts cognitive and academic achievement at kindergarten entry and in second grade (Cameron et al., 2012; Dinehart & Manfra, 2013).

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What Do You Think? Suppose a friend has accepted a job working with preschool-age children. What advice do you give for those times when a child asks for feedback on an unintelligible drawing?

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Information Processing Perspective

From an information processing perspective, cognitive development entails developing mental strategies to guide one’s thinking and use one’s cognitive resources more effectively. In early childhood, children become more efficient at attending, encoding and retrieving memories, and problem solving (see Table 7.3).

Attention

The ability to sustain one’s attention improves in early childhood through the preschool years. Young children become better at planning, considering the steps needed to complete a particular act, and focusing their attention (Rueda, 2013). Preschoolers can create and abide by a plan to complete tasks that are familiar and not too complex, such as systematically searching for a lost object in a yard (Wellman, Somerville, & Haake, 1979). But they have difficulty with more complex tasks. Preschoolers do not search thoroughly when asked to compare detailed pictures and explain what’s missing from one. Young children have difficulty deciding where to begin and how to proceed to complete a task in an orderly way. When they plan, young children often skip important steps (Friedman & Scholnick, 1987; Ruff & Rothbart, 1996). Preschoolers have trouble switching their attention among stimuli (Hanania & Smith, 2010). For example, young children who sort cards according to one dimension such as color may later be unable to successfully switch to a different sorting criteria (Honomichl & Zhe, 2011).

Memory

Unlike infants, young children have language skills and abilities to follow directions, which make it easier to study their memory skills. Researchers can differentiate two types of memories for experiences: episodic memory and autobiographical memory.

Episodic memory.

Episodic memory refers to memory for events and information acquired during those events (Roediger & Marsh, 2003; Tulving, 2002). For example, a researcher might study episodic memory by asking a child, “Where did you go on vacation?” or “Remember the pictures I showed you yesterday?” Most laboratory studies of memory examine episodic memory, such as memory for specific information and for scripts.

Memory for information.

Shana turns over one card and exclaims, “I’ve seen this one before. I know where it is!” before selecting its duplicate by turning over a second card from an array of cards. Shana

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recognizes a card that she has seen before and recalls its location. Children’s memory for specific information, such as the location of items, lists of words or numbers, and directions, can be studied using tasks that examine recognition memory and recall memory. Recognition memory, the ability to recognize a stimulus one has encountered before, is nearly perfect in 4- and 5-year-old children. Recall memory, the ability to generate a memory of a stimulus encountered before without seeing it again, is much poorer in young children (Myers & Perlmutter, 2014). Two-year-olds can recall one or two items whereas 4-year-olds can recall three or four items (Perlmutter, 1984).

Why do young children perform so poorly in recall tasks? Young children are not very effective at using memory strategies, cognitive activities that make us more likely to remember. For example, one memory strategy, chunking, entails grouping similar items so that they can be recalled together. Preschool children begin to use this memory strategy. When a researcher places either a piece of candy or a wooden peg in each of 12 containers and hands them to young children, asking them to remember where the candy was hidden, by age 4 the children will correctly categorize the containers, placing those that contain candy in one place and those that hold the peg in another, and will demonstrate nearly perfect recall (DeLoache & Todd, 1988).

However, when preschoolers are asked to recall items, they often do not use memory strategies. Even when they are taught to use strategies, they do not apply them in new situations (Gathercole, Adams, & Hitch, 1994; Miller & Seier, 1994). It appears that using

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strategies is challenging for young children because of their limited working memories. They cannot retain the material to be learned, the strategy, and apply the strategy at the same time. New information a child encounters competes with the information he or she is attempting to recall. Unlike older children and adults, preschoolers are often are unable to inhibit the new information to successfully recall older information (Aslan & Bäuml, 2010). Children do not start to apply strategies consistently and effectively until middle childhood (Kron-Sperl, Schneider, & Hasselhorn, 2008). As with other aspects of development, strategy use and memory interacts with other domains of development. For example, one study of children ages 5 to 8 found that language proficiency predicted rehearsal strategy use (Bebko, McMorris, & Metcalfe, 2014). Memory is also influenced by familiar experiences.

Memory for scripts.

Young children remember familiar, repeated everyday experiences, like the process of eating dinner, taking a bath, or going to nursery school or preschool, as scripts, or descriptions, of what occurs in a particular situation. When young children begin to use scripts, they remember only the main details. A 3-year-old might describe a trip to a restaurant as follows: “You go in, eat, then pay.” These early scripts include only a few acts but usually are recalled in the correct order (Bauer, 1996). As children grow older and gain cognitive competence, scripts become more elaborate. Consider a 5-year-old child’s explanation of a trip to a restaurant: “You go in, you can sit at a booth or a table, then you tell the waitress what you want, you eat, if you want dessert, you can have some, then you go pay, and go home” (Hudson, Fivush, & Kuebli, 1992). Scripts help children understand repeated events, serve as an organization tool, and help children predict what to expect in the future. However, scripts may inhibit memory for new details. For example, in one laboratory study, children were presented with a script of the same series of events repeated in order multiple times as well as a single alternative event. Preschoolers were less likely than older children to spontaneously recall and provide a detailed account of the event (Brubacher, Glisic, Roberts, & Powell, 2011).

Autobiographical memory.

Autobiographical memory refers to memory of personally meaningful events that took place at a specific time and place in one’s past (Nelson & Fivush, 2004). Most people have no memories prior to age 3, a phenomenon known as infantile amnesia (Howe & Courage, 1993). Yet, as discussed in Chapter 5, infants demonstrate recall. Why, then, do we not retain memories from infancy? Just as language development yields new, more complicated ways of thinking and communicating, it also helps us learn how to use our memory (Fivush & Nelson, 2004). Autobiographical memory is thought to serve a social function. Children learn to remember through interactions with adults, and they construct autobiographical memories to share with others (Nelson & Fivush, 2004).

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Autobiographical memory develops steadily from 3 to 6 years of age, through adolescence, and is accompanied by increases in the length, richness and complexity of recall memory (Fivush, 2011; Pipe, Lamb, Orbach, & Esplin, 2004). Young children report fewer memories for specific events than do older children and adults (Baker-Ward, Gordon, Ornstein, Larus, & Clubb, 1993). But by age 3, they are able to retrieve and report specific memories, especially those that have personal significance, are repeated, or are highly stressful (Fivush, 1993; Nuttall, 2014). For example, in one study, children who were at least 26 months of age at the time of an accidental injury and visit to the emergency room accurately recalled the details of these experiences even after a two-year delay (Goodman, Rudy, Bottoms, & Aman, 1990). Eight-year-old children have been found to accurately remember events that occurred when they were as young as 3.5 years of age (Goodman & Aman, 1990).

Young children recall more details about events that are unique or new, such as a trip to the circus, which 3-year-old children will recall for a year or longer (Fivush, Hudson, & Nelson, 1983). Frequent events tend to blur together, and young children tend to not recall them well unless they recur several times. Young children are better at remembering things they did than things they simply watched. For example, one study examined 5-year-old children’s recall of an event they either observed, were told about, or experienced. A few days later, the children were more likely to recall details in a more accurate and organized way, requiring fewer prompts, when they had experienced the event (Murachver, Pipe, Gordon, Owens, & Fivush, 1996).

The way adults talk with the child about a shared experience can influence how well the child will remember it (Haden & Fivush, 1996; Reese & Fivush, 1993). Parents with an elaborative conversational style discuss new aspects of an experience, provide more information to guide a child through a mutually rewarding conversation, and affirm the child’s responses. Three-year-olds of parents who use an elaborative style engage in longer conversations about events, remember more details, and tend to remember the events better at ages 5 and 6 (Boland, Haden, & Ornstein, 2003; Fivush, 2011; Lange & Canoll, 2003; Reese, Haden, & Fivush, 1993).

Leondra demonstrates a script as she explains the process of going to a restaurant and ordering from a menu.

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Inti St Clair/Blend/Newscom

Memory improves steadily between ages 4 and 10 with accelerated rates between 5 and 7 (Myers & Perlmutter, 2014; Riggins, 2014). Young children lack knowledge about how to conduct memory searches, determine what is important to recall, and structure narrative accounts of events (Leichtman & Ceci, 1995). They tend to forget information more quickly than older children, rely more on verbatim memory, and confuse different sources of event information (Ackil & Zaragoza, 1995; Levine, Stein, & Liwag, 1999; Warren & Lane, 1995). Between ages 5 and 7, children get better at linking memory and source and contextual details (Riggins, 2014). Older children can conduct internal memory searches, easily recreate images in their heads, think of information similar to the to-be-remembered event, and organize and present the recalled information in a systematic manner (Ceci, Huffman, Smith, & Loftus, 1994). In the early school years, children become more capable of providing detailed and spontaneous memory descriptions; their use of mnemonic strategies increases and they become aware of the needs of listeners.

Young children can have largely accurate memories, but they can also tell tall tales, make errors, and succumb to misleading questions. Children’s ability to remember events can be influenced by information and experiences that may interfere with their memories. These can include conversations with parents and adults, exposure to media, and sometimes intentional suggestions directed at changing the child’s view of what transpired. Children’s vulnerability to suggestion is discussed in Applying Developmental Science (p. 192).

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Applying Developmental Science

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Children’s Suggestibility The accuracy of children’s memory, especially their vulnerability to suggestion, is an important topic because children as young as 3 years of age have been called upon to relate their memories of events that they have experienced or witnessed, including abuse, maltreatment, and domestic violence (Flavell, Friedrich, & Hoyt, 1970; Kail & Park, 1992; Nelson, 1993). How suggestible are young children? Can we trust their memories?

Research suggests that repeated questioning may increase suggestibility in children (La Rooy, Lamb, & Pipe, 2011). For example, in one study preschoolers were questioned every week about events that had either happened or not happen to them; by the 11th week, nearly two thirds of the children falsely reported having experienced an event (Ceci et al., 1994). Preschool-aged children may be more vulnerable to suggestion about many topics, including those containing sexual themes, than either school-aged children or adults (Gordon, Baker-Ward, & Ornstein, 2001; Principe, Ornstein, Baker-Ward, & Gordon, 2000; Rocha, 2013). When children were asked if they could remember several events, including a fictitious instance of getting their finger caught in a mousetrap, almost none of them initially recalled these events; however, after repeated suggestive questioning, more than half of 3- and 4-year-olds and two fifths of 5- and 6-year-olds recalled these events that never happened—often vividly (Poole & White, 1991, 1993).

Young children’s natural trust in others may enhance their suggestibility (Jaswal, 2010). In one study, 3- year-old children who received misleading verbal and visual information from an experimenter about a sticker’s location continued to search in the wrong, suggested, location despite no success (Jaswal, 2010). In another study, 3- to 5-year-old children watched as an adult hid a toy in one location, then told the children that the toy was in a different location. When retrieving the toy, 4- and 5-year-olds relied on what they had seen and disregarded the adult’s false statements, but the 3-year-olds deferred to what the adult had said, despite what they had directly observed (Ma & Ganea, 2010).

In some cases, children can resist suggestion. For example, in one study 4- and 7-year-old children either played games (e.g., dressing up in costumes, playing tickle, being photographed) with an adult confederate or merely watched the games (Ceci & Bruck, 1998). Eleven days later, each child was interviewed by an adult who included misleading questions that were often followed up with suggestions relevant to child abuse. Even the 4-year-old children resisted the false suggestions about child abuse.

Children are more vulnerable than adults, but adults are not entirely resistant to suggestion. Adults who are exposed to information that is misleading or inconsistent with their experiences are more likely to perform poorly during memory interviews—and repeated questioning has similar effects (Ceci & Friedman, 2000; Fivush, 1993; Wysman, Scoboria, Gawrylowicz, & Memon, 2014).

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, under what conditions do you think children’s statements are most likely to be

true? 2. Suppose you need to question a child about an event. How would you maximize your

likelihood of the child’s giving you an accurate account of what occurred?

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Theory of Mind and Metacognition

Theory of mind refers to children’s awareness of their own and other people’s mental processes. This awareness of the mind can be considered under the broader concept of metacognition—knowledge of how the mind works and the ability to control the mind (Lockl & Schneider, 2007). Let’s explore these concepts.

Theory of Mind

Piaget (1929) was the first to probe children’s understanding of the mind by asking questions like, “What are dreams? Where do they come from?” He concluded that until about 6 years of age, children do not understand the distinctions among dreams, fantasy, thoughts, and reality. However, other theorists suggest that children’s developing language skills may not permit them to fully demonstrate their awareness of mental activity.

When researchers use vocabulary that children are familiar with, observe them in everyday activities, and use concrete examples and simple problems such as those involving belief and surprise, it is clear that young children’s understanding of the mind grows and changes between the ages of 2 and 5 (Bower, 1993; Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1995; Schneider, Schumann-Hengsteler, & Sodian, 2005). For example, 3-year-old children understand the difference between thinking about a cookie and having a cookie. They know that having a cookie means that one can touch, eat, or share it, while thinking about a cookie does not permit such activities (Astington, 1993). Young children also understand that a child who wants a cookie will be happy upon receiving one and sad upon not (Flavell et al., 1995; Moses, Coon, & Wusinich, 2000; Wellman, Phillips, & Rodriguez, 2000) and that a child who believes he is having hot oatmeal for breakfast will be surprised upon receiving cold spaghetti (Wellman & Banerjee, 1991). Theory of mind is commonly assessed by examining children’s abilities to understand that people can hold different beliefs about an object or event.

False belief.

Three-year-old children tend to perform poorly on false belief tasks—tasks that require them to understand that someone does not share their knowledge. For example, children who are presented with a familiar Band-Aid box that contains pencils rather than Band-Aids will show surprise but tend to believe that other children will share their knowledge and expect the Band-Aid box to hold pencils (Flavell, 1993; Flavell et al., 1995; Jenkins & Astington, 1996). In addition, the children will believe that they knew all along that the Band-Aid box contained pencils (Birch, 2005). They confuse their present knowledge with the memories for prior knowledge and have difficulty remembering ever having believed something that contradicts their current view (Bernstein, Atance, Meltzoff, & Loftus, 2007; Mitchell &

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Kikuno, 2000).

Three-year-old children show a pattern of false belief errors that are robust across procedures and cultures (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001; Wellman & Liu, 2004). However, some researchers find that young children are much more competent than they appear because research with infants has suggested that an understanding of false belief may be evident by 15 months of age (Buttelmann, Over, Carpenter, & Tomasello, 2014; Onishi & Baillargeon, 2005). Similar to arguments regarding object permanence in infancy and egocentrism in early childhood, it may be that the task of understanding the action and communicating that understanding are overwhelming (Helming, Strickland, & Jacob, 2014). Critics counter that false belief findings with infants reflect perceptual preferences and not theory of mind (Heyes, 2014). Instead, the research to date suggests that theory of mind as evidenced by false belief tasks does not emerge until about 3 years of age. Developmental studies reveal a reliable transition in children’s ability to reason about beliefs between 3 and 4 years of age (Apperly, Samson, & Humphreys, 2009). By age 3, children can understand that two people can believe different things (Rakoczy, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2007). Four-year-old children understand that people who are presented with different versions of the same event develop different beliefs (Eisbach, 2004; Pillow & Henrichon, 1996). By age 4 or 5, children become aware that they and other people can hold false beliefs (Moses et al., 2000)—representations of reality that are incorrect.

Advanced cognition is needed for children to learn abstract concepts such as belief (Carlson, Moses, & Claxton, 2004; Moses, Carlson, & Sabbagh, 2005). Performance on false belief tasks is associated with measures of executive function—that is, the set of cognitive abilities, such as attention, memory, and inhibitory control, that permit higher cognitive functions such as planning, decision-making, and goal setting (Hughes & Ensor, 2007; Perner, Lang, & Kloo, 2002; Sabbagh, Xu, Carlson, Moses, & Lee, 2006). One longitudinal study following children from ages 2 to 4 found that advances in executive functioning facilitated children’s performance on theory of mind tasks (Hughes & Ensor, 2007). Reasoning about false beliefs poses heavy demands on executive functioning, requiring the capacity in working memory or other aspects of executive functioning to construct and retain complex mental representations (Apperly et al., 2009).

Children’s performance on false belief tasks is closely related with language development (Bernard & Deleau, 2007; Milligan, Astington, & Dack, 2007). Everyday conversations aid children in developing a theory of mind because everyday conversations tend to center around and provide examples of mental states and their relation with behavior (Ruffman, Slade, & Crowe, 2002). When parents and other adults speak with children about mental states and emotions, connect them to behaviors and experiences, and discuss causes and consequences, children develop a more sophisticated understanding of other people’s perspectives (Pavarini, Hollanda Souza, & Hawk, 2012). By interacting with others, children learn how to exchange, adjust, and even revise their beliefs about a given issue (Bernard & Deleau, 2007). The process of interacting with others helps children learn how

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to perspective take, become capable of taking into account other peoples points of view as well as their own on a given issue at the same time (Hughes & Leekam, 2004). In one longitudinal study of French children, conversational perspective taking ability at 3.5 years of age predicted false belief scores one year later (Bernard & Deleau, 2007).

Interactions with parents offer particularly rich opportunities for children to practice perspective taking (Hughes & Leekam, 2004). Parents may encourage children to talk about mental states, such as desires, emotions, cognitions, and subjective evaluations; these early experiences facilitate children’s theory of mind over the preschool years (Lu, Su, & Wang, 2008; Slaughter, Peterson, & Mackintosh, 2007; Symons, 2004). In addition, siblings provide young children with opportunities for social interaction, pretend play, and practice with deception; young children with siblings perform better on false belief tests than do those without (Jenkins & Astington, 1996; McAlister & Peterson, 2007, 2013; Perner, 2000; Ruffman, Perner, & Parkin, 1999). Success in false belief attribution tasks is most frequent in the case of children who are the most active in shared pretend play (Schwebel, Rosen, & Singer, 1999).

Context and false beliefs.

The contexts in which children are embedded contribute to their developing understanding of the mind. Children in many countries, including Canada, India, Peru, Samoa, Thailand, Norway, and China, show similarity in the onset and development of theory of mind between the ages of 3 and 5 (Callaghan et al., 2005; Melinder, Endestad, & Magnussen, 2006; Wellman, Fang, & Peterson, 2011). For example, findings regarding the relation of executive functioning to performance on false belief tasks apply equally to preschoolers in the United States and in China (Sabbagh et al., 2006). Children reared in some contexts, however, show a very different pattern in understanding theory of mind (Lillard, 1998; Vinden, 1996). A study of 8-year-old children from Peru used a culturally appropriate version of the Band-Aid box task in which a sugar bowl contained tiny potatoes (Vinden, 1996). At first, the children believed the bowl contained sugar. After learning that it contained potatoes, they answered typical false belief questions incorrectly believing that others would respond that the bowl contained potatoes. Even at age 8, the children responded incorrectly, unable to explain why others might initially believe that the bowl contained sugar and be surprised to learn otherwise. One explanation is that the children in this study were raised in an isolated farming village where farmers worked from dawn to dusk and there was no reason nor time for deception (Vinden, 1996). The Peruvian children’s culture did not include ideas such as false belief, as their day-to-day world was concerned more with tangible activities and things rather than considerations of people’s thoughts.

Cross-cultural studies have suggested, however, that compared with European American parents, Chinese parents refer less frequently to mental states when conversing with their children about the past (Lu et al., 2008; Wang, 2001; Wang & Fivush, 2005), yet Chinese

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children perform just as well as their Euro-American peers on false belief tasks (Liu, Wellman, Tardif, & Sabbagh, 2008; Sabbagh et al., 2006). Whereas research with Western children has shown that mental state talk facilitates the development of theory of mind (Liu et al., 2008; Ruffman, Slade, & Crowe, 2002; Symons, Fossum, & Collins, 2006), a longitudinal study of Chinese children ages 3 to 4 found that theory of mind performance was facilitated not by mental state talk but, instead, by talking about others. In the Chinese context, where parents rarely discuss mental states with their children but often talk about information concerning other people (Wang, 2001, 2004; Wang & Fivush, 2005), children are exposed to little mental state talk and instead, they may develop theory of mind through talking about others—increases in other-references facilitated the children’s success in passing the false belief tasks (Lu et al., 2008).

Children’s interactions with people in their immediate contexts can also influence the development of theory of mind. Children can be trained in perspective taking. For example, when children are presented with a series of objects that look like a certain thing but are actually something else (candle and apple) and are shown the appearance and real states of the objects, along with explanation, 3-year-olds showed improvements on false belief tasks (Lohmann & Tomasello, 2003). Discussion emphasizing the existence of a variety of possible perspectives in relation to an object can improve performance in false belief tasks—dialogue can facilitate the development of theory of mind (Bernard & Deleau, 2007). Other studies have engaged North American and European children in discussion about the thoughts, beliefs, and desires of characters in stories, especially stories in which characters play tricks to surprise or deceive one another; children who receive the training improved their performance in subsequent false belief tasks (Guajardo & Watson, 2002; Liu et al., 2008; Milligan et al., 2007; Slaughter & Gopnik, 1996). Similarly, conversation about deceptive objects (e.g., a pen that looked like a flower) also improves performance on false belief tasks (Lohmann & Tomasello, 2003).

Metacognition

Between the ages of 2 and 5, children’s understanding of the mind grows. They become aware that thinking takes place inside the mind. Between 3 and 5, children come to understand that they can know something that others do not, that their thoughts cannot be observed, and that there are individual differences in mental states (Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 1983; Pillow, 2008). Young children understand that someone can think of one thing while doing something else, that a person whose eyes and ears are covered can think, and that thinking is different from talking, touching, and knowing (Flavell et al., 1995). However, young children’s understanding of the mind is not complete. Three- and four- year-old children do not understand that we think even when we are inactive. They look for visible indicators of thinking and assume their absence indicates the absence of thought. It is not until middle childhood that children understand that the mind is always active (Flavell et al., 1983, 1995; Flavell, 1999). Likewise, preschoolers tend to think of the mind

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as simply a container for items, but older children tend to see the mind as an active constructor of knowledge that receives, processes, and transforms information (Chandler & Carpendale, 1998; Flavell, 1999).

Young children show limited knowledge of memory functions. Four-year-olds recognize that increasing the number of items on a list makes recall more difficult and that longer retention intervals increase the likelihood of forgetting (Lyon & Flavell, 1993; Pillow, 2008; Wellman, 1977). But they know little about the effectiveness of deliberate memory strategies. For example, when 4-year-old children compare the effectiveness of strategies for free recall, they judged looking at the items to be recalled as more effective than naming, rehearsing, or categorizing them (Justice, 1986). Children in kindergarten showed no preference among the four strategies, but second-grade children judged rehearsal and categorization as more effective than naming or looking. However, one recent study suggests that preschoolers’ poor memory performance may result less from metacognitive deficits and instead from over-optimism (Lipowski, Merriman, & Dunlosky, 2013). As we will discuss in Chapter 8, young children have a strong sense of self-confidence and tend to believe that they will be successful in all endeavors. This overconfidence may overshadow their understanding of how their minds work, leading to biased estimates of their abilities (Lipowski et al., 2013). The cognitive advances that take place during early childhood are summarized in Table 7.4.

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Thinking in Context 7.3 1. In what ways might brain development account for cognitive changes that we see in early childhood such

as increases in information processing capacity and changes in reasoning? 2. How are cultural and contextual factors, such as neighborhood, socioeconomic status, ethnicity and

family, reflected in brain development? Cognitive development? 3. Discuss strengths and weaknesses of Piaget’s cognitive developmental, Vygotsky’s sociocultural, and

information processing theory. How well does each account for cultural and contextual factors?

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Young Children’s Language Development

Language acquisition proceeds very rapidly in early childhood. As they enter childhood, young children use telegraphic speech. They slowly learn to use multiple elements of speech, such as plurals, adjectives, and the past tense. Toward the end of early childhood, children show much more complex vocabulary and grammar. Language development is the foundation for emergent literacy, the capacity to learn to read.

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Vocabulary

At 2 years of age, the average child knows about 500 words. Vocabulary acquisition occurs quickly. The average 3-year-old child has a vocabulary of 900 to 1,000 words. By 6 years of age, most children use about 2,600 words and can understand more than 20,000 (Owens, 2001). How is language learned so quickly? As we have discussed in Chapter 5, children use a strategy called fast mapping, which permits them to learn the meaning of a new word after hearing it once or twice. It is a contextually based understanding of a word. Generally, children fast map words for objects more easily than words for actions. However, children under 3 have been shown to fast map new verbs and apply them to other situations in which the same action occurs (Gershkoff-Stowe & Hahn, 2007; Golinkoff, Jacquet, Hirsh- Pasek, & Nandakumar, 1996). Children get better at using fast mapping with age (Brady & Goodman, 2014).

In order to fast map a word, the child must hear it. Young children can learn words simply by overhearing them in conversation or by watching videos (O’Doherty et al., 2011). Preschoolers can learn words from watching videos with both human and robot speakers, but they learn more quickly in response to human speakers (Moriguchi, Kanda, Ishiguro, Shimada, & Itakura, 2011). Parents who wish to foster language development should have frequent conversations with their children in which they use a wide vocabulary (Hoff, Naigles,& Nigales, 2002) as well as read to children because exposure to words through storybook reading leads to increases in vocabulary (Leung, 2008). For example, one study examined the effects of adult–child interaction on 3-year-olds’ vocabulary acquisition during storybook reading (Walsh & Blewitt, 2006). All children were read three storybooks repeatedly over four reading sessions. Children who were asked questions about the reading and were encouraged to talk about it showed a greater vocabulary and more novel word knowledge after the fourth session than did children who were not engaged in discussion.

Another strategy that children use to increase their vocabulary is logical extension. When learning a word, children extend it to other objects in the same category. For example, when learning that a dog with spots is called a Dalmatian, a child may refer to a Dalmatian bunny (a white bunny with black spots) or a Dalmatian horse. Children make their words their own and apply them to all the situations they want to talk about (Behrend, Scofield, & Kleinknecht, 2001). At about age 3, children demonstrate the mutual exclusivity assumption in learning new words. They tend to assume that new words are labels for unfamiliar objects (Littschwager & Markman, 1994; Markman, 1987, 1990). In one study, young children were shown one familiar object and one unfamiliar object. They were told, “Show me the X” where X is a nonsense syllable. The children reached for the unfamiliar object (Markman & Wachtel, 1988). Similarly, young children use the mutual exclusivity assumption to learn the names of parts of objects, such as the brim of a hat, cab of a truck, or bird’s beak (Hansen & Markman, 2009).

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By 5 years of age, many children can quickly understand and apply most words that they hear. If the word is used in context or explained with examples, most 5-year-olds can learn it. Preschoolers learn words by making inferences given the context—and inferential learning is associated with better retention than learning by direct instruction (Zosh, Brinster, & Halberda, 2013). Certain classes of words are challenging for young children. For example, words that express comparisons are relative in nature; tall and short, or high and low, are used in comparing one object to another—the context defines their meaning. Young children have difficulty understanding that to call an object tall, it is in relation to another object that is short. Children may erroneously adopt the height of tall to refer to all tall things and therefore miss the relative nature of the term (Ryalls, 2000). Children also have difficulty with words that express place and time, such as here, there, now, yesterday, and tomorrow. Despite these errors, young children make great advances in vocabulary, learning thousands of words each year. Interestingly, bilingual children use these same strategies in learning words (Van Horn & Kan, 2015). They also show similar rates of word learning for words learned in their first and second languages (Kan & Kohnert, 2008, 2011). Learning a second language is discussed in Chapter 9.

Language skills open the door to new opportunities, such as reading, which in turn is associated with advances in cognitive and language development.

Brian Summers/Newscom

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Early Grammar

Young children quickly learn to combine words into sentences in increasingly sophisticated ways (Owens, 2001). Three-year-old children tend to use plurals, possessives, and past tense. They also tend to understand the use of I, you, and we. Similar to telegraphic speech, their sentences are short, leaving out words like a and the. However, their speech is more sophisticated than telegraphic speech because some pronouns, adjectives, and prepositions are included. Four- and 5-year-olds use four- to five-word sentences and can express declarative, interrogative, or imperative sentences. Context influences the acquisition of grammar. Four-year-old children will use more complex sentences with multiple clauses, such as “I’m resting because I’m tired,” if their parents use such sentences (Huttenlocher, Vasilyeva, Cymerman, & Levine, 2002). Parental conversations and support for language learning are associated with faster and more correct language use (Barrett, 1999). Children often use run-on sentences, in which ideas and sentences are strung together.

“See? I goed on the slide!” called out Leona. Overregularization errors such as Leona’s are very common in young children. They occur because young children are still learning exceptions to grammatical rules. Overregularization errors are grammatical mistakes that young children make because they are applying grammatical rules too stringently. They apply the rules of grammar even when they should not. For example, to create the plural, the rule is to add s to the word. However, there are many exceptions to this rule. Overregularization is expressed when children refer to foots, gooses, tooths, and mouses. Overregularization illustrates that the child understands and is applying the rules. It is a sign of grammatical sophistication. Despite all of the common errors young children make, one study of 3-year-olds showed that nearly three quarters of their utterances were grammatically correct. The most common error was in making tenses (such as is/are, fall/felled; Eisenberg, Guo, & Germezia, 2012). At the end of the preschool years, most children use main grammar rules appropriately and confidently (Tager-Flusberg, 2001).

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Private Speech

As Leroy played alone in the corner of the living room, he pretended to drive his toy car up a mountain and explained, “It’s a high mountain. Got to push it all the way up. Oh no! Out of gas. Now they will have to stay here.” Young children like Leroy often talk aloud to themselves, with no apparent intent to communicate with others. This self-talk, called private speech, accounts for 20% to 50% of the utterances of children ages 4 to 10 (Berk, 1986). Piaget and Vygotsky offer different views on the significance of private speech for development.

According to Piaget, private speech is a result of cognitive development and indicative of cognitive immaturity. He posited that children’s self-talk, which he called egocentric speech, was meaningless, not addressed to anyone, not modified so that a listener can understand it, and simply reflected the egocentrism of the preoperational stage. Research, however, suggests that while children’s speech is sometimes egocentric, often it is not. Children can communicate meaningfully with gestures and speech from an early age. Two-year-old children can generate speech relevant to what someone else has said but have difficulty remaining on one conversational topic (Owens, 2001). By 3 years of age, most children pay attention to how their speech affects others. If they are not understood, they attempt to explain themselves more clearly. Four-year-old children, especially girls, will use simpler language when speaking to 2-year-old children, suggesting that they can take others’ perspectives (Owens, 2001; Shatz & Gelman, 1973). By 5 years of age, about half of children can stick to a conversational topic for a dozen turns. Thus, research suggests that children’s speech is less egocentric than Piaget posited.

Instead, it appears that private speech serves developmental functions. Private speech is thinking; it is personal speech that guides behavior and fosters new ideas (Vygotsky & Minick, 1987). It may be useful to think of private speech as a type of scaffold that the child provides for herself, by talking out loud (Mercer, 2008). Children explain events and activities, plan, and review their knowledge to themselves. Private speech is the child’s thought and eventually becomes internalized as inner speech, or word-based internal thought, representing the child’s transition to verbal reasoning.

Private speech plays a role in self-regulation, the ability to control one’s impulses and appropriately direct behavior—it increases during the preschool years (Berk & Garvin, 1984). Children are more likely to use private speech during challenging tasks and problem solving, especially when they encounter obstacles or do not have adult supervision(Berk, 1992; Berk & Garvin, 1984; Winsler, Fernyhough, & Montero, 2009). Private speech is used by children to problem solve, plan strategies, and regulate themselves so that they can achieve goals. Children who use private speech during a challenging activity are more attentive and involved and show better performance than children who do not (Alarcón-

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Rubio, Sánchez-Medina, & Prieto-García, 2014; Behrend, Rosengren, & Perlmetter, 1989; Berk & Spuhl, 1995; Winsler, Diaz, & Montero, 1997). Preschoolers who are aware of their own private speech are more likely to use expressive language skills, use more private speech, and display an understanding of deception than those who are less aware of their use of private speech (Manfra & Winsler, 2006).

As children grow older, private speech is used more effectively to accomplish tasks and it declines, becoming a whisper and eventually an entirely internal dialogue not audible or visible to others (Duncan & Pratt, 1997; Patrick & Abravanel, 2000; Winsler, Carlton, & Barry, 2000). Private speech never completely disappears. It becomes internalized as inner speech, a silent internal dialogue that we use every day to regulate and organize our behavior (Berk, 1986; Fernyhough, 2008; Kohlberg, Yaeger, & Hjertholm, 1968).

However, there is some evidence that private speech may not be as private as suggested. That is, private speech often occurs in the presence of others. When children ages 2.5 to 5 completed a challenging task either in the presence of an experimenter who sat a few feet behind the child, not interacting, or alone, the children engaged in more private speech in the presence of a listener (McGonigle-Chalmers, Slater, & Smith, 2014). This suggests that private speech may have social value and may not simply be a tool for self-regulation.

Research suggests that the pattern of change in private speech is more complicated than Vygotsky indicated. Preschool girls tend to use more mature forms of private speech than boys; the same is true of middle-income children as compared with low-income children (Berk, 1986). This pattern corresponds to the children’s relative abilities in language use. Though Vygotsky considered the use of private speech a universal developmental milestone, research suggests that there are individual differences, with some children using private speech little or not at all (Berk, 1992). Talkative children use more private talk than do quiet children (McGonigle-Chalmers et al., 2014). Bright children tend to use private speech earlier, and children with learning disabilities tend to continue its use later in development (Berk, 1992). One of the educational implications of private speech is that parents and teachers must understand that talking to oneself or inaudible muttering is not misbehavior but, rather, a child’s effort to complete a difficult task or regulate his or her behavior.

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Thinking in Context 7.4 1. How might advances in language development influence other domains of development, such as social or

cognitive development? 2. Why might some theorists point to maturation (nature, as opposed to nurture) as the main influence on

language development? What do you think? 3. Given what we know about private speech, what advice do you give to parents and teachers?

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Moral Development in Early Childhood

Young children’s cognitive capacities and skills in theory of mind influence moral reasoning, how they view and make judgments in their social world. Two-year-old children describe behaviors as good and bad. They also respond with distress when viewing or experiencing aggressive or potentially harmful actions (Kochanska, Casey, & Fukumoto, 1995). Young children’s understanding of morality grows rapidly. By age 3, children can identify that a child who intentionally knocks another child off of a swing is worse than one who does so accidentally (Yuill & Perner, 1988). Four-year-old children can understand the difference between truth and lies (Bussey, 1992). By age 5, children are aware of many moral rules, such as those regarding lying and stealing. They also demonstrate conceptions of justice (e.g., “it’s my turn,” “hers is bigger,” “it’s not fair”).

How does moral reasoning develop? There are many perspectives on moral development, as discussed in later chapters. Here we consider two classic views of moral development: social learning theory and cognitive-developmental theory. Both consider a young child’s moral values and behavior as first externally influenced. Over time, moral values become internalized and moral behavior becomes guided by inner standards.

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Social Learning Theory

Social learning theory views moral behavior as being acquired through reinforcement and modeling, just like any other behavior (Bandura, 1977; Grusec, 1992). Bandura and McDonald (1963) demonstrated that the moral judgments of young children could be modified through a training procedure involving social reinforcement and modeling. Parents and others naturally dole out reinforcement and punishment that shapes the child’s behavior. Modeling also plays a role in children’s moral development. Adults and other children serve as models for the child, demonstrating appropriate (and sometimes not!) actions and verbalizations. When children observe a model touching a forbidden toy, they are more likely to touch the toy. Some research suggests that children who observe a model resisting temptation are less likely to do so themselves (Rosenkoetter, 1973). However, models are more effective at encouraging rather than inhibiting behavior that violates a rule or expectation. Children are more likely to follow a model’s transgressions rather than appropriate behavior (Hoffman, 1970).

In order to learn by modeling, children must pay attention to the events that are modeled. Attention is influenced by many factors. Children are more likely to imitate behavior when the model is competent and powerful (Bandura, 1977). They are also more likely to imitate a model that is perceived as warm and responsive rather than cold and distant (Yarrow, Scott, & Waxler, 1973). Over the course of early childhood, children develop internalized standards of conduct based on reinforcements and punishments, and observing others and considering their explanations for behavior (Bandura, 1986; Mussen & Eisenberg-Berg, 1977). Those adopted standards are then used by children as guides for behavior. Children attempt to behave in ways that are consistent with their internalizations (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994). In this way, moral values and actions are learned and internalized, as are all behaviors. Children’s behavior is shaped to conform with the rules of society.

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Cognitive-Developmental Theory

The cognitive-developmental perspective views moral development through a cognitive lens and examines reasoning about moral issues: Is it ever right to steal even if it would help another person? Is lying ever acceptable? The resolution of moral dilemmas requires that the child consider the perspective, needs, and feelings of others—cognitive changes and related developments in perspective taking underlie moral development. Young children’s reasoning about moral problems changes with development as they construct concepts about justice and fairness from their interactions in the world (Gibbs, 1991, 2003).

Piaget (1932) studied moral development by using the same methods that he used to study cognitive development: observation and the Piagetian clinical interview. He observed children playing marbles and asked them questions about the rules. What are the rules to the game? Where do the rules come from? Have they always been the same? Can they be changed? Preschool-aged children play with the marbles without attention or awareness of the rules. Their play is not guided by rules. They engage in solitary play for the sake of pleasure and may play with the marbles in random ways such as tossing them about without regard to the rules. By 6 years of age, children enter the first stage of Piaget’s theory of morality, morality of constraint, in which children are aware of rules and see them as sacred and unalterable. Rules are created by adults, passed down to children, must be respected, and have always existed. Children believe that rules cannot be changed; people have always played marbles in the same way. Morality comes from outside in the sense that authority’s rules are always right and their punishments are always justified. Moral behavior is behavior that is consistent with the rules that authority figures set.

Piaget began studying morality by asking children about their understanding of the rules of marbles. Fewer children play marbles today. If you were to study children’s understanding of rules today, what game would you choose?

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iStock/Signature

Lawrence Kohlberg (1969, 1976) investigated moral development by posing hypothetical dilemmas about justice, fairness, and rights that place obedience to authority and law in conflict with helping someone. Responses to the dilemmas change with development; moral reasoning progresses through a universal order of stages representing qualitative changes in conceptions of justice. Young children who display cognitive reasoning at the preoperational stage are at the lowest level of Kohlberg’s scheme: preconventional reasoning. Similar to Piaget, Kohlberg argued that young children’s behavior is governed by self-interest, avoiding punishment and gaining rewards. Moral behavior is a response to external pressure. Young children have not internalized societal norms and their behavior is motivated by desires rather than internalized principles.

Similar to cognitive development, children are active in constructing their own moral understanding through social experiences with adults and peers (Smetana, 1995; Smetana & Braeges, 1990). This is true across cultures. Research with children from Guatemala, India, Turkey, China, and the United States suggests that children do not simply internalize what they see but instead transform and internalize the strategies used by adults by incorporating their own experience and knowledge as well as choosing when to use the strategy and what situations are appropriate (Rogoff, Mistry, Göncü, & Mosier, 1993; Wang, Bernas, & Eberhard, 2008).

As early as 3 years of age, children can differentiate between moral imperatives, which concern people’s rights and welfare, and social conventions, or social customs (Smetana & Braeges, 1990). For example, they judge stealing an apple, a moral violation, more harshly than violating a social convention, such as eating with one’s fingers (Nucci & Turiel, 1978; Smetana, 1995; Smetana & Braeges, 1990; Turiel, 1998). In one study, 3- and 4.5-year-old children viewed an interchange in which one puppet struggled to achieve a goal, was helped by a second puppet and violently hindered by a third puppet. When asked to distribute biscuits, the 4.5 year-olds but not 3-year-olds were more likely to give more biscuits to the helper than the hinderer puppet. Most explained the unequal distribution by referring to the helper’s prosocial behavior or the hinderer’s antisocial behavior (Kenward & Dahl, 2011). In addition to moral and conventional issues, between ages 3 and 5 children come to differentiate personal issues, matters of personal choice that do not violate rights, across home and school settings (Nucci, 1996; Nucci & Weber, 1995; Smetana, 1995; Weber, 1999; Yau & Smetana, 2003). Preschoolers believe that they have control over matters of personal choice, unlike moral issues whose violations are inherently wrong.

Cross-cultural research suggests that children in diverse cultures in Europe, Africa, Asia, Southeast Asia, and North and South America differentiate moral, social conventional, and personal issues (Killen, McGlothlin, & Lee-Kim, 2002; Nucci, 2001; Smetana, 1995; Turiel, 1998; Yau & Smetana, 2003). However, cultural differences in socialization contribute to children’s conceptions. For example, a study of Chinese children ages 3 to 4

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and 5 to 6 showed that, similar to Western samples, the children overwhelmingly considered personal issues as permissible and up to the child, rather than the adults. However, the Chinese children’s justifications for moral transgressions focused overwhelmingly on the intrinsic consequences of the acts for others’ welfare and fairness, as compared with the emphasis on avoiding punishment common in Western samples of preschoolers (Yau & Smetana, 2003). These differences are consistent with cultural preferences for collectivism and individualism.

Social experiences—disputes with siblings over toys, for example—help young children develop conceptions about justice and fairness (Killen & Nucci, 1995). Peers respond to moral offenses with emotion, empathy (i.e., sharing their own loss), or retaliation (Arsenio & Fleiss, 1996). In Western cultures, adults tend to emphasize the victim’s rights and feelings and consequences for the individual. In contrast, Chinese children’s behavior is seen as guided by their obligations to the family, and others (Chao, 1995; Yau & Smetana, 2003). One study of 4-year-old Chinese children and their mothers showed that mothers consistently drew children’s attention to transgressions and emphasized the consequences for others. The children learned quickly and were able to spontaneously discuss their mothers’ examples and strategies, and reenact them in their own interactions, and their explanations reflected their own understanding of rules and expectations in their own terms, rather than reflecting simple memorization (Wang et al., 2008).

How adults discuss moral issues, such as truth-telling, harm, and property rights, influences how children come to understand these issues. When adults discuss moral issues in ways that are sensitive to the child’s developmental needs, children develop more sophisticated conceptions of morality and advance in their moral reasoning (Janssens & Dekovic, 1997; Walker & Taylor, 1991). As we have seen, there are cultural differences in how people think about moral and conversational issues—and these conceptualizations are communicated, internalized, and transformed by children as they construct their own concepts about morality.

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Thinking in Context 7.5 1. Evaluate the social learning and cognitive-developmental perspectives on moral development. What are

the strengths and weaknesses of each? In your view, is one better able to account for moral development than another? Why or why not?

2. How might cultural values influence moral development? Is moral development culture-free (i.e., is it an area in which people around the world show the same developmental progression)? Why or why not?

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Contextual Influences on Development in Early Childhood

Formal education begins in early childhood, as children begin to attend preschool, prekindergarten (pre-K), and similar institutions. Many children face a particularly challenging risk for development: poverty. Even if they have access to quality education, children reared in homes and communities of pervasive poverty are at risk to develop physical, cognitive, and psychosocial deficits.

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Early Childhood Education

Preschool programs provide educational experiences for children ages 2 to 5. Some preschools are child-centered, allowing children to choose among a variety of activities and play as vehicles for learning. The best preschool programs stimulate all aspects of development—cognitive, physical, social, and emotional—through manipulating materials and interacting with teachers and peers. Children have the opportunity to choose activities that are tailored to their interests and abilities. They learn by doing—through play—and develop confidence and self-esteem. Active play helps children learn to problem solve, get along with others, communicate, and self-regulate.

Other preschool programs emphasize academics more than play, providing children with structured learning environments through which they learn letters, numbers, shapes, and academic skills via drills and formal lessons. When academic instruction is heavily and rigidly emphasized whereby preschoolers do worksheets and passively sit through lessons, children tend to demonstrate signs of stress such as rocking, have less confidence in their skills, and avoid challenging tasks than do children who are immersed in more active forms of play-based learning (Stipek, Feiler, Daniels, & Milburn, 1995); they also achieve less in grade school (Burts et al., 1992; Hart et al., 1998). Academically oriented preschool programs that emphasize academics over self-directed exploration negatively influence motivation and learning (Stipek et al., 1995). The most effective early childhood education programs include responsive and stimulating daily interactions between teachers and children. Teachers provide educational support in the form of learning goals, instructional support, and feedback, coupled with emotional support and aid in helping children learn behavioral management skills (Hamre, 2014). Responsive teaching is attuned to children’s cues and needs rather than being strictly academic.

However, effective early childhood education is defined and influenced by cultural values. In the United States, a society that emphasizes individuality, a child-centered approach in which children are given freedom of choice is associated with the most positive outcomes (Marcon, 1999). Effective early childhood education may vary for other cultures, such as Japan’s collectivist culture. The most effective Japanese preschools tend to foster collectivistic values and are society centered with an emphasis on social and classroom routines, skills, and promoting group harmony (Holloway, 1999; Nagayama & Gilliard, 2005). Japanese preschools prepare children for their roles in society and provide formal instruction in academic areas as well as English, art, swordsmanship, gymnastics, tea ceremonies, and Japanese dance. Much instruction is teacher-directed and children are instructed to sit, observe, and listen. Teachers are warm, but address the group as a whole rather than individuals. This structured approach is associated with positive outcomes in Japanese children (Holloway, 1999; Nagayama & Gilliard, 2005), illustrating the role of culture in influencing outcomes of early childhood education. Even within a given country

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such as the United States, there exist many ethnicities and corresponding cultures, such those of Native Americans and Mexican Americans, for example. In each case, instruction that is informed by an understanding of children’s home and community culture fosters a sense of academic belongingness that ultimately influences academic achievement (Gilliard & Moore, 2007).

One of the most successful early childhood education programs in the United States is known as Project Head Start. Created in 1965 by the federal government, Project Head Start was designed to provide economically disadvantaged children with nutritional, health, and educational services during their early childhood years, prior to entering kindergarten. In 1994, the program was expanded to serve younger children, from birth to age 3, and their families. There are more than 1,600 Head Start programs in the United States, serving over 900,000 children (see Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development, p. 191; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2011).

The best evidence for the effectiveness of early childhood education interventions comes from longitudinal studies that span decades. Two major research projects, in addition to Head Start, illustrate the value of quality early childhood education: the Carolina Abecedarian Project and the Perry Preschool Project, carried out in the 1960s and 1970s. Both programs enrolled children from families with incomes below the poverty line. Both projects emphasized providing stimulating preschool experiences to promote motor, language, and social skills as well as cognitive skills including literacy and math concepts. Special emphasis was placed on rich, responsive adult–child verbal communication as well as nutrition and health services. The Abecedarian intervention began in infancy with home visits whereas the Perry Preschool Project included children at ages 3 and 4. Exposure to enriched preschool environments was associated with benefits that lasted well into adulthood. Children in these programs achieved higher reading and math scores in elementary school than their non-enrolled peers (Campbell & Ramey, 1994). As adolescents, they showed higher rates of high school graduation, higher rates of college enrollment, and lower rates of substance abuse and lower rates of pregnancy (Campbell, Ramey, Pungello, Sparling, & Miller-Johnson, 2002; Muennig et al.,2011). At ages 30 and 40, early intervention participants showed higher levels of education and income (Campbell et al., 2012; Schweinhart et al., 2005).

The success of the Abecedarian, Perry, and Head Start early intervention programs has influenced a movement in the United States toward comprehensive academically oriented preschool, known as pre-K. Pre-K programs are a distinct type of preschool program designed for 4-year-old children specifically to ensure that young children will be ready for kindergarten and will be successful in school by third grade (Colker, 2009). Young children who participate in high-quality pre-K programs enter school more ready to learn than their peers and score higher on reading and math tests than their peers (Gormley, Gayer, Phillips, & Dawson, 2004). About one half of states offer some form of state-funded pre-K without income restrictions, but only 13 states offer pre-K programs in every county

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(Barnett, Carolan, Squires, Clarke Brown, & Horowitz, 2015). Because all children can benefit from access to quality early childhood education, states such as Oklahoma, Georgia, and Florida provide universal pre-K to all children, and many more states are moving in this direction (Williams, 2015).

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Child-Oriented Preschool

Mark and Melody describe Ella’s preschool experiences, noting characteristics of high-quality, child- oriented learning.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Project Head Start

Children who attend Head Start programs have early educational experiences that improve cognitive and social skills and prepare them for kindergarten and elementary school.

David Joles/Zuma/Corbis

The rationale for Project Head Start is that early intervention to address factors that may inhibit children’s health and learning will prepare them for school and help them get a “head start” on their education. Children served by Head Start are ethnically diverse and tend to come from families with income below the poverty line.

Most Head Start programs include one to two years of preschool as well as nutrition and health services. Parents also receive assistance, such as education about child development, vocational services, and programs addressing their emotional and social needs. Parents are encouraged to be active in Head Start; they serve on committees, contribute to program planning, and act as parent aides in the classroom. Parents must occupy at least one half of the seats of each Head Start program’s Policy Council (Zigler & Styfco, 2004). A large part of Head Start’s success is that it reaches parents and gets them involved in their children’s education. The more involved parents are, the more they learn about child development, which translates into creating a more stimulating learning environment and overall better parenting.

Over the past four decades, a great deal of research has been conducted on the effectiveness of Head Start. The most common finding is that Head Start improves cognitive performance, as illustrated in a study of young children in 18 cities (Zhai, Brooks-Gunn, & Waldfogel, 2011). The first year or two after Head Start children begin elementary school, they perform well and show gains in IQ and achievement scores. However, over time the cognitive effects of Head Start fade such that participants’ performance on cognitive measures later in childhood is similar to those who have not participated in Head Start (Duncan, Ludwig, & Magnuson, 2007; McKey et al., 1985; McLloyd, 1998). Why? Early intervention may not compensate for the pervasive and long-lasting effects of poverty-stricken neighborhoods and inadequate public schools (Schnur & Belanger, 2000).

However, there are some lasting benefits. Children who participate in Head Start are less likely to be held back a grade, less likely to be assigned to special education classes, more likely to graduate from high school, and have greater parental involvement in school (Duncan et al., 2007; Joo, 2010; Zigler & Styfco, 1993). At the same time, home environment is often a better and more consistent predictor of long-term outcomes than participation in Head Start (Joo, 2010). Head Start is associated with other long-lasting effects, such as gains in social competence and health-related outcomes including immunizations (Abbott-Shim, Lambert, & McCarty, 2003; Huston, 2008).

Effective intervention and education programs target young children very early in life to help reduce the negative effects of economic and environmental disadvantage (Ramey & Ramey, 1998). Programs must treat the whole child by providing a variety of services to promote development, including health and social services as well as transportation to ensure that children can attend. Programs should encourage parents to provide a broad range of learning experiences for their children outside of school and to become involved in their child’s education. Programs that have lasting effects include continuous intervention beyond the preschool years because a two-year program cannot permanently protect a young child from the ravaging

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effects of economic and neighborhood disadvantage.

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What Do You Think? 1. Why do you think the gains in cognitive and achievement scores shown by children in Head

Start fade over time? From your perspective, what can be done to improve such outcomes? 2. Consider early childhood interventions such as Head Start from the perspective of bioecological

theory. Identify factors at the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem that programs may address to promote children’s development.

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Effects of Exposure to Poverty

In 2013, children under 18 years of age represented 23% of the U.S. population but comprised 33% of all people in poverty (with poverty defined as a household income of $23,624 for a family of four or $16,057 for an adult and child; Jiang, Ekono, & Skinner, 2015). Young children under the age of 6 are at highest risk of living in poverty as 25% of all children under the age of 6 lived in poverty and an additional 23% are raised in near poverty (defined as 200% poverty level or less). Children from persistently poor families are more likely to experience malnutrition as well as growth stunting in height and weight (Eamon, 2001; Petterson & Albers, 2001). By age 7, they tend to be one inch shorter, on average, than other children (Yip, Scanlon, & Trowbridge, 1993). Children from families with low income show lower levels of cognitive and social functioning than children from more advantaged families (Hanson, McLanahan, & Thomson, 1997; Patterson, Kupersmidt, & Vaden, 1990; Petterson & Albers, 2001). By 2 years of age, children from low socioeconomic backgrounds score lower on standardized tests of cognitive ability (Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994; Smith, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1997). Family income levels within the first four to five years of life predict verbal and achievement outcomes in the early school years (Klebanov, Brooks-Gunn, McCarton, & McCormick, 1998). The effects of poverty are more pronounced for children in families with the lowest income (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Risks to cognitive development, such as maternal education, maternal verbal comprehension, and stressful life events, are more damaging to children at the lowest levels of income than to those who are not poor (Klebanov et al., 1998).

The negative effects of persistent poverty are cumulative, increasing as children get older and have spent a greater proportion of their lives in poverty (Petterson & Albers, 2001). For example, being poor in all of the first four years of life is associated with lower cognitive scores at age 5 as compared with not being poor for all of those years. However, being poor for some, but not all, of those years produces a smaller effect on cognitive development (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Children reared in persistent poverty, who experience repeated instances of poverty, are more likely to have about one-half of the vocabulary of peers at age 3, have a learning disability, repeat a grade, drop out of high school, have emotional or behavior problems, and show aggressive and delinquent behavior in adolescence and adulthood (Dornfeld & Kruttschnitt, 1992; Duncan et al., 1993; Duncan et al., 2007; Najman et al., 2010; Roy, 2014). Overall, verbal ability and achievement are more affected by family income than are mental health and problem behaviors (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Educational resources in the home influence cognitive development of children in poverty. Compared with kindergarteners from families in the bottom fifth of the socioeconomic distribution, children from the most advantaged fifth are four times as likely to have a computer at home, have three times as many books, are read to more often, watch far less television, and are more likely to visit museums or libraries (Duncan et al.,

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2007).

The quality of home environment predicts children’s outcomes. Children reared in low- income homes tend to experience fewer opportunities for learning and mother–child interactions that are less warm, which accounts for a large proportion of the effects of family income on young children’s cognitive outcomes (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Duncan et al., 2007). High-quality parenting is associated with enhanced social and emotional functioning and linguistic competence in low- and middle-income children in the United States and United Kingdom (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Kiernan & Mensah, 2011). Low-income children are less likely to receive high-quality care outside of the home.

Not only is family income important in predicting childhood outcomes but so is the level of income in neighborhoods (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). The presence of affluent neighbors is associated with higher scores on cognitive tests at age 5 (Klebanov et al., 1998). Children who live in poorer neighborhoods are at a higher risk of experiencing negative developmental outcomes than children who live in more affluent neighborhoods. Families with low income often live in extremely poor neighborhoods characterized by social disorganization such as crime, unemployment, and few resources for child development such as playgrounds and parks, child care, health care, and adequate schools (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). The salience of a neighborhood’s socioeconomic conditions for either supporting or hindering development extends beyond studies conducted in the United States and has been replicated cross-nationally in other developed countries (Caspi & Taylor, 2000; Kohen, Brooks-Gunn, Leventhal, & Hertzman, 2002; Kohen, Leventhal, Dahinten, & McIntosh, 2008).

Neighborhood conditions also influence young children indirectly through effects on parents, family processes such as parenting behaviors, stimulation, and learning opportunities as well as the quality of home environment (Bradley, 1995; Klebanov et al., 1998; Kohen et al., 2008). Neighborhood context and family hardship may influence children by affecting parental mental health; increasing parental conflict; and subsequently, influencing parenting behaviors, which, in turn, influence children’s outcomes (Conger et al., 2002; Elder, van Nguyen, & Caspi, 1985; Kohen et al., 2008; Linver, Brooks-Gunn, & Kohen, 2002).

Intervening in Poverty

What resources exist for low-income families, and what are the effects of these resources on child development? From the Great Depression years of the 1930s until the mid-1990s, welfare in the United States took the form of a federal program called Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), which provided financial benefits to families. Mothers who received AFDC benefits were exempt from any work requirements until their children were

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older than 6 years of age, although states had the option to require self-sufficiency activities, such as job training, of mothers with preschoolers or even infants (Chase-Lansdale & Vinovskis, 1995; Holland, 2004). In 1996, Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, which dismantled AFDC; created another welfare program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF); and by 2000 resulted in welfare caseloads falling dramatically in every state and by more than 50% nationwide (Administration for Children and Families, 2004).

Children reared in poverty experience contextual disadvantages that place them at risk for cognitive, academic, and social problems.

Mario Tama/Getty

TANF is known as a welfare-to-work program because it provides families with economic resources with mandated participation in job training and employment activities. The goal of welfare-to-work programs is to increase a mother’s self-sufficiency by reducing barriers to employment like child care, enhancing education and literacy, and providing job training (Collins & Aber, 1996; Holland, 2004; Smith, Brooks-Gunn, Kohen, & McCarton, 2001). TANF is intended to transform the welfare system from one that often provided long-term support into a short-term assistance program that encourages poor mothers, including those with very young children, to work. In addition, TANF includes a five-year lifetime limit, but many states have implemented shorter time limits. Many families with children thus forgo receiving public assistance.

Transitional policies also exist, policies designed to cushion the transition to work. The earned income tax credit is a refundable tax credit for low-income workers with children. Its value increases as earnings rise for very low earners, as a reward for successful employment, making work “pay.” Two-year transitional child care subsidies exist for parents who forgo welfare receipt for full-time employment. However, two years often is not enough time to ease parents’ financial woes. In addition, parents’ awareness and use of these transitional benefits is less than expected; aggressive outreach policies and efforts are needed (Smith et al., 2001).

How successful are welfare-to-work programs? Most studies measure success as changes in parents’ welfare dependency and employment status with the emphasis on the mother as provider rather than parent (Smith et al., 2001). In terms of outcomes, there are two trajectories: (1) former recipients who have more schooling, higher cognitive abilities, and

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fewer mental health problems were more able to find employment and increase family income through wages but (2) former recipients who are high school dropouts or have severe mental health or cognitive impairments were more likely to experience increases in economic and food insecurity after TANF benefits end (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Smith et al., 2001). Less attention has been paid to the effects on mothers’ emotional health and parenting behavior or on their children’s development. Frequently the jobs that parents are able to obtain require off-peak working hours, such as nights and weekends, and are geographically unsuitable, creating transportation problems and child care difficulties. Children often experience stressful home environments and are left home alone, unsupervised, and are often expected to shoulder a substantial amount of responsibility (Holland, 2004). Little research has examined the effects of welfare-to-work policies on children’s development.

Leaving welfare does not necessarily mean that a family is no longer poor. Many welfare-to- work programs increase employment but not income (Morris, 2002). Welfare-to-work programs that increase employment tend to have little effects on school achievement in the preschool and early school years. However, programs that increase both employment and income have beneficial effects on school achievement (Morris, 2002; Morris, Gennetian, & Duncan, 2005).

Early childhood presents opportunities for physical and cognitive growth. Young children get better at exploring and understanding their physical world. As we will see in Chapter 8, young children also get better at exploring their social and emotional world.

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Thinking in Context 7.6 Social policies and programs such as early childhood education and community support programs have the potential to intervene and lessen the negative outcomes associated with poverty. In your view, which child and family needs should such programs target? What services might be provided to communities, families, and individuals?

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Apply Your Knowledge Researchers who study deception in children must find unique ways of determining when young children are capable of lying. In one study (Saarni, 1984), children were given a desirable toy and promised that they would receive another. Instead, they received an undesirable gift that was not a toy. The child’s facial expressions, nonverbal behavior, and emotional displays were recorded. The researchers were interested in when children would begin to mask their feelings and lie about the desirability of the gift. In another study (Lewis, Stanger, & Sullivan, 1989), young children were left alone in a laboratory environment, told by the researcher not to peek at a toy in the researcher’s absence, and later questioned about whether they had peeked at the toy. Other studies (Polak & Harris, 1999) entailed the researcher telling children not to touch the toy and later questioning them about whether they had touched the toy in the researcher’s absence.

1. How does cognitive development influence children’s ability to deceive? 2. What emotional capacities does lying require? 3. When would you expect young children to become capable of lying? Why? 4. What are ethical issues entailed in research on deception in children? How might considerations of

children’s feelings of guilt, shame, or frustration and their developing capacities for self-regulation inform this question?

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Chapter Summary

7.1 Identify patterns of body growth in early childhood.

Growth slows during early childhood. Ethnic differences in patterns of growth are apparent in most Western countries, but there are many individual differences. Malnutrition poses a risk to physical development. 7.2 Contrast advances in gross and fine motor development and their implications for young children’s development.

Young children make great advances in gross motor skills, becoming stronger and more coordinated, permitting them to play harder and engage in more complicated play activities. Advances in gross motor skills help children move about and develop a sense of mastery of their environment. Fine motor skills permit young children to take responsibility for their own care. 7.3 Distinguish two processes of brain development and the role of plasticity in development.

Myelination permits quick and complex communication between neurons, leading children’s thinking to become faster, more coordinated, and sophisticated. Lateralization begins before birth and is influenced by genes and early experiences and increases in young childhood.

The brain is most plastic during the first few years of life. How well a young child’s brain compensates for an injury depends on the age at the time of injury, site of injury, and capacities compromised. 7.4 Contrast Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s perspectives on young children’s thinking.

Piaget explained that children in the preoperational stage of reasoning are able to think using mental symbols, but their thinking is limited because they cannot grasp logic. Simplified and nonverbal tasks demonstrate that young children are more cognitively advanced and less egocentric than Piaget posed. From Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective, children’s learning occurs through guided participation, scaffolding within the zone of proximal development. With time, the child internalizes the lesson and learns to accomplish the task on her own. According to Vygotsky, cognitive development and learning entails active internalization of elements of context. 7.5 Discuss changes that occur in attention, episodic memory, and autobiographic memory during early childhood.

The ability to sustain attention improves in early childhood through the preschool years. Episodic memory improves steadily between ages 4 and 10, especially between

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age 5 and 7. Young children tend to lack knowledge about how to conduct memory searches, determine what is important to recall, and structure narrative accounts of events. Young children’s limited working memory makes it difficult for them to use memory strategies. Autobiographical memory develops steadily from 3 to 6 years of age, through adolescence, and is accompanied by increases in the length, richness, and complexity of recall memory. 7.6 Summarize young children’s awareness and understanding of the mind.

Young children’s theory of mind develops rapidly. They become capable of understanding that people can believe different things, that beliefs can be inaccurate, and that sometimes people act on the basis of false beliefs. Children thereby become able to lie or use deception in play. Children’s performance on false belief tasks is closely related with language development, interaction with others, and measures of executive function. 7.7 Describe young children’s developing capacities for language.

Young children quickly move from telegraphic speech to combining words into sentences in increasingly sophisticated ways. Soon, young children learn to use multiple elements of speech, such as plurals, adjectives, and the past tense. Children learn new words through fast mapping and logical extension as well as the mutual exclusivity bias in learning new words. Young children make overregularization error. Parental conversations and support for language learning is associated with faster and more correct language use. At the end of the preschool years, most children use main grammar rules appropriately and confidently. 7.8 Contrast social learning and cognitive-developmental perspectives on moral development in early childhood.

Social learning theory explains that children develop internalized standards of conduct based on reinforcements and punishments as well as observing others and considering their explanations for behavior. The cognitive-developmental perspective examines reasoning about moral issues, specifically concerns of justice. Kohlberg explained that young children display preconventional moral reasoning. They have not internalized societal norms, and their behavior is motivated by desires, self- interest, and avoiding punishment rather than internalized principles. As early as 3 years of age, children in diverse cultures can differentiate between moral concerns from social conventions, or social customs. Social experiences with parents, caregivers, siblings, and peers help young children develop conceptions about justice and fairness. 7.9 Identify and explain two approaches to early childhood education, including their associated outcomes.

Child-centered preschool programs encourage children to manipulate materials; interact with teachers and peers; and learn by doing, through play. Academically

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oriented preschool programs provide children with structured learning environments through which they learn letters, numbers, shapes, and academic skills via drills and formal lessons. When academic instruction is heavily and rigidly emphasized, children tend to demonstrate signs of stress, have less confidence in their skills, avoid challenging tasks, and show more poor achievement than do children who are immersed in more active forms of play-based learning. However, effective early childhood education is defined and influenced by cultural values. 7.10 Analyze effects of poverty on development and resources to help families in need.

Children from persistently poor families are more likely to experience malnutrition, growth stunting, and increased vulnerability to illness. Children from families with low incomes show lower levels of cognitive, academic, social, and behavioral functioning than children from more advantaged families. The negative effects of persistent poverty are cumulative and influence the child through the quality of the home environment and neighborhood. TANF provides families with economic resources with mandated participation in job training and employment activities. Critics argue that many welfare-to-work programs increase employment but not income.

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Key Terms

animism 173 appearance–reality distinction 174 autobiographical memory 179 centration 173 conservation 175 corpus callosum 171 egocentrism 173 episodic memory 179 executive function 173 fine motor skills 170 gross motor skills 170 growth hormone 168 guided participation 177 hormones 168 irreversibility 173 infantile amnesia 181 lateralization 171 memory strategies 180 metacognition 182 morality of constraint 188 overregularization 186 plasticity 172 preconventional reasoning 186 preoperational reasoning 173 private speech 186 Project Head Start 190 recall memory 180 recognition memory 180 self-regulation 187 scaffolding 177 scripts 179 theory of mind 182 zone of proximal development 177

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Chapter 8 Socioemotional Development in Early Childhood

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Learning Objectives 8.1. Identify the psychosocial task of early childhood, as described by Erikson. 8.2. Discuss young children’s emerging sense of self. 8.3. Compare the development of prosocial and aggressive behavior during early childhood. 8.4. Analyze the relation of four parenting styles and their associations with child outcomes. 8.5. Describe the effects of discipline on children’s development. 8.6. Explain the effects of child maltreatment and factors that place children at risk for experiencing maltreatment. 8.7. Summarize findings regarding gender differences during early childhood. 8.8. Compare and contrast biological, cognitive, and contextual theoretical explanations of gender role development. 8.9. Discuss the function of play and the form it takes in early childhood.

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Key Study Tools

Lives in Context Television and Children’s Development (p. 202) Explore Further Psychosocial Stages Explore Further Self-Concepts and Self-Esteem Explore Further Television and Aggression Lives in Context Effects of Exposure to Community Violence (p. 211) Video Case Parenting and Discipline Think Critically Timeout in Early Childhood Listen Physical Discipline Explore Further Child Abuse Prevention Applying Developmental Science Imaginary Companions (p. 217) Connect Gender Identity Development Video Case Gender Schemas & Play Preferences Think Critically Outdoor Play Environments

“I’m not a baby anymore. I use my words to do things,” four-year-old Daniel explained to his grandmother. His mother agreed. “Daniel is good at expressing his wants and needs. He doesn’t cry as easily as he did when he was younger. My baby is quickly growing into a big boy.” Early childhood is a time of transition from the dependence of infancy and toddlerhood to the increasing capacities for autonomy and emotional regulation characteristic of childhood. How do young children learn to understand and control their emotions? Do they experience the same complex emotions that older children and adolescents experience? What is the role of parents in children’s emotional and social development? What is the function of play in development? In this chapter, we explore children’s experience and understanding of their social and emotional world and how socioemotional development changes over the early childhood years.

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Veronique Durruty/Gamma-Rapho/Getty

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Emerging Sense of Self

When given a task, such as dusting off a bookcase shelf, 3-year-old Shawna called out, “I’ll do it!” After completing the task, she proudly proclaimed, “I did it!” The autonomy that Shawna developed during the toddler years has prepared her to master the psychosocial task of the preschool years: developing a sense of initiative (Erikson, 1950).

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Psychosocial Development in Early Childhood

During Erikson’s third psychosocial stage, initiative versus guilt, the task is for young children to develop a sense of purposefulness and take pride in their accomplishments. Much of the work of this stage occurs through play. During play, young children learn about themselves and their social world. They can experiment and practice new skills in a safe context free of criticism. They learn to work cooperatively with other children to achieve common goals. Children also practice taking on adult roles through play: Mother, father, doctor, teacher, and police officer are common roles, and such play has been observed in all societies (Edwards, 2000). For example, Hopi Indian children pretend to be hunters and potters, and the Baka of West Africa pretend to be hut builders and spear makers (Roopnarine, Lasker, Sacks, & Stores, 1998). Through play, children also learn how to manage their emotions and develop self-regulation skills (Hoffmann & Russ, 2012).

In developing a sense of initiative, young children make plans, tackle new tasks, set goals (e.g., climbing a tree, writing their name, counting to ten), and work to achieve them, persisting enthusiastically in tasks, whether physical or social, even when frustrated. Young children’s play becomes goal directed in that they want to begin and complete tasks. For example, rather than simply playing with blocks, young children want to build a tall tower, and then enjoy their success. The sense of pride that children feel from accomplishment fuels their play and fosters curiosity. Children become motivated to concentrate, persist, and try new experiences, such as climb to the top of the monkey bars, taste a new food, and learn a new dance.

During early childhood, children come to identify with their parents and internalize parental rules. Young children feel guilt when they fail to uphold rules, as well as when they fail to achieve a goal. If parents are controlling—not permitting children to carry out their sense of purpose—or are highly punitive, critical, or threatening, then children may not develop high standards and the initiative to meet them. Instead, children will be paralyzed by guilt and worry about their inability to measure up to parental expectations. The negative outcome of this stage of Erikson’s (1950) scheme is that children will develop an overly critical conscience and be enveloped in guilt, reducing their motivation to exert the effort to master new tasks.

Children take great pleasure in completing household tasks as simple as emptying the dryer.

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Margaret Miller / Science Source

Children who develop a sense of initiative develop a confident self-image, more self-control over their emotions, social skills, and a sense of conscience. Young children like to demonstrate that they can engage in activities by themselves. They enjoy taking on new tasks and expect others to watch them. When children demonstrate independence and act purposefully, they are primed to develop a healthy sense of self-esteem. Their success in taking initiative and the feeling of competence and self-esteem that accompanies it is an important basis for developing a sense of self.

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Self-Concept

Children first understand themselves in concrete terms, as illustrated by Wanda: “I’m four years old. I have black hair. I’m happy, my doggy is white, and I have a television in my room. I can run really fast. Watch me!” Wanda’s self-description, her self-concept, is typical of children her age.

Whereas self-esteem refers to a general emotional evaluation of one’s own worth, self- concept is rather more specific. It refers to our beliefs about ourselves, our conceptions of our abilities, traits, and characteristics. Three- and 4-year-old children tend to understand and describe themselves concretely, using observable descriptors including appearance, general abilities, favorite activities, possessions, and simple psychological traits (Harter, 1999). Preschoolers often mention specific possessions when they describe themselves— they often assert their ownership and rights to toys and other objects. This is not selfishness. Rather, young children use objects as a way to set boundaries between themselves and others (Fasig, 2000). In other words, this possessiveness often indicates a strong sense of self-concept. By 3.5 years of age, children include emotions and attitudes in their self-descriptions, suggesting an emerging awareness of their own psychological characteristics, such as “I’m sad when my friends can’t play” or “I like playing with doggies” (Eder, 1989). Young children’s self-descriptions are stable over time (Marsh, Craven, & Debus, 1998).

When 3-year-olds describe themselves, they often focus on their abilities, demonstrate them, and tend to be unrealistically positive about their abilities. For example, “I know all my ABCs! Listen! A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, J, L, K, O, M, P, Q, X, V!” (Harter, 1999). The preschool child typically has a very positive sense of self. Any goal is viewed as achievable, and they always view their performance favorably, even when it is not up to par (Boseovski, 2010). Young children’s overoptimistic perspective on their skills can be attributed to their cognitive development, secure attachment with caregivers, as well as the overwhelmingly positive feedback that they tend to receive in response to their task-related efforts (Goodvin, Meyer, Thompson, & Hayes, 2008). Young children maintain their positive views about themselves because they do not yet engage in social comparison, meaning that they do not compare their performance with that of other children (Colwell & Lindsey, 2003). They also tend to underestimate the difficulty of tasks and do not recognize deficits in their abilities (Harter, 1990, 1998). Young children usually believe that they will be successful at any time. Even after failing at a task several times, they often continue to believe that the next try will bring success (Ruble, Grosovsky, Frey, & Cohen, 1992). These unrealistically positive expectations serve a developmental purpose, as they contribute to young children’s developing sense of initiative and aid them in learning new skills.

As children gain life experience and develop cognitively, they begin to learn their relative

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strengths and weaknesses. As they grow older, their evaluations of self become more realistic (Marsh et al., 1998). With age, self-concept becomes correlated with skills, accomplishments, evaluations by others, and other external indicators of competence (Diehl, Youngblade, Hay, & Chui, 2011). For example, as children move from early childhood to middle childhood, by around age 7, self-concept becomes increasingly abstract, shifting from concrete descriptions of behavior in early childhood to trait-like psychological constructs (e.g., popular, smart, good looking; (Harter, 2006).

Children’s conceptions of themselves are influenced by the cultural context in which they are raised. In one study, preschool through second grade U.S. and Chinese children were asked to recount autobiographical events and describe themselves in response to open- ended questions (Wang, 2004). The U.S. children often provided detailed accounts of their experiences. They focused on their own roles, preferences, and feelings and described their personal attributes, abstract dispositions, and inner traits in a positive tone. In contrast, Chinese children provided relatively skeletal accounts of past experiences that focused on social interactions and daily routines, and they often described themselves in neutral or modest tones, referring to social roles and context-specific personal characteristics. These differences are consistent with cultural values of independence in the United States and collectivism in China. In another study, U.S. preschool children reported feeling more sadness and shame in response to failure, and more pride in response to success than did Japanese preschool children (Lewis, Takai-Kawakami, Kawakami, & Sullivan, 2010). The Japanese preschool children displayed few negative emotions in response to failure but showed self-conscious embarrassment in response to success. Culture influences how children come to define and understand themselves and even the emotions with which they self-identify.

Cultural differences influence how children view themselves and their accomplishments.

Carlos Barria/Reuters/Corbis

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Emotional Development

Young children’s advances in cognitive development and growing sense of self influences the emotions they show and the contexts in which they are displayed. Moreover, young children come to understand people and social relationships in more complex ways. These changes, as well as young children’s growing capacities for perspective taking, lead to advances in empathy and prosocial behavior.

Empathy and Prosocial Behavior

Young children are faced with an important task: developing a sense of empathy, the capacity to understand another person’s emotions. Empathy is not simply following rules or adults’ instructions to cooperate with and help others. Instead, empathy requires perspective-taking ability. The child must imagine another’s perspective and imagine what might make that person feel better. The child who feels empathy for another person understands how that person feels and is primed to engage in prosocial behavior, behavior that is oriented toward others for the pure sake of helping them, without expecting a reward. Empathy, therefore, motivates prosocial behavior (Taylor, Eisenberg, Spinrad, Eggum, & Sulik, 2013).

Research on the development of prosocial behavior has indicated that from early in life children behave prosocially toward others including sharing resources with others (Svetlova, Nichols, & Brownell, 2010). Prosocial behavior appears in infants and toddlers (Paulus, 2014). For toddlers as young as 18 months, prosocial behavior includes the ability to help adults instrumentally, or offer assistance in achieving a simple action-based goal such as getting something out of reach (Warneken & Tomasello, 2006). Between 18 and 24 months of age, toddlers show increasingly prosocial responses to others’ emotional and physical distress and respond with expressions of concern and comfort (Hoffman, 2007). At 3.5 years of age, children show more complex forms of instrumental assistance. Compared to 18-month-old children, 3.5-year-olds are more likely to help an adult by bringing a needed object, to do so autonomously without the adult’s specific request, and to select an object appropriate to the adult’s need (Svetlova et al., 2010). Between 3 and 5 years of age, young children show selectivity in prosocial behavior. They share more with children and adults who show prosocial behaviors such as sharing and helping others (Kuhlmeier, Dunfield, & O’Neill, 2014). After working together actively to obtain rewards in a collaboration task, most 3-year-old children share equally with a peer, even if they could easily monopolize those rewards (Warneken, Lohse, Melis, & Tomasello, 2011). At 5 years of age, they share more with others they expect to reciprocate by sharing with them and more with friends than with peers they dislike (Paulus & Moore, 2014). Prosocial behavior increases throughout early childhood and reflects a more advanced understanding of others’ perspectives and goals (Baillargeon et al., 2011).

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In early childhood, prosocial behavior becomes more complex and becomes an important way to foster friendships and other relationships. Examples of prosocial behavior are sharing a toy, giving another child candy when he or she is upset, or encouraging a shy reluctant child to play a game. Young children may engage in prosocial behavior for egocentric motives. The desire for praise and to avoid punishment and disapproval often influences their prosocial actions. Their behavior may be motivated by considerations of how they wish others to act toward them. With development, children become less egocentric and more aware of others’ perspectives. Their prosocial behavior becomes motivated by empathy as well as internalized societal values for good behavior (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998).

Preschoolers’ developing cognitive and language skills permit them to become more reflective and feel empathy in more complex ways and express it with language. Empathy often yields sympathy—concern or sorrow for another person. Increases in emotional understanding over the early childhood years are associated with long-term advances in sympathy (Eggum et al., 2011). However, sometimes feelings of empathy for distressed others can result in personal distress, leading the child to focus on relieving his or her own distress rather than helping the person in need.

A child’s temperament and personality influence how the child responds to feeling empathy for a distressed child or adult, and whether empathetic feelings result in personal distress or prosocial behavior. Empathy and prosocial responses such as sympathetic concern, helping, sharing, and comforting others are more likely in children who are sociable and successful in regulating their emotions (Eisenberg et al., 1998). Children who are unable to successfully regulate their emotions and display appropriately sympathetic and other- oriented responses tend to react to distressed others with their own physiological and emotional distress, suggesting a feeling of being overwhelmed: frowning, lip-biting, and increases in heart rate and brain activity in regions known to process negative emotions (Pickens, Field, & Nawrocki, 2001).

Influences on Empathy and Prosocial Behavior

Through their interactions with children, parents influence the development of empathy and prosocial behavior. When parents describe feelings and model the use of language to discuss feelings, toddlers are more likely to use words to describe their thoughts and emotions and attempt to understand others’ emotional states (Garner, 2003). Parents who are warm and encouraging, modeling sympathetic concern, give rise to preschoolers who are more likely to display concern in response to others’ distress (Taylor et al., 2013). Parents of prosocial children draw attention to models of prosocial behavior in peers and in media, such as in storybooks, movies, and television programs. They point out characters who display sharing, empathy, and cooperation, thereby modeling and encouraging prosocial behaviors in children (Singer & Singer, 1998). Other caregivers and early

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childhood teachers play similar roles in emotional socialization, helping children learn how to understand their own and others’ emotions, express their emotions appropriately, and help others (Denham, Bassett, & Zinsser, 2012).

At the same time that parents influence children, children play a role in their own development by influencing their parents. One study that followed children from 4.5 years of age through sixth grade found that while maternal sensitivity influenced children’s prosocial behavior as rated by both mothers and teachers in third and fifth grade, prosocial behavior, in turn, predicted maternal sensitivity. Children’s prosocial behavior predicted mothers’ subsequent sensitivity, suggesting that mothers and children influence each other (Newton, Laible, Carlo, Steele, & McGinley, 2014). Children who are more kind, compassionate, and helpful earlier in childhood may be more likely to elicit more responsive and warm parenting from their mothers later in childhood.

Siblings offer opportunities to learn and practice helping and other prosocial behaviors. Older siblings who display positive emotional responsiveness promote preschoolers’ emotional and social competence (Sawyer et al., 2002). We have seen that children with siblings tend to develop a theory of mind earlier than those without siblings. Theory of mind helps children to learn how to take another person’s perspective and is associated with empathetic and prosocial behavior (Walker, 2005). Children who are unable to demonstrate the perspective taking and cognitive skill that contributes to theory of mind will find it difficult to understand how others feel and help them.

The broader social world also influences the development of prosocial behavior. Collectivist cultures in which children’s relationships with others are stressed, people live in extended families, and work is shared tend to promote prosocial values and behavior more so than do cultures that emphasize the individual, as is common in most Western cultures (Eisenberg et al., 1998). One study of mother–child dyads in Japan and the United States found that the Japanese mothers of 4-year-old children tended to emphasize mutuality in their interactions, stressing the relationship (e.g., “This puzzle is difficult for us. Let’s see if we can solve it”), while the U.S. mothers tended to emphasize individuality (e.g., “This puzzle is hard for you, isn’t it? Let’s see you try again.”; Dennis, Cole, Zahn-Waxler, & Mizuta, 2002). These different styles influence how children display empathy, as sharing another’s emotion or simply understanding another’s emotion.

Aggression

Although their capacities for empathy and prosocial responses increase, young children commonly show aggressive behavior. Over one half of a sample of 5-month-old infants followed up through 42 months of age showed some aggressive behaviors, such as hitting, biting, or kicking (Tremblay et al., 2004). Similarly, most of the children in one study who were studied from 24 months of age to third grade showed low levels of aggression that

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declined over time (National Institute of Child Health and Development [NICHD] Early Child Care Research, 2004). Most children learn to inhibit aggressive impulses; however, a small minority of children show high levels of aggression (e.g., repeated hitting, kicking, biting) that increase during childhood (Tremblay, 2009). Young children who show high levels of aggression are more likely to have experienced coercive parenting, family dysfunction, and low income as well as have mothers with a history of antisocial behavior and early childbearing (Tremblay, 2014; Wang, Christ, Mills-Koonce, Garrett-Peters, & Cox, 2013). Children who do not develop the impulse control and self-management skills to inhibit their aggressive responses are at risk to continue and escalate aggressive behavior over the childhood years and show poor social and academic outcomes during the school age years and beyond (Gower, Lingras, Mathieson, Kawabata, & Crick, 2014; Wang et al., 2013).

However, aggression is not always an indicator of poor adjustment. The most common form of aggression seen in early childhood is instrumental aggression, aggression used to achieve a goal, such as obtaining a toy. For example, a child who grabs a crayon out of another child’s hand does so to obtain the crayon, not to hurt the other child. In addition to toys, preschool children often battle over space (“I was sitting there!”). All children will sometimes hit, fight, kick, and take other children’s toys. Instrumental aggression typically appears in infancy, at about 1 year of age (Hay, Hurst, Waters, & Chadwick, 2011), but increases from toddlerhood into early childhood, around age 4, as children begin to play with other children and act in their own interests. Instrumental aggression usually occurs during play and is an important step in development as it is often displayed by sociable and confident preschoolers. By age 4, most children have developed the self-control to express their desires and to wait for what they want, moving from expressing aggression through physical means to using words (Coie & Dodge, 1998). A related question, often controversial, is the extent to which the media may influence children’s aggressive behavior (see Lives in Context, p. 202).

Children’s sense of self undergoes significant development in early childhood. Young children can describe themselves in concrete terms and their sense of self is influenced by their feelings of competence and initiative. Early childhood is accompanied by marked increases in emotional development, including the capacity for empathy and display of prosocial behavior. This is especially true for those whose parents are affectionate and model emotional competence, important components of effective parenting.

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Thinking in Context 8.1 1. How might parents, child care providers, and preschool teachers promote children’s developing sense of

self, including self-concept, initiative, and empathy? 2. Children’s prosocial and aggressive behavior occurs in context. Identify influences on children’s behavior

at each of the biolecological levels: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem.

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Parenting

Parents have a tremendous influence on their children’s development not simply by meeting children’s physical needs but through the relationship that develops between parents and children. Parenting style is the emotional climate of the parent–child relationship, the degree of warmth, support, and boundaries that parents provide, influences parents’ efficacy, their relationship with their children, and their children’s development.

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Parenting Styles

Parenting styles are displayed as enduring sets of parenting behaviors, combinations of warmth and acceptance, and limits and discipline that occur across situations to form child-rearing climates. In a classic series of studies, Diana Baumrind (1971) studied 103 preschoolers and their families through interviews, home observations, and other measures. She identified several parenting styles and the typical behavior and functioning of children that accompanies each style (see Figure 8.1).

Authoritarian Parenting

Parents who use an authoritarian parenting style emphasize behavioral control and obedience over warmth. Children are expected to conform to parental standards without question. Violations are accompanied by forceful and often arbitrary punishment. Authoritarian parents might yell, threaten, or spank their children. Authoritarian parents tend to not accept children’s involvement in decisions and do not grant much autonomy. Children are to accept their decisions without question, simply “because I say so.” Parents with an authoritarian style are less supportive and warm, and more detached, even appearing cold.

Figure 8.1: Parenting Styles

Baumrind and others found that children raised by authoritarian parents tend to be withdrawn, often mistrustful, anxious, and show more behavioral problems as preschoolers and 10 years later, as adolescents (Baumrind, Larzelere, & Owens, 2010). Children reared in authoritarian homes tend to be disruptive in their interactions with peers and tend to react with hostility when they experience frustrating interactions with peers (Gagnon et al., 2013). Preschool boys raised by authoritarian parents are likely to show high rates of anger and defiance whereas girls tend to be more dependent, explore less, and be easily overwhelmed by challenging tasks.

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Lives in Context

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Television and Children’s Development

Many children spend hours each day riveted to a screen. What effects might this have on development?

pepepalosamigos/Moment/Getty

Television watching increases dramatically after 2.5 years of age, peaks at ages 10 to 12, and often remains stable for years (Anderson, Lorch, Field, Collins, & Nathan, 1986). One nationally representative sample of about 9,000 preschoolers indicated that they were exposed to about four hours of TV daily (Tandon, Zhou, Lozano, & Christakis, 2011). What effects does television watching have on children’s development?

Educational television can teach children skills such as problem solving, reading, and language (Moses, 2008). Sesame Street, created to simultaneously entertain and teach children, especially those who may be unprepared for school, is a particularly successful educational program. Preschoolers who watch the show frequently display increases in many school readiness skills, such as knowing letters and numbers as well as writing their name. They also earn higher scores on standardized measures of vocabulary, view school and people of other ethnicities more positively, and adapt better to school (Kirkorian, Wartella, & Anderson, 2008). These changes are long lasting. Young children from low-income families who watch Sesame Street and other educational programs demonstrate better performance in reading, math, language ability, and overall school readiness three years later (Wright et al., 2001). Young children’s learning from educational television programs is influenced by their developing social relationships with on-screen characters, such as Ernie and Elmo from Sesame Street (Richert, Robb, & Smith, 2011). Preschool children who watch more educational television tend to read more books, be more achievement oriented, and earn higher grades in English, math, and science as adolescents (Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Lineberger, & Wright, 2001).

On the other hand, noneducational programs and those created for general audiences, particularly those that contain violence, have been associated with attention problems, motivation problems, and aggressive behavior in early childhood and later (Barr, Lauricella, Zack, & Calvert, 2010). About two thirds of television programs contain violence, and children’s programs, particularly cartoons, contain even more (Center for Communication and Social Policy, 1998). Televised violence provides models that imply that aggression is an appropriate response to provocation and a way to obtain desired outcomes, providing models and offering messages that aggressive behaviors and attitudes are appropriate (Comstock & Scharrer, 1999; Slaby, Roedell, Arezzo, & Hendrix, 1995). Experimental studies have shown that young children exposed to media displaying aggressive models, such as adults hitting an inflated doll, are more likely to hit the doll themselves (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963).

Viewing aggression on television is associated with aggressive behavior. The relation is small but long lasting and consistent over hundreds of research studies (Kirkorian et al., 2008; Moses, 2008). Preschoolers who view high amounts of violence on television tend to show higher levels of aggression and poorer school achievement in adolescence (Anderson et al., 2001). Television watching in childhood predicts aggressive behavior in early adulthood, even after controlling for parental aggression and education, intelligence, family income, and neighborhood crime (Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003). For these reasons, many professional organizations dedicated to promoting the well-being of children (including the American Psychological Association [APA], American Academy of Pediatrics [AAP], American Medical Association, American Psychiatric Association) advise parents to protect their children from violent media, including violent cartoons; the evening news; and programs designed for general audiences (Anderson &

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Bushman, 2002). Although exposure to aggressive and violent models on television is associated with poor developmental outcomes, moderate television watching of educatonal programs that do not contain violence is not harmful to children and can even be beneficial.

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What Do You Think? 1. What guidelines might you use to determine whether a television program is appropriate for a

young child? 2. What advice would you give to parents regarding their preschool-age child’s television habits?

Permissive Parenting

Permissive parents are warm and accepting, even indulgent. They emphasize self-expression and have few rules and expectations for their children. Parents with a permissive parenting style make few demands on children and see themselves as resources that children may choose to rely on or not. They often allow children to monitor their own behavior. A child might choose his or her own bedtime, for example. Autonomy is not granted gradually and in developmentally appropriate ways in permissive households. Instead, children are permitted to make their own decisions at any early age, often before they are able. For example, children may be allowed to play video games or watch television for as long as they want. Many children lack the self-regulation capacities to appropriately limit their activity. When rules are necessary, permissive parents may explain the reasons and consult children, but ultimately do not exert control, make demands on children’s behavior, or enforce the rules.

Researchers have found that preschoolers raised by permissive parents tend to be more socioemotionally immature and show little self-control and self-regulatory capacity as compared with their peers (Piotrowski, Lapierre, & Linebarger, 2013). They often tend to be impulsive, rebellious, and bossy as well as show less task persistence, low levels of school achievement, and more behavior problems (Jewell, Krohn, Scott, Carlton, & Meinz, 2008).

Uninvolved Parenting

Parents with an uninvolved parenting style focus on their own needs rather than those of the child (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). They provide little support or warmth, often not noticing the child’s need for affection, and also exert little control over the child, not recognizing the child’s need for direction. Parents who are under stress, emotionally detached, or who are depressed often lack time or energy to devote to their children, putting them at risk for an uninvolved parenting style (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). At the extreme, uninvolved parenting is neglectful and a form of child maltreatment.

As you might imagine, uninvolved parenting—parenting with little warmth or limits—has negative consequences for all forms of children’s development, including cognitive, emotional, and social development. Young children reared in neglecting homes show less

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knowledge about emotions than do children raised with other parenting styles (Sullivan, Carmody, & Lewis, 2010).

Authoritative Parenting

The most positive developmental outcomes are associated with the authoritative parenting style. Authoritative parents are warm and sensitive to children’s needs but also are firm in their expectations that children conform to appropriate standards of behavior. They are receptive to the child’s involvement in discussions about standards and exert firm, reasonable control but also grant children developmentally appropriate levels of autonomy permitting decision making that is appropriate to children’s abilities (Hart, Newell, & Olson, 2002). Authoritative parents explain and encourage discussion about the rules so that children understand their purpose and what is expected of them. When a rule is violated, authoritative parents explain what the child did wrong and impose limited, developmentally appropriate punishments that are closely connected to the misdeed. Authoritative parents value and foster children’s individuality. They encourage their children to have their own interests, opinions, and decisions, but, ultimately, they control the child’s behavior.

Authoritative parenting is effective because it combines parental acceptance and involvement, limits and behavioral control, and autonomy granting. Longitudinal research shows that authoritative parenting reduces noncompliance and other negative behaviors on the part of children (Stice & Barrera, 1995). Preschoolers raised by parents with an authoritative parenting style tend to be curious, self-reliant, and assertive. Children of authoritative parents display confidence, cooperation, self-esteem, social skills, high academic achievement, and score higher on measures of executive functioning; these positive effects persist throughout childhood into adolescence (Baumrind et al., 2010; Fay- Stammbach, Hawes, & Meredith, 2014; Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, & Keehn, 2007). Table 8.1 summarizes the four parenting styles.

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Discipline

Young children’s curiosity and desire to take on new tasks and master their world are crucial to healthy development but can also lead them into trouble. Young children have the cognitive ability to learn from their mistakes, and parents play an important role in helping children learn. Discipline refers to the methods a parent uses to teach and socialize children toward acceptable behavior. Learning theory can account for the effect of parents’ discipline strategies on children’s behavior. Specifically, the consequences of a child’s behavior, whether it is reinforced or punished, influence the child’s future behavior.

Children learn best when they are reinforced for good behavior. Recall from learning theory that the child must view the reinforcement as rewarding in order for it to be effective in encouraging his or her behavior. Reinforcement can be tangible, such as money or candy, or intangible, such as attention or a smile. Effective reinforcement is administered consistently when the desired behavior occurs. Eventually the reinforcement becomes internalized by the child, and the behavior itself becomes reinforcing. The child comes to associate the behavior with pleasurable feelings, and the behavior itself eventually produces a positive feeling: sense of accomplishment.

Four-year-old Jayden throws blocks at his brother, Harlan. When Harlan cries out to their mother, Sheila, she yells at Jayden and tells him to sit down at the kitchen table while she cooks. Each day, Jayden throws blocks or hits Harlan and then is told to sit at the kitchen table. Sometimes he plays nicely with his brother, but soon he returns to his usual behavior of throwing blocks. Sheila becomes frustrated because Jayden continues to torment his brother despite being punished for his misbehavior each day. What is happening here? Frequently parents ignore good behavior but scold bad behavior, drawing attention to it and inadvertently reinforcing it. Jayden’s good behavior goes unnoticed. Sheila does not reinforce his good behavior by complimenting his attempts to play nicely with Harlan. But Jayden gets attention when he misbehaves not only by having Sheila notice his behavior but also by being seated in the kitchen close to her. Sheila believes she is punishing his misbehavior, but requiring him to sit at the table while she cooks may be making Jayden more likely to misbehave.

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Time out removes the child from overstimulating situations and stops inappropriate behaviors without humiliating him or her. Time out is effective when it is accompanied by explanation and a warm parent-child relationship.

Cynthia Dopkin/Science Source

What can parents do about their children’s undesirable behavior? Is it ever permissible to use punishment? Certainly, in small doses and specific contexts. Running into the street or touching a hot stove, for example, are behaviors that are dangerous to children or to others. These behaviors must be stopped immediately to prevent injury. To be effective, punishment should occur immediately after the dangerous behavior, be applied consistently, and be clearly connected to the behavior. The purpose of such punishment is to keep the child from engaging in the dangerous behavior, to make him or her comply, but not to feel guilt. Time out, removing a child from the situation for a short period of time, is often effective in reducing inappropriate behavior (Morawska & Sanders, 2011). Effective punishment, such as time out, does not humiliate the child. It is administered calmly, privately, within the context of a warm parent–child relationship, and is accompanied by an explanation so that the child understands the reason for the punishment (AAP Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998; Baumrind, 1996).

Physical Punishment

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One form of punishment—physical punishment—can be particularly damaging to children. The use of physical or corporal punishment, often referred to as spanking, is hotly contested around the world despite considerable research demonstrating its harm to children’s development. Spanking is against the law in Sweden, yet parents in most countries of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and both North and South America report that spanking is acceptable, appropriate, and sometimes necessary (Hicks-Pass, 2009; Oveisi et al., 2010). In the United States, the majority of adults report that they were spanked as children without harm. Why the controversy on spanking if it occurs in most cultures?

Harsh punishment is a common characteristic of the authoritarian parenting style that, as we have seen, is associated with behavioral and developmental problems in children. Children who are punished harshly show higher rates of emotional and social problems than other children (Mulvaney & Mebert, 2007). They may have difficulty accurately interpreting others’ actions and words and are more likely to attribute hostile intentions and assume that others are “out to get them” (Weiss, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1992). Corporal punishment is damaging to the parent–child relationship. When parents lose their self-control and yell, scream, or hit the child, the child may feel helpless, become fearful of the parent, avoid him or her, and become passive (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994). Moreover, physical punishment can foster the very behavior that parents seek to stop. Parents often punish children for aggressive behavior, yet physical punishment models the use of aggression as an effective way of resolving conflict and other problems, teaching children that might makes right (Hicks-Pass, 2009). Physical punishment is associated with behavior problems at age 3 and continued behavior problems at age 5 (Choe, Olson, & Sameroff, 2013). Sometimes parents report that spanking and physical punishment within the context of a warm parenting relationship reduce the negative effects of physical punishment. However, a study that followed children from ages 1 to 5 found that beginning as early as age 1, maternal spanking was predictive of child behavior problems, and maternal warmth did not counteract the negative consequences of the use of spanking (Lee, Altschul, & Gershoff, 2013).

Physical punishment tends to increase compliance only temporarily and is associated with anxiety, depression, rule breaking, and destructive behaviors throughout childhood and into adolescence (Bender et al., 2007; Coley, Kull, & Carrano, 2014). For example, in one study of nearly 5,000 teenagers and adults of Ontario, Canada, those who recalled being spanked or slapped sometimes or often as children were more likely to report having problems with anxiety, alcohol use, and antisocial behavior than those who reported never being spanked (MacMillan et al., 1999). Corporal punishment tends to become less effective at controlling children’s behavior with repeated use and as children grow older (AAP Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998). For example, the use of spanking is impractical with teenagers.

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Parenting and Discipline

Watch parents discuss their approaches to child rearing and discipline, from toddlerhood through childhood. Notice the variation in each parent’s approach to raising boys and girls of various ages.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Inductive Disciplinary Methods

The strategies parents use to control children’s behavior vary with the parent and child’s personalities, the age of the child, the parent–child relationship, and cultural customs and expectations (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994). Parents’ perceptions of their own efficacy in carrying out strategies influence which strategies they choose. Parents’ strategies also vary with the situation. For example, swift enforcement of parental control may be appropriate in situations when children are in danger whereas discipline that relies on communication may be used to teach sharing (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994).

Inductive discipline methods which use reasoning, are effective alternatives to spanking in changing a child’s behavior (AAP Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998). Examples of inductive methods include helping children find and use words to express their feelings. Another inductive method is to provide children with choices (e.g., peas or carrots), permitting them to feel some control over the situation and be empowered. Parents who use inductive techniques model effective conflict resolution and help children to become aware of the consequences of their actions. Inductive methods are very effective in helping children to internalize rules and standards (Choe et al., 2013). One study of 54 African American kindergarten-aged children from an inner city found that those whose mothers used inductive reasoning were more likely to see that hurting other people is not just a question of breaking rules, but is wrong, as compared with children whose mothers reported taking away privileges (Jagers, Bingham, & Hans, 1996). The use of inductive discipline is part of the authoritative parent’s repertoire.

The AAP recommends that parents positively reinforce good behavior and, when necessary, discourage inappropriate behavior with the use of timeout, removal of privileges, and verbal reprimands aimed at the behavior rather than the child (AAP Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998). Researchers advise that punishment be used sparingly, as it often directs children’s attention to themselves and their own feelings rather

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than to how their behavior affects others, increasing children’s emphasis on themselves rather than empathetic and prosocial motives (McCord, 1996). Overall, developmental professionals agree that discipline that relies on a warm parent–child relationship, clear expectations, communication, and limit-setting is most effective in modifying children’s behavior.

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Culture, Context, and Parenting

One concern that researchers have regarding discussions of parenting style and discipline is that there is not just one effective way to parent. Instead, there are many cultural variations in parenting—the effectiveness of parenting style and disciplinary techniques may differ by cultural context (Cauce, 2008).

Expectations for behavior as well as methods of discipline vary with culture. North American parents permit and encourage children to express emotions, including anger, while Japanese parents encourage children to refrain from displaying strong emotions. For example, in one experiment, American preschoolers exposed to situations designed to elect stress and anger demonstrated more aggressive behaviors than did Japanese children (Zahn- Waxler, Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, & Hiruma, 1996). In comparison with North American mothers, Japanese mothers are more likely to use reasoning, empathy, and disapproval to discipline their children. Such techniques are effective for Japanese mothers because of the strong mother–child relationship and emphasis on collectivist values in Japan that emphasize the importance of relationships (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000).

Chinese parents tend to describe their parenting as more controlling without emphasizing individuality and choice (Chao, 2001). They are more directive and view exerting control as a way of teaching children self-control and encouraging high achievement (Huntsinger, Jose, & Larson, 1998). Yet most parents couple the emphasis on control with warmth (Xu et al., 2005). Such authoritative parenting is linked with cognitive and social competence. Similar to findings with American samples, authoritarian parenting is associated with depression, social difficulties, and poor academic achievement in Chinese children (Cheah, Leung, Tahseen, & Schultz, 2009).

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No-nonsense parenting is characterized by vigilant, strict control as well as warmth. African American children often report viewing this style as indicative of parental concern about their welfare and, unlike authoritarian parenting, this style is associated with positive outcomes—especially within challenging community contexts.

JGI/Jamie Grill/Blend/Newscom

In addition to the four parenting styles described earlier, researchers have identified a no- nonsense parenting style common in African American families that emphasizes high, even strict, parental control as well as warmth and affection (Tamis-LeMonda, Briggs, McClowry, & Snow, 2009). No-nonsense parenting is common in African American families and has been observed in Mexican American families raising children in challenging neighborhoods (White & Zeiders, 2013). In this style, mothers often stress obedience and view strict control as important in helping children develop self-control and attentiveness. African American parents who use the more controlling strategies common to no-nonsense parenting raise children who are more cognitively mature and socially competent. This is particularly true for children reared in low-income homes and communities where vigilant, strict parenting enhances children’s safety (Weis & Toolis, 2010). Whereas physical discipline is associated with behavioral problems in European American children, no-nonsense parenting appears to protect some African American children from conduct problems in adolescence (Lansford, Deater-Deckard, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 2004). The warmth entailed in no-nonsense parenting buffers some of the negative consequences of strictness (McLoyd & Smith, 2002; Stacks, Oshio, Gerard, & Roe, 2009).

The child’s perception of parenting style and intention is important in determining its effect. Children evaluate parental behavior in light of their culture and the emotional tone of the relationship. Children reared in homes with no-nonsense parents often see this parenting style as indicative of concern about their well-being (Brody & Flor, 1998).

In the United States, it is often difficult to disentangle the effects of culture and neighborhood context on parenting behaviors as African American and Latino families are disproportionately represented in disadvantaged neighborhoods. Does no-nonsense parenting embody cultural beliefs about parenting? Or is it a response to raising children in a disadvantaged environment (Murry, Brody, Simons, Cutrona, & Gibbons, 2008)? Parental perceptions of danger and their own distress influence how they parent (Cuellar, Jones, & Sterrett, 2013). Parenting behaviors must be considered within their cultural and environmental context, as parenting is not one size fits all (Sorkhabi, 2005).

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Child Maltreatment

Some parenting behaviors, such as child maltreatment, are damaging to all children, regardless of culture. In 2013, there were nearly 700,000 confirmed cases of abuse or neglect in the United States (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013). Many more children experience maltreatment that is not reported. Child maltreatment resulted in over 1,500 fatalities, and nearly three quarters of all deaths were in children younger than 3 years. Over 80% of the perpetrators were parents (and nearly 90% of parent perpetrators were biological parents), 6% relatives other than parents, and 4% were unmarried partners of parents (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015). Although these statistics are alarming, they underestimate the incidence of abuse. Many cases go unreported.

According to the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, child abuse is any intentional harm to a minor, an individual under 18 years of age, including actions that harm the child physically, emotionally, sexually and through neglect (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013). Physical abuse refers to any intentional physical injury to the child and can include striking, kicking, burning, or biting the child as well as any action that results in a physical impairment of the child; it results in pain and physical injury including cuts, burns, bruises, broken bones, and other injuries. Each year, about 18% of cases entail physical abuse. Sexual abuse, more common among older children, refers to inappropriate touching, comments, intercourse, and other forms of sexual activity and tends to constitute about 10% of cases. Neglect is defined in terms of deprivation of adequate food, clothing, shelter, or medical care; child neglect constitutes over three quarters of cases of child maltreatment (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013). The overlapping statistics reflect the fact that the various types of child maltreatment tend to concur; many children experience more than one form of abuse.

Effects of Child Maltreatment

The physical effects of maltreatment are immediate, ranging from bruises to broken bones to internal bleeding and more. Other physical effects are long lasting. Child abuse can impair brain development and functioning through physical damage, such as that caused by shaking an infant, which damages the brain (Twardosz & Lutzker, 2009). Physical harm and prolonged stress can alter the course of brain development, increasing the child’s risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, conduct disorder, and learning and memory difficulties (de Bellis, Hooper, Spratt, & Woolley, 2009).

The emotional effects of child maltreatment are especially daunting and long lasting. Infants and toddlers who are abused fail to develop secure attachments to their caregivers

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and instead develop anxious, insecure, or disorganized/disoriented attachments. Young children who are abused tend to have poor coping skills, low self-esteem, and difficulty regulating their emotions and impulses as well as show more negative affect, such as anger and frustration, and less positive affect than other children (Barth et al., 2007). They tend to have difficulty understanding their own and other people’s emotions. Moreover, children who are abused are at risk for a range of psychological disorders, including anxiety, eating, dissociative, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, PTSD, and depressive disorder (Cicchetti & Banny, 2014).

Child maltreatment, and its neurological and emotional consequences, also holds negative implications for cognitive development (Font & Berger, 2014). Preschool children who are abused score lower on measures of school readiness and problem solving. Children who are abused experience difficulty understanding and completing day-to-day schoolwork and demonstrate serious learning difficulties, often resulting in academic failure (Widom, 2014). Teachers report maltreated children as inattentive, uninvolved, passive, angry as well as lacking in creativity, initiative, persistence, and confidence.

The cognitive and emotional effects of child maltreatment contribute to the social difficulties that children who are abused face. Maltreated children have difficulty in making and maintaining friendships (Cicchetti & Banny, 2014). Children who are physically abused tend to be aggressive and active in their interactions with peers while neglected children are more likely to be passive and withdrawn. They may assume that other children are hostile and then protect themselves by being more aggressive and isolating themselves from other children (Bolger & Patterson, 2001). The quality of relationships with peers is closely associated with abuse such that the younger the child was when the abuse began and the longer it continued, the worse the relationships with peers (Bolger, Patterson, & Kupersmidt, 1998; Font & Berger, 2014). Children who are maltreated are at greater risk of being bullies or victims of bullies as they find it difficult to integrate peer groups and often remain isolated. Experiencing child abuse places children at risk for behavioral problems in adolescence, including delinquency, teen pregnancy, low academic achievement, drug use, and mental health problems (Cicchetti & Banny, 2014).

Risk Factors for Child Maltreatment

Risk factors for child abuse exist at all ecological levels: the child, parent, community, and society (McCoy & Keen, 2009). Certain child characteristics have been found to increase the risk or potential for maltreatment. Children with special needs, such as those with physical and mental disabilities, preterm birth status, or serious illness, require a great deal of care that can place them at risk of maltreatment (Bugental, 2009). Children who are temperamentally difficult, inattentive, overactive, or have other developmental problems are also at risk because they are especially taxing for parents (Crosse, Kaye, & Ratnofsky, 1993; Font & Berger, 2014).

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Parents who engage in child maltreatment tend to have difficulty managing conflict and using effective disciplinary techniques, which influences their interactions with their children (Bugental, 2009). They tend to perceive their child as stubborn and noncompliant and tend to evaluate the child’s misdeeds as worse than they are, leading them to use strict and physical methods of discipline (Casanueva et al., 2010). Parents who maltreat their children often lack knowledge about child development and have unrealistic expectations for their children. They often have low self-esteem, difficulty with impulse control, poor coping skills, and high levels of negative emotions (McCoy & Keen, 2009). Poor social, problem solving, and communication skills are common among parents who maltreat their children. They often lack the ability to recognize, manage, and express their own feelings appropriately. Experiencing abuse in childhood may place a parent at risk of engaging in child maltreatment (Clarke, Stein, Sobota, Marisi, & Hanna, 1999), but this relation is not absolute. Parents who were abused as children do not necessarily repeat the cycle with their own children. It is estimated that about one third of abused children eventually victimize their own children (McCoy & Keen, 2009).

Low family income, unemployment, high levels of stress, substance use, few friends, less contact with extended family members, and overcrowded and inadequate housing contribute toward the risk that parents will engage in child maltreatment (Bishop & Leadbeater, 1999; Widom, 2014). Substance use is present in as much as three quarters of families in which children are abuse victims (Testa & Smith, 2009).

Several community factors place children at risk for abuse, such as inadequate housing, community violence, and poverty (Dodge & Coleman, 2009). Parents who abuse are more likely to be cut off from social support networks. The availability of social support within the community influences a child’s likelihood of being abused; parents are less likely to engage in child maltreatment when their neighborhood has a low turnover of residents, a sense of community, and support among neighbors (McCoy & Keen, 2009). Neighborhoods with few community level support resources, such as parks, child care centers, preschool programs, recreation centers, and churches, increase the likelihood of child maltreatment (Coulton, Korbin, & Su, 1999).

At the societal level, several factors contribute toward the problem of child abuse. Legal definitions of violence and abuse and political or religious views that value independence, privacy, and noninterference in families may influence the prevalence of child abuse within a given society (Tzeng, Jackson, & Karlson, 1991). Social acceptance of violence— for example, as expressed in video games, music lyrics, and television and films—can send the message that violence is an acceptable method of managing conflict. Overall, there are many complex influences on child maltreatment. Risk factors at these various levels are represented in Figure 8.2.

Along with recognizing risk factors for parents, it is important to be aware of signs that abuse may be taking place. Table 8.2 (p. 210) provides a non-exhaustive list of signs of

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abuse. Not all maltreated children will show all of the signs listed. Although not all children who display one or more of the signs on this list experience maltreatment, each sign is significant enough to merit attention and treatment. All U.S. states and the District of Columbia identify mandated reporters, individuals who are legally obligated to report suspected child maltreatment to the appropriate agency, such as child protective services, a law enforcement agency, or a state’s child abuse reporting hotline (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2013). Individuals designated as mandatory reporters typically have frequent contact with children, such as teachers, principals, and other school personnel; child care providers; physicians, nurses, and other health care workers; counselors, therapists, and other mental health professionals; and law enforcement officers. Of course, anyone can, and is encouraged to, report suspected maltreatment of a child.

Figure 8.2: Bioecological Perspective of Risk Factors for Child Maltreatment

As shown in Table 8.3 (p. 212), although there are risk factors that increase a child’s chances of being abused or neglected, there are also protective factors that are associated with a reduced likelihood of maltreatment—and that can be fostered by parents, teachers, pediatricians, and social workers.

The parent–child relationship is a critical context for children’s development. Parents’ attitudes about child-rearing, ability to show affection, and beliefs about discipline shape children’s emotional development and behavior. Parenting techniques and socialization goals vary with culture and effective parenting may take different forms across contexts. However, some behaviors, such as child maltreatment, are harmful regardless of culture and context. The community in which a child lives can also play an important role in influencing development (see Lives in Context, p. 211).

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Thinking in Context 8.2 1. What factors might influence whether a parent adopts an authoritative style of parenting? How might

contextual factors, including family, work, community, culture, and society, along with prior experience, influence parenting style?

2. A common response to discussions of physical punishment is, “I was spanked and I turned out all right.” How might you respond to this comment? Refer to what is known about the effects of physical punishment as well as the role of context and individual differences in accounting for development.

3. Child abuse is a problem with a complex set of influences at multiple bioecological levels. The most effective prevention and intervention programs target risk and protective factors in the child, parent, and community. Referring to the bioecological model, discuss factors at each bioecological level that might be incorporated into prevention and intervention programs to prevent child abuse and promote positive outcomes.

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Gender Role Development

Three year-old Ashley called out, “I want the pink dress, just like a princess.” Zachary pushed his truck and explained, “This monster truck is going to drive over the battlefield.” Ask any adult, and they will likely tell you that boys and girls are very different. Are they? What accounts for differences, if they exist, between boys and girls?

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Gender Differences

Developmental scientists have long looked for gender differences—psychological or behavioral differences between boys and girls. Despite common lay views, boys and girls are more alike than different. Reviews of thousands of research studies demonstrate few differences between boys and girls (Leaper, 2013; Martin & Ruble, 2010). The largest difference is in aggression. Among preschool-age children and up, boys tend to exhibit more physical and verbal aggression than girls, and girls show more relational aggression— excluding someone from social activities, withdrawing friendship, spreading rumors or humiliating the person—than do boys (Card, Stucky, Sawalani, & Little, 2008; Ostrov & Godleski, 2010). Girls show more empathy, compliance, and cooperation with adults than boys. Although intelligence tests show no differences between boys and girls, girls tend to do better at verbal and mathematical computation tasks as well as those requiring fine motor skills and boys tend to do better at spatial tasks (Ardila, Rosselli, Matute, & Inozemtseva, 2011; Miller & Halpern, 2014). These differences appear as early as they can be tested— toddlerhood and early childhood (Leaper, 2013). However, it is important to remember that there is a great deal of variability within each sex—more so than between the sexes. In other words, there is a greater number and variety of differences among boys than between boys and girls, for example.

Despite the few gender differences that exist in psychological and behavioral functioning, gender stereotypes, preconceived generalizations about the characteristics of males and females, pervade. These stereotypes are seen in most cultures and occur in children as early as 2 years of age and increase during the preschool years (Martin & Ruble, 2010). For example, young children attribute characteristics such as “strong” to boys and “helpless” to girls.

Children’s perceptions and evaluations of gender are consistent with the gender roles that pervade society. Gender roles are the activities, attitudes, skills, and characteristics that are considered appropriate for males or females. Gender roles appear in all societies, although the specific content of gender roles may vary. Most cultures expect women to care for children and the home and men to provide for the family and protect the home. Because of these different activities, women are seen as caring and nurturing while men are seen as strong, aggressive, and competitive. As women have entered the workforce and men have taken a more active role in the home, gender roles have become more flexible in Western societies. Despite these changes, gender stereotypes persist. Children acquire gender roles early in life, a process called gender typing, although children vary in the degree of gender typing they display. Children’s gender roles influence how they see themselves and others. For example, children tend to describe their own sex in positive terms and the other sex in more negative terms. As early as age 2, and consistently from age 3, young children will tend to choose same-sex playmates as well as toys and activities associated with their sex

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(Jadva, Hines, & Golombok, 2010). These predictable patterns of gender role development can be explained in a variety of ways.

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Lives in Context

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Effects of Exposure to Community Violence

Exposure to community violence poses risks not only to children’s safety but to their emotional health, cognitive and social development, and well-being.

Karl Merton Ferron/TNS/Newscom

The neighborhoods and communities where children reside are important contextual factors that influence their development. About 38% of all children and adolescents witness violence within their communities (Kennedy & Ceballo, 2014), and the number is much higher in some inner-city neighborhoods. One study of inner-city mothers of young children enrolled in Head Start revealed that nearly three quarters reported witnessing drug transactions and violence in their neighborhood, such as people being physically assaulted, threatened with a weapon, or robbed. In addition, over two thirds of the women reported that they had been personally physically threatened or assaulted, been robbed on the street, or had their homes broken into (Farver, Xu, Eppe, Fernandez, & Schwartz, 2005).

Community violence is particularly damaging to development because it is pervasive, infiltrating all ecological levels—school, playground, neighborhood, and home. Mothers living in communities where violence is high report teaching their children to watch television lying prone and to sleep beneath window sills or in bathtubs for safety (Osofsky, 1995). The chronic and random nature of community violence presents a constant threat to children and parents’ sense of safety. In such environments, children learn that the world is a dangerous and unpredictable place and that parents are unable to offer protection (Farver et al., 2005). Feeling unsafe may affect children’s natural curiosity and their desire to learn by exploring the world (Balter & Tamis-LeMonda, 2006).

Children exposed to chronic community violence display anxiety and symptoms of PTSD, commonly seen in individuals exposed to the extreme trauma of war and natural disasters, including exaggerated startle responses, difficulty eating and sleeping, and academic and cognitive problems (Fowler, Tompsett, Braciszewski, Jacques-Tiura, & Baltes, 2009; Kennedy & Ceballo, 2014). The periodic and unpredictable experience of intense emotions may interfere with children’s ability to identify and regulate their emotions and can disrupt the development of empathy and prosocial responses. Children who are exposed to community violence tend to be less socially aware, less skilled, and display more aggressive and disruptive behavior than other children (McMahon et al., 2013).

Community violence targets not only children but also their parents. Parents who are exposed to community violence may feel alienated from the community with few sources of social support and may minimize associations and interactions in order to protect themselves (Shahinfar, Fox, & Leavitt, 2000). The parental distress, frustration, and sense of helplessness that accompany community violence compromise parenting (Vincent, 2009). When dealing with their own grief, fear, anxiety, and depression, parents may be less available for physical and emotional caregiving, which in turn predicts poor child adjustment (Farver et al., 2005).

Community violence is unquestionably detrimental to developmental outcomes. However, some children

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display more resilience to its negative effects than others. Three factors appear to protect children from the most negative effects of exposure to community violence: (1) having a supportive person in the environment; (2) having a protected place in the neighborhood that provides a safe haven from violence exposure; and (3) having personal resources such as adaptable temperament, intelligence, or coping capacities (Jain & Cohen, 2013). Unfortunately, the fear that accompanies community violence influences all members of the community, reducing supports and safe havens. Effective interventions to combat the effects of community violence include after-school community centers that allow children to interact with each other and caring adults in a safe context that permits them to develop skills in coping, conflict resolution, and emotional regulation.

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What Do You Think? 1. Consider the problem of community violence from a bioecological perspective. Identify

macrosystem and exosystem factors that might influence the prevalence of community violence. 2. How might community violence influence individuals through the mesosystem and

microsystem? 3. Identify microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem factors that might help children and families

cope with community violence.

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Theoretical Perspectives on Gender Role Development

How do we explain the acquisition of gender roles? Several theoretical perspectives offer explanations of gender typing. Some lean more toward nature-oriented or biological explanations. Others use cognitive explanations and still others turn to contextual explanations. A sufficient explanation of gender development integrates aspects of each theory.

Biological Explanations

Because most cultures have similar gender roles, sex differences may be a function of biology (Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Biological explanations point to the role of evolution and look to differences in biological structures, especially the brain, as well as hormones as contributors to sex differences in psychological and behavioral functioning.

From an evolutionary perspective, males adapted to become more aggressive and competitive because these traits were advantageous in securing a mate and thereby passing along their genetic inheritance (Côté, 2009). Females became more nurturing as it was adaptive to care for the young to ensure that their genes survived to be passed along to the

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next generation. In support of this evolutionary perspective, most mammalian species demonstrate a preference for same-sex playmates, males are more active and aggressive, and females are more nurturing (Beatty, 1992; de Waal, 1993), suggesting that such gender differences in behavior are adaptive across species, including our own.

Gender differences begin at conception with the union of sex chromosomes, XX or XY. Genetic information on the Y chromosome leads to the formation of testes and then the production of testosterone with the sex difference in the amount of testosterone greatest between about 8 and 24 weeks of gestation and then tapering off before birth (Hines, 2011). In animals, testosterone produced prenatally influences neural survival and neural connectivity, leading to subtle sex differences in brain structure and function (Nugent & McCarthy, 2011).

Boys’ and girls’ behavior may also be explained by hormonal differences. Animal and human studies have demonstrated that exposure to testosterone promotes male-typical behavior development. When females are exposed to male sex hormones prenatally they show more active play and fewer caregiving activities in early childhood, as compared with their female peers (Auyeung et al., 2009). Testosterone is linked with aggression. Higher levels of testosterone, prenatally and after birth, can account for boys’ tendency to be more aggressive than girls. Hormonally influenced differences in behavioral styles then influence play styles, and children choose to play with children who have similar styles, resulting in a preference for same-sex playmates (Berenbaum, Blakemore, & Beltz, 2011). In this way, biological factors influence the behaviors that are associated with gender roles. Other explanations for gender role development rely on understanding children’s thinking, as described in the next section.

Cognitive-Developmental Explanations

From the cognitive-developmental perspective, children’s understanding of gender is constructed in the same manner as their understanding of the world, by interacting with the world and thinking about their experiences. Infants as young as 3 to 4 months of age distinguish between female and male faces, as shown by habituation and preferential looking studies (Quinn, Yahr, Kuhn, Slater, & Pascalis, 2002). By 10 months of age, infants are able to form stereotypic associations between faces of women and men and gender-typed objects (scarf, hammer), suggesting that they have the capacity to form primitive stereotypes (Levy & Haaf, 1994). Most children develop the ability to label gender groups and to use gender labels in their speech between 18 and 24 months (Martin & Ruble, 2010).

Gender identity, awareness of whether one is a boy or a girl, occurs at about age 2 (Bussey, 2013). Once children label themselves as male or female, they classify the world around them, as well as their own behaviors, according to those labels (e.g., like me, not like me;

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Kohlberg, 1966). In this way, children construct their own understandings of what it means to be a boy or a girl and thereby begin to acquire gender roles (Levy & Carter, 1989). By 2 to 2.5 years of age, once children have established gender identity, children show more interest in gender-appropriate toys (e.g., dolls for girls and cars for boys), and they show a preference for playing with children of their own sex (Zosuls et al., 2009).

By about age 3, children acquire gender stability, the understanding that gender does not change over time. However, gender is not yet understood as a biological construct, but instead, conceptions of gender are based on external traits and behaviors. Therefore, children think it is possible for gender to change with a change in hairstyle or dress. After acquiring gender stability, children between the ages of 3 and 5 show an increase in stereotype knowledge, evaluate their own gender more positively, and tend to show more rigidly sex-typed behaviors (Halim, Ruble, Tamis-LeMonda, & Shrout, 2013). The more positively children view their own gender and the more they understood that gender categories remain stable over time, the more likely girls are to insist on wearing dresses and boys to refuse to wear anything with the hint of femininity (Halim et al., 2014).

Only toward the end of the preschool years, when children come to understand Piagetian conservation tasks, do children come to realize that a boy will always be a boy, even if he grows long hair and wears a skirt, and a girl will remain a girl no matter what she wears or activities she chooses. Gender constancy refers to the child’s understanding that gender does not change, that he or she will always be the same regardless of appearance, activities, or attitudes (Kohlberg, 1966). Gender constancy may further gender typing as children become more aware of and pay more attention to gender norms (Arthur, Bigler, & Ruble, 2009). For example, preschool-age boys who have achieved gender constancy or are close to it tend to focus on male characters, as well as watch more sports programs on television than preschool-age boys who have not achieved gender constancy (Luecke-Aleksa, Anderson, Collins, & Schmitt, 1995). Awareness that a person’s sex is a biological characteristic occurs close to eight years of age (Ruble et al., 2007).

Gender schema theory is another cognitive explanation of gender role development, which emphasizes information processing and environmental influences (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002). Similar to Piaget’s concept of schemes, a gender schema is a concept or a mental structure that organizes gender-related information. Once children can label their sex, they begin to form a gender schema, their understanding of what it means to be a male or female. A child’s gender schema becomes an organizing principle and children notice more and more differences between males and females, such as preferred clothes, toys, activities, and more. Children also notice that their culture classifies males and females as different and encompassing different roles. Children then use their gender schemas as guides for their behavior and attitudes, and gender typing occurs. For example, when given gender-neutral toys, children first try to figure out whether they were boys’ or girls’ toys and then decide whether they would play with them (Martin, Eisenbud, & Rose, 1995). When told that an attractive toy is for the opposite sex, children will stop playing with it

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and expect same-sex peers to stop as well (Miller, Trautner, & Ruble, 2006). Young children play with peers who engage in similar levels of gender-typed activities (such as playing dress up or with tools) and, over time, engage in even more similar levels of gender- typed activities, contributing to sex segregation in children’s play groups (Martin et al., 2013).

Gender schemas are such an important organizing principle that they can influence children’s memory. For example, preschool children tend to notice and recall information that is consistent with their gender schemas (Liben, Bigler, & Hilliard, 2013). Children who see others behaving in gender inconsistent ways, such as a boy baking cookies or a girl playing with toy trucks, often will misrecall the event, distorting it in ways that are gender consistent, or they may not even recall gender inconsistent information (Signorella & Liben, 1984). It is not until around age 8 that children notice and recall information that contradicts their gender schemas. Yet even elementary school children have been shown to misrecall gender-inconsistent story information (Frawley, 2008). Clearly, children’s knowledge and beliefs about gender and gender roles influence how their own gender role and behavior. However, the world around the child also holds implications for gender role development. Terms that pertain to gender role development are summarized in Table 8.4.

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Gender Schemas & Play Preferences

How does gender influence children’s preferences? Consider 5-year-old Chace and 7-year-old Abby. Which play partners do they choose?

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Contextual Explanations

A contextual approach toward understanding gender development emphasizes social learning and the influence of the sociocultural context in which children are raised. Gender typing occurs through socialization, through a child’s interpretation of the world around him or her, including parents, peers, teachers, and culture. Social learning theory contributes the importance of models in acquiring gender typical behavior (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Children observe models, typically the same-sex parent but also peers, other adults, and even characters in stories and television programs. They use models as guides to their own behavior, resulting in gender-typed behavior. Feedback from others serves as reinforcement. Sometimes parents or other adults will directly teach a child about gender- appropriate behavior or provide positive reinforcement for behaving in sex-consistent ways: boys get approval for building bridges and running fast whereas girls get approval for preparing a make-believe meal or keeping a pretty dress neat.

Parents.

Gender socialization begins in infancy. Boys and girls have different social experiences from birth (Martin & Ruble, 2010). Parents perceive sons and daughters differently and have different expectations for them. For example, parents often describe competition, achievement, and activity as important for sons and closely supervised activities, warmth, and politeness as important for daughters (Turner & Gervai, 1995). Many parents encourage their children to play with gender appropriate toys. Boys tend to receive toys that emphasize action and competition, such as cars, trains, and sports equipment, and girls tend to receive toys that focus on cooperation, nurturance, and physical attractiveness, such as baby dolls, toy ovens, and play makeup (Hanish et al., 2013). In one study, 3- and 5- year-old children were asked to identify “girl toys” and “boy toys” and then asked to predict parents’ reactions to their preferences about gender-specific toys and behaviors (Freeman,

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2007). Children predicted that parents would approve their playing with gender- stereotyped toys and disapprove of choices to play with cross-gender toys.

Gender consistent behavior is socially regulated through approval. Parents tend to encourage boys’ independent play, demands for attention, and even attempts to take toys from other children whereas parents tend to direct girls’ play, provide assistance, refer to emotions, and encourage girls to participate in household tasks (Basow, 2008; Bussey, 2013). Boys tend to be reinforced for independent behavior, and girls are reinforced for behavior emphasizing closeness and dependency. Mothers even differ in how they discuss emotions with girls and boys. Mothers label emotions for girls, teaching them to identify others’ feelings, and boys tend to receive explanations about emotions, emphasizing causes and consequences in order to help them understand the importance of controlling how emotions are expressed (Bussey, 2013). Expectations about gender-related behavior become internalized as children make gains in self-regulation. Reinforcement becomes internalized such that children feel good about themselves when their behavior is in accord with their internal standards and have negative feelings when their behavior is not. In early childhood, ages 3 to 4, children begin to self-regulate their gender-related behaviors (Bussey & Bandura, 1992).

Boys tend to be more strongly gender socialized than girls. Parents tend to give girls more freedom in choice of clothes, activities, and playmates (Miedzian, 1991). Parents, especially fathers, tend to show more discomfort with sex-atypical behavior in boys (e.g., playing with dolls) than girls (e.g., playing with trucks; Basow, 2008; Lytton & Romney, 1991). Fathers play an important role in influencing gender typing. A study of preschool children in England and Hungary revealed that children whose fathers did more housework and child care tended to demonstrate less awareness of gender stereotypes and less gender-typed play (Turner & Gervai, 1995).

Peers.

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The peer group also serves as a powerful influence on gender typing in young children. As early as age 3, peers reinforce gender-typed behavior, with praise, imitation, or participation. They criticize cross-gender activities and show more disapproval of boys who engage in gender inappropriate behavior than girls who are tomboys (Hanish et al., 2013; Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006). Girls and boys show different play styles. Boys use more commands, threats, and force; girls use more gentle tactics, such as persuasion, acceptance, and verbal requests, which are effective with other girls but ignored by boys (Leaper, Tenenbaum, & Shaffer, 1999; Leaper, 1994). Girls, therefore, may find interacting with boys unpleasant as boys pay little attention to their attempts at interaction and are generally nonresponsive. These differences in play styles influence young children’s choices of play partners and contribute to sex segregation (Martin, Fabes, Hanish, Leonard, & Dinella, 2011). Peer and parental attitudes tend to be similar and reinforce each other as both are part of a larger sociocultural system of socialization agents (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Bussey & Bandura, 1992).

When fathers participate in household chores children show less gender stereotyped beliefs about the division of labor in the home.

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Media.

Children’s television and G-rated movies tend to depict the world as gender stereotyped, and these media depictions can promote gender-typed behavior in children. Typical children’s media displays more male than female characters, male characters in action roles such as in the military, and female characters as more likely to have domestic roles and be in romantic relationships (England, Descartes, & Collier-Meek, 2011; Smith, Pieper,

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Granados, & Choueiti, 2010). Television commercials advertising toys tend to illustrate only one gender or other, depending on the toy (Kahlenberg & Hein, 2010). Several Canadian towns that gained access to television for the first time demonstrated television’s influence on gender typing. Children tended to have unstereotyped attitudes prior to gaining access to television and two years later demonstrate marked increases in stereotyped attitudes (Kimball, 1986).

Children’s books are another influence on gender typing. Overall, there are more male characters than female characters. Female characters often need help, and male characters tend to provide it (Beal, 1994; Evans, 1998). Coloring books also display these trends with more male than female characters, and male characters as older, stronger, more powerful, and more active than female characters (e.g., as superheroes versus princesses; Fitzpatrick & McPherson, 2010). Even cereal boxes depict twice as many male as female characters (Black, Marola, Littman, Chrisler, & Neace, 2009). Children tend to expect gender stereotypes and will expect gender neutral or atypical versions of fairy tales to conform to the usual gender stereotype (Evans, 1998).

Culture.

The larger culture also influences gender typing in that most cultures emphasize gender differences. Some societies closely link activities and dress with gender, such as girls and boys attend sex segregated schools and never interact (Beal, 1994). Gender typing occurs early in life and very quickly. Children learn to think and behave in the ways that are prescribed for their gender. Societies vary in what behaviors are appropriate for men and women. For example, farming is a task for women in many parts of the world, but in North America, men are traditionally in charge of farming tasks. The exact behaviors may vary across societies, but all societies have values regarding gender appropriate behavior for males and females and all societies transmit these values to young children.

From birth, children are immersed in a gender-oriented world, and they quickly learn about gender roles and gender stereotypes. Biological influences on gender role

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development include genes and hormones. Cognitive-developmental perspectives emphasize children’s awareness and knowledge of gender as influences on their behavior. Some aspects of gender typing are influenced by modeling, reinforcement, and shaping by parents and peers. Children also learn about gender roles from various forms of media. Finally, societies generally emphasize different behaviors as appropriate for males and females—and cultures vary dramatically in how strictly gender stereotypes are applied. Theories of gender role development are summarized in Table 8.5

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Play and Peer Relationships

“Let’s be pirates!” declared Ramon. “Okay. Here’s my sword,” Billy said as he held up the plastic wiffleball bat. Ramon and Billy ran to the playhouse at the end of the yard. “There’s the boat. Let’s get them!” Billy cried as he chased after his sister. Billy explained, “You’re on the boat, and we’re pirates coming to get you.” “I’ll run!” she said. Their grandmother watched from the porch as the children created stories, acted them out together, and climbed on every available surface. Clearly, play offers important learning opportunities for young children. Play contributes to physical, cognitive, emotional, and social development. Children learn how to use their muscles, control their bodies, coordinate their senses, and learn new motor skills. Play helps children to perspective take and understand other children’s viewpoints, manage challenging situations, regulate emotions, practice creativity, learn to express their thoughts and desires, and problem solve (Coplan & Arbeau, 2009; Fireman & Kose, 2010). Children may also play with imaginary “friends” (see Box 8.3).

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Types of Play

All children play, but the form that play takes varies with development (McMahon, Lytle, & Sutton-Smith, 2005). At about age 2, play takes simple forms, such as bouncing a ball and trying to catch it or rolling a toy car as far as possible. Toddlers usually play independently. Piaget (1962) explained play as an important way in which children of all ages contribute to their own knowledge by actively exploring the world around them. By 5 years of age, children develop more sophisticated ways of interacting with play partners. Their cognitive capacities (such as their growing theory of mind) and emotional capacities (their ability to regulate their emotions) enable them to join peer groups more easily, manage conflict more effectively, and select and keep playmates. Playing with other children may push them to learn to take the perspective of others and develop less egocentric ways of thinking (Piaget, 1962).

Young children’s play develops over a series of steps that take place over the ages of 2 through 5 (Parten, 1932). Toddlers’ play is characterized by nonsocial activity, including inactivity, onlooker behavior, and solitary play. Parallel play then emerges, in which children play alongside each other but do not interact. Play shifts to include social interaction in associative play, in which children play alongside each other but exchange toys and talk about each other’s activities. Finally, cooperative play represents the most advanced form of play because children play together and work toward a common goal, such as building a bridge or engaging in make-believe play. These forms of play emerge in order but are not a strict developmental sequence because later behaviors do not replace earlier ones (Yaoying & Xu, 2010). For example, nonsocial play declines with age but still occurs in preschoolers and may take up to a third of kindergarteners’ playtime (Dyer & Moneta, 2006).

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Applying Developmental Science

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Imaginary Companions

Imaginary friends are common in early childhood and are indicative of a child’s creativity and imagination.

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“You stay here, and I’ll get the cookies,” Katie told her friend, Madison. “Does Madison want cookies too?” asked Mommy. “Of course!” replied Katie as she placed two cookies at a place setting in front of an empty chair. Imaginary companions or friends are common in early childhood, as early as ages 2 to 3, and occur in about 40% of young children (Taylor, Shawber, & Mannering, 2009).

Researchers know little about imaginary companions and why they appear in a child’s life. According to parents’ reports, there is no clear triggering event that marks the emergence of most imaginary companions (Taylor et al., 2009). Children appear to come up with them on their own. Imaginary companions often represent extensions of real people known to the child, especially those who the child admires or characters from stories, television, or movies. Imaginary companions are usually human, although they may take the form of animals, aliens, and monsters (Gleason, Sebanc, & Hartup, 2000). The majority of children with imaginary friends can easily describe them and draw pictures to illustrate them upon request (Taylor et al., 2009). The sense of what an invisible friend looks like is stable and can be retained for years.

Relationships with imaginary friends appear to resemble those with real friends and provide similar benefits, especially companionship (Gleason & Kalpidou, 2014). Children create realistic relationships with their imaginary companions that include pretend conflicts, feeling angry with them, and finding them unavailable to play (Taylor et al., 1999). Their similarity with real friends has sometimes caused concern in parents and professionals who fear that children create imaginary companions because they are lonely and have no playmates. However, research suggests that children with pretend friends are particularly sociable by nature and do not differ from other children in terms of the number of playmates or peer acceptance (Gleason & Hohman, 2006; Gleason & Kalpidou, 2014). In fact, children with imaginary companions score better on measures of referential communication; they are better at communicating with peers than are children without imaginary companions (Roby & Kidd, 2008). One study of 5-year-olds found that those with imaginary friends were better able to understand and talk about mental characteristics in actual friends (Davis, Meins, & Fernyhough, 2014)

In general, children with and without imaginary companions are more similar than different in terms of their peer relationships. Imaginary companions, therefore, do not indicate social problems but instead may be a marker for creativity. Children who create imaginary companions are more likely to report vivid imagery and elaborate storylines in daydreams, dreams, and in pretend games (Bouldin, 2006; Trionfi & Reese, 2009). Perhaps imaginary companions and the mental gymnastics that create and sustain them

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indicate psychosocial health rather than deficits.

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What Do You Think? 1. Did you, a sibling, or friend have an imaginary companion? How do your observations compare

with the research on imaginary companions? 2. Provide advice for a parent or child care provider. What should they do if a child reports having

an imaginary friend? How should they handle it?

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Play and Children’s Development

All children engage in rough-and-tumble play, which includes running, climbing, chasing, jumping, and play fighting (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Children’s rough-and-tumble play is seen around the world and can be distinguished from aggression by the presence of a play face, smiling and laughing (Reed & Brown, 2001). Rough-and-tumble play is carefully orchestrated. It requires self-control, emotional regulation, and social skills. Children learn how to assert themselves, interact with other children, and engage in physical play without hurting the other child (Ginsburg, 2007). Rough-and-tumble play exercises children’s gross motor skills and helps them to develop muscle strength and control. It first appears in early childhood, increases and peaks at about 8 to 10 years of age, and then decreases (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Both boys and girls engage in rough-and-tumble play, but boys do so at much higher rates. For example, in one observation of preschool children, about 80% of the instances of rough-and-tumble play occurred in boys (Tannock, 2011). Boys’ sociodramatic play tends to involve activity and themes of danger and conflict, girls’ tend to involve themes of cooperation and fostering orderly social relationships, such as pretending to enact household and school roles (e.g., parent, teacher; Nourot, 1998).

In sociodramatic play, children take on roles and engage in activities to act out stories and themes, pretending to be mothers, astronauts, cartoon characters, and more (Dunn & Hughes, 2001). Children learn from each other and from enacting roles. They learn how to explain their ideas; to regulate emotions as they pretend to be sad, angry, or afraid; and to develop a sense of self-concept as they differentiate themselves from the roles they play (Ginsburg, 2007). Sociodramatic play begins in toddlerhood, when a 2-year-old feeds or punishes a stuffed animal (Frahsek, Mack, Mack, Pfalz-Blezinger, & Knopf, 2010). It becomes more frequent and more complex with age and the cognitive, emotional, and social development that accompany age. Both boys and girls engage in sociodramatic play, with girls engaging in more sociodramatic play than boys (Benenson, 1993). As children progress through preschool, sociodramatic play becomes more complex, often entailing innovative and sophisticated storylines. Social interactions are an important context for learning as children model higher level thinking and interaction skills, scaffolding less skilled peers and helping them to reach their potential (Vygotsky, 1978). Sociodramatic play helps children explore social rules and conventions, promotes language skills, and is associated with social competence (Gioia & Tobin, 2010; Newton & Jenvey, 2011).

Although children around the world play, peer activities take different forms by culture. Children in collectivist societies tend to play games that emphasize cooperation. For example, children in India tend to engage in sociodramatic play that involves activities in unison coupled by close physical contact—a game called bajtto. Bajtto entails enacting a script about going to the market, pretending to cut and share a vegetable, and touching each other’s elbows and hands as their imaginations carry out this script (Roopnarine,

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Hossain, Gill, & Brophy, 1994). In contrast, children from Western cultures that tend to emphasize the rights of the individual tend to play competitive games such as dodgeball, follow the leader, and hide and seek. Play, like other aspects of development, is shaped by the context in which it occurs.

The early childhood years are an important time for socioemotional development. Young children develop and communicate a sense of self that influences how they interact with others. Advances in emotional development lead to increases in the experience of empathy and display of prosocial behavior. Parents play a critical role in socioemotional development though their displays of affection and acceptance and by setting and enforcing behavioral limits. Young children become very aware of gender stereotypes and gender role becomes and important influence on behavior. Peer relationships emerge in early childhood and they are based in play yet hold implications for all areas of development.

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Thinking in Context 8.3 1. Thinking of the bioecological model, in what ways does gender role development reflect interactions

among physical, cognitive, and social development, as well as the context in which the child is embedded? 2. Do you agree or disagree with this statement: Play styles are universal and unfold with biological

development? Explain your perspective.

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Apply Your Knowledge Four-year-old Tony is an active, curious preschooler. His mother says that he “plays hard.” Tony says that he wants to be the best, to climb the highest, and run the fastest. When asked how high he can jump, Tony raises his arm to his shoulder. When given the chance to show his skills, Tony is never able to jump that high, but he’s certain that he will on his next try.

Tony says that his father is the best father in the whole wide world because Daddy is big and strong. He wants to be just like Daddy when he grows up. He and Daddy do all kinds of “boy things,” as Mommy calls it. Mommy bought Tony a special doll for boys, named My Buddy, but Daddy said that dolls are for girls. Tony doesn’t want to be a girl. He thinks Daddy is smart and fun. Tony especially likes it when they wrestle on the floor each night. He and Daddy watch TV together. Tony also watches TV most afternoons while he waits for Daddy to come home from work. Tony’s favorite shows are crime fighting cartoons, but he also likes to watch wrestling.

Mommy often scolds Tony for playing too roughly with other children. She used to put Tony in time out for five minutes when he misbehaved, but that did not decrease Tony’s roughhousing and misbehaving. One time, when he hurt his cousin with his roughhousing, Tony’s mother gave him a spanking to show him what it feels like and stop his behavior. She was so overcome with frustration over not being able to stop Tony’s roughhousing that she didn’t know what else to do. Tony’s father says that rough play simply is what boys do. He tells Tony to be gentler with other children.

1. Discuss Tony’s developing sense of initiative and self-concept. 2. Is Tony’s play style developmentally appropriate? Why or why not? When is rough play excessive? 3. Tony’s father discourages him from engaging in behavior atypical for his sex whereas his mother is

concerned about helping Tony avoid becoming sex typed. What would you tell Tony’s parents about gender role development? What can Tony’s mother do to reduce sex typing?

4. Assess Tony’s risk for developing aggressive behavior. What aspects of his environment influence how likely he is to behave aggressively?

5. How does discipline factor in to Tony’s developing sense of self-regulation and impulse control? How might the various forms of discipline that Tony’s parents use influence his development? Offer advice to Tony’s parents.

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Chapter Summary

8.1 Identify the psychosocial task of early childhood, as described by Erikson.

Young children’s psychosocial task is to develop a sense of initiative over guilt. Young children develop a sense of purpose and take pride in their accomplishments. Children who develop a sense of initiative develop a confident self-image, more self- control over their emotions, social skills, and a sense of conscience. 8.2 Discuss young children’s emerging sense of self.

Young children tend to understand and describe themselves concretely, using observable descriptors including appearance, general abilities, favorite activities, possessions, and simple psychological traits. They tend to have unrealistically positive views about their abilities and do not yet engage in social comparison. As children gain life experience and develop cognitively, their evaluations of self become more realistic. Self-concept becomes correlated with skills, accomplishments, evaluations by others, and other external indicators of competence. 8.3 Compare the development of prosocial and aggressive behavior during early childhood.

Young preschoolers tend to engage in prosocial behavior for egocentric motives, to gain praise and avoid punishment. With development, children become less egocentric and their prosocial behavior becomes motivated by empathy and internalized societal perspectives of good behavior. Parents of prosocial children model prosocial behavior and empathetic concern. Aggression, especially instrumental aggression, is common in early childhood. All children will sometimes hit, fight, kick, and take other children’s toys. By age 4, most children have developed the self-control to express their desires and to wait for what they want, moving from using physical aggression to expressing desires with words. 8.4 Analyze the relation of four parenting styles and their associations with child outcomes.

Parenting styles are enduring sets of parenting behaviors. Authoritarian parents emphasize control and obedience over warmth and raise children who tend to be withdrawn, often mistrustful, anxious, and often tend to react to frustrating interactions with peers with hostility. Parents who are permissive are warm and accepting but have few rules and expectations for children, resulting in children with little self-control and are immature, impulsive, and rebellious. Uninvolved parents provide little support or warmth and little control, with negative consequences for all forms of development. Authoritative parents are warm and sensitive to children’s needs but also are firm in their expectations that children conform to appropriate standards of behavior. They are supportive and loving but have standards that they

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maintain firmly. Children of authoritative parents are confident, cooperative, have self-control, self-esteem, social skills, and high academic achievement; these positive effects persist throughout childhood into adolescence. 8.5 Describe the effects of discipline on children’s development.

Discipline refers to the methods a parent uses to teach and socialize children toward acceptable behavior. Appropriate punishment occurs immediately after the dangerous behavior, is applied consistently, is clearly connected to the behavior, and does not humiliate the child. Harsh punishment and spanking have negative consequences for emotional and social development. Inductive methods use reasoning. Effective discipline must be administered as part of a supportive parent–child relationship. Parenting behaviors must be considered within their cultural context as parenting is not one size fits all. 8.6 Explain the effects of child maltreatment and factors that place children at risk for experiencing maltreatment.

Children who are abused are at risk for psychological disorders, problems in brain development, cognitive difficulties, psychological disorders, poor academic achievement, and difficulty making and maintaining friendships with other children. Risk factors for child abuse exist at all ecological levels. Both child and parent characteristics increase the risk or potential for maltreatment. Low family income, unemployment, high levels of stress, substance use, little social support, and overcrowded and inadequate housing contribute toward the risk that parents will engage in child maltreatment. Community factors that place children at risk for abuse include inadequate housing, community violence, poverty, and the availability of social support. 8.7 Summarize findings regarding gender differences during early childhood.

Despite common lay views, there are few gender differences; boys and girls are more alike than different. However, among preschool-age children and up, boys tend to exhibit more physical and verbal aggression than girls, and girls show more relational aggression than do boys. Girls tend to do better at verbal, fine motor, and mathematical computation tasks, and boys tend to do better at spatial tasks. 8.8 Compare and contrast biological, cognitive, and contextual theoretical explanations of gender role development.

Gender roles appear in all societies. Young children acquire gender roles early in life. Biological explanations of gender development cite evolutionary perspectives and look to differences in biological structures, especially the brain, as well as hormones such as testosterone as contributors to sex differences in psychological and behavioral functioning. Cognitive-developmental perspectives on gender development posit that children’s understanding of gender is constructed in the same manner as their understanding of the world, by interacting with the world and thinking about their

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experiences. Cognitive explanations of gender development focus on the gender schema as a guide for their behavior and attitudes. Contextual explanations of gender development emphasize socialization. 8.9 Discuss the function of play and the form it takes in early childhood.

Play contributes to all aspects of development. All children play, but the form that play takes varies with development. Types of play include parallel, associative, cooperative, and sociodramatic play. Although all children around the world play, peer activities take different forms in by culture.

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Key Terms

associative play 217 authoritarian parenting style 203 authoritative parenting style 202 cooperative play 217 discipline 202 empathy 199 gender constancy 213 gender identity 213 gender roles 210 gender schema theory 213 gender stability 210 gender typing 210 inductive discipline 206 initiative versus guilt 198 instrumental aggression 201 mandated reporters 208 no-nonsense parenting 207 parallel play 217 parenting style 201 permissive parenting style 203 prosocial behavior 199 relational aggression 210 rough-and-tumble play 217 self-esteem 198 social comparison 199 sociodramatic play 218 sympathy 200 time-out 205 uninvolved parenting style 203

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PART IV Middle Childhood

Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 224 Chapter 10 Socioemotional Development in Middle Childhood 258

Middle childhood entails steady advances in physical, cognitive, and socioemotional functioning. With increases in body size, strength, and agility, children are better able to participate in sports and athletic activities. As children enter school, improvements in information processing abilities underlie advances in academic tasks such as reading and mathematics. Children become better able to control their attention, take in information, and use their understanding of how the mind works to retain information more effectively. Now children can incorporate feedback about their abilities from parents, teachers, and peers to view themselves in more complex and organized ways.

Relationships with parents shift over the school years as children become more independent. Parents adapt by communicating expectations, monitoring, and permitting children to make more decisions. Like younger children, school-age children respond best to warm, responsive, and firm parenting. As children transition to first grade, the school context rises in importance. Similar to parent-child relationships, high-quality, responsive, and positive interactions with teachers aid children’s adjustment. Children also experience changes within the peer context. Friendships evolve to emphasize responsivity, trust, intimacy, and loyalty. Children tend to have fewer but closer friends and friendship influences their adjustment and well-being. During elementary school, the home, school, and peer contexts influence interactions among physical, cognitive, and socioemotional domains of development.

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Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood

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Learning Objectives 9.1. Summarize patterns of physical and motor development during middle childhood. 9.2. Analyze common health issues facing school-age children, including associated risk factors. 9.3. Discuss school-age children’s capacities for reasoning as well as cultural differences in patterns of development. 9.4. Explain changes in children’s information processing capacities and thinking. 9.5. Analyze the uses, correlates, and criticisms of intelligence tests. 9.6. Compare two alternative views of intelligence. 9.7. Examine patterns of moral development during middle childhood. 9.8. Discuss language development during middle childhood and its implications for capacities for communication. 9.9. Examine patterns of academic achievement in reading, mathematics, and second languages. 9.10. Identify common disabilities that pose educational challenges for children as well as methods of educating children who have special needs.

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Key Study Tools

Explore Further Physical Development and Growth Explore Further Healthy People 2010 Video Case Piaget’s Conservation Tasks Lives in Context Children’s Understanding of Illness (p. 235) Explore Further Information Processing Theory Listen IQ Tests in Schools Explore Further Multiple Intelligences Think Critically Moral Reasoning Explore Further Communication Disorders Video Case Bilingual Education Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Grade Retention and Social Promotion (p. 251) Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development No Child Left Behind and the Common Core (p. 248) Connect ADHD Resources

“I scored a goal today!” 8-year-old Christina exclaimed. Now that she can run faster and kick a ball farther than ever before, Christina enjoys playing on her elementary school soccer team and is becoming more skilled and interested in the sport. Christina hopes to attend soccer camp this summer. Not only does she like playing soccer but Christina spends a lot of time learning about her favorite soccer players and memorizing game-related statistics. Advances in cognition also have led Christina to enjoy other hobbies that require concentration and planning, such as collecting soccer cards, making complex collages, and playing video games that include intricate plots. An increasingly sophisticated vocabulary, emerging social reasoning skills, and an ability to understand other people’s perspectives aid Christina in expressing herself and communicating her needs. Is Christina a typical school- age child? In this chapter, we examine the physical and cognitive changes that children undergo in middle childhood, from about ages 6 to 11.

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Physical and Motor Development

In middle childhood, physical development is more subtle and continuous than earlier in life. School-age children’s bodies gradually get bigger and better coordinated, and they show advances in gross and fine motor development.

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Body Growth

Growth slows considerably in middle childhood as compared with infancy and early childhood. Despite a slower rate of growth, gradual day-to-day increases in height and weight add up quickly and can seemingly sneak up on a child. For example, 8 year-old Sammy stepped off of the scale, beaming at the nurse. She said, “I didn’t think I grew so much!” In return, the nurse joked, “It’s been six months since we’ve measured your height. You might be taller than your dad next time!” In middle childhood, children grow 2 to 3 inches and gain 5 to 8 pounds per year so that the average 10-year-old child weighs about 70 pounds and is about 4.5 feet tall. In late childhood, at about age 9, girls begin a period of rapid growth that will continue into adolescence. During this time girls gain about 10 pounds a year, becoming taller and heavier than same age boys. As we will discuss in Chapter 11, it is not until early adolescence, at about age 12, that boys enter a similar period of rapid growth. As children grow taller, their body proportions become more like those of adults, slimmer and with longer limbs. Physical growth is often accompanied by growing pains, intermittent aches and stiffness in the legs often experienced at night that are caused by the stretching and molding of the muscles to fit the child’s growing skeleton (Pavone et al., 2011).

Genes and nutrition influence the rate of children’s growth. African American children grow faster and are taller and heavier than white children of the same age. For example, 6- year-old African American girls tend to have greater muscle and bone mass than white or Mexican American girls their age (Ellis, Abrams, & Wong, 1997). Adequate nourishment is essential for growth. Children who are malnourished gain less weight and are at risk for stunted growth: inadequate growth in childhood as measured by low height and weight for age (World Health Organization, 2014). Children who enter middle childhood with stunted growth and nutritional deficits often do not catch up (Stein et al., 2010). Instead, stunting often continues and worsens in middle childhood, especially if children remain in the same environments that caused malnourishment (Kitsao-Wekulo et al., 2013). For example, growth stunting in children in sub-Saharan Africa tends to persist and worsen throughout the school years (Senbanjo, Oshikoya, Odusanya, & Njokanma, 2011). Children who enter middle childhood with stunted growth are likely to experience a variety of problems including cognitive deficits, aggression, behavior problems, and a greater risk of chronic illnesses and other health problems (Hoddinott, Alderman, Behrman, Haddad, & Horton, 2013).

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Motor Development

“I’ll catch you! Gotcha!” Keith shouted as he pushed Craig to the ground. “Hey! It’s called tag, not knock down!” Craig said and laughed. “Just wait until my turn.” Vigorous play, known as rough-and-tumble play, in which chasing and play fighting among friends such as Keith and Craig, peaks in middle childhood and is an important way that children test their bodies, learn new motor skills, play with friends, and develop social skills (Pellis & Pellis, 2007; Smith, 2005). As discussed in Chapter 8, play occurs in children of all cultures and it serves a developmental purpose as it is associated with physical, cognitive, and social development (Pellegrini, Dupuis, & Smith, 2007). Like growth, children’s motor development proceeds continuously, advancing gradually throughout childhood, so that motor skills from birth to age 4 predict school-age children’s motor abilities (Piek, Dawson, Smith, & Gasson, 2008).

During the school years, the gross motor skills developed in early childhood, such as running and jumping, refine and combine into more complex abilities, such as running and turning to dodge a ball, walking heel to toe down the length of a balance beam and turning around, or creating elaborate jump rope routines that include twisting, turning, and hopping by quickly alternating their feet (see Figure 9.1; Gallahue & Ozmun, 2006). Increases in body size and strength contribute to advances in motor skills, which are accompanied by advances in flexibility, balance, agility, and strength (Broude, 1995; Gabbard, 2012). Now they can bend their bodies to more easily kick a ball, do a somersault, or carry out a dance routine; balance to jump rope or throw a ball; demonstrate agility to run and change speed and direction rapidly; and have the strength to jump higher and throw a ball farther than ever before (Gallahue & Ozmun, 2006; Haywood & Getchell, 2005).

Not only are older children better at running, jumping, and other physical activities than young children but they also show advances in fine motor control that allow them to develop new interests. School-age children build model cars, play with yo-yos, braid friendship bracelets, weave potholders, and learn to play musical instruments—all tasks that depend on fine motor control. Fine motor development is particularly important for children’s school performance, specifically penmanship. Most 6-year-old children can write the alphabet, their names, and numbers in large print, making strokes with their entire arm. With development, children learn to use their wrists and fingers to write. Uppercase letters are usually mastered first; the lowercase alphabet requires smaller movements of the hand that require much practice. By third grade, most children can write in script, or cursive writing. Girls tend to outperform boys in fine motor skills (Junaid & Fellowes, 2006; Nyiti, 1982). Success in fine motor skills, particularly writing skills, may influence academic skills as children who write with ease may be better able to express themselves in writing, for example.

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Figure 9.1: Gross Motor Skills

Advancements in motor skill are influenced by body maturation and especially brain development. The pruning of unused synapses contributes to increases in motor speed and reaction time so that 11-year-old children tend to respond twice as quickly as 5-year-old children (Kail, 2003). Growth of the cerebellum (responsible for balance, coordination, and some aspects of emotion and reasoning) and myelination of its connections to the cortex contribute to advances in gross and fine motor skills and speed (Baillieux, De Smet, Paquier, De Deyn, & Mariën, 2008; Diamond, 2000; Tiemeier et al., 2010). Brain development improves children’s ability to inhibit actions, which enables children to carry out more sophisticated motor activities that require the use of one hand while controlling the other, such as throwing a ball, or that require both hands to do different things, such as playing an instrument (Diamond, 2013)

Maturation, advances in physical growth and brain development, is an important influence on children’s motor skills. However, contextual influences, such as nutrition, opportunities to practice motor skills, and health also matter. For example, children in different contexts have different opportunities to practice motor skills through vigorous physical play and other activities (Laukkanen, Pesola, Havu, Sääkslahti, & Finni, 2014). In addition, there are long-term implications of motor development for other domains of development. In one study, children’s motor development and activity at age 8 predicted measures of cognitive development and academic achievement 8 years later, at age 16 (Kantomaa et al., 2013). The ability to explore the world and play influences opportunities to interact and play with other children and thereby social skills and, potentially, cognitive development.

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Common Health Issues in Middle Childhood

Middle childhood generally is a healthy time. As shown in Figure 9.2, childhood mortality declines after infancy and has declined over the past four decades (Child Trends, 2013b). However, children from low socioeconomic status homes have higher rates of mortality than do other children because of poor access to health care, poor nutrition, and stressful home and neighborhood environments (Singh & Kogan, 2007). The typical child experiences six or seven episodes of colds, flu, or viruses per year (Simasek & Blandino, 2007). In contrast to these short-term acute health issues, however, some children experience more chronic and serious health challenges. About 25% of children in the United States under age 18 are diagnosed with chronic medical conditions that require special health services (National Survey of Children’s Health, 2014a). The most commonly experienced chronic illness in childhood is asthma.

Figure 9.2: Death Rates for Children Ages 1 to 19 in the United States, 1980–2013

Source: Child Trends (2013b).

Asthma

Diego steps off the basketball court, leaning over to catch his breath. Coach Santos asks, “Are you okay? Have you been using your inhaler?” “Not always, Coach.” “Diego, you need to remember that you can’t stop using your inhaler when you feel good. Asthma does not go away. You will always have to be aware and take care of yourself.”

The most common chronic medical condition among children is asthma, a chronic inflammatory disorder of the airways that causes wheezing and coughing (Akinbami, Moorman, Garbe, & Sondik, 2009). Exposure to triggers such as cold weather, exercise, allergens, emotional stress, and infection cause the bronchial tubes to contract and fill with mucus, making it difficult for children to breathe. Asthma affects about 15% of children and becomes more common with age (National Survey of Children’s Health, 2014a).

There has been a rapid rise in asthma diagnoses in industrialized nations in recent decades

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(Mitchell & McQuaid, 2008). There are genetic contributors to asthma, and African American children are at higher risk than others (see Figure 9.3). However, environmental factors also play a role (Thomsen, van der Sluis, Kyvik, Skytthe, & Backer, 2010). For example, better insulation of homes makes them more efficient at retaining heat but permits less air circulation, exposing family members to more allergens and toxins from sources such as food allergens, furry pets living in the home, and carpeting in the home (Ding, Ji, & Bao, 2014; Heinrich, 2011). Urbanization, less outdoor play, and poor access to health care (all of which tend to accompany low socioeconomic status, another correlate of asthma) increase children’s risk of developing asthma (Kiechl-Kohlendorfer et al., 2007). One study of South African 6- to 7-year-old children found that those who lived in urban areas were more likely to be diagnosed with asthma than those from rural areas, supporting the role of exposure to pollution and toxins in developing asthma (Wichmann, Wolvaardt, Maritz, & Voyi, 2009). Other risk factors for developing asthma include low birth weight, stress, low socioeconomic status, and exposure to secondhand smoke in the home (Ding et al., 2014; Kiechl-Kohlendorfer et al., 2007).

Figure 9.3: Ethnic Differences in Asthma Prevalence, 2013

Source: Child Trends (2013a).

Asthma poses risks to children’s development and functioning because children with asthma are more likely to report only fair or poor overall health and well-being and to be treated for a mental health problem than are children without asthma (Collins et al., 2008; Miller, Wood, & Smith, 2010). Asthma is the most common cause of school absence (Akinbami et al., 2009). In addition to more school absences, children with asthma tend to report more unhappiness at school and are less likely to report having a group of friends to play with (Chen, 2014; Petteway, Valerio, & Patel, 2011). Moreover, many asthmatic children report being teased or bullied (van den Bemt et al., 2010). Physical health influences, and is influenced by, socioemotional development, as demonstrated by findings on childhood obesity.

Obesity

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Byron looked up at the menu and the pictures of each item and tried to decide what to order for lunch, “Should I have a cheeseburger? Bacon cheeseburger? Well, the one thing I’m sure I’m having is large French fries—oh, and a chocolate milkshake!” A calorie-packed junk food lunch like Byron’s is a fun splurge once in a while, but for some children this is a regular everyday lunch. Children today weigh more than ever before. Health care professionals determine whether someone’s weight is in the healthy range by examining body mass index (BMI), calculated as weight in kilograms/height in meters squared (k/m2; World Health Organization, 2009). The most pressing and preventable health problem facing children today is obesity, defined as having BMI at or above the 95th percentile for height and age, as indicated by the 2000 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) growth charts (Reilly, 2007). More than 17% of American youth are classified as obese (National Survey of Children’s Health, 2014b; see Figure 9.4).

Rising rates of overweight and obesity among children are a problem in the United States, and all other developed nations, including Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Japan, Hong Kong, and New Zealand (de Onis, Blössner, & Borghi, 2010; Janssen et al., 2005; Wang & Lim, 2012), as shown in Figure 9.5. Obesity is also becoming more common in developing nations, such as India, Pakistan, and China, as they transition to Western-style diets higher in meats, fats, and refined foods as well as show the increased snacking and declines in physical activity linked with watching television (Poskitt, 2009; Wang & Lim, 2012).

Strides in genetic research in recent years have increased our understanding of the strong contribution of genetics to obesity (Drong, Lindgren, & McCarthy, 2012; Herrera, Keildson, & Lindgren, 2011). Contextual factors determine whether genetic predispositions to weight gain are fulfilled. In the United States, low socioeconomic status is associated with poor access to health insurance, health care, and transportation as well as unsafe neighborhoods and poor proximity to grocery stores that carry healthy foods (Vieweg, Johnston, Lanier, Fernandez, & Pandurangi, 2007), which places children in low socioeconomic status homes at higher risk for obesity as compared with their peers who live in high socioeconomic homes (Singh, Kogan, Van Dyck, & Siahpush, 2008). In contrast, in developing nations such as India, where hunger and food insecurity are common, high BMI signifies wealth; children of high socioeconomic status are more likely to be overweight and obese than other children (Kaur, Sachdev, Dwivedi, Lakshmy, & Kapil, 2008).

Figure 9.4: Prevalence of Child and Adolescent Obesity in the United States, 1963– 2012

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Source: Fryar, Carroll, and Ogden (2014). http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hestat/obesity_child_11_12/obesity_child_11_12.htm#figure1

Figure 9.5: Worldwide Prevalence of Overweight Children (ages 5 to 17) in 2010

Source: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (2014).

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U.S. children who eat an evening meal with parents tend to have more healthy diets that include more fruits and vegetables and less fried foods and soft drinks, and they are less likely to be overweight than other children (Hauser et al., 2014). However, the frequency of family dinnertimes drops sharply between ages 9 and 14, and family dinners have become less common in recent decades (Rollins, Francis, & BeLue, 2007). Screen time— time spent in front of a television, computer, or electronic device screen watching television or videos, playing video games, and engaging with social media—and other sedentary activities are risk factors for a high BMI. Five- to eight-year-old children tend to average about 2.5 hours of screen time each day, about an hour of which is spent watching television (Rideout, 2013). Screen time increases with age, peaking between ages 10 and 14 at about 7 hours a day, time that is not spent on physical play and other activities (Nader, Bradley, Houts, McRitchie, & O’Brien, 2008).

Childhood obesity is associated with short- and long-term health problems, including heart disease, high blood pressure, orthopedic problems, cardiovascular disease, and diabetes (Pulgarón, 2013). Obese children are at risk for peer rejection, depression, low self-esteem, and body dissatisfaction because children and adults are more likely to report negative perceptions of obese children as sloppy, ugly, stupid, deceitful, and generally unlikable as compared with other children (Gibson et al., 2008; Puhl & Heuer, 2009). The vast majority of obese children do not outgrow obesity but instead become obese adults (Lakshman, Elks, & Ong, 2012).

Programs that effectively reduce childhood obesity target children’s screen time, increase their physical activity and time spent outdoors, and teach children about nutrition, reducing their consumption of high calorie foods and increasing their consumption of fruits and vegetables (Bleich, Segal, Wu, Wilson, & Wang, 2013; Doak, Visscher, Renders, & Seidell, 2006; Nowicka & Flodmark, 2007). To prevent obesity, parents should monitor their children’s activities and engage in physical activities with them such as walking, biking, and swimming. Intervention is important to reduce childhood obesity, but it must be done sensitively, as children who are pressured to lose weight may become obsessed with body size and develop a poor body image.

Body Image Dissatisfaction

As early as age 4, children rate thin bodies are more attractive than the average-shaped bodies they report as normal and commonly seen (Brown & Slaughter, 2011). Beginning in late childhood, body image, perception of one’s body and outward appearance, becomes an important influence on self-esteem. “See how my stomach sticks out?” asked Amanda. “Sometimes it sticks out even worse, and I have to wear baggy tops. I hate that. I want to wear cropped tops like that one,” Amanda said, pointing to a page in a magazine. “But I’m too fat.” “Me too,” said her best friend, Betsy. At 9 years of age, Amanda and Betsy display signs of body image dissatisfaction—dissatisfaction with one’s physical appearance as shown

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by a discrepancy between one’s ideal body figure and actual body figure. Many schoolchildren, like Amanda and Betsy, experience body image dissatisfaction, which is associated with poor self-esteem, depression, and unhealthy eating and exercise behaviors (Poudevigne et al., 2003; Rolland, Farnhill, & Griffiths, 1997; Tiggeman & Wilson- Barrett, 1998).

Body image dissatisfaction can be seen as early as the preschool years and rises quickly over the course of childhood (Tremblay & Limbos, 2009). For example, one study of 3- to 5- year-old children found that over two thirds of the girls of normal weight reported dissatisfaction with their bodies (Tremblay, Lovsin, Zecevic, & Larivière, 2011). Six- and seven-year-old girls in Western countries such as the United States, Britain, and Australia commonly rate their ideal figure as smaller than their current figure (Coughlin, Heinberg, Marinilli, & Guarda, 2003). About 40% to 50% of elementary schoolchildren (6–12 years) are dissatisfied with some aspect of their body and shape (Littleton & Ollendick, 2003; Smolak, 2011). Perhaps it may not be surprising, then, that dieting behaviors often begin in childhood, and about half of 8- to 10-year-old children report dieting at least some of the time (Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2005; Littleton & Ollendick, 2003; McVey, Tweed, & Blackmore, 2004). Although less well researched, boys also are vulnerable to body dissatisfaction. Studies of U.S., British, and Australian boys have shown that between one third and two thirds of boys between the ages of 5 and 10 report body dissatisfaction, desiring a thinner, larger, or broader frame (Cohane & Pope, 2001; Gustafson-Larson & Terry, 1992; Maloney, McGuire, Daniels, & Specker, 1989). Overall, body image dissatisfaction and body distortion increases with age in both boys and girls, peaking during early adolescence (Rolland et al., 1997).

Parents, peers, and media exposure are important influences on children’s body image. Parents’ direct comments about their child’s weight, particularly mothers’ comments, are most consistently associated with children’s reported body concerns and behaviors (Gattario, Frisén, & Anderson-Fye, 2014; McCabe et al., 2007). Peers, however, are also important.

Like Amanda and Betsy, girls often bond over “fat talk,” criticizing their own bodies (McVey, Levine, Piran, & Ferguson, 2013). Many school-age girls believe that being thin would make them more likable by their peers and less likely to be teased (Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2005; McCabe, Riccardelli, & Finemore, 2002). Girls with a higher BMI report experiencing more teasing and bullying (McVey et al., 2013), which in turn is associated with body dissatisfaction (Williams et al., 2013). Even without being teased, simply having higher BMI relative to peers predicts body image concerns one year later in 9- to 12-year-old girls (Clark & Tiggemann, 2008).

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Body image dissatisfaction is often first seen in girls during middle childhood.

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Finally, greater exposure to teen media and images of thin models is associated with greater dieting awareness, more weight concerns, and greater body dissatisfaction in girls and women (Benowitz-Fredericks, Garcia, Massey, Vasagar, & Borzekowski, 2012; Evans, Tovée, Boothroyd, & Drewett, 2013; Gattario et al., 2014). The influence of the media is perhaps best illustrated by longitudinal studies of Fijian teenagers before and after the introduction of television. Disordered eating attitudes and behaviors rose after television became widely available (Dasen, 1994). With the emergence of U.S. television programming, girls from rural Fiji reported comparing their bodies to the program characters and wanting to look like them (Becker, Keel, Anderson-Fye, & Thomas, 2004). In contrast, despite increases in globalization and an accompanying heavy media exposure, girls in rural Belize rejected bodies that were too thin or without enough shape and were opposed to dieting, suggesting that internalized cultural values of self-care and appearance ideals influence perceptions of attractiveness and body image (Anderson-Fye, 2004). It is clear that children’s perceptions of body ideals and their own bodies are influenced by multiple contextual factors.

Intervening to promote a healthy body image is challenging. School-based programs aim to educate students about body image using strategies such as lessons, group discussions, and role play as well as encourage supportive peer groups (McVey, Lieberman, Voorberg, Wardrope, & Blackmore, 2003; O’Dea & Yager, 2011). Improving media literacy is an important focus of many programs. Children are taught about media advertising and the strategies used by advertisers (Richardson, Paxton, & Thomson, 2009). Lessons might include information about the homogeneity of body shapes shown on television and magazines, airbrushing of photos, and why advertisers might want people to be unhappy

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with the way we look (to get them to buy the product; Neumark-Sztainer, Sherwood, Coller, & Hannan, 2000). For example, as part of a 2011 governmental initiative in British schools, Britney Spears allowed pre-airbrushed images of herself in a bikini to be shown alongside the airbrushed ones for children aged 10 to 11 to show how media might try to alter and improve images (Gattario et al., 2014). Effective programs emphasize providing children with alternative ways of thinking about beauty and body ideals (Gattario et al., 2014).

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Thinking in Context 9.1 1. How might have your experiences, biological foundation, and context influenced your own physical

development and health? How do your experiences compare with those of others your age? In what ways did these developments and experiences influence you as an elementary school child? Today?

2. Obesity, body image, and dieting in school-age children reflect the interaction of contextual and developmental factors. In what ways do contextual factors contribute to each of these health issues? What about genetic and developmental factors?

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Cognitive Development

We have seen that children make impressive gains in physical development, becoming bigger, stronger, and capable of a broad range of motor activities. Their leaps in cognitive development are even more impressive. Children’s capacities to take in, process, and retain information all increase dramatically. They grasp the world around them in new, more adultlike ways and become capable of thinking logically, although their reasoning remains different from that of adults. Children become faster, more efficient thinkers, and they develop more sophisticated perspectives on the nature of knowledge and how the mind works.

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Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Perspective: Concrete Operational Reasoning

Young children in Piaget’s preoperational stage of reasoning display thinking that is characterized by errors in logic, such as egocentrism. When children enter the concrete operational stage of reasoning, at about age 6 or 7, they gain the capacity to use logic to solve problems but still are unable to apply logic to abstract and hypothetical situations. In contrast, school-age children demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of the physical world around them, as well as the capacity to use language, as discussed in the following sections.

Classification

What hobbies did you enjoy as a child? Did you build model cars or airplanes? Collect and trade coins, stamps, rocks, or baseball cards? School-age children develop interests and hobbies that require advanced thinking skills, such as the ability to compare multiple items across several dimensions. The classification skills that accompany concrete operational reasoning permit school-age children to categorize or organize objects based on physical dimensions. Several types of classification skills emerge during the concrete operational stage: seriation, transitive influence, and class inclusion.

Stamp collecting is a hobby that relies on cognitive skills such as categorization.

Peter Beck/Corbis

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Seriation is the ability to order objects in a series according to a physical dimension such as height, weight, or color. For example, ask a child to arrange a handful of sticks in order by length, from shortest to longest. Four- to 5-year-old children can pick out the smallest and largest stick but cannot arrange the others in order. Instead, they arrange them haphazardly. Six- to 7-year-old children, on the other hand, arrange the sticks by picking out the smallest, and next smallest, and so on (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010; Inhelder & Piaget, 1964).

The ability to infer the relationship between two objects by understanding each object’s relationship to a third is called transitive inference. For example, present a child with three sticks: A, B, and C. She is shown that Stick A is longer than Stick B and Stick B is longer than Stick C. The concrete operational child does not need to physically compare Sticks A and C to know that Stick A is longer than the Stick C. She uses the information given about the two sticks to infer their relative lengths (Ameel, Verschueren, & Schaeken, 2007; Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995). Transitive inference emerges earlier than other concrete operational skills. By about 5 years of age, children are able to infer that A is longer than C (Goodwin & Johnson-Laird, 2008).

Classification is the ability to understand classification hierarchies, to simultaneously consider relations between a general category and more specific subcategories (Broude, 1995). For example, a child is shown a bunch of flowers (seven daisies and two roses) and is told that there are nine flowers—seven are called daisies and two are called roses. Are there more daisies or flowers? Preoperational children will answer that there are more daisies as they do not understand that daisies are a subclass of flowers (Deneault & Ricard, 2006; Inhelder & Piaget, 1964). By age 5, children have some knowledge of classification hierarchies and may grasp that daisies are flowers but do not fully understand and apply classification hierarchies (Deneault & Ricard, 2006). By about age 8, children can not only classify objects, in this case flowers, but make quantitative judgments and respond that there are more flowers than daisies (Borst, Poirel, Pineau, Cassotti, & Houdé, 2013). Children’s ability and interest in hierarchical classification becomes apparent in middle childhood when they begin to collect items, such as rocks, shells, and baseball cards, and spend hours sorting their collections along various dimensions, arranging them into classes and subclasses. For example, Susan sorts her rock collection by geographic location (e.g., part of the world in which it is most commonly found), with subcategories based on hardness and color. Other times, Susan organizes her rocks based on other characteristics, such as age, composition, and more.

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Piaget’s Conservation Tasks

How do children understand physical properties, such as volume and mass? Observe children as they are presented with two of Piaget’s classic conservation tasks.

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Conservation

In a classic conservation problem, a child is shown two identical balls of clay and watches while the experimenter rolls one ball into a long hot dog shape. When asked which piece contains more clay, a child who reasons at the preoperational stage will say that the hot dog shape contains more clay because it is longer. Eight-year-old Julio, on the other hand, knows that the two shapes contain the same amount of clay; at the concrete operational stage of reasoning, Julio grasps the principle of object identity. Object identity refers to the understanding that certain characteristics of an object do not change despite superficial changes to the object’s appearance. Julio notices that the ball shape is shorter than the hot dog shape, but it is also thicker. An understanding of reversibility, that an object can be returned to its original state, undoing the superficial physical alterations by which it was changed, implies that Julio realizes that the hot dog–shaped clay can be reformed into its original ball shape.

Most children solve this conservation problem of substance by age 7 or 8. At about age 9 or 10, children also correctly solve conservation of weight tasks (“Which is heavier, the hot dog or the ball?”). Conservation of volume tasks (after placing the hot dog and ball-shaped clay in glasses of liquid: “Which displaces more liquid?”) are solved last, at about age 12. The ability to conserve develops slowly, and children show inconsistencies in their ability to solve different types of conservation problems. Piaget posited that young school-age children’s thinking is so concrete that principles often seem to be tied to particular situations. They cannot yet apply their understanding of one type of conservation to another problem even though the principles underlying all conservation problems are the same.

Alternatively, some theorists argue that children’s capacities to solve conservation problems correspond to brain development and advances in information processing abilities (Morra,

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Gobbo, Marini, & Sheese, 2008). The earliest type of conservation, numerical conservation, is associated with development of working memory and the ability to control impulses, which permit children to manipulate numerical information to solve problems (Borst et al., 2013; Poirel et al., 2012). As compared with 5-year-old children, 9-year-old children show more activity in parts of the temporal and prefrontal cortex as well as other parts of the brain associated with working memory, inhibitory control, and executive control (Houdé et al., 2011). With practice, the abilities tested in Piagetian tasks become automatic and require less attention and fewer cognitive resources, enabling children to think in more complex ways (Case, 1998, 1999; Pascual-Leone, 2000). For example, once a child realizes that the hot dog–shaped clay was once in the shape of a ball—and thereby demonstrates an understanding of conservation of substance—the scheme becomes routine and requires less attention and mental resources than before (Siegler & Richards, 1982). Now the child can consider more challenging conservation problems. Children must practice one form of conservation in order for it to become automatic and free cognitive resources to apply that scheme to other conservation problems.

Culture and Concrete Operational Reasoning

Although the features and correlates of concrete operational reasoning are universal, cultural factors play a role in the rate of cognitive development (Siegler, 1998). Studies of children in non-Western cultures suggest that they achieve conservation and other concrete operational tasks later than children from Western cultures. However, these differences may be influenced by researchers’ methodologies—specifically, the language of testing matters. When 10- and 11-year-old Canadian Micmac Indian children were tested in English on conservation problems (substance, weight, and volume), they performed worse than 10- to 11-year-old white English-speaking children. Yet when tested in their native language, by researchers from their own culture, the children performed as well as the English-speaking children (Collette & Van der Linden, 2002). Cultural differences in children’s performance on tasks that measure concrete operational reasoning may be more a result of methodology and how questions are asked rather than children’s abilities (D’Esposito et al., 1995).

Children around the world demonstrate concrete operational reasoning, but experience, specific cultural practices, and education play a role in how it is displayed (Manoach et al., 1997). Children are more likely to display logical reasoning when considering substances with which they are familiar. Mexican children who make pottery understand at an early age that the amount of clay remains the same when its shape is changed. They demonstrate conservation of substance earlier than other forms of conservation (Fry & Hale, 1996) and earlier than children who do not make pottery (Hitch, Towse, & Hutton, 2001; Leather & Henry, 1994). Despite having never attended school and scoring low on measures of mathematics achievement, many 6- to 15-year-old children living in the streets of Brazil demonstrate sophisticated logical and computational reasoning. Why? These children sell items such as fruit and candy to earn their living. In addition to pricing their products

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competitively, collecting money, making change, and giving discounts, the children adjusted prices daily to account for changes in demand, overhead, and the rate of inflation (Gathercole, Pickering, Ambridge, & Wearing, 2004). The children’s competence in mathematics was influenced by experience, situational demands, and learning from others. Despite this, schooling also matters in promoting cognitive development because children with some schooling were more adept at these tasks than were unschooled children (Siegel, 1994).

This child in Brazil shows advanced computational skills because she sells candy and other items to earn a living. Experience and situational demands influnce cultural differences in cognitive skills.

Reuters/Ricardo Moraes

Schooling influences the rate at which principles are understood. For example, children who have been in school longer tend to do better on transitive inference tasks than same age children with less schooling (Artman & Cahan, 1993). Likewise, Zimbabwean children’s understanding of conservation is influenced by academic experience, age, and family socioeconomic status (Mpofu & van de Vijver, 2000). Japanese children’s understanding of mathematical concepts tends to follow Piaget’s theory of maturational unfolding, but other mathematical concepts are understood because of formal instruction, supportive of Vygotsky’s principle of scaffolding (discussed in Chapter 7) as an influence on cognitive development (Case, Kurland, & Goldberg, 1982; Dempster, 1985). Lives in Context (p. 235) explores the development of children’s capacities to understand illness.

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Information Processing Perspective

“If you’re finished, put your head down on your desk and rest for a moment,” Mrs. McCalvert advised. She was surprised to see that three quarters of her students immediately put their heads down. “They are getting quicker and quicker! I guess next time I’ll assign more challenging problems,” she thought to herself. Information processing theorists would agree with Mrs. McCalvert’s observation because the information processing perspective describes development as entailing changes in the efficiency of cognition rather than qualitative changes in reasoning. School-age children can take in more information, process it more accurately and quickly, and retain it more effectively than younger children. They are better able to determine what information is important, attend to it, and use their understanding of how memory works to choose among strategies to retain information more effectively. The sensory register does not appear to change much with development. Five-year-old children demonstrate similar capacities and performance as adults (Cowan, Nugent, Elliott, Ponomarev, & Saults, 1999; Kail & Reese, 2002). Working memory shows steady increases in middle childhood, especially in executive function.

Central Executive Function

Improvements in working memory are influenced by increases in storage capacity as well as advances in the ability to control and direct attention (Baddeley, 2012; Cowan, Ricker, Clark, Hinrichs, & Glass, 2015). An important part of working memory is the central executive, a control processor that regulates cognitive activities such as attention, action, and problem solving. Specifically, the central executive is responsible for (1) coordinating performance on two separate tasks or operations, such as both storing and processing information at the same time; (2) quickly switching between tasks, such as manipulating and storing information; (3) selectively attending to specific information and ignoring irrelevant information; and (4) retrieving information from long-term memory (Baddeley, 1996, 2012). Central executive function is thought to have a biological basis because the cognitive activities controlled by the central executive are associated with regions of the cortex, specifically several areas of the frontal lobe and part of the parietal lobe (Collette & Van der Linden, 2002; Petersen & Posner, 2012).

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Advances in selective attention, working memory, and central executive function help older children pay attention in class, ignore distracting information, and problem solve.

Jennifer Brown/Star Ledger/Corbis

Steady increases in central executive function and working memory occur throughout childhood, from 4 years of age through adolescence, and are responsible for the cognitive developmental changes that we see during childhood (Benes, 2001; Brocki & Bohlin, 2004). For example, during the elementary school years, working memory capacity—how much material can be held—improves substantially (Kail & Park, 1994; Schneider & Pressley, 2013b). One study demonstrated that between ages 6 and 7 children begin to use attention switching in completing memory tasks, permitting the 7-year-old children to show greater recall than the 6-year-old children (Camos & Barrouillet, 2011).

School-age children demonstrate increasingly sophisticated performance in a range of skills such language comprehension, reading, and mathematics ability (Mazzocco & Kover, 2007). Between ages 6 and 10, children become much better able to control their attention and deploy selective attention, focusing on the relevant information and ignoring other information, than younger children, who are easily distracted and fidget (Savage, Cornish, Manly, & Hollis, 2006). Children not only get better at attending to and manipulating information but they get better at storing it in long-term memory, which is an unlimited store that holds information indefinitely. Children amass a great deal of information, and as they get older, they organize it in more sophisticated ways and encode and retrieve it more efficiently and with less effort.

Improvements in memory, attention, and processing speed are possible because of brain development—particularly myelination and pruning. Neural systems for visiospatial working memory, auditory working memory, and response inhibition differentiate, dividing into separate parts to enable faster and more efficient processing of these critical cognitive functions (Tsujimoto, Kuwajima, & Sawaguchi, 2007). Children become quicker at matching pictures, recalling spatial information, and doing other tasks (Gathercole &

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Hitch, 1993). Areas of the prefrontal cortex become more specialized in late childhood. For example, when presented with a visiospatial task in which they are shown a reference stimulus followed by test stimuli, 9-year-old children show substantial brain activity in the frontal regions of the brain, but 7-year-olds do not (Farber & Beteleva, 2011). Development of the prefrontal cortex leads to advances in response inhibition, the ability to withhold a behavioral response inappropriate in the current context, which increases children’s capacities for self-regulation that permits them to control their thought and behavior, contributing to advances in metacognition (Tsujimoto et al., 2007).

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Lives in Context

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Children’s Understanding of Illness School-age children’s emerging capacities for reasoning influence their understanding of a variety of phenomena, including their conceptions of illness (Brodie, 1974). It was once thought that children’s understanding of illness was unsophisticated—for example, viewing illness as caused by misdeeds—a view referred to as immanent justice (Kister & Patterson, 1980; Myant & Williams, 2005).

As children advance in cognitive maturity from older childhood into adolescence, they develop more advanced conceptions of illness and distinguish specific symptoms and diseases; appreciate psychological, emotional, and social aspects of physical illness; associate illness with germs and infection; and demonstrate an understanding of contagiousness (Brewster, 1982; Kister & Patterson, 1980). For example, unlike young children, older children tend to refer to germs in their explanations of illness, but they tend to view germs as operating in an all-or-nothing fashion such that the presence of germs alone is seen as enough to make a child sick (Raman & Gelman, 2005). It is not until early adolescence or later that they understand the complexity of causal influences and interactions. These advances in children’s understanding of illness are predictable and related to cognitive development rather than age.

Children in Western cultures and adults in non-Western cultures tend to rely on immanent justice and other nonbiological explanations (e.g., magic or fate) for contagious illnesses such as colds, coughs, and stomachaches (Raman & Winer, 2002). However, open-ended interviews require that the child understand not just the phenomena but be able to explain it. When researchers use less demanding tasks, such as forced choice (multiple choice) tasks, they find that Chinese and U.S. children as young as 3 years of age have an understanding that illness is not intentional, that some behaviors can prevent illness and others can make it more likely, and that germs or contamination is responsible for the transmission of contagious illnesses (Legare, Wellman, & Gelman, 2009; Raman & Gelman, 2008; Zhu & Liu, 2007).

Overall, school-age children tend to prefer biological explanations of illness and use immanent justice reasoning only as a fallback position to explain an illness that is not within the range of their personal experience. Cultural influences also shape children’s understandings of illness. For example, one study of 5- to 15-year-old children and adults from Sesotho-speaking South African communities showed that the participants, who were exposed to Western medicine, endorsed biological explanations for illness at high levels, but also often endorsed witchcraft (Legare & Gelman, 2008). Bewitchment explanations were neither the result of ignorance nor replaced by biological explanations. Instead, both natural and supernatural explanations were used to explain the same phenomena and were viewed as complementary. Although specific explanations may vary by culture, the coexistence of biological and supernatural reasoning about causes of illness is not confined to specific cultures. U.S. children and adults retain some supernatural explanations in addition to developing biological explanations (Legare, Evans, Rosengren, & Harris, 2012). Diverse, culturally constructed belief systems about illness coexist with factual understanding and explanations of illness change with development.

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What Do You Think? 1. Does Piaget’s theory adequately explain the changes that occur in children’s understanding of

illness? Why or why not? 2. Consider your own views and experience. As a child, do you remember “catching a cold”? What

did that mean to you?

Metamemory

Whereas young children tend to see the mind as static container for information, older children view the mind in more sophisticated terms, as an active manipulator of information (Flavell, 2004). Advances in metacognition accompany precortical development and enable schoolchildren to become mindful of their thinking and better able to consider the requirements of a task; determine how to tackle it; and monitor, evaluate, and adjust their activity to complete the task (Ardila, 2013; Kuhn, 2000).

Metamemory, an aspect of metacognition, refers to the understanding of one’s memory and ability to use strategies to enhance it and improves steadily throughout the elementary school years (Cavanaugh & Perlmutter, 1982; Flavell, 2004). Kindergarten and first-grade children understand that forgetting occurs with time and studying improves memory, but by age 8 or 9, metamemory permits children to accurately evaluate what they know, such as vocabulary words, and learn more effectively. Older children perform better on cognitive tasks because metacognition permits them to be more planful. They can evaluate the task, determine how they will approach it given their cognitive resources, attention span, motivation, and knowledge, and deploy metamemory to choose and monitor the use of memory strategies that will permit them to successfully store and retrieve needed information (Camos & Barrouillet, 2011; Kuhn, 2000; Schneider & Pressley, 2013a). These abilities improve with neural maturation and experience.

Memory Strategies

As children’s understanding of memory increases, they show more use of mnemonic strategies: tricks to aid memory. Rehearsal, organization, and elaboration are common mnemonic strategies. Rehearsal refers to systematically repeating information in order to retain it in working memory. For example, a child may say a phone number over and over to not forget it before writing it down. Children do not spontaneously and reliably apply rehearsal until after the first grade (Bjorklund & Douglas, 1997; Schneider & Bjorklund, 1992). Shortly after rehearsal appears, children start to use a second, very important, memory strategy. Organization refers to categorizing or chunking items to remember by grouping it by theme or type, such as animals, flowers, and furniture. When memorizing a

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list of words, a child might organize them into meaningful groups, such as foods, animals, and objects. Growth in working memory is partially attributed to an increase in the number of chunks children can retain with age (Cowan et al., 2010). Elaboration entails creating an imagined scene or story to link the material to be remembered. To remember to buy a loaf of bread, milk, and butter, for example, a child might imagine a slice of buttered bread balancing on a glass of milk. It is not until the later school years that children use elaboration without prompting and apply it to a variety of tasks (Camos & Barrouillet, 2011). As children begin to use memory strategies, their recall improves dramatically.

Throughout middle childhood, children learn more strategies and get better at selecting them, modifying them to suit the task at hand, and using them more effectively, which contributes to advances in cognitive performance (Bjorklund, 2013; Imbo & Vandierendonck, 2007). With development, children’s strategy use becomes more efficient. They use more than one strategy during a given task and choose different strategies for different tasks (Justice, Baker-Ward, Gupta, & Jannings, 1997; Lehmann & Hasselhorn, 2007).

The strategies that children use to tackle cognitive tasks vary with culture. In fact, the daily tasks we face vary with our cultural context. Rehearsal, organization, and elaboration are memory strategies that help us recall bits of information. Children in Western cultures receive lots of experience with tasks that require them to recall bits of information and thereby develop considerable expertise in the use of memory strategies. On the other hand, research shows that people in non-Western cultures with no formal schooling do not use or benefit from instruction in memory strategies, such as rehearsal (Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995). Instead, they refine memory skills that are adaptive to their way of life, relying, for example, on spatial cues for memory, such as when recalling items within a three- dimensional miniature scene. Australian Aboriginal and Guatemalan Mayan children perform better at these tasks than do children from Western cultures (Rogoff & Waddell, 1982). Culture and contextual demands influence the cognitive strategies that we learn and prefer and how we use our information processing system to gather, manipulate, and store knowledge.

Knowledge

Throughout childhood, children acquire increasing amounts of information, which they naturally organize in meaningful ways. As children learn more about a topic, their knowledge structures become more elaborate and organized, the information becomes more familiar and meaningful and easier to store and recall. It is easier to recall new information about topics with which we are already familiar.

During middle childhood, children develop vast knowledge bases and organize information into elaborate hierarchical networks that enable them to apply strategies in more complex

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ways and remember more material than ever before—and more easily than ever before (Schneider & Pressley, 2013a). For example, fourth-grade students who are experts at soccer show better recall of a list of soccer-related items than do students who are soccer novices, but the groups of children do not differ on the non-soccer-related items (Schneider & Bjorklund, 1992). The soccer experts tended to organize the lists of soccer items into categories, and their knowledge helped them to organize the soccer-related information with little effort, using fewer resources on organization and permitting the use of more working memory for problem solving and reasoning. Novices did not have a knowledge base to aid their attempts at organization. Existing knowledge about a topic makes it easier to learn more about that topic (Ericsson & Moxley, 2013).

Intelligence tests are often administered individually, one-on-one.

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Thinking in Context 9.2 1. Physical and motor development have clear implications for cognitive development during infancy. Is the

same true in middle childhood? In what ways might physical and motor development influence cognition in school-age children?

2. How might context and culture have shaped your cognition? How might your surroundings— neighborhood, home, and school— have influenced specific aspects of your thinking, such as what strategies you use and your capacities for metacognition? Provide an example of how your context influenced your cognitive development.

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Intelligence

Intelligence tests (IQ tests) measure intellectual aptitude, an individual’s capacity to learn, which is vital to school success. Achievement tests measure what one has already learned about a given topic. Schools routinely administer achievement tests to students, which measure reading, writing, arithmetic skills, and knowledge of science. Although intelligence tests are designed to measure aptitude, it is not possible to design a test that requires no prior knowledge. Many developmental researchers argue that intelligence tests overlap with achievement tests and may not accurately reflect aptitude or potential.

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Group-Administered and Individually Administered Intelligence Tests

Group-administered tests are those that are given to large numbers of people at once. The Army Alpha test was the first test that could be answered in writing by a large group (Yoakum & Yerkes, 1920). It was developed during World War I to place army recruits in positions that were appropriate to their intellectual abilities (Kaufman & Lichtenberger, 2006). Descendants of this early group-administered test are given routinely in school settings as a quick way of analyzing groups of children’s intellectual abilities, their strengths and weaknesses, which aids professionals in planning educational curricula. These multiple- choice tests also identify children who are in need of further assessment with individually administered tests.

Individually administered tests are conducted in a one-on-one setting by professionally trained examiners who carefully observe and record the child’s responses and behavior to determine whether the child’s responses reflect environmental or behavioral factors such as noisy surroundings, fatigue, or inattention. The Wechsler tests are the most often used individually administered intelligence tests for children and are used to identify children with special needs, whether gifted or learning disabled (Kline, 2013).

The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-IV), appropriate for children aged 6 through 16, is the most widely used individually administered intelligence test for children. In addition to the WISC, there are Wechsler tests for preschoolers (the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, or WPPSI) and adults (the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, or WAIS). The WISC-IV is composed of 10 subtests that comprise an overall measure of IQ as well as four indexes: verbal comprehension, perceptual reasoning, working memory, and processing speed (Wechsler, 2003). Five supplemental subtests are included to aid examiners in further assessing a child’s capacities in a given area. The WISC includes verbal subtests, which tap vocabulary and knowledge, factual information that is influenced by culture, and nonverbal subtests that instead measure working memory, processing speed, and visual spatial reasoning and are thought to be less influenced by culture (DiStefano & Dombrowski, 2006). Table 9.1 presents the subtests and sample items that comprise the WISC-IV.

By carefully examining a child’s pattern of subtest scores, a professional can determine whether a child has specific learning needs, whether gifted or challenged (Kaufman, Flanagan, Alfonso, & Mascolo, 2006; Mayes & Calhoun, 2007; Taylor, Reeves, & Jeffords, 2008). The WISC includes nonverbal subtests that require little language proficiency, such as tasks that require the child to arrange materials such as blocks and pictures, which enables children with speech disorders and those who do not speak English to be fairly assessed (Wechsler, 2003).

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The WISC is the first intelligence test to be standardized on samples of children who are geographically and ethnically representative of the total population of the United States, creating norms that permit comparisons among children who are similar in age and ethnic background (Kaufman et al., 2006; Taylor et al., 2008). In Canada, an adapted WISC, standardized with children representative of the Canadian population, is available in English and French (Sarrazin, 1999; Wechsler, 1996). The WISC has been adapted and used in many other countries, including the United Kingdom, Greece, Japan, Taiwan, Sweden, Lithuania, Slovenia, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France, and the Netherlands (Georgas, Weiss, van de Vijver, & Saklofske, 2003).

IQ tests have been shown to have high validity in predicting school achievement, how long a child will stay in school, and career attainment in adulthood. In addition to earning higher than average grades in school (Alloway & Alloway, 2010), children with high IQ scores are more likely as adults to attain greater levels of education, work in a professional job, earn higher income, and own homes (Neisser et al., 1996; Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Bundy, 2001). Despite the advantages of intelligence testing, criticisms abound, especially concerning group differences in intelligence.

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Individual and Group Differences in IQ

Consistent ethnic and socioeconomic group differences exist in IQ scores, leading some to argue that IQ tests are culturally biased. Black children in America score an average of 15 IQ points below white children, but the gap is shrinking with each decade and ethnic differences are reduced and often disappear when socioeconomic differences are taken into account (Brooks-Gunn, Klebanov, & Duncan, 1996; Flynn, 2008; Ford, 2008; Rindermann & Thompson, 2013). Socioeconomic status contributes to IQ through differences in living conditions, nutrition, school resources, intellectual stimulation, culture, and life circumstances, such as the experience of discrimination, which influences cognitive and socioemotional factors related to IQ, such as self-concept, academic achievement, and motivation (Neisser et al., 1996; Nisbett et al., 2013; Turkheimer, Haley, Waldron, D’Onofrio, & Gottesman, 2003). Other contextual factors thought to contribute to the differences in IQ scores include schooling and cultural styles of communication.

Intelligence scores are closely linked with education. IQ rises with each year spent in school; improves during the school year, between October and April; and drops over the summer vacation (Ceci, 1991, 1999; Huttenlocher, Levine, & Vevea, 1998). School provides children with opportunities to be exposed to information and ways of thinking that are valued by the majority culture and reflected in IQ tests. At the same time, the results of children’s IQ tests influence the schooling that they receive because IQ tests serve as gatekeepers to gifted programs (Ford, 2008).

Some experts argue that IQ tests tap the thinking style and language of the majority culture (Heath, 1989; Helms, 1992). Language difficulties also may explain some group differences. For example, Latino and Native American children tend to do better on nonverbal tasks than ones that require the use of language (Neisser et al., 1996). However, even nonverbal sorting tasks can be influenced by culture. When presented with a series of cards depicting objects and activities and told to sort the cards into meaningful categories, children from Western cultures tend to sort the cards by category, putting bird and dog in the same category of animal. Children of the Kpelle tribe in Nigeria instead sort the cards by function, placing bird with fly, for example, because birds fly (Sternberg, 1985). Learning experiences and opportunities influence children’s scores on nonverbal tasks. For example, performance on spatial reasoning tasks are associated with experience with spatially oriented video games (Dirks, 1982; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1996).

Most of the research that examines group differences in IQ has used an older WISC measure, the WISC-III. The WISC-IV, the most recent edition, is different from prior editions in content and structure. The WISC-IV includes an equal number of verbal and nonverbal subtests whereas the older version, WISC-III, included more verbal subtests which are thought to be more heavily influenced by culture (Kaufman et al., 2006). Ethnic

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differences between whites and African Americans tend to be smaller on the new WISC-IV as compared with the older WISC-III, suggesting that the structure of the test, specifically the degree to which it relies on spoken language, influences the results (Prifitera & Saklofske, 1998; Prifitera, Saklofske, & Weiss, 2005).

Finally, sociohistorical context influences intelligence. Since the 1930s, some researchers have noted that intelligence scores increase with each generation (Lynn, 2013). Over the past 60 years, intelligence scores have increased by about 9 points for measures of general knowledge and 15 points for nonverbal measures of fluid reasoning with each generation (Flynn, 1987, 1998). Referred to as the Flynn effect, this generational increase in IQ is thought to be a function of contextual factors—specifically, changes in education and environmental stimulation that improve children’s reasoning and problem-solving skills (Flynn & Weiss, 2007). Each generation of children is exposed to more information and ideas than the generation before, and this exposure likely influences thinking itself (te Nijenhuis, 2013). More recent research suggests that the generational gains are leveling off in industrialized countries and already have flattened in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark (Flynn & Weiss, 2007; Sundet, Barlaug, & Torjussen, 2004; Teasdale & Owen, 2000). We have seen that the definition and measurement of intelligence is influenced by context. Two alternative perspectives, as described in the following section, illustrate the relevance of context in conceptualizing intelligence.

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Alternative Views of Intelligence

Arguments about the cultural bias of IQ tests have led some researchers to reconsider what it means to be intelligent. Howard Gardner and Robert Sternberg propose that intelligence entails more than academic skill. Their theories link intelligence to everyday problems and situations.

Multiple Intelligences

A skilled dancer, a champion athlete, an award-winning musician, and an excellent communicator all have talents that are not measured by traditional IQ tests. According to Howard Gardner (1993, 1995; Gardner & Moran, 2006), intelligence is the ability to solve problems or create culturally valued products. Specifically, Gardner’s multiple intelligence theory proposes at least eight independent kinds of intelligence, as shown in Table 9.2. Multiple intelligence theory expands the use of the term intelligence to refer to skills not usually considered by experts as intelligence and has led to a great deal of debate among intelligence theorists and researchers (Barnett, Ceci, & Williams, 2006; Kaufman, Kaufman, & Plucker, 2013; Waterhouse, 2006)

According to multiple intelligence theory, each person has a unique pattern of intellectual strengths and weaknesses. A person may be gifted in dance (bodily kinesthetic) or communication (interpersonal), or musical intelligence yet score low on traditional measures of IQ. Each form of intelligence is thought to be biologically based and each develop on different timetables (Gardner, 1999). Assessing multiple intelligences requires observing the products of each form of intelligence (e.g., how well a child can learn a tune, navigate an unfamiliar area, or learn dance steps), which at best is a lengthy proposition, at worst nearly impossible (Barnett et al., 2006). However, through extended observations of individuals, an examiner can identify patterns of strengths and weaknesses and help them understand and achieve their potential (Gardner, 1995; Scherer, 1985).

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Educators, parents, and students tend to find the idea of multiple intelligences intuitively appealing because it is an optimistic perspective that allows everyone to be intelligent in their own way, viewing intelligence as broader than book learning and academic skills (Halpern, 2005). Currently schools tend to emphasize intelligence as defined by standardized IQ tests (i.e., verbal and logical–mathematic skills). Some educational theorists argue that if intelligence is multidimensional as Gardner suggests, then school curricula should target the many forms that intelligence may take and help students to develop a range of talents (Eisner, 2004; Gardner, 2013). Although Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences has gained a following, it is not yet grounded in research (Waterhouse, 2006). Despite criticisms, the theory of multiple intelligences draws attention to the fact that IQ tests measure a specific set of mental abilities and ignore others. Multiple intelligence theory has helped educators and parents view children’s abilities in a new light.

Triarchic Theory of Intelligence

Jason Bourne, hero of the popular spy-action novel and movie series The Bourne Trilogy, is highly adaptive. He can quickly gather information, such as a villain’s plot; process it; and devise a plan. He adapts his plan on the fly as the situation changes and thinks creatively to get out of seemingly impossible situations—car chases, traps, and other dangerous scenarios. Certainly Jason Bourne is a fictional character, but he illustrates another view of intelligence, articulated by Robert Sternberg. According to Sternberg (1985), intelligence is a set of mental abilities that permit individuals to adapt to any context and to select and modify the contexts in which they live and behave. Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence poses three forms of intelligence: analytical, creative, and applied (Sternberg, 2005, 2011). Individuals may have strengths in any or all of them.

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In The Bourne Trilogy, Jason Bourne (played by Matt Damon) illustrates creative, and applied intelligence, the three forms of intelligence that comprise the triarchic theory of intelligence.

AF Archive/Alamy

Analytical intelligence refers to information processing capacities, such as how efficiently people process information, acquire knowledge, engage in metacognition, and generate and apply strategies to solve problems, such as Bourne’s ability to process information quickly. Creative intelligence taps insight and the ability to deal with novelty. People who are high in creative intelligence, like Bourne, respond to new tasks quickly and efficiently. They learn easily, compare information with what is already known, come up with new ways of organizing information, and display original thinking. Applied intelligence influences how people deal with their surroundings: How well they evaluate their environment, selecting and modifying it, and adapting it to fit their own needs and external demands, similar to Bourne’s ability to modify his plans on the fly, using whatever resources are available. Intelligent people apply their analytical, creative, and practical abilities to suit the setting and problems at hand (Sternberg, 2011). Some situations require careful analysis, others the ability to think creatively, and others the ability to problem solve quickly in everyday settings. Many situations tap more than one form of intelligence.

Traditional IQ tests measure analytical ability, which is associated with school success. However, IQ tests do not measure creative and applied intelligence, which predict success outside of school. Some people are successful in everyday settings but less so in school settings and therefore may obtain low scores on traditional IQ tests despite being successful in career and personal life. The triarchic theory emphasizes that intelligent behavior is defined by a culture and context (see Figure 9.6). Some behaviors are more effective, and thereby more intelligent, in some contexts than others (Sternberg, 2014). People who have applied intelligence have skills that permit them to succeed in all of the contexts in which they live. For example, one study created a test that measures informal knowledge of an important aspect of adaptation to the environment in rural Kenya: knowledge of the identities and uses of natural herbal medicines used to combat illnesses. This information was a routine part of Kenyan children’s lives. The children used this informal knowledge (not taught in school) on average once a week in treating themselves or suggesting

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treatments to other children. Children who knew what these medicines were, their use, and dosage were in better position to adapt to their environment—and therefore more intelligent (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2008).

Figure 9.6: Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory of Intelligence

Cultures vary in the specific skills thought to constitute intelligence, but the three mental abilities that underlie intelligent behavior—analytic, creative, and applied intelligence—are the same across cultures. Still, the relative importance ascribed to each may differ (Sternberg, 2007; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2008). In Western cultures, the intelligent person is one who spends a great deal of effort in learning, enjoys it, and enthusiastically seeks opportunities for lifelong learning. In contrast, other cultures emphasize applied intelligence. For example, the Chinese Taoist tradition emphasizes the importance of humility, freedom from conventional standards of judgment, and awareness of the self and the outside world (Yang & Sternberg, 1997). In many African cultures, conceptions of intelligence revolve around the skills that maintain harmonious interpersonal relations (Ruzgis & Grigorenko, 1994). Chewa adults in Zambia emphasize social responsibilities, cooperativeness, obedience, and respectfulness as being important to intelligence and, likewise, Kenyan parents emphasize responsible participation in family and social life (Serpell, 1974; Serpell & Jere-Folotiya, 2008; Super & Harkness, 1982).

Views of intelligence even vary within a given culture (Sternberg, 2014). For example, when parents were asked of the characteristics of an intelligent child in the first grade of elementary school, white American parents emphasized cognitive capacities. Immigrants from Cambodia, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Mexico, on the other hand, pointed to motivation, self-management, and social skills (Okagaki & Sternberg, 1993), suggesting that characteristics valued as intelligent vary across cultures but also within a given culture (Sternberg, 2014). Once again, we see that context is an important influence on development.

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The skills and abilities that are thought to comprise intelligence vary across cultures.

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Thinking in Context 9.3 1. How do you define intelligence? From your perspective, what has influenced your own intelligence, as you

have defined it? How does your view compare with the views that we have discussed? 2. How might definitions and views of intelligence differ across contexts—different levels of socioeconomic

status, neighborhood, or in different cultures, such as Western and non-Western?

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Moral Development

The development of moral reasoning is influenced by childhood advances in cognitive development, social experience, and opportunities to consider issues of fairness. Specifically, children’s reasoning about issues of justice, of right and wrong, undergoes change in middle childhood.

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Moral Reasoning: Piaget’s Perspective

Young children up to about age 7 display a rigid view of rules, which Piaget (1932) referred to as the morality of constraint, as discussed in Chapter 7. They submit to rules out of deference to adult authority and constraints. They see rules, even those created in play, as sacred, absolute, and unchangeable, behaviors as either right or wrong, and violations of rules as meriting punishment regardless of intent (DeVries & Zan, 2003; Nobes & Pawson, 2003). For example, young children may proclaim, without question, that there is only one way to play softball, as advocated by Coach Jones: the youngest children must be first to bat. Preschoolers will hold to this rule, explaining that it is simply the “right way” to play.

In middle childhood, at about age 7, children enter the second stage of Piaget’s scheme, the morality of cooperation (also known as autonomous morality), which corresponds to the advancement to the stage of concrete operational reasoning and refers to a more flexible view of rules as self chosen rather than simply imposed on children. As children spend more time with peers and become better at taking their friends’ perspectives, their understanding of rules becomes more flexible. Children begin to value fairness and equality and see rules as products of group agreement and instruments of cooperative purposes. They abandon views of absolute right or wrong for more complex and personal views of morality and take into account many factors, such as act, intent, and the situation (Piaget, 1932). Now children become interested in games with rules. They are able to see a need for agreement on rules and consequences for violations. For example, older children are likely to recognize Coach Jones’ rule of softball batting order as a way to help the youngest children. Some children might agree that the rule promotes fairness while others might argue to abandon the rule as it gives younger children an unfair advantage.

Piaget did not spend a great deal of time writing and researching moral development. Instead, his career was focused on cognitive development. Despite this, Piaget’s theory of moral reasoning inspired Lawrence Kohlberg, who created perhaps the most well-known theory of moral reasoning.

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Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Reasoning

Similar to Piaget’s ideas, Kohlberg posed that moral reasoning reflected cognitive development and was organized into stages and levels. Each level of moral reasoning is composed of two stages. Table 9.3 compares Kohlberg and Piaget’s perspectives on moral development. Beginning in early childhood and persisting until about age 9, children demonstrate preconventional reasoning. Children at the preconventional stage move from concern with punishment as a motivator of moral judgments (Stage 1) to self-interest and concern about what others can do for them (Stage 2).

For example, consider the following vignette used by Kohlberg (1963) to measure moral reasoning:

Joe’s father promised he could go to camp if he earned the $50 for it, and then changed his mind and asked Joe to give him the money he had earned. Joe lied and said he had only earned $10 and went to camp using the other $40 he had made. Before he went he told his younger brother Alex about the money and about lying to their father. Should Alex tell their father? (p. 9).

The child who reasons at the preconventional stage might reply no. When asked why, he might say, “My brother would say, ‘if you tell on me I’ll whip you with my belt real hard’” (Kohlberg, 1963, p. 13). Young children view the correct response as the one that is associated with fewer punishments.

At about age 9 or 10, children’s advances in cognitive development and perspective-taking ability enable them to demonstrate reasoning at the second level of Kohlberg’s scheme, conventional moral reasoning. At this level, children understand and internalize the norms and standards of authority figures. They attempt to make decisions and define what is good by anticipating disapproval, viewing approval by others as the ultimate goal. At Stage 3, children uphold rules in order to please others and gain affection and sympathy. As they respond to scenarios, they often put themselves in the role of victim. In response to the question of whether Joe should tell on his brother, a child at Stage 3 might respond, “No— I wouldn’t want him to tell on me.” At Stage 4, children buy into the rules and standards because they are concerned with maintaining social order. They seek approval from legitimate authorities and are bothered only by disapproval if it is expressed by legitimate authorities. Consider Andy, age 16: “If my father finds out later he won’t trust me. My brother wouldn’t either but I wouldn’t have a conscience that he (my brother) didn’t” (Kohlberg, 1963, p. 13). Andy’s decision reflects his desire to avoid disapproval by authorities over peers. People who reason at Stage 4 view rules as reflecting rights and duties assigned by authorities as part of an organized social order. As shown by 16-year-old

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Andy, conventional reasoning does not always disappear—many people demonstrate conventional reasoning throughout their lives. Not everyone develops the third and final level of reasoning, postconventional reasoning. If it is achieved, it occurs in adolescence or, more typically, early adulthood.

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Distributive Justice Reasoning

An alternative perspective on moral development emphasizes how children’s reasoning about distributive justice, how to divide goods fairly, develops over early and middle childhood (Damon, 1977, 1988). Every day, children are confronted with moral issues of distributive justice—for example, over how a candy bar should be divided among three siblings. Does age matter? Height? Hunger? How much the child likes chocolate as compared with other candy?

Children progress from self-serving reasons for sharing, expressed in early childhood (e.g., “I get more candy because I want it.” Or “I share candy so that Mikey will play with me.”) to more sophisticated and mature conceptions of distributive justice in middle childhood (Damon, 1977). Using nonverbal measures researchers have shown that 3-year-old children identify and react negatively to unfair distributions of stickers, especially when they receive less than another child (LoBue, Nishida, Chiong, DeLoache, & Haidt, 2011). Four- and 5- year-old children allocate rewards based on observable characteristics, such as age, size, or other obvious physical characteristics (e.g., “The oldest should get more candy”). Often, these decisions are based on personal desires and characteristics that adults would deem irrelevant, such as Melissa proclaiming, “Girls should get more because they’re girls!” Five- and 6-year-old children think of justice as equality and emphasize equal distribution—that each child should get the same amount of candy, for example (Damon, 1977; Enright et al., 1984).

At about 7 years of age, children take merit into account and believe that extra candy should go to the child who has excelled or worked especially hard. At around 8 years of age, children can act on the basis of benevolence, believing that others at a disadvantage should get special consideration. For example, extra candy should go to the child who does not get picked to play on a sports team or a child who is excluded from an activity. Between ages 8 and 10, children come to understand that people can have different yet equally valid reasons for claiming a reward. They begin to reflect on the need to balance competing claims, such as those of merit and need. Preadolescents and young adolescents try to coordinate claims of merit, need, and equality and provide increasingly sophisticated answers that often cannot be expressed in a single sentence (Damon, 1980).

Culture influences children’s ideas about distributive justice. For example, in one study Filipino and American fifth graders were presented with hypothetical scenarios that required that they distribute resources (Carson & Banuazizi, 2008). Both the Filipino and American children preferred equal division of the resources regardless of merit or need, but the children offered different explanations of their choices that are based in differences in Filipino and U.S. culture. U.S. children emphasized that the characters in the scenario preformed equally and therefore deserved equal amounts of the resources, reflecting U.S.

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culture’s emphasis on individuality and merit. Filipino children, on the other hand, tended to be more concerned with the interpersonal and emotional consequences of an unequal distribution, in line with their culture’s emphasis on the collective and the importance interpersonal relationships (Carson & Banuazizi, 2008).

Advances in perspective taking that accompany cognitive and social development influence increases in children’s sensitivity to others and capacities for distributive justice reasoning. As their understanding of distributive justice improves, children are more likely to express desires to help and share with others and show advancements in social problem solving (Blotner & Bearison, 1984; McNamee & Peterson, 1986). However, with development, children also differentiate among their relationships, which may influence their distributive judgments. Older children tend to see relationships with acquaintances as relationships of mutual exchange (e.g., you scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours) whereas relationships with their best friends tend to be seen as communal and symmetrical—decisions about distributive justice are guided by concern for the other and a desire to maintain the relationship (Frederickson & Simmonds, 2008).

Children’s reasoning about moral issues does not occur in a vacuum. Emotions play a role in moral judgment because emotions help children anticipate the outcomes of events and adjust their decisions and behavior accordingly (Arsenio & Gold, 2006). Prosocial emotions such as sympathy reflect an orientation toward others’ welfare and influence how children think about moral issues and ultimately how they behave (Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006; Malti & Latzko, 2010). For example, children may experience situations involving moral transgression as emotionally salient and associate emotions such as empathy or guilt with them, thereby viewing moral transgressions as wrong and deserving of punishment (Helwig, 2008).

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Distinguishing Moral and Conventional Rules

As children’s conceptions of justice become more sophisticated, they develop a more comprehensive understanding of the relation between moral rules and social conventions. Rather than strictly adhering to rules out of respect for authority, children begin to consider the situation and weigh a variety of variables in making decisions. Like younger children, school-age children distinguish between moral and conventional rules, judging moral rules as more absolute than conventional rules (Turiel, 2008). Moral rules are seen as less violable, contingent on authority or rules, or alterable than social conventions (Smetana, Jambon, & Ball, 2014). They anticipate feeling positive emotions after following moral rules and more likely to label violations of moral rules as disgusting (Danovitch & Bloom, 2009)

Children judge conventional rules created by adults as more legitimate than those created by children (Nobes & Pawson, 2003). In addition, children view transgressions and alterations of rules by adults as more acceptable than those by children. School-age children can distinguish among social conventions. They discriminate social conventions that have a purpose from those with no obvious purpose. For example, children distinguish among rules about not running indoors versus avoiding a section of the school yard despite no apparent danger. Social conventions that serve a purpose, such as preventing injuries (not running indoors), are evaluated as more important and more similar to moral issues than social conventions with no obvious purpose (avoiding a section of the school yard; Buchanan-Barrow & Barrett, 1998).

As children grow older they are more likely to view relational aggression as morally wrong

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and comparable to physical aggression.

iStock/Essentials

In considering violations of social conventions, school-age children also consider intent and the context. For example, Canadian 8- to 10-year-old children understood that a flag serves as a powerful symbol of a country and its values—and that burning it purposefully is worse than accidentally burning it. The 10-year-old children also understood that flag burning is an example of freedom of expression and can be used to express disapproval of a country or its activities. They agreed that if one were in a country that is unjust, burning its flag would be acceptable (Helwig & Prencipe, 1999). Children distinguish between actions by adults and children. When adults were the agents, rules were judged to be more alterable, violable, and authority contingent than when children were the transgressors (Nobes & Pawson, 2003). Children also distinguish among moral issues. For example, although fourth- and fifth-grade students tended to adopt a moral orientation about both physical and relational aggression, they saw physical aggression as more wrong and harmful than relational aggression (Murray-Close, Crick, & Galotti, 2006). Girls, however, rated both types of aggression as more wrong and relational aggression (which they are more likely to experience) as more harmful than did boys. As children grow older, they become better able to consider complex moral dilemmas and demonstrate more nuanced judgments. For example, 5- to 11-year-old children become increasingly tolerant of necessary harm—that is, violating moral rules in order to prevent injury to others (Jambon & Smetana, 2014). It is clear that school-age children’s conceptions and reasoning about moral and conventional issues undergoes significant development.

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Thinking in Context 9.4 1. Is moral development universal? Do all people progress through the same processes? Why or why not? 2. In what ways do children’s decisions about right and wrong reflect maturation; cognitive change; and

contextual influences such as family, friends, and school or neighborhood factors?

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Language Development

While the most dramatic developments in language occur in infancy and early childhood, school-age children demonstrate important advances in their language abilities. Language is composed of a vocabulary, a mental dictionary of memorized words, an understanding of grammar, rules that permit combining words to express ideas and feelings, and an understanding of pragmatics, how language is used in everyday contexts. Comprehension and use of vocabulary, grammar, and pragmatics grows and becomes more sophisticated during middle childhood.

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Vocabulary and Grammar

Although school-age children’s increases in vocabulary are not as noticeable to parents as compared with the changes that occurred in infancy and early childhood, 6-year-old children have large vocabularies that expand to 4 times their size by the end of the elementary school years (about 40,000 words) and 6 times by the end of formal schooling (Bloom, 2000). Older children learn words using the same strategies as younger children, such as by contextual cues (Nagy & Scott, 2000). They also learn new words by comparing complex words with simpler words (Owens, 2001). For example, they understand the meaning of the word sadness by considering the root word: sad (Anglin, 1993).

Schoolchildren learn that there are many words that can describe a given action, but the words often differ slightly in meaning (e.g., walk, stride, hike, march, tread, strut, and meander). They become more selective in their use of words, choosing the right word to meet their needs. As their vocabularies grow, children learn that some words can have more than one meaning, such as run (e.g., “The jogger runs down the street,” “The clock runs fast,” and so on). They begin to appreciate that some words have psychological meanings as well as physical ones (e.g., a person can be smooth and a surface may be smooth). This understanding that words can be used in more than one way leads 8- to 10-year-old children to understand similes and metaphors (e.g., a person can be described as cold as ice, or sharp as a tack; Nippold, Taylor, & Baker, 1996; Winner, 1988).

Words are often acquired incidentally from uses in writing and verbal contexts rather than through explicit vocabulary instruction (Best, Dockrell, & Braisby, 2006). Some words, such as scientific terms, are conceptually complex and require acquiring deep conceptual knowledge, such as an understanding of physical processes, over repeated exposure in different contexts. For example, one study examined 4- to 10-year-old children’s knowledge of two scientific terms, eclipse and comet, before and after the occurrence of a natural event, a solar eclipse. Two weeks after the solar eclipse and without instruction, the children showed improvement in their knowledge of eclipses but not comets—and older and younger children did not differ in their knowledge (Best et al., 2006). Everyday experiences shape our vocabulary, how we think, and how we speak.

In middle childhood, schoolchildren become better able to understand complex grammatical structures. They begin to use the passive voice (“The dog is being fed”), complex constructions such as the auxiliary have (“I have already fed the dog”), and conditional sentences (“If I had been home earlier I would have fed the dog”; Chomsky, 1969; Horgan, 1978; Pinker, Lebeaux, & Frost, 1987). Experience with language and exposure to complex constructions influence grammatical development. For example, the Inuit children of Arctic Canada are exposed to the Inuktitut language, which emphasizes full passives; they produce passive voice sentences sooner than do children from other

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cultures (Allen & Crago, 1996). Throughout middle childhood, sentence structure and use of grammar becomes more sophisticated and children become better at communicating their ideas.

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Pragmatics

Pragmatics refers to the practical application of language to communicate. With age and advances in perspective-taking skill that comes with cognitive development, children are more likely to change their speech in response to the needs of listeners. They are also able to succeed at challenging tasks such as precisely describing differences among a group of similar objects, and to modify their communication in light of their audience to achieve their goals (Deutsch & Pechmann, 1982). For example, when faced with an adult who will not give the child a desired toy, 9-year-old children are more polite in restating their request than are 5-year-old children (Axia & Baroni, 1985). Children speak to adults differently than to other children. They speak differently on the playground than in class or at home. In addition, older children begin to understand that there is often a distinction between what people say and what they mean.

One example of pragmatics that develops is the use of irony. Many contextual, linguistic, and developmental factors influence the processing and comprehension of irony, such as intonation, facial expressions, and the capacity to evaluate how well the statement matches the situation (Colston, 2002; Ivanko & Pexman, 2003; Pexman, Glenwright, Hala, Kowbel, & Jungen, 2006). Children at the ages of 5 to 6 become capable of recognizing irony when they are able to understand that a speaker believes something different from what they have said. Yet most tend to interpret irony as sincere, relying on the person’s statement and disregarding other cues in the story, intonation, and gestures (Creusere, 2000; Demorest, Meyer, Phelps, Gardner, & Winner, 1984; Harris & Pexman, 2003). Cognitive development permits children to detect the discrepancy between what the speaker says and what he or she believes, and their ability to understand ironic remarks continues to develop through middle childhood, improving rapidly between ages 5 and 8 (Hancock, Dunham, & Purdy, 2000). By 9 years of age, children become able to identify and interpret inconsistencies between ironic utterances and contextual facts but they are not fully aware of the intentional use of irony (Demorest et al., 1984). However, even in adolescence the understanding of irony is still developing; children as old as 13 do not reliably distinguish irony from deception (Filippova & Astington, 2008).

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Thinking in Context 9.5 1. Explain what it means to say that language development is continuous from infancy through middle

childhood. Is the statement accurate? 2. In what ways does language development illustrate the interaction of developmental and contextual

factors? Give some examples related to school-age children’s language development.

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Learning and Schooling

Between ages 5 and 11, children become better able to attend to stimuli, create and use strategies to manipulate information, store and retrieve information, and accumulate and apply knowledge. Schoolchildren’s growing ability to think logically underlies advances in problem-solving ability, but their understanding of logic is concrete, oriented toward the tangible. It may not be surprising, then, that effective instruction for older children is straightforward and concrete in nature (Simon, 2001). Instruction that helps children see connections between new material and prior knowledge builds on what they already know, keeps pace with their growing abilities, and helps children grasp and recall complex concepts and learn to read and write.

Advances in cognitive development underlie older children’s achievements in math, reading, and other academic skills.

Lawrence Migdale/Science Source

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Reading and Mathematics

An important task of middle childhood is developing skills in reading and writing. From a societal perspective, the abilities to read and to understand mathematics are fundamental to advancement in science and technology, which improve economic opportunities for both individuals and societies at large. In the early school grades, math achievement and reading comprehension are supported by children’s cognitive development, specifically executive functioning skills and working memory (Mazzocco & Kover, 2007; Passolunghi, Mammarella, & Altoè, 2008).

However, schooling plays a key role in enabling children to master reading and math. In past generations, most children were taught to read using the phonics method, based on memorizing rules and the sounds of each letter to sound out words. Phonics instruction usually involved rigorous drills and lessons to help children identify patterns of sound combinations in words (Brady, 2011; Rayner, Foorman, Perfetti, Pesetsky, & Seidenberg, 2001). In the late 1980s, the whole-language approach to reading instruction was introduced, in which literacy is viewed as an extension of language and children learn to read and write through trial and error discovery similar to how they learn to speak, without learning phonics or drills. The emphasis on children as active constructors of knowledge is appealing and in line with cognitive-developmental theory. As the whole-language approach is in widespread use in schools, many teachers today are not trained in phonics instruction. However, the research comparing the two approaches has offered little support for whole-language claims and overwhelming support for the efficacy of phonics training in improving children’s reading skills (Brady, 2011; Jeynes, 2008; Liberman & Liberman, 1990; National Institute of Child Health and Human Development [NICHD], 2000; Stahl, McKenna, & Pagnucco, 1994).

Unfortunately, a substantial number of U.S. children are poor readers and are thereby at risk for poor academic achievement. In 2013, 32% of fourth-grade students were unable to meet basic standards for reading at their grade level (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014a). Early reading deficits influence all areas of academic competence (math, writing, science, etc.), and children who experience early difficulties in reading often remain behind (Hong & Yu, 2007; Juel, 1988). Although some research has found an overall tendency for children’s attitudes, interests, and motivation in reading and writing to decline over the school years, the drop occurs more rapidly in worse readers (McKenna, Kear, & Ellsworth, 1995). Deficits in reading skill are associated with social adjustment problems, and this association increases over time (Benner, Beaudoin, Kinder, & Mooney, 2005). For example, children with poor reading skills also tend to have poor vocabularies, which may make it more difficult for them to successfully interact with peers (Benner, Nelson, & Epstein, 2002). Children with a limited knowledge of vocabulary tend to demonstrate larger academic and social deficits with time, relative to peers with a rich knowledge of

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vocabulary (Baker, Simmons, & Kame’enui, 1997).

Similar to reading, in past generations math was taught through rote learning, such as drills, memorization of number facts (e.g., multiplication tables), and completion of workbooks. Many children found these methods boring or restrictive; they learned to dislike math and did not perform well. In response, new methods, rooted in Vygotsky’s ideas, were developed to enhance students’ interest and motivation in learning mathematics (Ginsburg, 1998). In 1989, the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics modified the national mathematics curriculum to emphasize concepts and problem solving, estimating and probability; teachers were to encourage student interaction and social involvement in solving math problems. The emphasis changed from product—getting correct answers quickly—to process—learning how to understand and execute the steps in getting an answer. Teachers often use strategies that involve manipulatives, opportunities for students to interact physically with objects to learn target information rather than rely solely on abstraction. Such strategies have been shown to be effective in enhancing problem solving and retention (Carbonneau, Marley, & Selig, 2013).

In contrast with research findings about the whole-language approach to reading, changes in the mathematics curriculum are supported by student achievement as fourth-grade students’ mathematical skills have improved over the past two decades. Between 1990 and 2013, the proportion of fourth-grade students performing at or above the proficient level increased from 13% to 42%, and the proportion that could not do math at their grade level fell from 50% in 1990 to 17% in 2013 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014b). Although these represent important gains, the 17% statistic means that nearly one in five U.S. schoolchildren is still deficient in math skills, suggesting that there is more work to be done. The past decade has seen new educational initiatives with the intent to leave no children academically behind and to provide a core set of educational objectives and assessments that ensure that progress is made and children do not fall through the cracks (see Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development, p. 248).

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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No Child Left Behind and the Common Core

Current educational policies, such as NCLB and the Common Core, are often criticized for their emphasis on frequent testing,

Jeff Greenberg/Getty

In an effort to remedy poor academic achievement, in 2002 a federal law known as the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) was enacted to ensure that all children demonstrate grade-level reading and mathematics skills. Schools were required to use frequent assessment to measure third- through eighth-grade students’ achievement and determine school performance in meeting educational goals. States are held accountable for meeting their annual achievement goals and may lose funding for poor performance.

An important principle of NCLB is that parents and students must have access to quality education and must have the choice to transfer out of low-performing schools. Each year, school districts and states must release district and state report cards tracking student achievement broken down by subgroup (such as ethnicity and socioeconomic status); this information is made public for parents and taxpayers.

Although a stated goal of NCLB is to promote national standards of education, in practice wide discrepancies in achievement have persisted across states. For example, scores showing below-basic performance in math range from 7% of fourth graders in New Hampshire to about 26% in New Mexico and 34% in Washington, DC (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014b). With regard to reading, the percentage of fourth graders who are unable to read at their grade level ranges from 20% in New Hampshire to 47% in Mississippi and 50% in Washington, DC.

The law cited 2014 as the goal for all children in every state to perform at grade level in order for states to maintain full federal funding, but raising every child’s academic achievement is very challenging—so much so that many states did not meet their goals. In the years since the inception of NCLB, 43 states have been granted waivers to permit them access to federal funding as long as they set and maintain accountability standards and are able to report increases in student achievement (U.S. Department of Education, 2015).

In 2010, a new federal program known as Common Core State Standards Initiative was introduced. Developed by a group of experts designated by the governors of all states, the Common Core State Standards detail what children should know about math and language in grades K–12 to ensure that high school graduates are prepared for college and careers (Conley, 2014). A universal standard exam is proposed to assess student learning. As of 2015, there are 43 states and the District of Columbia that are participating in the Common Core State Standards.

Both NCLB and Common Core State Standards have been controversial among parents, taxpayers, educators, and policy makers. Critics point to a narrowed curriculum that devalues art and social studies; they also express concern that many schools encourage teachers to “teach to the test,” overemphasizing topics that appear on the exams at the expense of providing a well-rounded education (Dee, Jacob, & Schwartz, 2012; Mathis, 2006; Sunderman & Orfield, 2007). Critics also argue that the NCLB goals are unattainable, given that failing schools often face sanctions, such as reduced federal funding, which make it

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even more challenging to meet educational standards (Mathis, 2006). States that adopt the Common Core Standards receive competitive advantage for federal education funding yet many have difficulty finding the state funding required to fully implement the Common Core Standards (Kober & Rentner, 2011). Perhaps the most striking criticism is that tying federal funding to performance may penalize schools attended by the neediest children because the lowest performing schools are in low socioeconomic status neighborhoods— therefore poor students are most in danger of attending schools that lose funding.

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What Do You Think? 1. Should students learn a common core of material and competencies? Why or why not? 2. What competencies or topics do you think are most important for students to learn? 3. Do you agree or disagree with the idea that making funding contingent on achievement will

motivate schools to improve their students’ test scores?

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English Language Learners

Over 6,000 languages are spoken in the world, but most are not used in school settings; thus most of the world’s children must learn in a foreign language (Tucker, 1998). The United States is no exception: About 22% of school-age children in the United States speak a language other than English at home; of these, about one fourth struggle with English at school (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2014). Although it was once thought that there was a critical period for learning a second language, we now know that people retain the capacity to acquire language throughout life (Hakuta, Bialystok, & Wiley, 2003). School-age children are especially well equipped to learn a second language because they have reasoning and communication skills and their brains are plastic.

How should children be taught to speak English? The most common approach used in the United States is the English immersion approach (also known as English as a second language, or ESL), which places foreign-speaking children into English-speaking classes, requiring them to learn English and course content at the same time. Some educators believe that students should instead be taught bilingualism, two languages, learning subject matter first in their native language and then switching to English when they become competent in a given academic subject, fostering competence in both languages. A third approach is dual language learning (also called two-way immersion), in which English and non-English students learn together in both languages and both languages are valued equally. Advocates argue that bringing a child’s native language into the classroom sends children the message that their cultural heritage is respected and strengthens their cultural identity and self-esteem. Some studies suggest that immersion brings a loss in native language (Baus, Costa, & Carreiras, 2013), and others find that dual language retains the native language while enhancing the new language (Castro, Páez, Dickinson, & Frede, 2011).

Many proponents of immersion point to its effectiveness in Canada, where both English and French are official languages. About 10% of Canadian students are enrolled in immersion programs where English-speaking children are enrolled in French classes, learning the entire curriculum in French. Canadian children in French immersion programs become proficient in both languages with no decline in their skills in English or in reading or academic achievement (Harley & Jean, 1999; Hermanto, Moreno, & Bialystok, 2012; Lipka & Siegel, 2007). However, because both English and French are official languages, Canadian children and adults are exposed to both in a great many contexts, not just in school. Researchers argue that immersion is not as effective for U.S. non-English-speaking children because the children’s native languages are not official languages in the U.S. English is thus seen as a replacement for children’s native language, and this may contribute to children’s feelings of isolation, anxiety, and frustration (Crawford, 1997; Midobuche, 2001). Perhaps it is for this reason that longitudinal research

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with U.S. samples suggests that bilingual approaches, which encourage students to retain their native language while learning English, are more effective than immersion approaches at promoting successful learning of English and as well as overall academic achievement (Relji , Ferring, & Martin, 2014; Rolstad, 2005). Nevertheless, other research suggests that no one approach is best for all children in all contexts (Bialystok, 2001).

The ability to speak more than one language is associated with many cognitive skills. Individuals who have mastered two or more languages have higher scores on measures of selective attention, analytical reasoning, concept formation, cognitive flexibility, and memory (Bialystok, 2011, 2015; Bialystok, Craik, & Luk, 2008; Kormi-Nouri et al., 2008). The process of learning two languages encourages a more complex understanding of language and ability to reflect on it (Bialystok, 2001; Campbell & Sais, 1995). Other research shows that bilingual children score higher on measures of executive function, particularly the ability to control attention and ignore misleading information, suggesting that the brains of bilingual children are different than those of monolingual children (Barac & Bialystok, 2012; Barac, Bialystok, Castro, & Sanchez, 2014; Bialystok, 2015; Carlson & Meltzoff, 2008). These effects emerge slowly over years; one study of second- and fifth- grade students showed improvements over a five-year span in tasks such as verbal fluency and executive control (Bialystok, Peets, & Moreno, 2014). Moreover, when children are able to speak, read, and write in two languages, they are more cognitively and socially flexible and can take part in both cultures (Huang, 1995). At the same time, children who are bilingual show greater achievement in their native language; this is true whether their native language is Spanish or English (Sheng, Bedore, Peña, & Fiestas, 2011).

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Bilingual Education

School-age children are especially well equipped to learn a second language. Watch one teacher’s approach to teaching English as a second language.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Transition to First Grade

Clarissa followed the teacher’s instructions and sat at her desk. She was excited to finally be a big kid, starting first grade. She was nervous about her new surroundings and teacher, but she remembered her kindergarten teacher’s advice: “Pay attention and listen to your first- grade teacher, as you did in kindergarten, and you’ll be fine.” Clarissa folded her hands on her desk, looked up at the teacher, and grinned to herself, “This isn’t so hard. I’m a big kid now.” Like Clarissa, most children go to kindergarten before entering first grade, and many go to preschool before kindergarten. Despite some experience with the educational system, children usually feel a mixture of excitement and anxiety upon entering first grade. For most children and parents, first grade holds symbolic value as the threshold to elementary school and older childhood.

Easing children’s transition to first grade is important because adjustment and behavior during the first year of elementary school influences children’s views of themselves, their academic performance, teacher perceptions, and class involvement (Zafiropoulou, Sotiriou, & Mitsiouli, 2007). Teachers play an important role in aiding children’s adjustment to first grade. Instructional and emotional support provided by teachers, such as attending to students’ interests, promoting initiative, providing appropriately challenging learning opportunities, and encouraging positive social relationships among children, help children develop academic and social skills such as reading and mathematics, the ability to follow directions, and self-control (Burchinal, Roberts, Zeisel, Hennon, & Hooper, 2006; Perry, Donohue, & Weinstein, 2007; Pianta, La Paro, Payne, Cox, & Bradley, 2002).

High-quality, sensitive, responsive, and positive interactions with teachers are associated with greater student motivation and academic achievement and fewer problems with anxiety and poor behavior throughout elementary school (Cadima, Leal, & Burchinal, 2010; Maldonado-Carreño & Votruba-Drzal, 2011; Pianta et al., 2002). Conversely, teacher–child conflict is associated with aggression, poor social competence, and underachievement throughout elementary school (Pianta & Stuhlman, 2004; Runions et al., 2014; Spilt, Hughes, Wu, & Kwok, 2012; White, 2013).

First grade serves as a foundation for a child’s educational career because the school curriculum of each grade builds on prior grades. Starting in first grade, reading and math skills build step by step each year, so that doing well in one year helps children perform well the next year (Entwisle, Alexander, & Steffel Olson, 2005; see Box 9.3). Early school failure is harmful to students’ academic functioning and intellectual development because early academic deficiencies often persist through the school years and children may fall further behind with each successive year in school (Alexander, Entwisle, & Kabbani, 2001; Ferguson, Jimerson, & Dalton, 2001; Hong & Yu, 2007). In addition, children’s performance in each grade is documented into a cumulative file that follows them from

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year to year, influencing teachers’ perceptions and expectations of them, which, in turn, influences their educational success.

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Children With Special Needs

School systems must meet the needs of a diverse population of children. As we have seen, non-English-speaking children require assistance in learning English and maintaining fluency in their native language. Many other children have special educational needs and require assistance to help them overcome obstacles to learning. The most frequent needs for special education assistance are intellectual disability, learning disabilities, and attention- deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).

Intellectual Disability

Formerly known as mental retardation, intellectual disability occurs when children show cognitive and social functioning that is considerably below that of other children their age. Mental retardation is the term used by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th edition (DSM–5), which is the manual of diagnoses used by physicians and mental health professionals (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). In recent years, the term mental retardation has fallen out of favor by professionals because it is stigmatizing and potentially offensive to those with the diagnosis (American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, 2009). The new terminology of intellectual disability is exemplified by organization names (e.g., American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities) and is used by U.S. federal government agencies such as the CDC.

Intellectual disability is characterized by deficits in intellectual functioning (often defined as IQ of 70 or below) and age-appropriate adaptive behavior such as social, communication, and self-care skills, that begins before 18 years of age (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). The behavioral component—the inability to appropriately adapt or modify one’s behavior in light of situation demands—is essential to a diagnosis of intellectual disability. About 1% to 2% of people in the United States are diagnosed with intellectual disability (Brown et al., 2008). There are a great many causes of intellectual disability, including genetic disorders such as Down syndrome; metabolic disorders such as phenylketonuria (PKU); prenatal exposure to teratogens such as maternal use of alcohol or drugs; developmental disorders such as autism; environmental influences such as neglect, fetal malnutrition, childbirth trauma; and factors associated with poverty such as lack of access to health care and poor nutrition (Carr & O’Reilly, 2007; Ellison, Rosenfeld, & Shaffer, 2013; Vorstman & Ophoff, 2013). Genetic causes are estimated to be responsible for approximately one fourth to one half of identified cases (Srour & Shevell, 2014). Genetic counseling, prenatal care, and health care for pregnant women and infants can prevent many cases. Still other causes of intellectual disability do not happen until later in childhood; these include serious head injury, stroke, and certain infections such as meningitis (CDC, 2005). Furthermore, many cases of intellectual disability have no

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identifiable cause.

A supportive and engaging environment with toys, books, and warm and intellectually stimulating interactions with caregivers during infancy and early childhood coupled with help and guidance through the school years can enhance the outcomes of children with intellectual disabilities (Gorter et al., 2014). Interventions targeted to the needs of children with mild or moderate disability can help them to become independent and, as adults, live in the community with autonomy (Brown et al., 2008). Children who are profoundly intellectually disabled require greater levels of assistance and more consistent care. As adults, people with profound intellectual disabilities often reside in institutional settings that are able to meet their many needs. However, centers that provide care during the day and in-home-assistance services are important alternatives to institutional care as they are less costly and allow individuals with profound intellectual disabilities to remain with their families, in their homes and communities.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Grade Retention and Social Promotion What should educators do when children do not meet academic standards for promotion to the next grade level? In the 1970s, social promotion, the practice of promoting children to the next grade when they do not meet the academic standards, became a common educational practice because grade retention, or “getting left back,” became viewed as damaging to children’s self-esteem (Bowman, 2005; Kelly, 1999). Social promotion, however, often did not solve the problem of school failure. As social promotion rose in popularity during the 1980s, schoolchildren’s standardized test scores declined and school officials were criticized for promoting failing students to the next grade level (Shepard & Smith, 1990). By the 1990s, legislators and the general public called for an end to social promotion, and many states banned social promotion in favor of grade retention as a way to remediate poor academic performance (Frey, 2005; Jimerson, 2001; Thomas, 2000).

About 10% of U.S. youth are retained in a grade one or more times by age 19; however, retention rates vary by state and in some cases are as high as 30% (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014a; Warren & Saliba, 2012; West, 2009). Students are retained for a variety of reasons: failure to meet criteria for promotion, frequent unexcused absences, social and cognitive immaturity, and the belief that an extra year of schooling will produce successful academic outcomes. African American and Hispanic students as well as those from poor households are disproportionately likely to be retained as compared with European American students and those from middle and high socioeconomic status homes (Frey, 2005; National Association of School Psychologists, 2003).

Does grade retention work? The cumulative evidence published to date shows that students who are retained in school, even in the first two years of elementary school, later show poor performance in reading, mathematics, and language, poor school attendance, more emotional and social difficulties, and greater dislike for school than do promoted students (Bowman, 2005; Ehmke, Drechsel, & Carstensen, 2010; Hong & Yu, 2007; Hughes, Chen, Thoemmes, & Kwok, 2010; Jimerson & Ferguson, 2007; Wu, West, & Hughes, 2010).

In some cases, retention can be a wakeup call to children and parents, but more often it is the first step on a remedial track that leads to lowered expectations, poor performance, and ultimately dropping out of school. In the United States and Canada, retained children are 2 to 11 times more likely to drop out of school than their promoted peers (Guèvremont, Roos, & Brownell, 2007; Stearns, Moller, Potochnick, & Blau, 2007). In addition, retained students are less likely to enroll in postsecondary education and are more likely to work low wage, low status jobs as compared with low-achieving, promoted students (are comparable to the general population of students; National Association of School Psychologists, 2003).

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As shown in Table 9.4, the National Association of School Psychologists (2003) recommends providing students and families with a variety of academic and support resources to promote student achievement and address school failure. Promoting students to the next grade, paired with intervention, that target a student’s specific needs in class and at home, can help students achieve at grade level and beyond (Jimerson & Renshaw, 2012).

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What Do You Think? 1. Under what conditions might the issue of grade retention arise? 2. Should students get “left back”? Why or why not?

Learning Disabilities

Learning disabilities are diagnosed in children who demonstrate a measurable discrepancy between aptitude and achievement in a particular academic area given their age, intelligence, and amount of schooling (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Sometimes intelligence test scores of children with learning disabilities show scattered performance, with some subtest scores very high and others very low (Fletcher, 2012). Children with learning disabilities tend to have average intelligence, normal vision, and normal hearing, yet they exhibit difficulty with sensory information and tend to be more easily distracted, less organized, and less likely to use memory strategies than other children (Loomis, 2006). Learning disabilities place children at risk for poor school performance and low self-esteem.

Dyslexia is the most commonly diagnosed learning disability. Children with dyslexia tend to be bright children yet they have difficulty reading, with reading achievement below that predicted by age or IQ. Specifically, children with dyslexia demonstrate age-inappropriate difficulty in matching letters to sounds and difficulty with word recognition and spelling despite adequate instruction and intelligence and intact sensory abilities (Peterson & Pennington, 2012; Ramus, 2014). Dyslexia is estimated to affect 5% to nearly 18% of the school population—boys and girls equally.

Dyslexia is influenced by genetics (Carrion-Castillo, Franke, & Fisher, 2013; Peterson & Pennington, 2012). Children with dyslexia have a neurologically based difficulty in processing speech sounds. They use different regions of the brain during speech tasks and are unable to recognize that words consist of small units of sound, strung together and represented visually by letters (Rosen, 2006; Schurz et al., 2014; Shaywitz et al., 1998). In one study, for example, boys with dyslexia used five times as much area in their brains to perform oral language tasks as compared with boys without dyslexia (Richards et al., 1999). Abnormalities in the brain areas responsible for reading can be seen in 11-year-olds with dyslexia but not in young children who have not been exposed to reading, suggesting that the brain abnormalities associated with dyslexia occur after reading commences (Clark et al., 2014).

Brain differences and processing defects make it difficult for children with dyslexia to decode or read words but do not affect their comprehension (Duff & Clarke, 2011).

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However, reading interventions can improve reading performance and can change the biological structure of the brain. Phonics instruction has been shown to help children with dyslexia learn to read (Shaywitz et al., 1998). In one study, children who were trained for eight weeks on phonics and tracing of letters, groups of letters, and words showed improvement in reading and an increase in gray matter volume in the brain areas associated with word and number recognition, memory, and integrating sensory information (Krafnick, Flowers, Napoliello, & Eden, 2011). Successful interventions include not only training in phonics but also supporting emerging skills by linking letters, sounds, and words through writing and reading from developmentally appropriate texts (Snowling, 2013).

Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

ADHD is the most commonly diagnosed disorder in children, diagnosed in about 10% of schoolchildren in the United States (Visser et al., 2014). Although it is commonly believed that the prevalence of ADHD is rising, research examining ADHD diagnoses in representative samples of the U.S. population suggests that levels of ADHD have remained consistent over the past three decades (Polanczyk, Willcutt, Salum, Kieling, & Rohde, 2014). ADHD is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by persistent difficulties with attention and/or hyperactivity/impulsivity that interferes with performance and behavior in school and daily life.

There are three different patterns ADHD may take. ADHD Predominantly Inattentive Presentation emphasizes difficulties with attention and distractibility, such as failing to attend to details, making careless mistakes, not appearing to listen when spoken to directly, not following through on instructions, or difficulty organizing tasks or activities. The ADHD Predominantly Hyperactive–Impulsive Presentation emphasizes difficulties with impulsivity, such as frequent fidgeting, squirming in seat, and leaving seat in class; often runs or climbs in situations where it is not appropriate; talks excessively often blurts out an answer before a question is completed; and has trouble waiting a turn. The ADHD Combined Presentation includes symptoms of both inattention and hyperactivity/impulsivity. While most children show one or two symptoms of inattention or hyperactivity at some point in their development, a diagnosis of ADHD requires consistent display of a minimum number of specific symptoms over a six-month period, and the symptoms must interfere with behavior in daily life.

Symptoms of ADHD, whether inattention or hyperactivity, make focusing on a task for more than a few minutes challenging, if not impossible. Upon sitting down to begin a task, the child might fidget, squirm in his seat, tap his legs, call out to the teacher, get up to sharpen his pencil, stop to look out the window, and so on. Children with ADHD are at risk for interpersonal difficulties because they have difficulty processing emotion-related stimuli, like faces; have poor social perspective taking skills; and act impulsively without

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thinking about social rules or the consequences of their actions (Da Fonseca, Seguier, Santos, Poinso, & Deruelle, 2009; DuPaul, 2007; Marton, Wiener, Rogers, Moore, & Tannock, 2009). Children with ADHD tend to enter ongoing peer activities in an abrupt manner, disrupting them, and therefore have trouble maintaining friendships, are often are not well liked and are sometimes even rejected by peers (Wiener & Mak, 2009). Girls with ADHD, particularly, show higher rates of peer victimization, being bullied by peers, as compared with other children.

ADHD has biological causes and is nearly 80% heritable (Aguiar, Eubig, & Schantz, 2010; Schachar, 2014). Environmental influences on ADHD include premature birth, maternal smoking, drug and alcohol use, lead exposure, and brain injuries (Pineda et al., 2007; Tarver, Daley, & Sayal, 2014; Thapar, Cooper, Eyre, & Langley, 2013). Contrary to popular rumors, ADHD is not associated with sugar intake or food additives (Barkley, 1998; Shaywitz et al., 1994).

Symptoms of ADHD tend to decline with age, but the disorder does not disappear and may be even be diagnosed in adults (Riddle et al., 2013). Untreated, ADHD is associated with poor academic performance, behavior problems, risky activities, and injuries (Aguiar et al., 2010; Harpin, Mazzone, Raynaud, Kahle, & Hodgkins, 2013; Tarver et al., 2014). Because children with ADHD experience academic as well as social difficulties, intervention is critical. Stimulant medication is the most common treatment for ADHD. Stimulant medication increases activity in the parts of the brain that are responsible for attention, self-control, and behavior inhibition (Rubia et al., 2013). Children who are prescribed carefully regulated dosages of medication show reductions in activity level and improvements in attention, academic performance, and social competence (Prasad et al., 2013; Rubia et al., 2013). Stimulant medication can increase children’s capacity to attend, but effective interventions help children learn cognitive and behavioral strategies to help them succeed in academic and social situations, such as ways of directing their attention and ways of entering social groups and interacting with peers (Daley et al., 2014; Tarver et al., 2014).

Educating Children With Disabilities

In the United States and Canada, legislation mandates that children with learning disabilities are to be placed in the “least restrictive” environment, or classrooms that are as similar as possible to classrooms for children without learning disabilities. Whenever possible, children are to be educated in the general classroom, with their peers, for all or part of the day. This is known as mainstreaming. Classes that practice mainstreaming have teachers who are sensitive to the special needs of students with learning disabilities and provide additional instruction and extra time for them to complete assignments. The assumption is that when children are placed in regular classrooms with peers of all abilities, they are better prepared to function in society. The effectiveness of mainstreaming varies.

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Some mainstreamed children benefit academically and socially. Others do not. Children’s responses to mainstreaming vary with the severity of their disability as well as the quality and quantity of support provided in the classroom (Klingner, Vaughn, Hughes, Schumm, & Elbaum, 1998; Waldron & McLeskey, 1998).

Special education classrooms that practice inclusion integrate all children into a regular classroom with additional teachers and educational support that is tailored to learning disabled students’ special needs. Students with learning disabilities learn more and demonstrate more social advancement in inclusion settings.

Robin Nelson/Zuma/Corbis

Mainstreaming works best when children receive instruction in a resource room that meets their specialized needs for part of the school day and the regular classroom for rest of the school day (Vaughn & Klingner, 1998). Children with learning disabilities report preferring combining time in the regular classroom with time in a resource room that is equipped with a teacher who is trained to meet their special learning needs. Mainstreaming may help children with learning disabilities to overcome difficulties with social awareness and skills that arise from their attention and processing deficits (Gresham & MacMillan, 1997; Sridhar & Vaughn, 2001). Interaction with peers and cooperative learning assignments that require children to work together to achieve academic goals help students with learning disabilities learn social skills and form friendships with peers.

A more recent approach to special education is inclusion, including children with learning disabilities in the regular classroom with a teacher or paraprofessional who is specially trained to meet their needs. Inclusion is different from mainstreaming because in mainstreaming there is only one teacher in class. Inclusion entails additional educational support within the regular classroom that is tailored to learning disabled students’ special needs. Students with learning disabilities spend all of their time in the regular classroom and learn more and demonstrate more social advancement than when they are taught in a resource room for part of the day (Swenson, 2000; Waldron & McLeskey, 1998). Around the world, children learn strategies to succeed despite their limitations, but the disabilities themselves and the academic and social challenges posed by them do not disappear. Parents

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and teachers are most helpful when they understand the learning disabilities are not a matter of intelligence or laziness but rather a function of brain differences and when they help children to learn to monitor their behavior.

Children undergo many physical and cognitive changes in middle childhood. Their bodies and the way in which they view the world change. As they become more cognitively competent, they adapt and apply their emerging skills in new ways, to consider moral and conventional issues, to become more proficient at language, and to learn in school. In Chapter 10, we examine the psychosocial changes that occur in middle childhood—the social changes that schoolchildren experience.

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Thinking in Context 9.6 1. Do you remember your experiences in first grade? Do you remember your teacher, classmates, how you

spent your days? In your view, does first grade matter? 2. What are the pros and cons of mainstreaming and inclusion, in your view? How might each address the

needs of intellectual disabilities or other special needs?

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Apply Your Knowledge Sally Scientist designed an experiment to examine how the feedback that children receive from adults influences their motivation and performance in academic tasks. Eight- to 10-year-old children were asked to participate in an experiment on problem solving. Each child was seated at a desk, and a piece of paper containing the following statement was distributed and then read to the child.

My name is Sally Scientist, and I have been working on creating a short test to look at children’s school smarts that will tell me how well children will do at school. Today, I’m asking that you try the test. Most children earn about 70 points on this 100-point test. Before you begin, I’d like to have an idea of how you will do on this test. What score do you think you’ll get?

After estimating his or her performance, each child completed the test. At the end, the children waited in another room, and they were told that their tests were being scored and that the experimenter wanted to learn what they thought of the test. Sally Scientist did not score the test. Instead, children were provided with false feedback. Regardless of how children scored, they were told that they scored below the score they anticipated. Sally used the child’s prediction to determine the test score; each child was given a score that was 19 points below the score that he or she predicted.

Each child was asked to meet with Sally, who handed out a green sheet listing the child’s name and test score; at the top of the green sheet, in bold, read the label “Poor.” As Sally handed the sheet to the child, she shuffled a second pile of yellow pages with “Excellent” printed at the top. She asked the child, “Why do you think you did poorly on the test?” Afterward, the child completed a survey measuring his or her motivation to succeed in academic tasks and measures of self-esteem and depression. After receiving false feedback, children were more likely to report low academic motivation, poor self-esteem, and depressive symptoms than children who were given accurate feedback.

Discuss influences on school achievement in middle childhood. How might the findings of Sally Scientists’ study inform our understanding of children’s motivation to succeed? Why did Sally provide the children with false information about their performance? What are the advantages of this approach? Providing false feedback is a type of deception. What are possible disadvantages of using deception in this study? How might Sally lessen the effects of the false feedback after she conducts her study? If you were Sally Scientist, how would you study influences on school achievement?

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Chapter Summary

9.1 Summarize patterns of physical and motor development during middle childhood.

During middle childhood, growth in height and weight slows, relative to early childhood, and children demonstrate increases in strength, speed, reaction time, flexibility, balance, and coordination. Advances in growth and motor development are influenced by genetic and contextual factors. 9.2 Analyze common health issues facing school-age children, including associated risk factors.

Middle childhood is a time of health, but school-age children often face chronic health issues. Rising rates of obesity pose another problem for children. Childhood obesity is associated with short- and long-term physical and psychological health problems, and most children do not grow out of obesity but instead become obese adults. Programs that are effective at reducing childhood obesity decrease children’s television and video game use, increase their physical activity, and teach children about nutrition. 9.3 Discuss school-age children’s capacities for reasoning as well as cultural differences in patterns of development.

At about age 7, children enter the concrete operational state of reasoning, permitting them to use mental operations to solve problems and think logically, and then demonstrate several different kinds of classification skills and make advances in solving conservation tasks. Concrete operational reasoning is found in children around the world; however, experience, specific cultural practices, and education play a role in development. 9.4 Explain changes in children’s information processing capacities and thinking.

Brain maturation leads to improvements in executive functioning and attention, memory, response inhibition, and processing speed. Mental activities that are performed often become automatic, freeing up intellectual resources, allowing more information to be remembered and for more advanced thinking. As children’s understanding of their own thinking and memory increase, they get better at selecting and using mnemonic strategies and become more planful. 9.5 Analyze the uses, correlates, and criticisms of intelligence tests.

IQ tests measure intellectual aptitude and are often used to identify children with special educational needs. IQ predicts school achievement, how long a child will stay in school, and career attainment in adulthood. Persistent group differences are found in IQ scores, but contextual factors, such as socioeconomic status, living conditions,

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school resources, culture, and life circumstances, are thought to account for group differences. 9.6 Compare two alternative views of intelligence.

Multiple intelligence theory and the triarchic theory of intelligence conceptualize intelligence as entailing a more broad range of skills than those measured by IQ tests. Howard Gardner proposed eight forms of intelligence in which people vary; each person is thought to have a unique pattern of strengths and weaknesses. In the triarchic theory of intelligence, Robert Sternberg posed that people vary on three forms of intelligence that comprise academics, creativity, and adaptability. 9.7 Examine patterns of moral development during middle childhood.

Until about age 9, children demonstrate preconventional reasoning in Kohlberg’s theory of moral development, moving from concern with punishment as a motivator of moral judgments (Stage 1) to self-interest and concern about what others can do for them (Stage 2). In late childhood, children advance to conventional moral reasoning in which they internalize the norms and standards of authority figures, becoming concerned with pleasing others (Stage 3) and maintaining social order (Stage 4). School-age children’s views of fairness become more sophisticated, and they become more likely to consider the situation and weigh a variety of variables in making decisions. 9.8 Discuss language development during middle childhood and its implications for capacities for communication.

Vocabulary expands to four times its size during the elementary school years. School- age children learn words through contextual cues and by comparing complex words with simpler words. Understanding of complex grammatical structures, syntax, and pragmatics improves in middle childhood with experience with language and exposure to complex constructions and children become better communicators. 9.9 Examine patterns of academic achievement in reading, mathematics, and second languages.

Phonics methods are highly effective in teaching reading, yet most schools employ the whole-language approach to teaching reading and a substantial number of U.S. children are poor readers. U.S. students’ mathematical skills have improved over the past two decades, with the introduction of a national mathematics curriculum, yet nearly one in five U.S. schoolchildren is deficient in math skills. Fluency in two languages is associated with higher scores on measures of selective attention, executive function, analytical reasoning, concept formation, and cognitive flexibility. Bilingual approaches to language learning are more effective than immersion approaches at teaching language and promoting academic achievement in children. 9.10 Identify common disabilities that pose educational challenges for children as well as methods of educating children who have special needs.

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Many school-age children are diagnosed with intellectual disability, dyslexia, and ADHD. In the United States and Canada, legislation mandates that, whenever possible, children are to be mainstreamed and educated in the general classroom, with their peers, for all or part of the day. However, the effectiveness of mainstreaming varies with the severity of their disability as well as the quality and quantity of support provided in the classroom.

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Key Terms

achievement tests 237 asthma 227 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) 250 body image 230 body mass index (BMI) 229 cerebellum 227 classification 233 concrete operational stage of reasoning 232 conventional moral reasoning 242 dual language learning 249 dyslexia 252 Flynn effect 239 immersion 249 inclusion 233 intellectual disability 250 intelligence tests (IQ tests) 237 learning disabilities 250 mainstreaming 253 metamemory 236 morality of cooperation 242 multiple intelligence theory 239 obesity 229 phonics 247 pragmatics 245 rehearsal 236 reversibility 233 selective attention 236 seriation 233 social promotion 251 stunted growth 226 transitive inference 233 triarchic theory of intelligence 241 whole-language approach 247

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Chapter 10 Socioemotional Development in Middle Childhood

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Learning Objectives 10.1. Explain three ways in which the sense of self changes in middle childhood. 10.2. Analyze the typical qualities of school-age children’s friendships and their developmental significance. 10.3. Explore the role of peer acceptance in children’s adjustment, including popularity and rejection. 10.4. Compare the characteristics of bullies and victims, how parent and school factors contribute to bullying, and outcomes of bullying. 10.5. Discuss changes in family relationships during middle childhood. 10.6. Examine the adjustment of children reared in gay and lesbian families. 10.7. Identify risks and protective factors that contribute to children’s adjustment in single-parent and cohabiting families. 10.8. Analyze patterns of adjustment to divorce in children and factors that contribute to adjustment. 10.9. Discuss common manifestations of anxiety in middle childhood. 10.10. Assess risks for sexual abuse, typical outcomes, and prevention strategies. 10.11. Analyze the role of resilience in promoting adjustment, including characteristics of children and contexts that promote resilience.

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Key Study Tools

Think Critically Sense of Self Watch Kids Need Structure Explore Further Friendships Think Critically Peer Acceptance Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Anti-Bullying Legislation (p. 268) Connect Stopbullying.gov Cultural Influences on Development China’s One-Child Policy (p. 270) Connect Strengthening Family Relationships Explore Further LGBT Families and Adoption Explore Further Single-Parent Families Video Case Blended Family Video Case Divorce: Parent’s Perspective Lives in Context Exposure to War and Terrorism and Children’s Development (p. 282) Connect School Refusal Explore Further What Is Sexual Abuse? Explore Further Family Resilience Listen Resilience in Millennials

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AP/Larry Deklinski

Unlike his little brother, who will play with any child available, Tishaun is choosy about his friends. He meets with the same group of neighborhood boys each afternoon to play basketball in Tishaun’s driveway. Tishaun especially likes playing basketball with his friends because he’s much better than them. Tishaun is proud that his gym teacher suggested that he try out for the school’s basketball team. He also performs well in class, is a good student, gets along with others, and is well liked by his classmates. Tishuan has successfully navigated many of the socioemotional tasks of middle childhood. He has come to understand himself in more sophisticated ways, and he has established good relationships with his parents and peers. In this chapter, we examine ways in which family and peer contexts shape school-age children’s socioemotional development.

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Psychosocial Development in Middle Childhood

Middle childhood, ages 6 to 11, represents an important transition in children’s conceptions of themselves and their abilities. According to Erik Erikson (1950), school-age children face the task of developing a sense of industry over inferiority, feeling more competent than inadequate. Children must learn and master skills that are valued in their society, such as reading, mathematics, and writing, as well as using computers. Six year-old Kia tied her shoelace and smiled to herself. “I did it again. I’m really good at tying my shoelaces—much better than my little brother.” Success at culturally valued tasks as simple as shoelace tying influences children’s feelings of competence and curiosity as well as their motivation to persist and succeed in all of the contexts in which they are embedded (Kowaz & Marcia, 1991). When children are unable to succeed or when they receive consistently negative feedback from parents or teachers, they may lose confidence in their ability to succeed and be productive at culturally valued tasks. Children’s sense of industry influences their self-concept, self-esteem, and readiness to face the physical, cognitive, and social challenges of middle childhood.

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Self-Concept

In middle childhood, children’s developing cognitive capacities enable them to think about themselves in new, more complex ways and develop more sophisticated and comprehensive self-concepts (Harter, 2012). Children’s perceptions of themselves, the characteristics they use to describe themselves, is known as self-concept. For example, consider this school-age child’s self-description: “I’m pretty popular. . . . That’s because I’m nice to people and helpful and can keep secrets. Mostly I am nice to my friends, although if I get in a bad mood I sometimes say something that can be a little mean” (Harter, 2012, p. 59). Like most older children, this child’s self-concept focuses on competencies and personality traits rather than specific behaviors (Damon & Hart, 1988). Older children include both positive and negative traits, unlike younger children who tend to describe themselves in all or none terms (Harter, 1996). Through interactions with parents, teachers, and peers children learn more about themselves (Harter, 2003; Spilt, van Lier, Leflot, Onghena, & Colpin, 2014; Verschueren, Doumen, & Buyse, 2012). For example, older children understand that their traits can vary with the context—for example, that a person can be nice or mean, depending on the situation (Heyman & Gelman, 2000). As self-concept differentiates, children develop a physical self-concept (referring to physical attributes or what they look like), academic self-concept (school performance), and social self-concept (social relationships with peers and others; Dusek & McIntyre, 2003; Harter, 2003).

Brain development plays a role in self-conceptions throughout the lifespan. The gains in executive functioning that come with neural maturation, such as self-regulation and problem solving, are associated with more sophisticated self-perceptions and the ability to take others’ perspectives (Lewis & Carmody, 2008; Samson, Apperly, & Humphreys, 2007). Developmental scientists look to research with adults to understand how the brain’s function changes with development (Apperly, Samson, Humphreys, & Hurnphreys, 2009). For example, parts of the temporal and parietal, and sometimes frontal cortex, are activated in self-representation tasks, such as when adults hear their own name or judge whether adjectives are relevant to themselves (Carmody & Lewis, 2006; Fossati et al., 2003; Macrae, Moran, Heatherton, Banfield, & Kelley, 2004). When processing information about the self, children use many more areas of the brain in than do adults suggesting that, with development, processing becomes more efficient and self-concept becomes more complex and differentiated (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012).

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Self-Esteem

If self-concept is based on a description (“what am I like?”), self-esteem is based on evaluation (“how well do I like myself?”); it refers to considering oneself worthy or valuable. Self-esteem is influenced by children’s self-conceptions as well as the importance they assign to the particular ability (Hart, Atkins, & Tursi, 2006; Harter, 2006), as illustrated by a child’s comment, “Even though I’m not doing well in those subjects, I still like myself as a person, because Math and Science just aren’t that important to me. How I look and how popular I am are more important” (Harter, 2012, p. 95). Children tend to report feeling most interested in activities they perform well and areas that they view as their strengths (Denissen, Zarrett, & Eccles, 2007). Activities such as playing group sports can lead to increases in particular aspects of self-concept, such as physical self-concept and higher self- esteem (Slutzky & Simpkins, 2009).

Advances in cognitive development, including perspective taking and social comparison, lead children to make more complex descriptions and evaluations of themselves as they grow older. School-age children can organize their observations of their abilities, behaviors, and experiences in more complex ways than younger children, yielding more accurate and comprehensive descriptions of themselves that recognize temporal and contextual fluctuations, such as being shy in one situation and not another (Harter, 2012). Whereas preschoolers tend to have unrealistically positive self-evaluations, school-age children’s sense of self-esteem becomes more realistic and connected to their abilities (Boseovski, 2010; Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002; Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005). Beliefs about the self become more closely related to behavior in late childhood through adolescence (Davis-Kean, Jager, & Andrew Collins, 2009). Social comparison, a process by which children compare their abilities and skills with other children, permits children to evaluate their own performance in relation to their peers and influences children’s views of their ability and overall sense of competence (Butler, 1998). Children receive feedback about their abilities from parents, teachers, and peers, and this contributes to their growing sense of self-esteem (Hart et al., 2006). Perceived disapproval by peers, for example, is associated with concurrent declines in self-esteem (Thomaes et al., 2010).

Children’s ratings of self-esteem are influenced by ethnic and cultural factors. For example, adverse contextual conditions such as poverty, unsafe neighborhoods, ongoing stressors, and the experience of racism and discrimination contributes to low scores on measures of self-esteem on the part of African American children, relative to those of white and Hispanic children (Kenny & McEachern, 2009). Despite their higher academic achievement than North American children, Chinese and Japanese children tend to score lower in self-esteem, perhaps because competition is high and Asian children experience great pressure to achieve (Chiu, 1992; Hawkins, 1994; Stevenson, Lee, & Mu, 2000). At the same time, Asian culture emphasizes collectivism and social harmony, and children are

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not encouraged to use social comparison to enhance their self-esteem in order to maintain relationships (Toyama, 2001). Instead, they are encouraged to praise others, including their peers, while minimizing attention to themselves (Falbo, Poston, Triscari, & Zhang, 1997; Heine & Lehman, 1995). Chinese children’s relationships with peers illustrate the culture’s emphasis on maintaining relationships.

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Thinking in Context 10.1 1. In what ways do school children’s developing self-concept influence their relationships with peers? In

turn, how do peer interactions and relationships influence children’s development?

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Peer Relationships in Middle Childhood

School-age children generally become more interested in forming and nurturing relationships with peers. As children progress through the school years, they develop a more sophisticated understanding of themselves and become better able to understand and appreciate others’ perspectives; peer relationships become complex and multifaceted (Selman, 1980). Older children spend more time with peers and place more importance on those relationships than do younger children (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Friends are a source of companionship, belonging, support, validation, and opportunities to learn relationship skills such as impression management, conflict resolution, and cooperation as discussed in the following sections (Glick & Rose, 2011; Hartup, 2006; Hartup & Abecassis, 2002; Klima & Repetti, 2008).

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Friendship

Like young children, school-age children’s friendships are based in similarities. Older children tend to choose friends who are like them in interests, play preferences, and demographics. One similarity that children often share is ethnicity. Older children are more likely to select friends of the same race and ethnicity than are younger children (Aboud, Mendelson, & Purdy, 2003, 2007). For example, in one study of 6- to 12-year-old U.S. children of Cambodian, Dominican, and Portuguese heritage, children became more proud of their heritage as they grew older and in turn showed a greater preference to form friendships within their ethnic group (Marks, Szalacha, Lamarre, Boyd, & Coll, 2007). Ethnicity often becomes an increasingly important part of children and adolescents’ self- concept and therefore becomes a more salient dimension for selecting friends.

Friends are an important source of companionship, support, and fun in middle childhood.

Universal/Getty

However, contextual characteristics, such as the ethnic diversity of a neighborhood or school, also influence children’s choices of friends. In racially integrated schools, for example, children are more likely to report having at least one close friend of another race (DuBois & Hirsch, 1990; McGlothlin & Killen, 2006). School-age girls may be more likely to have ethnically diverse social networks and cross-race friendships than boys (Lee, Howes, & Chamberlain, 2007). Once established, cross-race friendships are similar to same-race friendships with regard to intimacy, companionship, and security (Aboud et al., 2007; McDonald et al., 2013; McGlothlin, Killen, & Edmonds, 2005). Children in cross- race friendships tend to show a lower tolerance for excluding others (Killen, Kelly, Richardson, Crystal, & Ruck, 2010), are less prone to peer victimization (Kawabata &

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Crick, 2011), and tend to feel socially and emotionally safer and less vulnerable at school (Graham, Munniksma, & Juvonen, 2014; Munniksma & Juvonen, 2012).

Friendships become more complex over the course of childhood. With advances in social cognition as children become increasingly able to take the perspective of others and consider their needs, friendship transforms into a reciprocal relationship in which children are responsive to each other’s needs and trust each other (Damon, 1977; Selman, 1980). Shared values and rules become important components to friendship by 9 to 10 years of age (Rubin, Coplan, Chen, Buskirk, & Wojslawowicz, 2005). In middle to late childhood, friends are expected to be loyal and stick up for each other. Violations of trust, such as telling secrets, breaking promises, and not helping a friend in need, can break up a friendship (Rubin et al., 2005). Therefore, children perceived as trustworthy by their peers tend to have more friends and establish more friendships over time than do children perceived as less trustworthy (Rotenberg et al., 2004).

Because of their more complex perspectives on friendship, school-age children tend to name only a handful of friends, as compared with preschoolers who say that they have lots of friends. “I know a lot of kids and am inviting them all to my birthday party,” explained 9-year-old Shana, “but only a few are really my friends. I don’t tell them everything. I only tell everything to my best friend. Only she knows that I like Nicky.” As Shana illustrates, with age, children differentiate among best friends, good friends, and casual friends, depending on how much time they spend together and how much they share with one another (Hartup & Stevens, 1999). Older children, especially girls, tend to have fewer, but closer, friends, and by age 10, most children report having a best friend (Buhrmester, 1998; Erwin, 1998).

With age, friendships are more likely to last over time. First graders tend to keep about 50% of their friendships across the school year, and fourth graders retain about 75% over the same time frame (Poulin & Chan, 2010). Friendships tend to remain stable from middle childhood into adolescence, especially among girls and among both boys and girls whose friendships are high in relationship quality, characterized by sharing, mutual perspective taking, and compromise (Berndt, 2004; Poulin & Chan, 2010). However, it is not uncommon for friendships to end during childhood. Some friendships end after only a few months or over the course of a single school year (Cairns, Leung, Buchanan, & Cairns, 1995). Friendships that lack intimacy and closeness are more likely to end, as are those high in conflict or aggression (Hektner, August, & Realmuto, 2000; Troutman & Fletcher, 2010). Ending a friendship can be a normal, inevitable, and often desirable part of friendship development. Because friendship is based largely on similar characteristics, proximity, and opportunities for interaction, friendships may come and go as individuals develop new interests, competencies, and values. They may also end as children progress into new contexts, such as a change of school or a family move to a different neighborhood (Cairns et al., 1995; Troutman & Fletcher, 2010; Wojslawowicz Bowker, Rubin, Burgess, Booth-LaForce, & Rose-Krasnor, 2006).

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Older children become more upset at losing a friend and find making friends more challenging than do young children (Erwin, 1998; Hartup, 2006; Laursen & Hartup, 2002). Friendship dissolution may have serious consequences for some children, especially those who are unable to replace the friendship (Wojslawowicz Bowker et al., 2006). Some children who experience disruption and loss of close friendships experience problems with depression, loneliness, guilt, anger, anxiety, and acting out behaviors; however, it is also plausible that children with psychosocial problems are more likely to experience the loss of friendship, and, in turn, show more poor adjustment (Hektner et al., 2000; Ladd & Troop- Gordon, 2003; Rubin, Coplan, Chen, Bowker, & McDonald, 2011). Yet many children replace “lost” friendships with “new” friendships. For example, in one study of fifth graders, losing a friend was associated with adjustment difficulties only when the lost friendship was not replaced by a new friendship. For these children, the lost and new friendships were largely interchangeable (Wojslawowicz Bowker et al., 2006). For many children, the importance of stable best friendships during middle childhood may have less to do with the relationship’s length and more to do with simply having a “buddy” by one’s side who can provide companionship, recreation, validation, caring, help, and guidance.

Not all children have a best friend. Lacking close friendships is not indicative of maladjustment especially if children experience other close relationships.

Jeffrey Greenberg / Science Source

Can a child be happy without friends or without a best friend? An estimated 15% of children are chronically friendless or consistently without a mutual best friend (Rubin et al., 2005). Children can be well liked in school yet lack a mutual best friend (Asher, Guerry, & McDonald, 2014). Lacking a best friend itself is not necessarily harmful or indicative of

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problems. For example, first- through fifth-grade children who reported lacking a supportive close friendship did not show worse psychological functioning two years later than did those with such a friendship (Klima & Repetti, 2008). Likewise, other research finds that many children without friends are well adjusted, do not report loneliness, and have the social skills to interact with others when they choose (Harrist, Zaia, Bates, Dodge, & Pettit, 1997; Ladd, 1999). Lacking friends does not necessarily harm psychosocial development, especially if the children experience success that they value in another aspects of their lives, for example, by having close family relationships or demonstrating a unique talent, such as in art or music. Although lacking close friends is not associated with maladjustment, social acceptance by the peer group influences children’s adjustment (Klima & Repetti, 2008).

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Peer Acceptance, Popularity, and Rejection

Mykelle announced to her mother, “I heard from the last kid! Everyone in class is coming to my birthday party!” “Fantastic!” her mother replied with a smirk. “Now I have to figure out how to fit 25 of your friends into our house.” Peer acceptance, the degree to which a child is viewed as a worthy social partner by his or her peers, becomes increasingly important in middle childhood. Peer evaluations become vital sources of self-validation, self-esteem, and confidence (Ladd, 1999; LaFontana & Cillessen, 2010). Some children stand out from their peers as exceptionally well liked or exceptionally disliked.

Popularity

Children who are socially skilled and valued by their peers are said to be popular. Popular children tend to have a variety of positive characteristics, including helpfulness, trustworthiness, and assertiveness (Robertson et al., 2010). Popularity has its roots in early childhood as young children’s social skills predict peer acceptance in late childhood and adolescence (Blandon, Calkins, Grimm, Keane, & O’Brien, 2010; Rubin et al., 2011). Popular children are skilled in social information processing. That is, they are good at reading social situations, problem solving, self-disclosure, and conflict resolution (Blandon et al., 2010; Rubin et al., 2011). Their skills in emotional regulation and capacity to provide emotional support to peers makes it easy to maintain relationships (Rose & Asher, 1999). These positive social competencies and prosocial behaviors are cyclical as children who view social interaction through rose colored glasses continue to do so, their peers tend to reciprocate, and positive effects on peer relationships increase (Laible, McGinley, Carlo, Augustine, & Murphy, 2014).

A minority of popular children, however, do not show the prosocial and empathetic characteristics typical of popular children. Often labeled by peers and teachers as tough, these children are socially skilled yet show antisocial and aggressive behavior (Farmer, Hall, Leung, Estell, & Brooks, 2011; Rodkin & Roisman, 2010; Shi & Xie, 2012). Aggressive popular children show social competencies similar to prosocial popular children, yet also share many characteristics of children who are rejected by their peers.

Peer Rejection

In contrast with popular children who receive overwhelmingly positive evaluations from their peers, others are disliked and shunned by their peers, experiencing peer rejection. School-age children tend to judge rejected peers as unattractive, deviant, incompetent, and socially isolated (LaFontana & Cillessen, 2002). Children who have poor communication, language, emotional control, and social information processing skills are at risk for peer rejection (Menting, van Lier, & Koot, 2011). For example, kindergarteners who had

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difficulty controlling their emotions were more likely than their more skilled peers to experience peer rejection through seventh grade (Bierman, Kalvin, & Heinrichs, 2014). Boys and girls with behavior problems are at risk for peer rejection—and peer rejection, in turn, is associated with increases in behavior problems throughout elementary school as well as rule breaking in adolescence (Ettekal & Ladd, 2015; Sturaro, van Lier, Cuijpers, & Koot, 2011). Rejected children show two patterns of behavior: aggressive-rejected and withdrawn-rejected.

Mrs. Connelly turned to a fellow teacher and sighed. “Poor Monica. I just don’t know what to do about her. The other children just don’t like her, and she doesn’t help. She tries to force her way into games, like knocking Jamie out of the way to take her spot in line for jump rope. She doesn’t seem to understand how her behavior affects other children and seems to act without thinking.” Aggressive-rejected children like Monica are confrontational, hostile toward other children, impulsive, and hyperactive. Aggressive- rejected children tend to have difficulty taking the perspective of others, and they tend to react aggressively to slights by peers, quickly assuming hostile intentions (Fite, Hendrickson, Rubens, Gabrielli, & Evans, 2013; Laible et al., 2014). Aggressive-rejected children enter peer groups in destructive ways that disrupt the groups’ interaction or activity and direct attention to them, such as Monica’s strategy of pushing Jamie out of the way (Lansford, Malone, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2010; Wilson, 2006). Children whose parents show little warmth and use coercive discipline and threats are likely to threaten other children, have poor social skills, show aggressive behavior, and are more likely to be rejected by other children (Bierman et al., 2014; Lansford, 2014).

Other rejected children are socially withdrawn, passive, timid, anxious, and socially awkward. Withdrawn-rejected children tend to isolate themselves from peers, rarely initiate contact with peers, and speak less frequently than their peers (Rubin, Coplan, & Bowker, 2009). They tend to spend most of their time playing alone and on the periphery of the social scene, often because of shyness or social anxiety. In turn, socially withdrawn children are more likely to experience peer rejection and be disliked by their peers than other children (Coplan et al., 2013; Oh et al., 2008). Withdrawn-rejected children often fear being scorned and attacked and often expect to be disliked by peers (Hart et al., 2000; Rabiner & Coie, 1989). As they are excluded by their peers, withdrawn children tend to become more withdrawn over time. Despite this, socially withdrawn children are just as likely to have a best friend as other children (Rubin, Wojslawowicz, Rose-Krasnor, Booth- LaForce, & Burgess, 2006).

Both rejected-aggressive and withdrawn children are similar in that they misinterpret other children’s behaviors and motives, have trouble understanding and regulating their emotions, are poor listeners, and are less socially competent than other children (Ladd & Burgess, 2003). Peer rejection further hinders social development by depriving children of opportunities to learn and practice social skills such as interacting with other children, resolving conflict, and regulating emotions (Werner & Crick, 2004). Patterns of aggression

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and rejection tend to cycle as aggression predicts peer rejection, but elementary school children who are rejected by peers tend to show increases in physical and relational aggression one year later (Werner & Crick, 2004). Peer rejection is associated with short- and long-term problems. Children who are not well accepted by their peer group are likely to display problems with loneliness, anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, low academic achievement, and in adolescence, delinquency and school dropout (Fite et al., 2013; Menting, Koot, & van Lier, 2014; Schwartz, Lansford, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2014; Zwierzynska, Wolke, & Lereya, 2013). Table 10.1 summarizes characteristics associated with popular children and those who are rejected.

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Bullying

Bullying, also known as peer victimization, refers to an ongoing interaction in which a child repeatedly attempts to inflict physical, verbal, or social harm on another child by, for example, hitting, kicking, name-calling, teasing, shunning, or humiliating them (Olweus, 1995). Bullying is a problem for school-age children in many countries. Estimated rates of bullying and victimization range from 15% to 25% of children in Australia, Austria, England, Finland, Germany, Norway and the United States (Analitis et al., 2009; Cook, Williams, Guerra, & Kim, 2010). Physical bullying is most common in childhood and verbal forms of bullying rise in childhood and remain common in adolescence (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2009).

Characteristics of Children Who Bully

Boys who bully tend to be above average in size, use physical aggression, and target both boys and girls. Girls who bully tend to be verbally assertive, target other girls, and use verbal or psychological methods of bullying that threaten relationships, known as relational aggression, such as ridiculing, embarrassing, or spreading rumors (Veenstra et al., 2005). Boys and girls who bully tend to be impulsive, domineering, and show little anxiety or insecurity in peer contexts (Kumpulainen & Räsänen, 2000). Bullying can be motivated by the pursuit of high status and a powerful dominant position in the peer group (Rodkin, Espelage, & Hanish, 2015; Salmivalli, 2014). Relationally aggressive children, including bullies, are frequently perceived by peers as cool, powerful, and popular; bullying can be helpful in maintaining prestige (Salmivalli, 2010). Indirect forms of bullying, such as relational bullying, require social skills, which contribute to their high social status among peers (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). In support of this, many bullies report making friends easily and receive similar levels of support from their classmates as other children (Demaray, Malecki, & DeLong, 2006).

Children who show physical forms of bullying, such as hair pulling, are often reared in homes with poor supervision, coervice control, and physical discipline.

Peter Titmuss/Alamy

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Children who show physically aggressive forms of bullying often show hyperactive behavior, poor school achievement, perceive less support from teachers than do other children, and may show higher rates of depression than other children (Turcotte Benedict, Vivier, & Gjelsvik, 2015). Bullies are more likely to experience inconsistent, hostile, and rejecting parenting. Parents of bullies are more likely to provide poor supervision, prefer coercive control and physical discipline, and tend to be permissive toward aggressive behavior, even teaching their children to strike back at perceived provocation (Holt, Kaufman Kantor, & Finkelhor, 2009; Rodkin et al., 2015; Shetgiri, Lin, & Flores, 2013).

Characteristics of Victims

“I don’t know why Victor hates me. He just won’t leave me alone,” cried Tyler to his teacher, Mr., Johnson, after being knocked onto the ground again. Mr. Johnson thought to himself, “Tyler is the smallest kid in class, keeps to himself, and is sensitive. He cries easily. Maybe that’s why he’s a target.” Victims of bullying, like Tyler, are more likely to be inhibited, frail in appearance, and younger than their peers (Olweus, 1995). Bullies report choosing their victims because they do not like them, often because victims are particularly weak or stand out in some way (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). Children who are bullied are often perceived by their peers as different, as more quiet and cautious than other children (DeRosier & Mercer, 2009). They often experience intrusive parenting, overprotectiveness, and criticism from parents that increases their vulnerability to bullying. Perhaps not surprisingly, children who are bullied often report feeling lonely, less happy at school, and having fewer good friends than their classmates (Reavis, Keane, & Calkins, 2010).

Many victim characteristics, such as nonassertive styles of interacting with peers, shyness, passivity, and social withdrawal, as well as anxiety, depression, and poor emotional control, are present before the child becomes a target of peer victimization and are amplified by

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victimization (Gini & Pozzoli, 2009; Perren, Ettekal, & Ladd, 2013). Much of the long- term stability of peer victimization and its negative effects can be explained by the dynamic interactions between risk factors for victimization and the effects of victimization (Shetgiri et al., 2013).

Although children respond in various ways to bullying, avoidance behaviors (such as not going to school and refusing to go to certain places) are common (Waasdorp & Bradshaw, 2011). Victims of bullying often tend to respond to victimization in ways that reinforce bullies, by becoming defensive, crying, and giving into bullies’ demands (Champion & Clay, 2007). Not all victims of bullying are passive and withdrawn, however. Older children who experience frequent victimization may respond with more intense feelings of anger and greater desires to retaliate, making them more likely to show reactive aggression, an aggressive response that is preceded by an insult, confrontation, or frustration (Waasdorp & Bradshaw, 2011).

Some aggressive-rejected children become provocative victims or bully-victims (Veenstra et al., 2005). About one half of children who bully report also being victims of bullying (Champion & Clay, 2007). Bully-victims share characteristics of both bullies and victims but function more poorly than either. For example, bully-victims tend to show high levels of anxiety and depression and low rates of social acceptance and self-esteem common to victims, but they also show more aggression, impulsivity, and poor self-control than do other victims (Swearer & Hymel, 2015). Children who are bully-victims have difficulties managing emotions that may increase their risk for reactive aggression and acting out behaviors that invite aggressive exchanges with others (O’Brennan, Bradshaw, & Sawyer, 2009). These characteristics lead children who are both bullies and victims to have problems in peer relationships. Bully-victims often are among the most disliked members of a classroom (Dill, Vernberg, Fonagy, Twemlow, & Gamm, 2004).

Physical and relational bullying have negative emotional and academic consequences that appear as early as in kindergarten and persist over the childhood and adolescent years, often well after the bullying ends (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). For example, children who were bully-victims were more likely to experience anxiety and depression in late adolescence and in early adulthood—and even into middle adulthood (Copeland, Wolke, Angold, & Costello, 2013; Klomek et al., 2008; McDougall & Vaillancourt, 2015; Zwierzynska et al., 2013). Furthermore, the meaning and implications of bullying may vary with context. For example, relational bullying may be more emotionally damaging to children reared in collectivist cultures that heavily value relationships. For example, one comparison of Japanese and U.S. fourth graders showed more depression in Japanese victims (Kawabata, Crick, & Hamaguchi, 2010).

Intervening in Bullying

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Table 10.2 summarizes interventions to combat bullying; such interventions address victims, bullies, and schools (Olweus & Limber, 2010; Nese, Horner, Dickey, Stiller, & Tomlanovich, 2014; Slee & Mohyla, 2007). By changing victims’ negative perceptions of themselves, helping them to acquire the skills needed to maintain relationships with peers, and teaching them to respond to bullying in ways that do not reinforce their attackers, patterns of bullying can be broken (Olweus & Limber, 2010). Although victims’ submissive behavior is reinforcing to bullies, interventions must stress that victimized children are not to blame for the abuse. Targeting victims of bullying is not enough— perpetrators of bullying also need help. Parents and teachers should help bullies learn to identify, understand, and manage their and other people’s emotions as well as direct anger in safe and appropriate ways. Teacher awareness of bulling and willingness to intervene matters (Espelage, Low, & Jimerson, 2014). Bullying is more common when teachers attribute bullying to factors outside of their control. In addition, teachers’ perceptions of their ability to handle bullying and their own bullying history predict student victimization rates in their classrooms. Many teachers are unaware of how serious and extensive the bullying is within their schools and are often ineffective in being able to identify bullying incidents (Espelage et al., 2014). In addition, bystanders—children who watch episodes of bullying but do not act—reinforce bullies’ behaviors and increase bullying (Kärnä, Voeten, Poskiparta, & Salmivalli, 2010; Salmivalli, 2014). Class norms can influence whether bystanders intervene (Pozzoli, Gini, & Vieno, 2012). Classmates can be encouraged to support one another when bullying events occur: Rather than being bystanders or egging the bully on, tell a teacher, refuse to watch, and even, if safe, encourage bullies to stop.

Bullying is not simply a child-to-child problem, and it requires more than a child-centered solution. Stopping bullying requires awareness and change within the school by reviewing and modifying practices with an eye toward identifying how school procedures, such as grouping students by characteristics such as height, maintain and increase bullying (Nese et al., 2014). In recognition of the pervasiveness and severity of bullying, specific bully-related policies are included in public school laws in most states. Addressing the problem of bullying requires that children, teachers, and parents voice concerns about bullying, schools develop policies against bullying, teachers supervise and monitor children during lunch and recess times, and parents learn how to identify and change victims’ and bullies’ behaviors. Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 268) discusses anti-bullying legislation.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Anti-Bullying Legislation

School policies that emphasize community, such as proclaiming school as a no-bullying zone and encouraging bystanders to intervene, are effective in reducing peer victimization.

Jim West/Alamy

Schools are responsible for children’s physical well-being, but how far does that responsibility extend? What is the role of schools in addressing peer victimization? In a landmark case, the mother of fifth grader LaShonda Davis filed suit against the Monroe County [Georgia] Board after the school failed to intervene during the months in which her daughter was the victim of severe harassment, often sexual, by a fellow student. The 1999 decision of Davis vs. Monroe County Board of Education ruled that sexual harassment by peers violates Title IX of the Equal Opportunity in Education Act of 1972, which stipulates that “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.” The court deemed that sexual harassment in the school setting violates students’ rights to education. Davis vs. Monroe applies specifically to peer-to-peer sexual harassment, but researchers and legislators look to this ruling as an important precedent for anti-bullying legislation because bullying violates students’ rights.

In recognition of the pervasiveness an d severity of bullying, 49 states in the United States include specific bully-related policies into their public school laws (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015). Anti-bullying laws do not criminalize bullying itself but stipulate that school districts take action to prevent or intervene when bullying occurs (Stuart-Cassel, Bell, & Springer, 2011). State anti-bullying laws vary enormously, but nearly all require or strongly encourage school districts to establish anti-bullying policies and usually place the responsibility for their development on school boards (Cornell & Limber, 2015).

Most developmental researchers agree that a model bullying law should include, at minimum, the following: a clear definition of bullying, explicit articulation of a bullying prohibition, implementation of prevention and treatment programs, and acknowledgment of the association between bullying and public health risks (Limber & Small, 2003; Srabstein et al., 2008). The Safe Schools Improvement Act, proposed in 2013, is an example of legislation that would require states to collect and report information on the incidence of bullying and harassment. It would also permit schools to use federal grants to prevent and respond to incidents of bullying and harassment, require schools to provide annual reports of bullying prevalence and policies, and establish grievance procedures for students and parents to register complaints regarding such conduct. Although not passed by Congress, the Safe Schools Improvement Act sets an important precedent by acknowledging the relevance of peer victimization to children’s everyday lives.

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What Do You Think? What role should schools take in addressing bullying? Did your school draw attention to bullying and have rules or policies about bullying?

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Thinking in Context 10.2 1. Considering Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory from Chapter 1, what microsystem factors, such as

personal characteristics, mesosystem factors, such as family and school, and exosystem factors, such as neighborhood, might lead a child to be popular or unpopular with peers? Which factors are most important, in your view?

2. As a parent, what might you to do lower the likelihood that your child might become a bully or a victim of bullying?

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Families

Children are embedded in families that play an important role in their development. Children’s relationships with parents and siblings are dynamic and reciprocal. Children influence and are influenced by every member of their family, and family members, in turn, interact. Families may take many forms, as described in the following sections.

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Parent–Child Relationships

“Noah is so independent,” remarked his mother. “He’s growing up so quickly. Once he was afraid of going on a sleepover, but now he’s asked to go away to summer camp!” As school- age children become more independent, they spend less time with parents, and the parent– child relationship becomes less close than in early childhood (Hofferth & Sandberg, 2001). Parents and school-age children tend to spend their time together engaging in task-oriented activities, such as doing homework, preparing meals, cleaning, and shopping (Bryant & Zick, 1995). Older children become more concerned with being independent and making their own decisions and often show less respect for parental authority than they did when they were younger. However, African American and Latino children whose cultures stress respect for elders, family loyalty, and the importance of relationships tend to show less of a decline in respect for parents than do European American children (Dixon, Graber, & Brooks-Gunn, 2008). Likewise, immigrants of Chinese, Korean, and Filipino descent are less likely to respond to parental attempts of control with anger than are European American youth (Chao & Aque, 2009). Sociocultural factors, specifically the one-child policy, have led most children in China to be raised as only children, with implications for parent–child relationships (see Cultural Influences on Development, p. 270).

Like many aspects of development, there tends to be continuity in parenting and parent– child relationships. Patterns of harsh verbal discipline (yelling, threatening, punishment, shaming) and insensitive parenting established in early childhood tend to persist in middle childhood and after (Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Lansford, Staples, Bates, Pettit, & Dodge, 2013). Poor quality parent–child relationships in middle childhood tend to worsen and are associated with poor adjustment, antisocial activity, and delinquency into adolescence (Hakvoort, Bos, van Balen, & Hermanns, 2010; Keijsers, Loeber, Branje, & Meeus, 2011).

Middle childhood brings new parenting issues. Parents must adapt their parenting strategies to children’s increased ability to reason and desire for independence. They tend to use less direct management and instead begin to share power—for example, by guiding and monitoring children’s behavior from a distance, communicating expectations, and allowing children to be in charge of moment to moment decision making (Collins, Madsen, & Susman-Stillman, 2002). They tend to use reasoning and inductive techniques of discipline, such as pointing out the consequences of a child’s behavior, explaining how a child affects others, and appealing to the child’s self-esteem and sense of values. Parents who are warm and responsive, set firm and reasonable limits, and encourage open communication by engaging their children in discussions foster healthy psychological and social development. For example, in one study, third- and fourth-grade children who reported sharing information about themselves and their activities with their parents were viewed by teachers as more socially competent than other children one year later, and those who reported being more secretive were viewed as more aggressive and oppositional one

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year later (Bumpus & Hill, 2008). In addition to parents, siblings are an important contributor to the development of social competence during middle childhood.

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Siblings

Do you have a brother or sister? How large is your family? Nearly 80% of children in the United States have at least one sibling (Volling, 2012). Family size varies widely around the world. In nonindustrialized societies, like those of the rural villages of Asia, Africa, and Central and South America, families tend to be larger than in industrialized societies. The larger number of siblings helps the family to manage its work, such as maintaining a farm, and to care for young, aged, and ill family members. Girls, for example, may be responsible for caring for younger siblings by feeding, disciplining, monitoring, and comforting them. In agricultural communities, siblings work together to maintain fields, grow food, and carry out other essential tasks such as gathering firewood and transporting water. Younger siblings learn norms and values from their older brothers and sisters, including sharing, respect for elders, and the importance of maintaining social connections (Weisner, 1993).

In industrialized nations, families tend to be smaller, and siblings tend to be farther apart in age, permitting each child to receive more attention (Cicirelli, 1994). In these families, children might occasionally babysit but are not otherwise in charge of the care of their siblings. Children learn from their older siblings, but siblings play a much smaller role in socializing children as compared with nonindustrialized societies. However, in some American ethnic minority and working-class families in which the adults of the family work outside the home, sibling relationships are more similar to those in nonindustrial societies whereby siblings have family management responsibilities (McGuire & Shanahan, 2010).

Siblings spend a great deal of time together. By middle childhood, children spend more time with siblings than with parents (Dunn, 2002a). It may not be surprising that siblings exert much influence on one another. Sibling relationships are emotionally uninhibited. Children display emotions and behaviors to siblings that they would not show peers (Pike, Coldwell, & Dunn, 2005). Sibling relationships are often characterized by patterns of ambivalence and conflict, with siblings vacillating from ignoring each other to arguing (Kramer, 2010). In one study, nearly three quarters of families reported physical violence between siblings, and over 40% of children were kicked, bitten, or punched by a sibling within the past year (Feinberg, Solmeyer, & McHale, 2012).

The sibling relationship is complex as it plays a role in learning important relationship skills such as conflict resolution (McHale, Updegraff, & Whiteman, 2012). For example, 5- and 6-year-old children with at least one sibling demonstrate enhanced interpersonal skills in peer group situations, as compared with children who have no siblings (Downey & Condron, 2004; Pike et al., 2005). Through sibling interactions, children learn that relationships continue even through arguments and anger. Siblings offer each other social support and assistance with academic, family, and peer challenges (Gass, Jenkins, & Dunn, 2007). They help each other manage stressful life events and reduce the anxiety and

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depressive symptoms that often accompany them (Ji-Yeon, McHale, Crouter, & Osgood, 2007).

Most of us have heard the term sibling rivalry, which refers to a sense of competition with one’s siblings, often for parental attention and favor. Sibling rivalry emerges from social comparison—siblings comparing themselves—and tends to increase in middle childhood, as children engage in a wider range of activities. Parents, teachers, peers, and other family members naturally compare siblings’ characteristics, interests, and accomplishments and children naturally compare themselves to their siblings (McHale et al., 2012). The perception of parental favoritism, real or imagined, promotes negative feelings and rivalry among siblings (Dunn, 1996). Children who feel that a sibling receives more affection, approval, or resources may feel resentful, which may harm the sibling relationship (Feinberg & Hetherington, 2001). Same-sex siblings who are close in age are more often compared by parents and therefore quarrel more often and tend to have more difficulties in adjustment, especially when parents adopt an authoritarian style of parenting (Bryant, 1982). Sibling rivalry is reduced when siblings attempt to be different from one another— by selecting different activities and sports, for example. Parents can encourage and reinforce children’s attempts at new activities. Although parents should refrain from making direct comparisons, children will naturally engage in social comparison with their siblings. These comparisons often motivate siblings to carve out their own uniqueness.

In developing communities siblings often adopt the role of caregiver and play a role in socializing their younger brothers and sisters.

AP/Rafiq Maqboole

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Cultural Influences on Development

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China’s One-Child Policy

Posters such as this promoted the one-child policy as the key to greater resources and opportunities for families.

David Pollack/Corbis

In 1979, the People’s Republic of China implemented a policy designed to curb the nation’s rapidly growing population that posed social, economic, and environmental problems. Known as the one-child policy, it restricts the number of children married couples can have to one. The one-child policy is most strictly implemented in urban areas (McLoughlin, 2005). Couples in rural areas, especially those who require assistance to manage farms, may be granted permission for two children if the first child is a girl and the couple waits four to five years between births (Yang, 2007).

The core of the one-child policy is a set of incentives, including health and education resources, but it is also enforced by means of penalties, such as out-of-plan birth fines (often two to three times that of a typical family income); child-rearing, health care, and education penalties; and possibly other penalties such as a job demotion or even job loss (McLoughlin, 2005). The official slogan of the one-child-policy is you sheng you yu (“give birth to fewer children, but give them better care and education”; Yang, 2007). In exchange for limiting parents’ childbearing, the Chinese government provides greater opportunities and resources at the national, community, and household levels for only children who will be better off in physical and intellectual development than children with multiple siblings.

Research findings suggest that the one-child policy, insofar as it limits couples to one or two children, has led to greater involvement by parents in child care because children of all ages are viewed as more valued and must be carefully cultivated (Short, Fengying, Siyuan, & Mingliang, 2001; Yang, 2007). Moreover, the one-child policy appears to have had an unintended effect of creating a child-centered culture with a strong belief and shared interest among the urban community in educating the only child regardless of the child’s sex (Liu, 2006). This is a striking contrast with the Chinese tradition in which parents’ academic expectations and investments were limited to their sons. However, like elsewhere in the world, differences in expectations for boys and girls remain.

The one-child policy was intended to impart Chinese school-age only children with advantages over those with siblings—specifically more attention and resources. Early research in the 1980s suggested that Chinese only-children score higher on measures of mathematics and verbal achievement but display more

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egocentrism, uncooperativeness, and difficulty managing emotions and impulses as well as less sharing, respect of elders, and prosocial than school-age children with siblings (Falbo et al., 1997; McLoughlin, 2005). Research conducted in the 21st century, however, suggests that Chinese only children score higher than those with siblings on measures of IQ but do not differ on psychosocial measures such as dependence, helping behaviors, independence, aggression, friendliness, curiosity, self-confidence, peer relationships, social competence, and academic achievement (Chen, Rubin, & Li, 1994; Guo, Yang, Liu, & Song, 2005; Wang et al., 2000).

Over three decades, the one-child policy has successfully curbed population growth, but it remains highly controversial both within and outside China because it limits individuals’ autonomy and poses stiff penalties on parents who have a second child (Yang, 2007). Given Chinese culture’s tradition of valuing of boys, a second concern is that the one-child policy is implicated in high rates of female infanticide and sex-selective abortions, leading to a significant gender imbalance (Mosher, 2006). A population survey of more than 4.5 million Chinese children and teens found that the male to female ratio was 126:100 overall, with several provinces showing ratios of over 130:100 (Zhu, Lu, & Hesketh, 2009). Among second births, the ratio was as high as 149:100, with ratios of over 160:100 in nine provinces (Zhu et al., 2009). Sex-selective abortion accounts for almost all the excess male children in China (Mosher, 2006).

Despite these criticisms, a survey by the Pew Research Center showed that over 75% of the Chinese population supports the policy (Pew Global Attitudes Project, 2008). Moreover, a rapidly aging population, coupled with a much smaller workforce, has recently prompted a change in the one-child policy. In 2014, the policy was relaxed in several cities to permit couples to have two children if one of the parents has no siblings (Burkitt, 2014). Couples must register and apply to have a second child. However, by 2016 it is expected that all couples will be permitted to have two children (Holliday, 2014). Despite the new relaxed guidelines, fewer couples than expected are applying for a second child. This may be because the one-child policy has changed perceived norms on family size.

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What Do You Think? Why do you think fewer Chinese couples than predicted are applying to have a second child?

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Same-Sex Parented Families

In the early 1990s, a children’s book titled Heather Has Two Mommies was a source of great controversy as politicians and organizations opposed to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights sought to ban it from libraries and schools. Today, children like the fictional Heather are not so unusual. An estimated 37% of LGBT-identified adults have a child at some time in their lives (Gates, 2013). As shown in Figure 10.1, most LGBT parents raise biological children, although LGBT parents are more likely to adopt children than are heterosexual parents (10% and 3%, respectively). Every state permits unmarried individuals to adopt children (National Center for Lesbian Rights, 2014). However, at the time of this writing, many states, particularly those that did not recognize same-sex marriage, did not permit same-sex partners to jointly adopt a child or for a partner to adopt his or her partner’s biological child (National Center for Lesbian Rights, 2014). Federal and state policies may change in response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark ruling that legalized same-sex marriage nationwide (Obergefell v. Hodges, 2015). In January 2008, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that gay men and lesbian women have the right to adopt a child. Currently, 14 European countries, as well as Canada, Australia, and much of South America, permit gay and lesbian couples to adopt children (ABC News, 2010; Huffington Post, 2013; International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association-Europe, 2013).

More than three decades of research conducted in the United States, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and the Netherlands has failed to reveal important differences in the adjustment or development of children and adolescents reared by same-sex couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples (Acs & Nelson, 2002; Fedewa, Black, & Ahn, 2014; Patterson, 2009; Perrin & Siegel, 2013). Specifically, children and adolescents raised by lesbian mothers or gay fathers do not differ from other children on measures of emotional development, such as empathy and emotional regulation (Anderssen, Amlie, & Ytterøy, 2002; Crowl, Ahn, & Baker, 2008). Children raised by lesbian parents tend to score higher in social and academic competence and show fewer social and behavioral problems and lower levels of aggression (Gartrell & Bos, 2010; Golombok et al., 2014). Moreover, children raised by lesbian mothers and gay fathers show similar patterns of gender identity and gender role development as children raised by heterosexual parents—they are not more likely to display a gay orientation in adulthood (Fedewa et al., 2014; Golombok et al., 2014; Tasker & Patterson, 2007).

Figure 10.1: Relationship of Children to Parent in Same-Sex Households in the United States, 2011

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Source: Gates (2013).

Same-sex parents show similar levels of parenting competence but often experience greater well-being as compared with heterosexual parents, often because same-sex parents tend to share household and child-rearing duties.

Shih Weber/Newscom

The specific parenting roles and tasks that same-sex partners take vary with the way in which the family formed. Generally speaking, when the children are the result of a previous heterosexual relationship, the biological parent tends to assume most of the parenting responsibility. However, when children are a joint choice and the result of adoption or reproductive technology, partners tend to report an equal split of household and child- rearing duties, as compared with the more traditional split among heterosexual parents in which the mother is responsible for a greater proportion of household and child-rearing duties (Bos, van Balen, & van den Boom, 2007; Goldberg & Perry-Jenkins, 2007). Overall, gay fathers and lesbian mothers show similar levels of parenting competence and commitment to the parenting role as heterosexual parents and may show higher rates of well-being, especially when each take a role in coparenting (Farr & Patterson, 2013;

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Vanfraussen, Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, & Brewaeys, 2003). Researchers have concluded that a family’s social and economic resources, the strength of the relationships among members of the family, and the presence of stigma are far more important variables than parental gender or sexual orientation in affecting children’s development and well-being (Lamb, 2012; Perrin & Siegel, 2013).

Although children of lesbian and gay parents tend to be well adjusted, some encounter challenges with peers. In some studies, as many as one third of elementary school children of lesbian and gay parents described their children as having felt isolated or different from their classmates (Anderssen et al., 2002; Bos & van Balen, 2008). Other research suggests that children experience few difficulties, with the exception that boys were more likely to report being excluded by their peers and girls gossiped about for having two mothers (Crowl et al., 2008). The degree to which children feel stigmatized and different varies with context. For example, Dutch children tend to be more open about growing up in a lesbian family, experience less homophobia, and demonstrate fewer emotional and behavioral problems than do American children (Bos, Gartrell, van Balen, Peyser, & Sandfort, 2008). However, close family relationships with lesbian mothers can counteract the effects of stigmatization (Bos & Gartrell, 2010). Contextual factors, such as attitudes and values, influence how children experience their world as well as their developmental outcomes.

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Single-Parent Families

In 2013, about 35% of U.S. children under age 18 lived with a single parent, most commonly with their mother (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2014). A great deal of research over multiple decades has compared the effects of family structure, children raised in single- parent families, stepfamilies, and two-parent families. Figure 10.2 shows the various living arrangements for households with children.

Generally, children in single-parent families, whether created through divorce, death, or having never married, tend to show more physical and mental health problems, poorer academic achievement, less social competence, and more behavior problems than do children in intact two-parent families (Waldfogel, Craigie, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010). However, it is important to recognize that these effects tend to be small; the vast majority of children raised in one-parent homes are well adjusted (Lamb, 2012). Moreover, there is more variability among children in single-parent homes than there is between children of single-parent homes and two-parent homes. Many of the differences associated with family structure differences are reduced or disappear when researchers take socioeconomic status into account, suggesting that differences in child well-being across family types are largely, though not entirely, influenced by family income, access to resources, and the stresses that accompany economic difficulties (Ryan, Claessens, & Markowitz, 2015).

About one third of children raised in single-mother homes live in poverty, as compared with 16% of children in single-father homes and under 6% of children in homes headed by a married couple (DeNavas-Walt & Proctor, 2014). Regardless of family structure, children who grow up in low socioeconomic status homes experience heightened risk for academic, social, and behavioral problems as economic disadvantage affects children in a myriad of ways, from having less money for books, clothes, and extracurricular activities to living in poorer school districts and neighborhoods (Lleras, 2008). For example, low-income single mothers often are in lower occupational positions with few benefits such as health insurance and sick days and with nonstandard hours. They tend to create more poor home environments with fewer educational resources and tend to spend less time with their children (Walker & Hennig, 1997). Children in single-mother families tend to receive less supervision, have more household responsibilities, experience more conflict with siblings, and have less family cohesion than do children in two-parent families (Kendig & Bianchi, 2008). In addition, families headed by single mothers often experience multiple transitions, as single mothers tend to change jobs and homes more frequently than other mothers. Each transition poses challenges to children’s adjustment (Evans, Li, & Whipple, 2013). Single mothers report more depression and psychological problems than married mothers and, when depressed, undoubtedly function less well as parents (Reising et al., 2013; Waldfogel et al., 2010).

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Figure 10.2: Family Structure: Children’s Living Arrangements, 1960–2013

Source: Child Trends Data Bank (2014).

The vast majority of what we know about single-parent families comes from studying mothers; single custodial fathers are less common but are on the rise (Eggebeen, Snyder, & Manning, 1996). About one quarter of single-parent households are headed by fathers (Livingston, 2013). Single fathers are more likely than mothers to live with a cohabiting partner and tend to have higher household incomes (Livingston, 2013). Like those raised by single mothers, children reared by single fathers show mixed outcomes. While some research has suggested that children earn lower grades in single-father families as compared with single-mother and intact families (Downey, 1994), other studies suggest that children in single-father families score similarly to children in two-parent families on measures of mental health, physical health, and academic achievement (Bramlett & Blumberg, 2007; Breivik & Olweus, 2006).

The single-parent household can offer stability, continuity, and opportunities for child development, but access to economic and social resources influences the effects of single parenthood on children. The level of social support afforded single mothers influences their abilities to provide emotional support for their children and implement effective parenting strategies (Wood & Woody, 2007). In African American communities, for example, single mothers often are not isolated from the community. Instead, children have opportunities to interact with many caring adult family members and friends of the family, and children are raised as members of a larger African American community (Jayakody & Kalil, 2002). Often an adult male, such as an uncle or grandfather, takes on a fathering role, helping a child build competence and develop a relationship with a caring adult male (Hill, Bush, & Roosa, 2003). In such families, grandmothers often are highly involved, warm, and helpful, taking on important support roles. In one study of U.K. single-parent homes, grandmothers served parental roles and aided their children much as would partners (Harper & Ruicheva, 2010). When children are close to highly involved extended family members, they develop family bonds and a sense of family honor that guides them and encourages them to succeed—this is true of all children regardless of their family structure

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(Jaeger, 2012).

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Cohabiting Families

There are many kinds of families, and not all are formed through marriage. In 2013, about 8% of children lived in homes with two parents who are unmarried—cohabiting parents (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2014). Forty percent of children will spend some time in a cohabiting-parent family before they reach age 18 (Kennedy & Bumpass, 2008). Children of unmarried cohabiting parents who have close, caring relationships with them and whose union is stable develop as well as their counterparts whose parents whose marriage is stable (Rose-Greenland & Smock, 2012).

A challenge to cohabitation is that relationships between unmarried cohabiting couples tend to be less stable than those of married couples. For example, about one third of cohabiting couples break up within 3 years (Copen, Daniels, & Mosher, 2013). In contrast, about two thirds of first marriages remain intact after 10 years (Goodwin, Mosher, & Chandra, 2010). Children living in cohabiting households are much more likely to experience their parents’ separation, more conflict in the home, and more transitions in family life than are children of married parents, all of which influence adjustment (Manning, 2006; Osborne, Manning, & Smock, 2007; Rose-Greenland & Smock, 2012). Children raised in more volatile cohabiting parent families tend to show more behavior and academic problems than do those in married stepparent and intact families (Acs & Nelson, 2002; Morrison, 1998) but rates similar to children living in single-mother households (Batalova & Cohen, 2002; Kiernan, 2002).

Differences in socioeconomic status contribute to the varying outcomes in children’s adjustment. Married parents tend to have considerably higher incomes and educational attainment than cohabiting parents (Manning & Lichter, 1996). On average, children raised in cohabiting-parent families experience economic situations that are better than those of children in single-parent families (e.g., higher parental education and family earnings) but more economically stressful than those reared by married parents (e.g., greater poverty and food insecurity; Manning & Brown, 2006). About 20% of children living in cohabiting families are poor, as compared with about 10% of children from two-parent married households and nearly 40% of children in single-parent households (Kennedy & Fitch, 2012).

The effect of cohabitation on children varies with contextual norms. Consensual unions and childbearing within cohabiting unions are more common among minority families (Dunifon & Kowaleski-Jones, 2002; Kennedy & Bumpass, 2008). Black and Hispanic children spend more time in cohabiting parent unions than do white children—and the difference in economic advantage between married and cohabitation is smaller for cohabiting black and Hispanic families than for white families, perhaps partially accounting for minority children’s more positive outcomes (Manning & Brown, 2006; Osborne et al.,

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2007).

Overall, there are many kinds of families, but children’s adjustment appears to be influenced by the similar factors across families, such as parent–child relationships, exposure to parental conflict, and economic resources. Exposure to parent conflict is particularly detrimental to children’s adjustment yet common to divorcing families.

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Divorce

Since 1960, divorce rates have tripled in many industrialized nations. The Russian Federation leads the world with a divorce rate of 4.7 per 1,000 people, followed by Latvia (3.6), Lithuania (3.5), and the United States (2.8; United Nations Statistics Division, 2014). Although the divorce rate in the United States is high relative to many countries, it has declined over the past three decades from its peak of 5.3 in 1981 to 3.6 in 2011 (National Center for Health Statistics, 1985, 2013). About 40% of marriages in the United States divorce within 15 years (Copen, Daniels, Vespa, & Mosher, 2012).

Divorce and Children

During the parent–teacher conference, Mrs. Rodriguez carefully explained, “Mrs. Patel, I know the divorce has been difficult for you and the children, but I’m concerned about Ryan. In the past few months, Ryan’s grades have dropped; he seems to be having trouble getting along with the other children; and, most notably, I caught him taking toys from another child’s book bag while the children were at recess.” Is Ryan’s behavior typical of children of divorced homes? For many decades, it was assumed that divorce caused significant and irreparable harm to children. Research, however, has suggested that in many cases there are no differences between children of divorced parents and those whose parents remain married (Hetherington, Bridges, & Insabella, 1998; Mensah & Fine, 2008; Oldehinkel et al., 2009). Most researchers have come to the conclusion that divorce has some negative effects on children’s adjustment, such as internalizing and externalizing problems, but the effects are small, vary by particular outcome, and do not apply to all boys and girls uniformly (Amato & Anthony, 2014; Weaver & Schofield, 2015).

Children who are exposed to parental confict tend to experience more adjustment difficulties in response to parental divorce.

Augustus Butera/Getty

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Boys and girls often display different reactions to parental divorce (Davies & Lindsay, 2001; Ram & Hou, 2005). Like Ryan, boys often respond to parental divorce with increases in behavior problems and delinquent activity (Malone et al., 2004). The effect of parental divorce on boys also depends on the timing of the divorce. Boys whose parents divorced during elementary school tend to show behavior problems that persisted for years after the divorce, but boys whose parents divorced during middle school showed behavior problems that dropped over the first year after the divorce (Oldehinkel et al., 2009). Girls tend to respond to parental divorce with anxiety and depression—and this response increases with age (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001; Størksen, Røysamb, Moum, & Tambs, 2005). Variations in child, parent, and family characteristics and contexts influence children’s adjustment to parental divorce, but most children show improved adjustment within two years after the divorce, suggesting that the majority of children of divorce are resilient (Amato, 2001; Lamb, 2012). As Ryan adjusts to their new homes and new family life, his behavior problems will decrease and his school performance will likely improve.

Some children of divorced homes show difficulties in adjustment that persist throughout adolescence and sometimes into adulthood (Størksen, Røysamb, Gjessing, Moum, & Tambs, 2007; VanderValk, Spruijt, de Goede, Maas, & Meeus, 2005). Children who experience divorce, especially multiple divorces, are more likely to face challenges in adolescence and early adulthood regarding sexuality and intimacy, as well as difficulties with anxiety, depression, and problem behaviors (Amato, 2006; Størksen et al., 2005; Whitton, Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2008). As adolescents, they are at higher risk of pregnancy and as adults are more likely to experience divorce in their own marriages (Amato, 2010; Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006).

Children show many different patterns of adjustment before and after their parents’ divorce. Furthermore, what initially appear to be effects of divorce are likely to be a complex combination of parent, child, and contextual factors that precede and follow the divorce in conjunction with the divorce itself (Amato & Anthony, 2014; Bennett, 2006). For example, children reared in divorced families tend to have lower socioeconomic attainment as adults than their peers growing up in two-biological-parent families (Hetherington & Elmore, 2004), but these differences appear to be either at least partially attributable to shortages of economic and social resources in these families.

Divorce triggers a reconfiguration of family roles and parenting responsibilities shift disproportionately onto the resident parent. Over time, children tend to have less contact with noncustodial fathers (Amato & Sobolewski, 2004). After divorce, children are typically raised by their mothers and experience a drop in income that influences their access to resources and opportunities, such as after-school programs and activities (Bratberg & Tjøtta, 2008; White & Rogers, 2000). Mother-headed households often must move to more affordable housing, causing additional changes in children’s school, community, and circle of friends and often reducing children’s access to social support and opportunities to play with friends. Mothers who have not been in the workforce often must seek

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employment, and many working mothers must increase the hours that they work, leading to less contact with their children. These changes contribute to inconsistencies in family routines, activities, and parental monitoring prior to, during, and after the divorce (Kelly, 2007; Wallerstein & Lewis, 2004). High-quality family relationships, including positive interactions with the noncustodial parent and low levels of parent–parent conflict, can buffer children against these stressors (Hakvoort et al., 2011; Weaver & Schofield, 2015).

Involvement by the noncustodial parent, specifically the father, is important in lessening the negative effects of divorce. Multiple studies have found that good father–child relationships protect girls against early sexual activity and promote healthy romantic relationships, and close father–son relationships positively influence boys’ psychological well-being (Amato & Sobolewski, 2004; Hakvoort et al., 2011; Oldehinkel et al., 2009). Parent–child relationships are important resources that can help children cope with difficult transitions. Secure parent–child attachments can help to buffer the negative effects of divorce and promote adjustment (Faber & Wittenborn, 2010).

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Divorce: Parent’s Perspective

In this video, Peige, the mother of two boys, discusses her experience parenting during a divorce and afterward.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Conflict and Child Adjustment

Ultimately, divorce is not a discrete event in a family’s experience. It is a transition that influences living arrangements, housing, income, and family roles. The transition begins well before the divorce is announced because parental divorce tends to be preceded by a period of uncertainty and tension, often characterized by increases in conflict between parents (Amato, 2010). Harmful family processes, such as parental conflict, poor parent– child interactions, and ineffective parenting strategies, take a toll on children’s emotional and psychological health and can precede parental divorce by as long as 8 to 12 years, suggesting that many children face challenges to adjustment well before their parents’ divorce (Lansford, 2009; Potter, 2010). The amount of parental conflict that children are exposed to before and during parental divorce influences the emotional, psychological, and behavioral problems that may accompany parental divorce.

Parental conflict is common during the divorce, and in over one third of cases, high parental conflict continues for several years after the divorce (Bing, Nelson, & Wesolowski, 2009; Fosco & Grych, 2008). Children who are exposed to high levels of conflict between parents tend to show more poor outcomes and more adjustment difficulties with parental divorce (Drapeau, Gagne, Saint-Jacques, Lepine, & Ivers, 2009; Harold, Aitken, & Shelton, 2007). Chronic exposure to parental conflict poses challenges to children’s adjustment and is associated with increased physiological arousal and an elevated stress response (Davidson, O’Hara, & Beck, 2014; Davies & Martin, 2014). Longitudinal research following children of married parents has found that children whose parents later divorce show many of the problems typical of children of divorce, such as anxiety, depression, delinquency, and poor academics, long before the divorce takes place (Strohschein, 2005, 2007).

It is not simply parental conflict that matters but how it is displayed and resolved.

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Unresolved hostile and aggressive interactions are particularly harmful to children as they damage children’s sense of emotional security (Cummings, Goeke-Morey, & Papp, 2001; Davies & Martin, 2014). In turn, children’s difficulties adapting, such as behavior problems, can increase parental conflict (Drapeau et al., 2009). However, not all parents display high levels of conflict. About one quarter show low levels of conflict post separation that remain stable years later, but about 10% of parents show low levels of conflict that later increase. Children raised in low-income homes are more likely to experience higher rates of parental conflict upon divorce and over time (Drapeau et al., 2009). The custodial parent’s ability to handle stress, protect the child from exposure to conflict, provide support, monitor the child, and maintain a warm relationship with the child promotes positive adjustment and lower levels of problems including anxiety, depression, low self- esteem, and behavior problems (Mensah & Fine, 2008; Oldehinkel et al., 2009).

Divorce and Parents

Parents play an important role in their children’s adjustment to divorce. As they struggle with their own adaptation, newly divorced parents may be more emotionally detached from their role as parents, less effective in monitoring and disciplining their children, and may experience more conflict and less cohesion in their relationships with their children (Wallerstein & Lewis, 2004). Parents’ psychological distress and preoccupation with their own personal problems during divorce may interfere with established parenting practices and strain the parent–child relationship. Yet research with 17,000 Canadian families suggests that mothers show little change in their parenting strategies or interactions with their children after divorce (Strohschein, 2007). Similar to findings with children, there are no set patterns of adjustment that fit all parents. Some parents show radical changes, many show some changes, and some show few changes in their parenting strategies and interactions with children (Amato, Kane, & James, 2011; Bing et al., 2009; Brenner & Hyde, 2006).

Poor parenting strategies and parents’ difficulties in monitoring and interacting with their children contribute to children’s adjustment in all types of families, divorced and intact. When researchers take into account the quality of parenting, the link between parental divorce and children’s adjustment lessens, suggesting that parenting strategies and parent– child relationships are more important influences on children’s adjustment than divorce (Bing et al., 2009; Strohschein, 2007; Whiteside & Becker, 2000; Wolchik, Wilcox, Tein, & Sandler, 2000).

Custody

Children’s living arrangements change dramatically with divorce. Some parents are awarded sole legal child custody, in which they may make all decisions regarding the child and need not consult the other parent. Joint legal child custody, on the other hand, entitles both

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parents to make major decisions about their children, such as those regarding medical, educational, and child care issues. A distinction is made between joint legal custody and joint physical custody, which involves parents sharing daily living arrangements with the child. It is most common for parents to share joint legal custody, but one parent has physical custody; usually, this is the mother (Kelly, 2007). Although joint legal custody provides both parents with the right to participate in decisions regarding the child, in most cases the parent with physical custody usually makes daily decisions and often major decisions (Bauserman, Bos, van Balen, van den Boom, & Bauserman, 2002; Maccoby & Mnookin, 1992). In families granted joint physical custody, children spend large amounts of time with both parents but not necessarily a 50/50 share. Usually, children will spend 35% or more time with each parent (Nielsen, 2014).

How is children’s adjustment related to custody arrangements? Although children in joint physical custody homes may shuffle between two homes, two sets of toys, and two sets of neighborhood friends, they typically adjust well. Children in joint physical custody arrangements tend to be better adjusted with regard to parent–child and family relationships and show higher self-esteem, lower rates of anxiety and depression, better academic achievement, and fewer behavior problems than children in sole custody homes (Bauserman, 2012; Fabricius & Luecken, 2007; Sarrazin & Cyr, 2007). We have seen that parental conflict is stressful for children and impairs their short- and long-term adjustment to divorce (Oldehinkel et al., 2009; Potter, 2010). Parents who petition for and successfully manage joint custody of their children expose their children to lower levels of conflict before and after the divorce, thereby aiding their transition.

Stepfamilies

About 15% to 20% of U.S. children live in a stepfamily composed of a biological parent and a nonrelated adult, most commonly a mother and stepfather (Dunn, 2002a). Stepfamilies, also known as blended or reconstituted families, present children with new challenges and adjustments as the multiple transitions entailed by divorce and remarriage are stressful. It is difficult for stepfamilies to integrate and balance the many relationships among custodial and noncustodial stepparents, grandparents, and extended families (Dupuis, 2010). For example, holidays may entail visiting three or four sets of relatives. Many children and adults look back on their parents’ remarriage as more stressful than the divorce itself (Ahrons, 2007; Dunn, 2002b).

Age influences adaptation to a blended family. School-age children and adolescents, both boys and girls, tend to display more difficulties in adjusting to remarriage than do younger children (Hennon, Hildenbrand, & Schedle, 2008; Ram & Hou, 2003). Some children show more difficulty than others in adjusting to a blended family (Hennon et al., 2008). Both boys and girls tend to experience psychological distress in adjusting to remarriage; however, they may direct their distress in different ways. Living with a stepparent often

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results in greater physical aggression, destructive behaviors, and other behavior problems among boys as well as greater indirect, passive, and not easily noticeable aggression among girls (Hetherington et al., 1998; Ram & Hou, 2005). The effects on girls tend to be more severe than boys, especially in adolescence, because much of the girls’ aggression is turned inward and appears as problems with anxiety, depression, and passive aggression (Bray, 1999; Hennon et al., 2008). Girls display more challenges in adapting as stepfathers disrupt the pattern of interactions girls have with their mothers (Dunn, 2002b). Both boys and girls raised in blended families show higher rates of social and emotional problems as compared with those living in intact families (Amato & Keith, 1991b; Ram & Hou, 2003). Adjusting to a blended family may pose challenges, but frequently children reared in stepfamilies do not differ from those raised in single-parent families in a variety of developmental outcomes including cognitive skills, hyperactivity, and aggression (Ahrons, 2007). Sometimes moving to a stepfamily is even associated with improved adjustment, especially if it results in an increase in family income (Ryan et al., 2015).

Although children are more likely to live with a mother and stepfather, many report that adjusting to a father’s remarriage is more stressful than their mother’s, regardless of which parent has custody (Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1992; Doodson & Morley, 2006). Children often react negatively when custodial fathers remarry, perhaps because children living with fathers may experience more difficulties to begin with (King, 2007). Often, fathers take custody of a child when he (the child in question is usually a boy) displays behavior problems and becomes too challenging for a mother to rear. If the father does not have a very close relationship with the child, remarriage may disrupt established patterns of interaction and bonds between the parent and child. Among children reared in father– stepmother homes, close relationships with both resident fathers and nonresident mothers are associated with fewer adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems, but relationships with resident stepmothers are unrelated to problems (Ganong & Coleman, 2000).

Overall, blended families adapt more easily and children show better adjustment when stepparents build a warm friendship with the child and slowly adopt their new roles (Doodson & Morley, 2006). However, stepmothers often find their role is challenging and ill defined, especially in the presence of a nonresident biological mother (Greeff & Du Toit, 2009). Stepmothers tend to report more depressive symptoms, parenting stress, and less child regard than do biological mothers (Shapiro, 2014; Shapiro & Stewart, 2011). When stepmothers seek support and clarification of their role from their spouse and approach children with honesty and acceptance, they are more likely to find success in the stepmother role (Whiting, Smith, Barnett, & Grafsky, 2007). When stepparents are warm and involved and do not exert authority too soon, children usually adjust quickly.

In middle childhood, children’s social world expands to include peer, school, and community, but the home context remains an important source of nurturance, support, information, and safety. Children’s growing capacities for reasoning and emerging sense of

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self influence their relationships with their parents and both parents and children must adjust.

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Blended Family

Stepfamilies are faced with unique benefits and challenges. In this video, stepfather Eric shares his experiences blending two families, his adolescent son and two younger stepchildren. Twelve-year-old stepdaughter Cori discusses what it’s like to live with a stepbrother.

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Thinking in Context 10.3 1. How might children’s relationships with their family influence relationships with peers? How are

interactions and relationships with family members, such as siblings, similar to and different from those with peers?

2. Eight-year-old Sam’s parents have announced that they plan to divorce. What are the major challenges facing Sam? What reactions and effects do you expect the divorce to have on Sam? How might those effects differ whether Sam is a girl or boy? How do you think Sam will adjust to his or her parents’ remarriage?

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Common Problems in Middle Childhood

The school years are a time of growth and change. Older children advance cognitively and socially, understanding themselves and their social worlds in new, more sophisticated ways. However, several threats to development emerge during the school years. Their more advanced conceptions of the world mean that they may experience fears and anxieties with more complex and diverse effects than earlier in development. In addition, sexual abuse, a problem throughout childhood, is most commonly reported by school-age children. Though school-age children face challenges to their development, they also display resilience, the capacity to adapt and bounce back.

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Common Fears and Anxiety

School-age children display many fears common to childhood, such as of the dark and thunder, harm and injury, school failure, and peer rejection. As they grow older, from late childhood to adolescence, the frequency and intensity of children’s fears declines (Burnham, 2009). Children’s perspectives expand to include wider contexts, such as their neighborhood, country, and world events, and their anxieties become more complex. Older children worry about parents’ health, wars, and natural disasters, such as hurricanes, illnesses such as AIDS, and terrorist attacks (Burnham, Lomax, & Hooper, 2012; Gullone & King, 1997; Smith & Moyer-Gusé, 2006). Children who express many worries and anxieties tend to have a lower sense of self-confidence and perceived control than other children (Parkinson & Creswell, 2011).

Throughout childhood and adolescence, girls tend to express more worries than boys (Burnham, 2005). The social and emotional developments of middle childhood provide children with powerful resources for coping with anxiety. Most children manage anxiety by turning to others, talking with parents, friends, and trusted adults. As school-age children’s capacities for emotional regulation aid them in managing anxiety, many fears decline in middle childhood.

Some children experience fear centering around school that shows itself in school refusal, refusing to attend school and finding it difficult to attend or to stay in school (Melvin & Tonge, 2012). Children who refuse school often display physical complaints such as dizziness, nausea, and stomachaches. These physical symptoms often disappear when they are allowed to stay home from school (Thambirajah, Grandison, & De-Hayes, 2008). They often miss a great deal of school and fall behind in their work (Kearney, 2001). Up to 28% of school-age children in the United States refuse school at some point in their education (Setzer, 2008). School refusal tends to be equally common across gender, racial, and income groups (Kearney, 2008). It can occur throughout the school years, but is more common from 5 to 6 years of age and 10 to 11 years of age, during transitions to elementary school, from elementary to middle or junior high school, and from childhood to adolescence (Setzer, 2008). Children who refuse school may experience many psychological problems such as excessive worrying, social anxiety, depressive symptoms, fatigue, clinginess to parents, and problems with peer relationships. They are also likely to show problem behaviors such as noncompliance, aggression, temper tantrums, and poor academic performance.

Children who display school refusal often fear a particular aspect of school, and the fears are often realistic, such as a school bully, a harsh teacher, or intense pressures to achieve from parents or teachers (Havik, Bru, & Ertesvåg, 2013; King & Bernstein, 2001). Treating school refusal requires teaching the child to cope with challenging situations and emotions,

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for example, by providing training in social skills, emotional regulation, and problem solving (Kearney & Roblek, 1998; Maric, Heyne, MacKinnon, van Widenfelt, & Westenberg, 2013; Melvin & Tonge, 2012). Most importantly, children must return to, and remain in, school and utilize their new strategies to manage and overcome the anxiety.

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Child Sexual Abuse

Once considered rare, child sexual abuse is now understood as a widespread problem around the world (Stoltenborgh, van IJzendoorn, Euser, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2011). Child sexual abuse is defined as engaging in any sexual activity, coerced or persuaded, with a child. It is estimated that about 27% of children under the age of 17 have experienced sexual abuse (Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2014). Although both boys and girls are victims of sexual abuse, girls are more often victimized. Sexual abuse may occur at any time during infancy, childhood, or adolescence, but it is most often reported in middle childhood, with about one half of cases occurring between ages 4 and 12 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013). Typically, the most negative outcomes are seen in children who are young at the onset of abuse. Sexual abuse is associated with a range of negative outcomes, including behavioral problems in adolescence and adulthood (Kaplow & Widom, 2007; Marriott, Hamilton-Giachritsis, & Harrop, 2014). It is often difficult for children who are sexually abused to cope and heal because sexual abuse often is not a one- time event; some children experience sexual abuse that persists for years (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013).

Reported cases of child sexual abuse are more common in homes characterized by poverty, marital instability, and drug and alcohol abuse (Hilarski, 2008; Terry & Talon, 2004). Children who are raised in homes in which adults come and go—repeated marriages, separations, and revolving romantic partners—are at higher risk of sexual abuse. However, sexual abuse also occurs in intact middle-class families. In these families, children’s victimization often remains undetected and unreported (Hinkelman & Bruno, 2008). Risk factors and typical outcomes for child sexual abuse appear in Table 10.3.

Perpetrators of sexual abuse are most often males whom the child knows, trusts, and has frequent contact with, such as parents, stepparents, and live-in boyfriends (Smith, 2008). About two thirds of sexual abuse cases are perpetrated by a stepfather as compared with about 11% by a biological father (Clark, Clark, & Adamec, 2007) Most sexual assaults occur in the home of the victim or the perpetrator, not—as portrayed in popular culture— in dark alleys or during abduction by a stranger. Children comply with the abuser for a variety of reasons. Some are bribed by gifts or privileges and often told that they are special and that the activity is a secret that they share (Hilarski, 2008). Others are intimidated and threatened by physical harm and reprisal for noncompliance or for telling another adult.

Children who are sexually abused display a number of problems yet not a clear, distinct set of psychological characteristics (McCoy & Keen, 2009). Both boys and girls respond in a similar way (Maikovich-Fong & Jaffee, 2010). Sexually abused children are more likely to show emotional and behavioral problems such as anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, aggression, withdrawal, sleep disturbances, acting out and risky behaviors, and low school

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achievement (Hilarski, 2008; Maniglio, 2011). Abusers often target children who cannot protect themselves—for example, those who are physically weak, starved for attention, and isolated, socially or emotionally, which may worsen the negative effects of abuse (Kendall- Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993). Children who are sexually abused often are knowledgeable about sex and engage in age-inappropriate sexual activity, such as masturbating, placing objects in their genital areas, or behaving seductively (Kenny, Capri, Thakkar-Kolar, Ryan, & Runyon, 2008). Many children who are sexually abused display symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), an anxiety disorder that occurs after experiencing a traumatic event and includes flashbacks, nightmares, and feelings of helplessness (Maniglio, 2013; Putman, 2009).

Experiencing childhood sexual abuse is associated with long-term difficulties in adolescence and adulthood, including mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety disorder, conduct problems, antisocial behavior, substance dependence, and suicide attempts (Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2008; Maniglio, 2011; Pérez-Fuentes et al., 2013). Long- term physical health issues associated with sexual victimization in childhood include gastrointestinal distress, reproductive problems, generalized pain, obesity, and overall poor health (Fergusson, McLeod, & Horwood, 2013; Herrenkohl, Hong, Klika, Herrenkohl, & Russo, 2013; Irish, Kobayashi, & Delahanty, 2010). As adolescents and adults, victims of sexual abuse are likely to show sexual problems such as risky and unprotected sexual activity, avoidance of sex, and sexual anxiety and guilt (Homma, Wang, Saewyc, & Kishor, 2012; Jones et al., 2013).

Prevention and early identification of sexual abuse is essential. When abuse is identified and stopped early, children display more positive adjustment (Fryda & Hulme, 2015). Effective prevention and early identification of sexual abuse relies on training parents and teachers to recognize the signs of abuse and report suspicions to law enforcement and child protection agencies (Wurtele & Kenny, 2010). As noted in Chapter 8, teachers and other professionals who come into contact with children are mandated reporters, legally obligated to report suspicions to authorities. Children tend to experience fewer long-term consequences of abuse if the child’s account is believed; the abuse is stopped; and the home environment is structured, stable, and nurturing (Kenny et al., 2008). In addition to targeting parents,

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caregivers, and other adults, effective child sexual abuse prevention educates children about their bodies and their right to not be touched. When children are exposed to school-based education programs that help children learn how to recognize inappropriate touches, they are more apt to report them to teachers and other adults (Brassard & Fiorvanti, 2015; Fryda & Hulme, 2015). Table 10.4 summarizes characteristics of effective sexual abuse prevention programs.

School-based education programs increase children’s knowledge about personal safety but are more likely to be successful in teaching children and adults skills and reducing rates of child sexual abuse when they engage parents (Wurtele & Kenny, 2010). The active participation of parents in self-protection programs contributes to success because many of the conditions that are necessary for abuse relate to the bond between the parent and child such as the lack of effective supervision and child desiring adult attention. The joint participation of parent and child may increase the positive bond of their relationship and the increasing ease in which they talk about difficult anxiety-provoking things (Kenny et al., 2008). In addition, many parents lack knowledge about child sexual abuse and often adhere to common myths including underestimating the prevalence of abuse, assuming that boys cannot be sexually victimized, and not realizing that children are most commonly victimized by someone who is familiar to them (Babatsikos, 2010).

Successful prevention programs repeatedly expose children to information at school and at home, via homework and discussions with parents. In addition, successful programs explain what kinds of touches are “okay” and what are not and provide children with the vocabulary to describe their bodies (e.g., correct terms for genitals; Kenny et al., 2008). Although children as young as 3 may show benefits from such programs, children 8 years and older show substantial benefits, including having increases in vocabulary, knowledge,

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and skills; identifying potential abuse situations; and possessing a sense of control (Afifi & MacMillan, 2011). Yet not all children who experience traumatic events such as sexual abuse experience dire outcomes; some children show resilience to trauma and thrive despite adversity.

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Resilience

Best friends Jane and Margarita walk to school together every day, partly because they live next door to each other and like each other’s company but also because their mothers said that they cannot walk around their neighborhood alone. One day while Jane and Margarita played in the living room at Margarita’s home, they heard an argument outside, and suddenly a bullet crashed through the window, hitting the wall across the room. Since then, Jane’s and Margarita’s mothers don’t allow them to play outside their homes and instead make them play in the kitchen, far away from the living room’s windows that look out on the street. Clearly, Jane and Margarita live in a community that poses risks to their safety. They also both live with their single mothers who often leave them home alone at night as they work their part-time second jobs.

Many children like Jane and Margarita are faced with risk factors, challenges that tax their coping capacities and can evoke psychological stress, such as low socioeconomic status, exposure to poverty stricken and dangerous neighborhoods, divorce, bullying, and sexual abuse (Luthar, 2006; Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). The more risks that children face, the more difficult it is for them to adjust and the more likely they are to have psychological and behavioral problems such as anxiety, depression, poor academic achievement, and delinquent activity.

Jane and Margarita attend a school with limited resources, overcrowded classrooms, outdated books, and teachers who feel overwhelmed by many students with special needs. Like many of her classmates, Jane finds it hard to stop worrying and concentrate in class, and she performs poorly in reading and math. Margarita, on the other hand, manages to earn As on many of her assignments. Margarita worries about her family and her own safety, but she can put her worries aside to get back and forth from school and concentrate on her studies. Despite experiencing a variety of intense stressors, some children, like Margarita, display little trauma and are able to manage their anxiety and succeed at home and school, showing high self-esteem, low levels of depression, few behavioral problems, and positive academic achievement (Cicchetti, 2010; Kim-Cohen, 2007).

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Children’s adjustment is influenced by the balance of risk and protective factors they experience. The more risks children face, such as residing in poor and dangerous communities, the more likely they are to experience difficulties with adjustment and development.

Spencer Platt/Getty

Margarita displays resilience, the ability to respond or perform positively in the face of adversity; to achieve despite the presence of disadvantages; or to significantly exceed expectations given poor home, school, and community circumstances (Masten, 2014). Adaptation to adversity is a dynamic process involving interactions among the child’s developmental capacities and his or her changing context, including relationships with other people. It is influenced by prior development, competence, risk factors, the nature of the current challenges faced, and the child’s adaptive capacity and strengths, known as protective factors (Cicchetti, 2010; Masten & Narayan, 2012). Protective factors are influences that reduce the poor outcomes associated with adverse circumstances (Kim- Cohen, 2007; Werner, 1995).

Resilient children have strengths and powerful capacities for coping and adjustment. They benefit from multiple protective influences that help them to maintain a positive developmental trajectory despite adverse circumstances (Domhardt, Münzer, Fegert, & Goldbeck, 2014; Vanderbilt-Adriance & Shaw, 2008). For example, Margarita often attends an after-school program where she learned to play basketball and use a computer. Her uncle Pedro visits every Wednesday and Sunday, and she feels as though she can talk to him about anything. Each week, Margarita attends church with her mother, and Pedro and her mother make a big dinner. Each of these factors, school and community connections, positive and close relationships with adults, routines, and attending church promote children’s adjustment and protect them against the negative outcomes associated with adversity (Masten & Monn, 2015). Resilience is not an all-or-nothing attribute that children either have or do not have (Rutter, 1985). Instead, children vary in the degree to which they are resilient based on their unique contexts, and children’s capacity for resilience can vary over time (Masten, 2014).

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Protective factors arise from within the child, from the family or extended family, and from the community (Luthar, 2006; Lynch & Cicchetti, 1998; Werner, 2012). Resilient children tend to have personal characteristics that protect them from adversity, such as an easy temperament, sense of competence, self-control, good information processing and problem-solving skills, friendliness, and sensitivity to others that aid them in managing adversity and learning from their experiences (Afifi & MacMillan, 2011; Marriott et al., 2014; Masten, 2011). In addition, resilient individuals have a proactive orientation. They take initiative in their lives, believe in their own effectiveness, and have a positive sense of self (Alvord & Grados, 2005; Lee, Kwong, Cheung, Ungar, & Cheung, 2010). Children who are resilient tend to have strong and supportive relationships with at least one parent, caregiver, or adult who provides guidance and support (Afifi & MacMillan, 2011; Domhardt et al., 2014). Table 10.5 and Figure 10.3 illustrate characteristics that promote resilience in children.

A fundamental characteristic of resilient children is that they are successful in regulating

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their emotions and behavior (Luthar, 2006; Masten, 2014). In a longitudinal study of 5- year-olds, Rydell, Berlin, and Bohlin (2003) found that children who had difficulty regulating positive emotions showed more problem behaviors and low levels of prosocial behaviors whereas those who were skilled at regulating their positive emotions showed high levels of prosocial behavior. Generally, negative life experiences and unfavorable backgrounds contribute to children’s adjustment difficulties. The behavior problems common to exposure to harmful experiences at home and in the neighborhood can increase children’s problems and expose them to further negative life experiences, which also increase the rate of maladjustment (Brennan, 2008). It is noteworthy, however, that some children who appear resilient may suffer from internalizing problems that are not always readily apparent, such as anxiety, depression, or low self-worth, which may have long-term negative consequences for their development and adjustment (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). Resilient children illustrate an important finding: Exposure to adversity in childhood does not necessarily lead to maladjustment; many children thrive despite challenging experiences.

Figure 10.3: Characteristics of Resilient Children, as Reported by Their Parents

Source: Child Trends (2013).

Middle childhood is an important time for socioemotional development. School-age children show dramatic changes in their self-conceptions, peer relationships, and competence. They live in diverse home environments and face common challenges to their coping skills but show a range of outcomes depending on their unique contextual conditions. The socioemotional skills developed in middle childhood prepare school-age children for the dramatic changes that they will encounter in adolescence.

Children who are exposed to violence in their communities and the violence of war are at

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particular risk for poor adjustment, as discussed in Lives in Context (p. 282).

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Lives in Context

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Exposure to War and Terrorism and Children’s Development Acts of war and terror are sudden, unpredictable, and dramatic as they affect the child, family, and community—and hold dire consequences for children’s development (Catani et al., 2010). Living through chronic, unexpected bouts of terror and trauma, such as responding to air raids; listening to bomb blasts; fleeing a home and community in search of safety; and suddenly losing loved ones to military service, confinement, or death, evokes trauma that disrupts the contextual and social fabric of children and families’ lives (Werner, 2012; Williams, 2007). Children raised in environments of war and terror may experience or witness the injury or death of family members and friends, have family members who are missing for long periods of time, and parents who are called away to the military or who are absent (Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). Victims of war are often displaced; forced to flee their homes, often with only a few belongings; and sometimes are separated from parents. Children require stability—especially in times of trauma. With sudden changes and loss of feelings of safety and tangible resources, such as the loss of the familiar environment and routines of school, social networks, and patterns of family life, children suffer multiple losses, loss of contact with community and traditional values (Cummings, Goeke-Morey, Merrilees, Taylor, & Shirlow, 2014; Morgos, Worden, & Gupta, 2007).

Healthy development requires physical resources, such as food, health care, and shelter, and socioemotional resources, such as parental and family support, love, trust, and security. Exposure to war and acts of terrorism attack all of the resources children need to grow into healthy, well-adjusted adults. School-age children are at particular risk for negative outcomes in response to exposure to the trauma of war and terrorism because they are old enough to understand the gravity of the situation but have not yet developed the emotional regulation, abstract reasoning, and socioemotional maturity to process such events (Saraiya, Garakani, & Billick, 2013). School-age children show a variety of responses as shown in Table 10.6. Children exposed to acts of terror may show a prolonged fear of being alone, safety concerns, and preoccupations with danger. They may lose interest in their favorite activities and may engage in repetitious traumatic play and retelling of trauma. Yet some children are naturally resilient. For example, one study of Palestine children exposed to the 2008–2009 war on Gaza found that about three quarters of the children showed some recovery from PTSD symptoms (Punamäki, Palosaari, Diab, Peltonen, & Qouta, 2014). Likewise, most child survivors of war who participated in long-term follow-up studies showed no enduring patterns of emotional distress or poor socioemotional outcomes (Werner, 2012).

Intervening to assist children exposed to war and terrorism is difficult because typically the trauma is ongoing, unpredictable, and dramatic. Consequences of exposure to terror damage the very factors that promote resilience in children, such as a sense of stability; supportive relationships with adults; connections with the community; and interpersonal resources such as social competence, confidence, and an easy temperament (Asarnow, 2011; Betancourt & Khan, 2008; Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). Interventions to assist children promote children’s attachment with parents and caregivers by ensuring that children stay physically and emotionally close to their parents. Parents who are able to instill a sense of warmth and security are best able to support their children’s needs and promote resilience (Saraiya et al., 2013). Children’s physical needs must be met through adequate nutrition, health care, and opportunities to engage in physical activity. Children must also have opportunities to express ideas and feelings directly and through play, such as drawing, storytelling, drama, and games. Children who have had similar experiences can be placed together in small groups as a feeling of belonging together and having gone through similar trauma, such as bombing, displacement, or loss of family members can facilitate the healing process (Werner, 2012). School-based interventions can help children adjust (Asarnow, 2011). However, children in war zones often are displaced and lose the daily school routine. Interventions should help restore children’s educational routines. When schools are closed, locally trained paraprofessionals can help families establish educational resources until children can return to their usual schools. No intervention can erase the effects of exposure to the trauma of war and terror, but interventions can help to bolster the factors that promote resilience to

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adversity.

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What Do You Think? Consider the problem of war or terrorism from the perspective of bioecological theory. Identify factors within the microsystem that may help children adjust to experiencing terror. What factors might make it more challenging for children to adjust? What about mesosystem factors? Exosystem? Macrosystem?

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Thinking in Context 10.4 Risk and protective factors illustrate the dynamic interactions among individuals and their contexts.

1. What factors within children might influence their capacity to adjust to adversity? Identify individual characteristics that may act as risk and protective factors.

2. Identify contextual factors that might influence children’s capacity to adjust to adversity—that is, identify risk and protective factors within the contexts in which children are raised.

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Apply Your Knowledge Interested in peer dynamics, Professor Peer administered a survey to Ms. Holman’s third-grade class. The survey asked students to list the three students they like most and the three students they like least. After the children completed the survey, the bell rang, and it was time for lunch. Students filed out into the hallway, chattering excitedly to each other. The next day as students played outside, waiting for the school day to begin, Ms. Holman noticed that one student, Riley, who has always been somewhat withdrawn, is surrounded by a crowd of students. Ms. Holman moves toward the group and sees that the crowd of children is watching two students interact: Joey is pushing Riley and calling him names. Joey has always been boisterous and physical with other students, Ms. Holman recalls. After breaking up the crowd, the students enter school and the school day begins.

In class, when Ms. Holman calls on Riley, he’s slow to respond, as usual given his shyness. When he speaks, the other students make coughing noises and giggle. At lunch, Riley is again surrounded by other students, but this time Ms. Holman scolds Joey but also Mikey and Jose for teasing Riley. She worries that these negative peer experiences will make Riley become more withdrawn and that Riley will become even more prone to peer victimization.

1. How likely are Ms. Holman’s worries? 2. What characteristics place children at risk for victimization by peers? What role do psychological

factors and relationships with parents and peers play? What characteristics place students at risk of bullying other children?

3. How does victimization by peers influence psychological development and social relationships? 4. Consider Professor Peer’s survey, which asked children to think of the students they most liked and

most disliked. What role might have Professor Peer’s survey played in influencing children’s interactions? Do researchers have special responsibilities when they administer peer nomination measures such as this?

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Chapter Summary

10.1 Explain three ways in which the sense of self changes in middle childhood.

School-age children’s conceptions of themselves become more sophisticated, organized, and accurate as well as include positive and negative traits that recognize temporal and contextual fluctuations. Children incorporate feedback about their abilities from parents, teachers, and peers as well as engage in social comparison to derive a sense of self-esteem. 10.2 Analyze the typical qualities of school-age children’s friendships and their developmental significance.

In middle childhood, friendship becomes a reciprocal relationship in which children like each other, are responsive to each other’s needs, and trust each other. Intimacy, loyalty, and commitment become important to older children and they have fewer, closer friends; change friends less frequently; become more upset at losing a friend; and find making friends more challenging. Friendships offer opportunities for children to learn relationship skills, influence children’s adjustment and psychological well-being, and protect children from the negative effects of risks and stressors. 10.3 Explore the role of peer acceptance in children’s adjustment, including popularity and rejection.

Peer acceptance becomes a source of self-validation and self-esteem and influences adjustment in middle childhood. Popular children tend to be helpful, trustworthy, and bright; they are skilled in self-regulation and conflict resolution. Aggressive- rejected children show confrontational behavior, a hostile attribution bias, impulsivity, relational aggression, and poor emotional regulation skills. Withdrawn- rejected children tend to be passive, timid, anxious, and socially awkward as well as show poor emotional regulation skills. They are also at risk for peer victimization. Peer rejection is associated with short- and long-term problems such as loneliness, unhappiness, depression, low self-esteem, aggression, poor school achievement, and antisocial behavior. 10.4 Compare the characteristics of bullies and victims, how parent and school factors contribute to bullying, and outcomes of bullying.

Children who bully tend to be physically and verbally assertive and impulsive yet report making friends easily. Bullied children are more likely to be inhibited, frail, anxious, and dependent as well as have low self-esteem and poor social and emotional regulation skills. Children who bully often come from homes characterized by a lack of supervision in which parents prefer physical discipline and are permissive toward aggressive behavior. Victims of bullying often experience intrusive parenting and overprotectiveness that increases their vulnerability. School procedures, such as

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grouping students by physical characteristics, lack of monitoring, and little encouragement for students to report bullying, maintain and increase bullying. 10.5 Discuss changes in family relationships during middle childhood.

Older children become more concerned with independence and making their own decisions. They become less satisfied with parents’ authority and often show a decline in respect for parental authority. Parents adapt by using less direct management of children’s behavior and instead begin to share power with children, by guiding and monitoring their behavior from a distance, communicating expectations, using reasoning, and permitting children to be in charge of moment to moment decision making. Through their interactions with siblings, children learn important relationship skills, such as conflict resolution and intimacy, buffering the impact of stressful life events on internalizing symptoms. 10.6 Examine the adjustment of children reared in gay and lesbian families.

Over two decades of research has failed to reveal important differences in the adjustment or development of children and adolescents reared by same-sex couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples. Specifically, children and adolescents raised by same-sex parents do not differ from other children on measures of socioemotional development, such as empathy and emotional regulation, cognitive functioning, social competence, and behavior problems, and show similar patterns of gender identity and gender role development. Gay fathers and lesbian mothers show similar levels of parenting competence and commitment to the parenting role as heterosexual parents. 10.7 Identify risks and protective factors that contribute to children’s adjustment in single-parent and cohabiting families.

Children in single-parent families tend to show more poor physical and mental health, academic achievement, and social competence as well as more behavior problems than do children in intact two-parent families. Single-parent households are disproportionately likely to be poor. Children raised in cohabiting-parent families tend to experience more favorable economic situations. Children in cohabiting households tend to experience transitions in family life than do children of married parents and may experience more conflict in the home, an important influence on children’s adjustment. Children and adolescents living in cohabiting-parent families often show more behavior and academic problems than do those in married stepparent and intact families. 10.8 Analyze patterns of adjustment to divorce in children and factors that contribute to adjustment.

Divorce has some negative effects on children’s adjustment, but the effects are small, vary by particular outcome, and do not apply to all boys and girls uniformly. Divorce influences children through changes in economic and emotional resources associated

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with the transition to single-parent homes, new neighborhoods, and new schools. Many of children’s emotional, psychological, and behavioral problems stem from exposure to parental conflict before and after the divorce. Most children show improved adjustment within two years after the divorce. 10.9 Discuss common manifestations of anxiety in middle childhood.

The social and emotional developments of middle childhood provide children with powerful resources for coping with anxiety. Most children manage anxiety by turning to others, talking with parents, friends, and trusted adults. A common fear that develops in middle childhood concerns school and shows itself in school refusal, refusing to attend school and displaying physical complaints such as dizziness, nausea, and stomachaches that often disappear when they are allowed to stay home from school. Treating anxieties such as school refusal entails teaching the child to cope with challenging situations and emotions, for example, by providing training in social skills and emotional regulation 10.10 Assess risks for sexual abuse, typical outcomes, and prevention strategies.

Sexual abuse is most often reported in middle childhood, and girls are more often victimized than boys. Reported cases are more common in homes characterized by poverty, marital instability, and drug and alcohol abuse but are underreported in intact middle-class families. Sexually abused children display many socioemotional and behavior problems. Children tend to experience fewer long-term consequences of abuse if the child’s account is believed; the abuse is stopped; and the home environment is structured, stable, and nurturing. Effective prevention and early identification of sexual abuse relies on training parents, teachers, and students to recognize the signs of abuse and report suspicions to the appropriate authority or agency. 10.11 Analyze the role of resilience in promoting adjustment, including characteristics of children and contexts that promote resilience.

Resilient children are skilled in information processing and problem solving and have a proactive orientation. They also have personal characteristics such as an easy temperament, sense of competence, and adaptability, which aid them in managing adversity and learning from their experiences. Most importantly, resilient children are able to regulate their emotions, maintaining control under trying circumstances. Resilient children benefit from multiple protective influences, such as supportive relationships with caring adults, that help them to cope and adjust to adverse circumstances.

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Key Terms

aggressive-rejected 264 bully-victims 266 child sexual abuse 278 industry over inferiority 260 peer acceptance 263 peer victimization 262 popular 263 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 279 protective factors 281 reactive aggression 266 resilience 278 withdrawn-rejected 264

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PART V Adolescence

Chapter 11 Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence 290 Chapter 12 Socioemotional Development in Adolescence 324

Though a hallmark of adolescence, the process of biological maturation known as puberty often begins in late childhood. Physical developments include rapid growth, changes in body shape and composition, and, most notably, the ability to reproduce. Puberty also plays a role in neurological development, including changes that increase the speed and efficiency of information processing and contribute to the development of abstract thinking. Adolescents apply these new abilities to think about themselves and begin to construct a sense of identity.

Parents foster autonomy in their children through warm and firm parenting that is accompanied by monitoring. Although adolescent-parent conflict peaks in middle adolescence, it typically consists of small arguments over mundane issues. The peer context ascends in importance as friendship cliques emerge. By mid-adolescence cliques include both boys and girls, creating opportunities for dating. The tendency to conform to peers peaks in middle adolescence, but usually pertains to day-to-day issues such as clothing choices or whether to attend a party.

Adolescents are immersed in a school context which influences them through its match to their developmental needs. Finally, many adolescents experience a part-time work context that generally does not increase responsibility, but will not cause harm. Over the adolescent years, the contexts in which young people participate grow in size and continue to interact, influencing their physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development.

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Chapter 11 Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence

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Learning Objectives 11.1. Compare and contrast Hall’s storm and stress perspective with popular views and research evidence. 11.2. Explain the physical changes that occur with puberty and their psychosocial effects. 11.3. Analyze the influence of pubertal timing on adolescent development. 11.4. Discuss the effects of sleep and nutrition on adolescent functioning. 11.5. Explain the neurological developments that take place in adolescence and their effect on behavior. 11.6. Identify ways in which thinking changes in adolescence. 11.7. Discuss how cognitive development is reflected in adolescent decision making and behavior. 11.8. Outline the developmental progression of moral reasoning, factors that influence it, and its link with behavior. 11.9. Analyze criticisms of Kohlberg’s moral development theory. 11.10. Describe the challenges that school transitions pose for adolescents and the role of parents in academic achievement.

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Key Study Tools

Explore Further Storm and Stress Explore Further Puberty Explore Further Pubertal Timing Think Critically Sleep and BMI Connect Inside the Teenage Brain Watch Mysterious Workings of the Adolescent Brain Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Legal Implications of Adolescent Decision Making (p. 311) Explore Further Adolescent Cognition Video Case Coming of Age: Bat Mitzvah Listen Impulsivity in Teens Think Critically Parental Discipline and Moral Reasoning Explore Further Gender and Moral Reasoning Video Case Transition to Middle School Lives in Context Adolescent Employment (p. 316) Applying Developmental Science School Dropout (p. 318)

At 16 years of age, Mark has the physique of a man, with broad shoulders, a wide back, and large arms. He excels in sports and is popular with the kids in his high school, especially the girls. Academically, Mark is less gifted as he finds schoolwork challenging. Mark sometimes feels confused by the positive feedback he receives from his coach and his friends and the more mixed messages he gets from teachers, parents, and the outside world. He doesn’t like the many rules his parents set, such as calling before getting into the car to drive to a friend’s house and again after arriving, and his curfew is earlier than that of his friends. Mark feels that his parents baby him. His boss at his after school job treats Mark more like an adult by letting him run the store for a few hours each week while he runs errands. Recently Mark’s older brother took him to a college party. He told Mark that if he didn’t say anything no one would know that he was still in high school. Mark’s brother was right. Mark was popular with the girls at the party and hooked up with Veronica, a college sophomore.

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Myung J. Chun/L.A. Times/Getty

Like Mark, most young people find adolescence, the transition from childhood to adulthood, a time filled with many changes that are often confusing. In some situations, they are treated more like children, offered guidance, rules, and protection, and other times they are treated as adults, afforded autonomy, responsibility, and freedom. Adolescence poses challenges to parents and teachers who must adapt to adolescents’ rapidly maturing bodies and cognitive abilities in order to balance fostering adolescents’ changing needs for autonomy and protection.

Part of the challenges young people and adults face occur because adolescence spans a great many years—longer than ever before. In earlier historical periods as well as in most nonindustrialized societies today, childhood was followed nearly immediately by the assumption of adult roles, such as worker, spouse, and parent (Larson & Wilson, 2004; Schlegel, 2008). In industrialized societies, becoming an adult usually entails seeking employment, which requires increasing levels of education and vocational training. Therefore, the passage to adulthood is more gradual in industrialized societies, making it a lengthy transition with a great many changes. Because of this, adolescence in industrialized

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societies is best understood as entailing three phases: early adolescence (11 to 14 years), middle adolescence (14 to 16 years), and late adolescence (16 to 18 years). Some developmental scientists conceive of adolescence extending as long as 21 years (Steinberg, 2008b). Adolescents face very different developmental tasks than do children and adults— and they are treated quite different than both.

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Conceptions of Adolescence

Marissa raced into the house, threw her books on the table, and stormed off to her room, calling out, “Leave me alone!” and slamming the door. A moment later, the sounds of her stereo blasted and filled the house with a pulsing beat. Most adults are quick to dismiss Marissa’s behavior as typical of moody adolescents, consistent with the common belief that the hormones of puberty affect adolescents’ moods, leading them to experience unexpected, intense, and volatile shifts. Are adolescents naturally moody? Do you remember your own adolescence? Are moods simply to be expected?

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Popular Views of Adolescence: Storm and Stress

The popular view that adolescence is a troubling time for teens and parents to endure originates with the work of G. Stanley Hall, known as the father of adolescence as he defined the field in his 1904 volume Adolescence. Hall theorized that adolescence is a period of “storm and stress,” a universal and inevitable upheaval triggered by puberty and comprising ages 14 to 24. Hall based his theory on then-popular Lamarckian evolution, the belief that memories and acquired characteristics can be inherited from generation to generation and that the development of the individual mirrors that of the human species as a whole. Hall explained that adolescents’ extreme volatility is inherited and reflects a time in human history that was very active and challenging, specifically the birth of civilization. Therefore, storm and stress and extreme turmoil, such as depression, severe troubles with parents, and delinquent activity, was to be expected and a sign of normal healthy development, triggered by puberty.

We now know that behaviors are not passed on from generation to generation; Lamarckian views have long been debunked in favor of Darwinian evolution. Despite this, Hall’s storm and stress view of the nature of adolescence remains popular (Arnett, 1999). For example, teachers and parents tend to agree with statements like the following: “Adolescence is a difficult time of life” and “Changes in behavior during early adolescence are mainly due to physical changes which are occurring.” Mothers tend to agree with statements that their child will “be more concerned with friends than what I think” and “will be more difficult to get along with” (Buchanan et al., 1990). Likewise, college students tend to endorse storm and stress notions, especially about problems in parent–child relationships (Holmbeck & Hill, 1988).

G. Stanley Hall (1846–1924) believed that adolescence is a period of turmoil, or storm and

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stress.

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Is Adolescence a Period of Storm and Stress?

Research is largely at odds with the storm and stress view. Instead, it appears that adolescence, though a dramatic period of change, is not as tumultuous as suggested by Hall. Instead, as we will discuss in Chapter 12, research suggests that although some conflict with parents increases in adolescence most adolescents get along with their parents, love and feel loved by them, respect them, and turn to them for advice (Steinberg, 2001). Without a doubt, adolescents engage in more risk behavior, such as delinquent activity and extreme sports, and experience more fluctuations in mood than do children and adults. However, there is wide variability and most adolescents (at least 80%) do not experience serious problems (Lerner & Israeloff, 2007; Offer & Schonert-Reichl, 1992). Overall, the rate of serious disturbance in adolescence is similar to that at other periods in life (Offer, 1989).

The contemporary perspective is that although adolescence may be stormy and/or stressful for some, it is not typically a developmental problem, nor is it inevitable or universal (Arnett, 1999; Hollenstein & Lougheed, 2013; Larson & Ham, 1993). For example, in a classic study, adolescents from 10 countries were interviewed (Australia, Bangladesh, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Japan, Taiwan, Turkey, and the United States; Offer, Ostrov, Howard, & Atkinson, 1988). Most reported that they were usually happy, felt that they got along with their parents, and felt good about their progress toward adulthood. Although every adolescent experiences puberty and biological changes undoubtedly influence behavior, contextual influences also play a role in adolescent behavior. Moreover, there are dramatic individual differences in the effects of pubertal change depending on the age of onset, duration and intensity of changes, adolescents’ temperament and emotional regulation skills, and environmental supports (Hollenstein & Lougheed, 2013). This contemporary view may be best illustrated by looking at popular hallmark of adolescence: moodiness.

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Adolescent Moodiness

The view that puberty is inextricably linked with adolescent moods, leading them to experience unexpected, intense, and volatile shifts in emotion, is common to portrayals of adolescence. Is 16-year-old Nate’s screeching his tires of his car after storming off during an argument with his father a function of raging pubertal hormones? Probably not. The source of the changes in adolescents’ mood and behavior is complex and not simply a function of puberty.

Although high and rapidly shifting levels of puberty hormones are associated with depression, irritability, and aggression in boys and girls (Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1992), it is only early in puberty that hormones rapidly increase and fluctuate enough to cause such erratic and powerful shifts in adolescents’ emotions and behaviors (Reiter & Lee, 2001). Researchers have found that the relationship between pubertal hormones and adolescent mood is weak and inconsistent (Balzer, Duke, Hawke, & Steinbeck, 2015; Buchanan et al., 1992; Duke, Balzer, & Steinbeck, 2014). So then what, if anything, influences adolescents’ moods?

A unique method offered an important perspective on adolescents’ experience. In a series of studies, adolescents and adults carried pagers; were beeped randomly throughout the day; and were asked to report what they were doing, who they were with, and how they felt (Larson & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014; Richards & Larson, 1993). This method, known as the experience sampling method, permits researchers a window into people’s days. Similar to common views, adolescents’ moods overall were less stable than those of adults. They experienced wider and quicker mood changes. Contrary to popular views, the changes were unrelated to puberty, stress, a lack of personal control, or poor psychological adjustment (Larson, Csikszentmihalyi, & Graef, 2014). Instead, adolescents’ mood swings varied with the context, and adolescents reported moving from one context to another, such as from school to work to family to peers, more often than did adults (Larson & Richards, 1998; Larson & Seepersad, 2003). In addition, adolescents experienced more events that they perceived as negative and reacted to them more explosively and dramatically than did adults (Larson & Ham, 1993; Larson & Seepersad, 2003).

Adolescents’ mood shifts are not simply a matter of hormones but are influenced by changes in psychological and social factors that accompany situational changes. Rather than representing turmoil, wide mood swings appear to occur naturally with the many situational changes and shifts in peer settings that occur throughout adolescents’ days and weeks (Larson et al., 2014). Peers play a role in adolescents’ varying mood states. In one study, fifth graders who experienced more peer problems at school showed a shift toward more negative mood and lowered self-esteem over the course of the school day (Reynolds & Repetti, 2008). Adolescents’ moods are also influenced by their activities and the degree to

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which adolescents perceive the activity as important to them and a personal choice (Weinstein & Mermelstein, 2007). Adolescents seek independence and decision-making control. When they feel that their activities, such as reading, resting, partying, and engaging in extracurricular activities, are their own choice, they are likely to report more positive affect and greater enjoyment of the activity (Weinstein & Mermelstein, 2007). Mood changes do not occur in a vacuum but are influenced by adolescents’ interactions with their contexts and their own perceptions.

Adolesent moodiness corresponds more closely to changes in context and situation than hormones.

Amandine Wanert/BSIP/Corbis

Ultimately, developmental scientists today reject the notion that adolescence is a period of extreme storm and stress, replacing it with a more nuanced view that adolescence is a time of change characterized by individual differences in how they are experienced. Some adolescents encounter extreme turmoil, but great trauma is not the norm. Most adolescents experience some ups and downs but emerge from adolescence unscathed. The danger of the storm and stress view lies in that it may influence expectations for adolescent behavior, creating self-fulfilling prophecies that subtly influence how they are treated. For example, believing that adolescents are moody and prone to problems can lead a parent to unwittingly become more easily angered, reduce attempts to interact with the teen, or become overly restrictive or permissive, perhaps increasingly the likelihood of problems. Mothers’ expectations for underage drinking have been shown to predict their teens’ future underage drinking (Madon, Guyll, Spoth, & Willard, 2004). Likewise, a study of sixth and

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seventh graders and their mothers revealed that the students whose mothers expected high risk taking and rebelliousness during adolescence reported engaging in more problem behavior one year later ( Buchanan & Hughes, 2009). The beliefs we hold about adolescence and what we believe is normal for adolescents can have a profound effect on adolescents’ development. The biological changes of adolescence are more obvious to the casual observer. We begin our discussion of normative adolescent development with puberty.

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Thinking in Context 11.1 1. In your view, is adolescence best characterized by continuity or discontinuity? Compare your view with

Hall as well as contemporary research findings. 2. Identify contextual factors that might make young people more or less likely to experience adolescence as

a period of storm and stress.

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Physical Development in Adolescence

Most people consider physical development as the hallmark of adolescence. Undoubtedly, adolescents’ bodies undergo dramatic changes. Puberty is the biological transition to adulthood, in which adolescents mature physically and become capable of reproduction. The physical changes of puberty are accompanied by social changes. As adolescents appear more mature, they are treated more like adults. The physical changes serve as a signal to others of entry into a new life stage and convey personal and social meaning about new roles, expectations, and status (Graber, Nichols, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010).

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Puberty

Although puberty is considered a biological marker of adolescence, the hormonal changes entailed by puberty begin in late childhood, by 8 or 9 years of age (DeRose & Brooks- Gunn, 2006). The hormones that drive puberty, as well as many other functions including growth, appetite, responses to stress, and sexual responses, are regulated by the hypothalamus-pituitary-gonadal (HPG) axis. The hypothalamus, a region at the base of the brain that is responsible for maintaining basic body functions such as eating, drinking, temperature, and the production of hormones, signals the pituitary gland, located adjacent to the hypothalamus, to produce hormones that stimulate the adrenal glands (see Figure 11.1). The adrenal glands are located above the kidneys and regulate the body’s response to stress via the secretion of epinephrine (adrenaline) and norepinephrine (noradrenaline). The pituitary also releases GnRH (gonadotropin-releasing hormone), which causes the gonads, or sex glands (ovaries in females and testes in males) to mature, enlarge, and in turn to begin producing hormones themselves (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Schulz, Molenda-Figueira, & Sisk, 2009). Levels of testosterone, a hormone responsible for male sex characteristics, and estrogen, responsible for female sex characteristics, increase in both boys and girls. However, testosterone is produced at a much higher rate in boys than girls, and estrogen is produced at a much higher rate in girls than boys, leading to different patterns in reproductive development (Bogin, 2011). Hormonal changes also influence adolescents’ growing sexual interests and activities, as well as psychosocial development (Berenbaum & Beltz, 2011).

Figure 11.1: Hypothalamus-Pituitary-Gonadal Axis

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On average, boys enter puberty at about 12 years of age but may begin to show pubertal changes any time between ages 9 and 16 (Tinggaard et al., 2012). Girls display signs of pubertal changes at 8 to 10 years of age, but some may show breast and pubic hair growth as early as 6 or 7 years of age (for African American or European American girls, respectively) or as late as 14 years of age. Generally, African American girls tend to be heavier and enter puberty about a year earlier than European American girls (Herman- Giddens, 2006; Wu, Mendola, & Buck, 2002). Puberty is not an event; rather, it is a process that takes about four years for boys and girls to complete (Marceau, Ram, Houts, Grimm, & Susman, 2011). Although most adolescents complete puberty in about four years, the tempo of change can vary dramatically from one to seven years (Mendle, 2014). Puberty entails the development of reproductive capacity and influences a great variety of physical changes—not simply those typically associated with sexual maturity. For example, the hormones of puberty cause adolescents’ bodies to grow and their internal organs to mature, as described in the next section.

Adolescent Growth Spurt

As a child, Sharene was always the same height as most of her classmates and never the tallest child in class. But when the students lined up for their fifth-grade class photograph, Sharene found herself in the very center of the portrait, as the tallest child. Surprised, Sharene wondered, “How did everyone get to be so short?” Although the hormonal changes that trigger puberty begin in late childhood, the first outward sign of puberty is the adolescent growth spurt, a rapid gain in height and weight that generally begins in girls at about age 10 (as early as 9.5 and as late as 14.5) and in boys at about age 12 (from 10.5 to16; Malina & Bouchard, 2004). Girls begin their growth spurt about two years before boys, so 10- to 13-year-old girls tend to be taller, heavier, and stronger than boys their age. It is not until boys enter their growth spurt that they become larger and stronger than girls. By starting their growth spurts two years later than girls, boys begin with an extra two years of prepubertal growth on which the adolescent growth spurt builds, leading boys to end up taller than girls (Tinggaard et al., 2012). On average, the growth spurt lasts about two years, but body growth continues at a more gradual pace. Most girls complete growth in body size by about 16 and most boys by about 18. Adolescents gain a total of about 10 inches in height (Graber, Petersen, & Brooks-Gunn, 1996). Table 11.1 lists the physical changes that boys and girls undergo with puberty.

During the growth spurt, sex differences in body shape emerge. Rapid growth and development of muscle precedes increases in bone density and is thought to influence bone strength. Although both boys and girls gain fat and muscle, they show different ratios of fat to muscle (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2006). Girls gain more fat overall, particularly on their legs and hips, to comprise one fourth of their body weight—nearly twice as much as boys. Boys gain more muscle than do girls, especially in their upper bodies, doubling their

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arm strength between ages 13 and 18 (Seger & Thorstensson, 2000; Welsman et al., 1997).

Sixteen-year-old Juan has always excelled in sports. However, lately he has noticed a substantial improvement in his athletic ability. He can run faster and for longer periods than ever before, and he is not easily winded like the younger players on his team. The adolescent growth spurt has caused Juan’s lungs to increase in size and capacity, permitting him to breathe more deeply than ever before. His heart has also grown, doubling in size, and the total volume of blood in his body has increased. These changes increase the overall amount of oxygen that meets with Juan’s muscles, improving his physical performance and endurance.

During the adolescent growth spurt, the cephalocaudal growth trend of infancy and childhood reverses. The extremities grow first, the fingers and toes; then hands and feet; then arms and legs; and finally, the torso (Sheehy, Gasser, & Molinari, 2009). This asynchronous pattern of growth makes adolescents’ bodies appear lanky and awkward, contributing to a temporary increase in clumsiness as adolescents attempt to control their quickly changing bodies. In addition, adolescents’ bodies become taller and heavier before their muscles grow stronger and their internal organs mature (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Seger & Thorstensson, 2000). Unfortunately, adolescents, coaches, and parents often overestimate young people’s capacities for athletic performance as changes in strength and endurance are not as visible as physical growth—and come after physical growth. Consequently, athletic injuries are very common during adolescence (Patel & Luckstead, 2000).

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Body growth often surpasses muscle strength and coordination, increasing adolescents’ risk for athletic injuries.

Peter Turnley/Corbis

Secondary Sex Characteristics

The most noticeable signs of pubertal maturation are the secondary sex characteristics, the body changes that indicate physical maturation but are not directly related to fertility. Examples of changes in secondary sex characteristics include breast development, deepening of the voice, growth of body hair, and changes in the skin.

Breast development, the first clear sign of puberty in girls, follows a characteristic sequence. First is the bud stage when the nipples grow larger—fat accumulates and causes the nipples to protrude. Fat continues to gradually accumulate, and full maturation is reached toward the end of puberty (Gusterson & Stein, 2012). Levels of estrogen rise, more dramatically in girls, but many boys experience temporary breast enlargement, which may last up to 18 months and typically disappears by 16 years of age (Kirk, Bandhakavi, & Simon, 2008).

Other changes occur in the voice, skin, and hair. Testosterone causes both boys’ and girls’ voices to deepen, but the change is much more noticeable in boys, who occasionally lose control over their voices, emitting unpredictably high squeaks (Hodges-Simeon, Gurven, Cárdenas, & Gaulin, 2013). Most adolescents dread the changes in skin that are common during puberty. Oil and sweat glands become more active, resulting in body odor, and acne, which occurs in up to 90% of girls and boys (Cordain et al., 2002). Hair on the head, arms, and legs becomes darker, and pubic hair begins to grow, first as straight and downy, and later becomes coarse. Boys often look forward to the growth of facial and chest hair, but most girls do not welcome the small amount of hair that normally appears on the face and around the nipples.

Primary Sex Characteristics

The reproductive organs are known as primary sex characteristics. In females, primary sex characteristics include the ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, and vagina. In males, they include the penis, testes, scrotum, seminal vesicles, and prostate gland. During puberty, the reproductive organs grow larger and mature.

In girls, maturation of the primary sex characteristics entails growth of the uterus and ovaries. Sexual maturity is marked by the onset of menstruation, the monthly shedding of the uterine lining, which has thickened in preparation for the implantation of a fertilized egg. Menarche, the first menstruation, occurs toward the end of puberty, after the peak of the height spurt. Menarche most commonly occurs between ages 10 and 14, but as late as

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16.5 (Brooks-Gunn & Ruble, 2013; Norman, 2008). In North America, the average European American girl experiences menarche shortly before turning 13 and the average African American girl shortly after turning 12 (Al-Sahab, Ardern, Hamadeh, & Tamim, 2010; Herman-Giddens, Kaplowitz, & Wasserman, 2004; Obeidallah, Brennan, Brooks- Gunn, Kindlon, & Earls, 2000). African American girls begin puberty and reach pubertal milestones such as the growth spurt and menarche earlier than do other girls (Kelly et al., 2014). In many but not all girls, during the first few months after menarche, menstruation takes place without ovulation, the ovaries’ release of an ovum (Metcalf, Skidmore, Lowry, & Mackenzie, 1983). This period of temporary sterility is variable—it is unpredictable and does not apply to all girls. Menarche occurs relatively late in the process of puberty yet most children, and adults view it as a critical marker of puberty because it occurs suddenly and is memorable (Brooks-Gunn & Ruble, 2013).

What does menarche mean to girls? Generations ago, as girls received little to no information about menarche, they tended to be surprised by it and often afraid. For example, girls in the 1950s often received little information about menarche beforehand, and when information was provided, it tended to portray menstruation in a negative light as something to be endured (Costos, Ackerman, & Paradis, 2002). Today, girls are often surprised by menarche, but they are not frightened because they are informed about puberty by health education classes and parents who are more willing to talk about pubertal development than did parents in prior generations (Omar, McElderry, & Zakharia, 2003; Stidham-Hall, Moreau, & Trussell, 2012). However, the extent to which adolescents participate in discussions about menarche and sexuality varies by context and culture. For example, a study of 12- to 16-year-old Bangladeshi girls revealed that they generally were not informed about menarche, and over two thirds reacted with fear (Bosch, Hutter, & van Ginneken, 2008). However, mothers also lacked an adequate understanding of pubertal processes. How girls experience menarche is influenced by their knowledge about menstruation as well as their expectations (Brooks-Gunn & Ruble, 2013). Girls who view menstruation negatively are likely to experience menstruation negatively, with more menstrual symptoms and distress (Rembeck, Möller, & Gunnarsson, 2006). However, experience can alter girls’ views on menstruation. For example, one study of Swedish girls showed that most had more positive views about menstruation before menarche than afterward (Rembeck et al., 2006).

In boys, the first primary sex characteristic to emerge is the growth of the testes, the glands that produce sperm (Tinggaard et al., 2012). About a year later, pubic hair appears, and the penis and scrotum enlarge. As the penis grows, the prostate gland and seminal vesicles begin to produce semen, the fluid that contains sperm. At about age 13, boys demonstrate a principal sign of sexual maturation: the first ejaculation, known as spermarche (Gaddis & Brooks-Gunn, 1985; Tomova, Lalabonova, Robeva, & Kumanov, 2011). The first ejaculations contain few living sperm. Many boys experience their first ejaculations as nocturnal emissions, or wet dreams: involuntary ejaculations that are sometimes

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accompanied by erotic dreams. We know little about boys’ perceptions of spermarche, but some studies of small groups of adolescent boys have suggested that most boys react positively to first ejaculation, although many experience uneasiness and confusion, especially if they are uninformed about this pubertal change (Frankel, 2002; Stein & Reiser, 1994). Data on male puberty are difficult to obtain because of the absence of easily determined markers, such as menarche (Herman-Giddens et al., 2012). Boys who know about ejaculation beforehand are more likely to show positive reactions, such as feeling pleasure, happiness, and pride; unfortunately, however, many boys report that health education classes and parents generally do not discuss ejaculation (Omar et al., 2003; Stein & Reiser, 1994). Parents sometimes report discomfort talking with their sons about reproductive development, particularly ejaculation, because of the close link with sexual desire, sexuality, and masturbation (Frankel, 2002). Perhaps because of its sexual nature, boys are less likely to tell a friend about spermarche than are girls to discuss their own reproductive development (Downs & Fuller, 1991).

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Pubertal Timing

Casual observations of adolescents reveal that they vary in their level of physical maturation. Some 14-year-old adolescents have adultlike bodies. Many girls have fully developed breasts and hips, and many boys have broad shoulders and facial hair. Other 14- year-old adolescents have childlike bodies or are just beginning the pubertal transformation. Why do adolescents’ bodies vary so much, and how do such variations influence their day- to-day behavior?

Influences on Pubertal Timing

The timing of puberty reflects the interaction of biological, contextual, and emotional influences. Without question, genes play a role in pubertal timing (Gajdos, Henderson, Hirschhorn, & Palmert, 2010; Tu et al., 2015). The age at which a mother experienced menarche is related to the timing of her daughter’s menarche (Golub, 1992). Identical twins experience menarche at roughly the same time, within a month or so of each other; fraternal twins, on the other hand, can vary by a year or more (Kaprio et al., 1995). But puberty is influenced by more than genes. The onset of puberty is triggered by achieving a critical level of body weight, as an accumulation of leptin, a protein found in fat, may stimulate the HPA axis to increase the production and secretion of hormones (Elias, 2012; Maqsood et al., 2007; Sanchez-Garrido & Tena-Sempere, 2013). Leptin may play a different role in puberty for girls than boys because girls’ leptin concentrations peak before the spike in other puberty hormones whereas in boys leptin levels remain somewhat constant throughout puberty (Rutters, 2009; Tinggaard et al., 2012). Girls with a greater body mass index (BMI) mature earlier than do other girls (Biro, Khoury, & Morrison, 2006; Lee, 2007) and girls who have a low percentage of body fat, whether from athletic training or severe dieting, often experience menarche late relative to other girls (Rees, 1993). Typically, a girl must weigh about 100 pounds for menarche to occur (Berkey, Gardner, Frazier, & Colditz, 2000). Similarly, weight affects the onset and tempo of puberty in boys but less so as compared with girls (Bundak et al., 2007; Tinggaard et al., 2012).

Adolescents’ social contexts, especially exposure to stress, also influence pubertal timing. In fact, stress affects hormone production throughout the lifespan; it can trigger irregular ovulation and menstruation in females and reduce sperm production in males (Toufexis, Rivarola, Lara, & Viau, 2014). Exposure to severe stress such as conditions of war, extreme and enduring poverty, and trauma, delays menarche (Boynton-Jarrett et al., 2013; Ellis, 2004). Paradoxically, smaller doses of stress can speed pubertal development. For example, poor family relationships, harsh parenting, family stress and conflict, parents’ marital conflict, and anxiety are associated with early menarche in North American and European girls (Graber et al., 2010; Rickard, Frankenhuis, & Nettle, 2014). In industrialized

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countries such as the United States, Canada, and New Zealand, girls who are raised by single mothers experience puberty earlier than those raised in two-parent homes (Mendle et al., 2006; Posner, 2006). In addition, the absence of a biological father and the presence in the home of a biological unrelated male, such as a stepfather or mother’s live-in boyfriend, is associated with earlier onset of menarche (Deardorff et al., 2011; Neberich, Penke, Lehnart, & Asendorpf, 2010; Tither & Ellis, 2008). Animal studies show a similar trend: The presence of a biologically related male delays reproductive maturation and functioning while the presence of unrelated males speeds female reproductive maturation (Neberich et al., 2010). Father absence may hold similar implications for boys’ pubertal development, speeding it; however, there is much less research on boys’ development (Bogaert, 2005; Sheppard & Sear, 2012).

Contextual factors outside the home also influence pubertal timing. Adolescents who live in similar contextual conditions, particularly those of socioeconomic advantage, reach menarche at about the same age, despite having different genetic backgrounds (Obeidallah, Brennan, Brooks-Gunn, & Earls, 2004). Low socioeconomic status is associated with early pubertal onset in the United States and Canada (Arim, Tramonte, Shapka, Dahinten, & Willms, 2011; Deardorff, Abrams, Ekwaru, & Rehkopf, 2014), but in regions of the world that are impoverished, malnutrition and high rates of infectious disease prevent the accumulation of adequate fat stores needed to support pubertal development so that menarche is delayed. In many parts of Africa, for example, menarche does not occur until ages 14 to 17, several years later than in Western nations (Leenstra et al., 2005; Tunau, Adamu, Hassan, Ahmed, & Ekele, 2012). In the United States, ethnic differences consistently appear in pubertal timing. African American and Latina girls tend to reach menarche before white girls. However, in some studies ethnic differences in the timing of menarche are reduced or disappear when researchers control for the influence of socioeconomic status, which is an indicator of stress and known to speed pubertal development (Obeidallah et al., 2000). These findings suggest that some of the ethnic differences in pubertal timing may be influenced instead by low socioeconomic status.

The influence of contextual conditions and physical health in triggering puberty is thought to underlie the secular trend, or the lowering of the average age of puberty with each generation (see Figure 11.2). Through the eighteenth century in Europe, puberty occurred as late as age 17; between 1860 and 1970, the age of menarche declined by about three to four months per decade (Tanner, 1990). Boys in the United States began puberty about a year earlier in 2000 than did boys in the 1960s (Herman-Giddens, 2006). Likewise, data gathered from Canadian boys in 2005 to 2010 suggested that the boys reached puberty 1.5 years earlier than boys four decades earlier (Herman-Giddens et al., 2012). Likewise, boys reached peak velocity of growth over one month earlier each decade between 1946 and 1991 (Bygdell, Vandenput, Ohlsson, & Kindblom, 2014). The secular trend continues, paralleling increases in the standard of living and average BMI among children in Western countries and is especially influenced by the growing problem of childhood obesity (Biro et

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al., 2006; Himes, 2006; Walvoord, 2010). It is unclear when the secular trend will stop. Girls have shown precocious puberty as early as age 5 (Scutti, 2015); however, it is unlikely that the average age of puberty will ever drop that low. The secular trend poses challenges for young people and parents because the biological entry to adolescence is lowering at the same time as the passage to adulthood is lengthening, making the period of adolescence longer than ever before. What ages mark early puberty and what does beginning the pubertal transition early or late relative to peers mean for children?

Figure 11.2: Secular Trend in Girls’ Pubertal Development, 1830–2010

Source: Sørensen et al. (2012).

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Psychosocial Effects of Early and Late Puberty

How do adolescents feel about experiencing puberty much earlier or later than their peers, and what effects does early or late puberty have on adolescents’ social relationships? First, we need to define early and late puberty. Children who show signs of physical maturation before age 8 (in girls) or 9 (in boys) are considered early-maturing whereas girls who begin puberty after age 13 and boys who begin after age 14 are considered late-maturing adolescents (Dorn, Dahl, Woodward, & Biro, 2006).

Adolescents who mature early or late look different from their same-age peers, and they often are treated differently by adults and peers, with consequences for their development (Graber et al., 2010). For example, adolescents who look older than their years are more likely to be treated in ways similar to older adolescents, which adolescents may perceive as stressful (Rudolph, Troop-Gordon, Lambert, & Natsuaki, 2014). Early maturation, in particular, poses specific challenges for girls and boys’ adaptation.

Girls who mature early relative to peers tend to feel less positive about their bodies, physical appearance, and menstruation itself than do girls who mature on time or late (Cesario & Hughes, 2007; Mendle, Turkheimer, & Emery, 2007). Indeed, several studies found they are at risk for negative psychosocial outcomes such as depression, anxiety, and low self- esteem (Benoit, Lacourse, & Claes, 2013; Stojković, 2013). One reason may be that, although early-maturing girls are often popular, they are also more likely to be victims of rumor-spreading, which is associated with feelings of depression, anxiety, and poor self- esteem (Reynolds & Juvonen, 2011).

Girls’ perception of their pubertal development, whether they see themselves as maturing much earlier or later than their peers, influences puberty-related outcomes (Carter, Jaccard, Silverman, & Pina, 2009; Mendle, 2014). Interestingly, though, girls’ perceptions of their own development often is only loosely related to their actual development (Dorn & Biro, 2011). That is, girls are likely to hold inaccurate views of their bodies, seeing themselves are more or less developed than they are. Girls’ views of their own early pubertal timing, whether they view as maturing much earlier than their peers, are often a better predictor of girls’ age at first intercourse, sexual risk taking, substance use, depression, and anxiety than actual pubertal development (Mendle, 2014; Moore, Harden, & Mendle, 2014; Stojković, 2013).

In males, earlier timing of puberty historically has been viewed as advantageous because it conveys physical advantages for athletic activities. Early-maturing boys tend to be athletic, popular with peers, school leaders, and confident (Stojković, 2013). However, more recent research suggests that early and late maturation presents challenges to both boys and girls. For example, longitudinal research suggests that boys and girls who matured off-time, early or late relative to their peers, were more likely to show anxiety and depressed mood than

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their on-time peers in late adolescence and early adulthood (Mendle & Ferrero, 2012; Natsuaki, Biehl, Ge, & Xiaojia, 2009; Rudolph et al., 2014).

Contextual factors are thought to amplify the effects of pubertal timing on behavior (Graber et al., 2010; Skoog & Stattin, 2014). For example, early maturing girls and boys are more likely to experience depression and anxiety when they judge their peer relationships as stressful (Benoit et al., 2013; Blumenthal, Leen-Feldner, Trainor, Babson, & Bunaciu, 2009). Some of the problems that early-maturing boys and girls experience arise because they tend to seek relationships with older peers who are more similar to them in physical maturity than their classmates. Spending time with older peers makes early- maturing adolescents, especially girls, more likely to engage in age-inappropriate behaviors, such as early sexual activity and risky sexual activity relative to their same-age peers (Baams, Dubas, Overbeek, & van Aken, 2015; Moore et al., 2014). Early-maturing boys and girls around the world show higher rates of risky activity, including smoking, abusing substances, and displaying aggressive behavior than do peers their age (Mrug et al., 2014; Skoog & Stattin, 2014). Early maturers tend to show higher rates of problematic drinking, including consuming alcohol more frequently and in greater quantities, and becoming intoxicated more often than their on-time and late-maturing peers (Biehl, Natsuaki, & Ge, 2007; Schelleman-Offermans, Knibbe, & Kuntsche, 2013). Longitudinal research shows that these higher rates of alcohol use and heavy drinking behaviors persist into late adolescence and early adulthood, suggesting that early pubertal maturation may hold long term implications for young people’s health (Biehl, et al., 2007).

The effects of late maturation tend to differ for boys and girls. Late maturation appears to have a protective effect on girls with regard to depression (Negriff & Susman, 2011). Findings regarding the effects of late maturation on boys are mixed and less consistent (Mendle & Ferrero, 2012). Late-maturing boys may experience more social and emotional difficulties. During early adolescence, they may be less well liked by their peers and may be more likely than their peers to experience a poor body image, overall body dissatisfaction, and depression during early adolescence, but these effects tend to decline with physical maturation (Negriff & Susman, 2011). Other research suggests that late-maturing boys do not differ in anxiety or depression from their on-time peers (Crockett, Carlo, Wolff, & Hope, 2013; Marceau et al., 2011) or that it is only late-maturing boys with poor peer relationships who experience depression (Benoit et al., 2013).

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Puberty and Sleep Patterns

Classes begin at 7:35 a.m.—way too early for Raul—who yawns and stretches as he sits down at his desk. Raul did not go to bed until about 1:00 a.m. His mother shouted and shouted for him to get up this morning. He had barely enough time to put on clothes and brush his teeth before heading to school. Grumpy, Raul pulls out his notebook and tries to pay attention to his geometry teacher, but it is hard to focus with his headache.

Raul is not alone in feeling tired and grumpy. A less well-known effect of puberty is a change in adolescents’ sleep patterns and preferred sleep schedule, known as a delayed phase preference (Carskadon, 2009; Crowley, Acebo, & Carskadon, 2007). Delayed phase preference is triggered by a change in the nightly release of a hormone that influences sleep, called melatonin. The rise in melatonin that accompanies the onset of sleep occurs, on average, about two hours later among adolescents who have experienced puberty as compared those who have not begun puberty (Carskadon, Acebo, & Jenni, 2004). When adolescents are permitted to regulate their own sleep schedule, they will tend to go to bed at about 1:00 a.m. and sleep until about 10:00 a.m. (Colrain & Baker, 2011). Adolescents naturally feel awake when it is time to go to sleep and groggy when it is time to wake for school in the morning. As a result, adolescents stay up later, miss out on sleep, and report sleepiness (Carskadon et al., 2004; Loessl et al., 2008). This tendency for adolescents to go to bed later is influenced by puberty, but it also has increased over the past three decades, along with the increased availability of television and other media that compete with sleep for adolescents’ time (Bartel, Gradisar, & Williamson, 2014; Carskadon & Tarokh, 2014). Most adolescents have electronic devices such as cell phones and computers in their rooms, and many report using electronic devices in bed. The more bedtime device use reported, the later most adolescents report falling asleep and the later they report waking on weekdays.

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Delayed phase preference leads most adolescents to feel sleepy and groggy in their early morning classes.

Rob Lewine Tetra/Newscom

From ages 13 to 19, the average number of hours of sleep reported by adolescents in Western countries, such as the United States and Germany, decreases from about eight hours to seven hours, with greater reductions in sleep with each year (Carskadon, 2009; Loessl et al., 2008). Researchers estimate that adolescents need about nine hours of sleep each night to support healthy development. Poor sleep is associated with anxiety, irritability, and depression; increases in the probability of obesity, illnesses, and accidents; and less engagement in extracurricular school activities and declines in academic performance (Darchia & Cervena, 2014; Mitchell, Rodriguez, Schmitz, & Audrain- McGovern, 2013b; Wong, Robertson, & Dyson, 2015). Sleep problems are also associated with risk behaviors including abusing substances, risk taking, and smoking (McKnight-Eily et al., 2011; Pieters et al., 2015; Telzer, Fuligni, Lieberman, & Galván, 2013)

Most middle and high schools have earlier start times than elementary schools, often to permit adolescents time for after school sports and activities as well as, in some districts, to save on transportation costs by having the same buses and drivers make multiple runs to elementary, middle, and high schools. The transitions to earlier school start times and additional travel time that come with adolescents’ move into middle school and then high school significantly decrease young people’s total sleep time (Adam, Snell, & Pendry, 2007; Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998). Regardless of what time school begins, adolescents tend to go to bed at approximately the same time. One comparison of middle school students who attended an early starting school (7:15 a.m.) and a later starting school (8:37 a.m.) found that students who attended the early starting school obtained about three fourths of an hour less sleep each night, or about 3.5 hours less each week (Wolfson, Spaulding, Dandrow, & Baroni, 2007). After the students had been on their early or late school schedules for over six months, those who attended school early were tardy 4 times more often, had more absences, and worse grades than the students who attended the school with the late starting time. Similar findings were apparent in another study that examined the effects of starting school 30 minutes later (from 8:00 a.m. to 8:30 a.m.). In a similar study, after three months, students reported getting more sleep, and the change in school start time was associated with significant improvements in measures of adolescent alertness, mood, and health (Owens, Belon, & Moss, 2010). Sleep matters, and perhaps some of the moodiness characteristic of the stereotypical adolescent is related to changes in sleep patterns.

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Despite consuming many calories, many adolescents have nutritional deficiencies because of poor dietary choices.

John Powell/Rex/Newscom

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Nutrition and Development

Adequate food consumption and good nutrition also are essential to support adolescents’ physical and mental health. What are adolescents’ nutritional needs? The adolescent growth spurt demands that young people increase their caloric intake to about 2,200 (for girls) and 2,700 (for boys) calories a day (Jahns, Siega-Riz, & Popkin, 2001). Good nutrition is essential to support adolescents’ growth, yet young people’s diets tend to worsen as they enter adolescence. Adolescents’ increase their consumption of fast food, soft drinks, and salty snacks and drink less milk (Bowman, Gortmaker, Ebbeling, Pereira, & Ludwig, 2004). Fast food is high in calories, but when adolescents eat a fast-food meal they do not appear to adjust their other meals to make up for the excess calories. On days when adolescents consume high calorie fast food, which may be as much as one third of the time, they tend to consume more calories overall as compared with days when they do not consume fast food (Bowman et al., 2004; Ebbeling et al., 2004).When a fast-food restaurant is near school, students consume less fruits and vegetables, more soda, and overeat more often than students who attend schools that are not near fast-food restaurants (Davis & Carpenter, 2009). Longitudinal research shows that young people consume more fast food as they progress through adolescence (Bauer, Larson, Nelson, Story, & Neumark- Sztainer, 2009).

Poor diets leave many adolescents in industrialized nations with nutritional deficiencies. In one study of nearly 6,000 U.S. adolescents, less than 1% met the U.S. calorie specific recommendations for the consumption of fruits and vegetables (Kimmons, Gillespie, Seymour, Serdula, & Blanck, 2008). Only about 30% of males and 12% of females aged 12 to 19 drink the recommended 3 cups of milk a day; those who do not are compromising their intake of calcium, which is particularly important for the growth of bones (Cavadini, Decarli, Grin, Narring, & Michaud, 2000; U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2000). It is estimated that virtually all females aged 9 to 18 have calcium intakes below recommended levels (Suitor & Gleason, 2002). Because about one half of adult bone mass is accumulated during adolescence, reduced milk consumption contributes to insufficient bone mass in adulthood and a higher risk for osteoporosis, especially in women (Kalkwarf, 2007).

Iron deficiency is another common nutritional problem in adolescence. Unfortunately, it is during puberty that our bodies require the greatest consumption of iron, which is found in green leafy vegetables, meat, and eggs. Iron requirements are high in girls because iron is lost through menstruation; this remains true for females throughout the childbearing years. Between 10% and 20% of U.S. girls are deficient in iron (Zimmermann & Hurrell, 2007). Girls who exhibit exhaustion and irritability—which are often viewed as typical adolescent problems—should be evaluated for anemia, a reduction of red blood cells caused by insufficient levels of iron, which can cause these symptoms (Baynes & Bothwell, 1990).

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Family meals are an important way of establishing healthy eating habits. Young people who participate in family meals tend to have healthier eating habits five years later, from early to middle adolescence (Burgess-Champoux, Larson, Neumark-Sztainer, Hannan, & Story, 2009). Positive interpersonal dynamics at family meals (i.e., communication, affect management, interpersonal involvement, overall family functioning) is associated with lower adolescent BMI and higher vegetable intake (Berge, Jin, Hannan, & Neumark- Sztainer, 2013). In addition, consuming higher-quality meals during adolescence becomes a pattern that tends to continue in young adulthood (Larson, Nelson, Neumark-Sztainer, Story, & Hannan, 2009).

Lack of exercise is also a contributor to overweight and obesity during adolescence. Although some teens engage in competitive sports, on average levels of physical activity decrease throughout adolescence, and many adolescents engage in no regular exercise or activity (Dumith, Gigante, Domingues, & Kohl, 2011; Duncan, Duncan, Strycker, & Chaumeton, 2007). One study of nearly 6,000 British adolescents found marked reductions in physical activity from ages 11 to 12 and 15 to 16 (Brodersen, Steptoe, Boniface, & Wardle, 2007). Moreover, it is estimated that American adolescents spend over 11 hours each day in front of a screen, viewing television and media, playing games, and participating in social media (American Academy of Pediatrics [AAP], 2013; Rideout, 2010), and screen time is associated with obesity (Mitchell, Rodriguez, Schmitz, & Audrain-McGovern, 2013a). Adolescents of low socioeconomic status are more likely to be sedentary and obese; this holds true for adolescents from a variety of countries, such as Canada, England, Finland, France, and the United States (Frederick, Snellman, & Putnam, 2014; Kantomaa, Tammelin, Näyhä, & Taanila, 2007; Lioret, Maire, Volatier, & Charles, 2007; Wang & Lim, 2012).

Research with American youth suggests a complex relation between socioeconomic status and obesity. One longitudinal study of over 4,800 U.S. children—10 and 11 years old— showed that those with the highest socioeconomic status were less likely to be obese than their peers in fifth and seventh grade (Fradkin et al., 2015). However, when ethnicity was considered, this pattern was confirmed for Latino and white adolescents, not but black adolescents. Likewise, the protective effect of daily physical activity was associated with reduced obesity only among Latino and white males in seventh grade, not fifth graders, females, or black adolescents (Fradkin, Wallander, Elliott, Cuccaro, & Schuster, 2014). Thus, the health advantage associated with higher parental education and income may not apply consistently to boys and girls across all ethnic groups. Influences on young people’s health, such as socioeconomic status, must be considered within the context of the broader social and physical environments in which youth live (Schreier & Chen, 2013).

The effects of pubertal development extend far beyond changes in body shape and maturation of reproductive organs. The hormonal shifts that accompany puberty trigger a neurological growth spurt.

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Thinking in Context 11.2 1. Many adults hold misconceptions about puberty and its meaning for adolescents. Consider your own

views and those of your friends and family. Identify two misconceptions, explain why they are incorrect, and offer accurate alternatives.

2. In what ways might the changing sociocultural context contribute to the secular trend and the collection of psychosocial characteristics that most adults view as “typical” of adolescents?

3. How might the dramatic physical changes that adolescents undergo—and the accompanying reactions from others—influence other aspects of development, such as social or emotional development?

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Brain Development in Adolescence

As described in earlier chapters, brain development begins before birth with a proliferation of neurons whose interconnections are pruned over the first two years of life. In early adolescence, the increase in sex hormones with puberty triggers a variety of neurological developments, including a second burst of synapotogenesis, resulting in a rapid increase of connections among neurons (Goddings, 2015; Vigil et al., 2011). The volume of the cerebral cortex increases, peaking at about 10.5 years of age in girls and 14.5 in boys, although this age difference provides no functional advantage to girls or boys (Giedd et al., 2009). Neural connections are then pruned by experience. Synaptic pruning occurs at an accelerated rate during adolescence as compared with childhood and adulthood (Zhou, Lebel, Treit, Evans, & Beaulieu, 2015). Synaptic pruning continues at a slower rate into the twenties. Synaptic pruning decreases the volume of gray matter, thins and molds the prefrontal cortex, responsible for rational thought and executive function, and results in markedly more efficient cognition and neural functioning (Blakemore, 2012; Mills, Goddings, Clasen, Giedd, & Blakemore, 2014).

Figure 11.3: Developmental Changes in Gray and White Matter Across Adolescence

Source: Brain Development Cooperative Group (2012).

Connections between the prefrontal cortex and various brain regions strengthen, permitting rapid communication, enhanced cognitive functioning, and greater behavioral control (Jolles, van Buchem, Crone, & Rombouts, 2011; Spear, 2013). Connections strengthen especially among areas associated with higher cognitive and emotional functions.

As shown in Figure 11.3, gray matter declines, but myelination continues throughout adolescence and leads to steady increases in the brain’s white matter, especially in the prefrontal cortex and the corpus callosum, which increases up to 20% in size, speeding

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communication between the right and left hemispheres (Barnea-Goraly et al., 2005; Luders, Thompson, & Toga, 2010). Increases in white matter are linked with improved performance on measures of working memory, executive functioning, and learning (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006). Over the course of adolescence, young people’s brains become larger, faster, and more efficient. However, different parts of the brain develop at different rates, leaving adolescents with somewhat lopsided functioning for a time. The prefrontal cortex requires the most time to develop, continuing maturation into the 20s.

According to the dual-process model, the limbic system, responsible for emotion, undergoes a burst of development well ahead of the prefrontal cortex, responsible for judgment, and this difference in development can account for many “typical” adolescent behaviors (see Figure 11.4; Mills et al., 2014; Steinberg, 2010; Strang, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013). Full development entails the prefrontal cortex catching up. These changes influence adolescents’ thought and behavior in a myriad of ways, as discussed in the following sections.

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Socioemotional Perception

Parents often wonder whether they are speaking in a foreign language when their teens unexpectedly break off a conversation and storm away or when conflict arises over seemingly innocuous events. However, in a way, parents are speaking in a foreign language because adolescents’ brains do not always lead them to accurately assess situations. For example, adolescents have difficulty identifying emotions depicted in facial expressions. In studies where both adults and adolescents are shown photographs of people’s faces depicting fear, adults correctly identify the emotion shown in the photograph, but many of the adolescents incorrectly identify the emotion as anger (Monk et al., 2003; Yurgelun- Todd, 2007). Performance on facial recognition tasks improves steadily during the first decade of life but dips in early adolescence, increasing in late adolescence into young adulthood (Peters, Vlamings, & Kemner, 2013; Thomas, De Bellis, Graham, & LaBar, 2007). Why? Blame the brain.

Functional magnetic imaging scans indicate that when adults view facial expressions, both their limbic system (the part of the brain known as the seat of emotion) and prefrontal cortex are active (see Figure 11.5). Scans of adolescents’ brains, however, reveal a highly active limbic system but relatively inactive prefrontal cortex, suggesting that adolescents experience emotional activation with little executive processing when viewing facial stimuli as compared to adults, which often results in adolescents incorrectly labeling emotions, such as mistaking fear for anger (Monk et al., 2003; Yurgelun-Todd, 2007). Pubertal hormones cause a burst of development in the limbic system in early adolescence, well ahead of the parts of the brain responsible for executive control (Goddings et al., 2014; Strang et al., 2013). Adolescents experience heightened emotional reactivity, influencing their responses to emotionally charged stimuli. Research with people aged 7 to 37 reveals developmental changes in brain activation with facial processing with activity in parts of the frontal cortex increasing over childhood, then decreasing in early adolescence, followed by an increase in late adolescence into adulthood (Cohen Kadosh, Johnson, Dick, Cohen Kadosh, & Blakemore, 2013).

Brain structure influences affective responses and interactions with others. For example, one part of the limbic system, the amygdala, is implicated in aggression. When faced with emotionally arousing contexts and stimuli, adolescents tend to show exaggerated amygdala activity relative to adults and fewer functional connections between the prefrontal cortex and amygdala, suggesting that adolescents experience more emotional arousal yet less cortical processing and control than adults (Blakemore & Mills, 2014; Hare et al., 2008). Amygdala volume predicts young adolescents’ aggressive behavior during parent–child interactions (Whittle et al., 2008). Generally, amygdala volume increases more in adolescent males than females (Blakemore, 2012; Giedd et al., 2009). It seems that adolescents are wired to experience strong emotional reactions and to misidentify emotions

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in others’ facial expressions, which can make communication and social interactions difficult.

Figure 11.4: Dual Process Model: Limbic System and Prefrontal Cortex

Figure 11.5: Face Processing by Adolescents and Adults

Source: Yurgelun-Todd (2007).

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Risk Taking

Most adults look back upon their own adolescence and recall engaging in activities that included an element of risk or were even outright dangerous, such as racing bikes off of ramps to soar through the air or driving at fast speeds. Risk taking and adolescence go hand in hand, and the brain plays a large part. In early adolescence, the balance of neurotransmitters shifts. At 9 to 10 years of age, the prefrontal cortex and limbic system experience a marked shift in levels of serotonin and dopamine, neurotransmitters that are associated with impulsivity, novelty seeking, and reward salience (Padmanabhan & Luna, 2014; Smith, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013; Van Leijenhorst et al., 2010). Sensitivity to rewards peaks at the same time adolescents experience difficulty with response inhibition, behavioral control (Geier, 2013; Spear, 2013). A heightened response to motivational cues coupled with immature behavioral control biases adolescents to immediate goals over long- term consequences (Casey, Jones, & Somerville, 2011). The shift is larger for boys than girls and is thought to make potentially rewarding stimuli even more rewarding for teens (Steinberg, 2008a). As a result, risky situations, those that entail an element of danger, become enticing. Risks become experienced as thrills (Spielberg, Olino, Forbes, & Dahl, 2014). Adolescents may find themselves drawn to extreme sports, for example, enjoying the high and element of the unknown when they direct their skateboard into the air for a daring turn.

Adolescents are neurologically primed to engage in risky behaviors.

PYMCA/Universal/Getty

These same mechanisms, adolescents’ attraction to novelty and enhanced sensitivity to rewards, serve to increase adolescents’ vulnerability to the lure of drugs and alcohol (Bava & Tapert, 2010; Van Leijenhorst et al., 2010). Neurological changes, for example in risk

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processing, sensitivity to novelty, and social processing, mean that all adolescents experience a heightened susceptibility to seek out and engage in risk behaviors. Yet not all adolescents engage in the same risks. Contextual factors, such as adult supervision, exposure to stressors, and impoverished communities, for example, influence the direction that adolescents’ propensities for risk take (Smith et al., 2013).

Maturation and improved connectivity in the prefrontal cortex is associated with advances in many aspects of executive function such as planning ahead, weighing risks and rewards, simultaneously considering multiple sources of information, and response inhibition, or the ability to control a response. Response inhibition, in particular, is closely associated with risky activity. Adolescents who find it difficult to inhibit, or stop, a motor response in laboratory tasks show less activation of the prefrontal cortex during response inhibition tasks and are more likely to engage in risky activity (McNamee et al., 2008). Risky activity is thought to decline in late adolescence in part because of increases in adolescents’ self- regulatory capacities, or self-control, their capacities for long term planning, and inhibition of impulsive behavior (Albert, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013; Casey, 2015). Ultimately, however, risky activity is influenced by neurological developments but also the contextual demands and opportunities that adolescents face as well as their emerging cognitive capacities.

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Thinking in Context 11.3 1. Most adults blame puberty for much of adolescent behavior. Researchers, however, point to the dual-

process model’s role in influencing adolescent behavior. Discuss. 2. How might contextual factors, such as interactions with parents and peers, and settings such as school

and neighborhood, influence how brain development is manifested in adolescent behavior?

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Adolescent Cognitive Development

At 14, Eric spends much of his time learning about astronomy. He wonders about the existence of dark matter—cosmological matter that cannot be observed but is inferred by its gravitational pull on objects like planets and even galaxies. Eric reads blogs written by astronomers and has started his own blog where he comments on the best websites for teenagers who are interested in learning about the galaxy. Eric’s newfound ability and interest in considering complex abstract phenomena illustrates the ways in which adolescents’ thinking departs from children’s. As compared with childhood, cognitive development during the adolescent period receives much less attention from theorists and researchers, but adolescents show significant advances in their reasoning capacities (Kuhn, 2008). Similar to earlier periods in life, the cognitive-developmental perspective on cognition describes adolescence as entailing a transformation in thought. The information processing perspective, on the other hand, explains cognitive development in adolescence as a continuation, growth, and refinement of capacities and skills developed in childhood.

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Formal Operational Reasoning

In early adolescence, at about 11 years of age, individuals enter the final stage of Piaget’s scheme of cognitive development: formal operations. Formal operational reasoning entails the ability to think abstractly, logically, and systematically (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958; Piaget, 1972). Children in the concrete operational stage reason about things—that is, concepts that exist in reality, such as problems concerning how to equitably divide a bowl of pudding into five servings. Adolescents in the formal operational stage, however, reason about ideas, possibilities that do not exist in reality and that may have no tangible substance, such as whether it is possible to love equitably—to distribute love equally among several targets (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958; Piaget, 1972). The ability to think about possibilities beyond the here and now permits adolescents to plan about the future, make inferences from available information, and consider ways of solving potential but not yet real problems.

Figure 11.6: Measuring Formal Operations: The Pendulum Task

Formal operational thought enables adolescents to engage in hypothetical–-deductive reasoning, or the ability to consider problems, generate and systematically test hypotheses, and draw conclusions. Piaget’s pendulum task (Figure 11.6) tests children and adolescents’ abilities to use scientific reasoning to solve a problem with multiple possible solutions (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). Adolescents displaying formal operational reasoning develop hypotheses and systematically test them. For example, in the pendulum task, they change one variable while holding the others constant (e.g., trying each of the lengths of string while keeping the weight, height, and force the same). Concrete operational children, on the other hand, do not proceed systematically in a way that permits them to solve the pendulum problem; they fail to disentangle the variables and do not take into account nontangible variables such as height and force. For example, concrete operational children

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might test a short string with a heavy weight, then try a long string and short weight. Solving the pendulum problem requires the scientific reasoning capacities that come with formal operational reasoning.

Adolescents soon learn that hypothetical thought makes for a much more interesting, but complicated, world. Now they are primed to think about possibility and the possible becomes a reality of its own (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). However, adolescents can get carried away with their consideration of the possible. For example, when solving a problem such as how to organize her room, an adolescent might become paralyzed by all the possibilities, ways of arranging furniture, organizing books, and classifying all that she owns, rather than simply beginning the task.

An assumption of Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory is that development is a universal process, yet the reality is that people vary in their cognitive development. For example, many adults, presumably capable of abstract reasoning, fail hypothetical– deductive tasks (Kuhn, Langer, Kohlberg, & Haan, 1977). Does this mean that they cannot think abstractly? In response to research findings suggesting variability in formal operational reasoning, Piaget (1972) explained that opportunities to use formal operational reasoning influence its development. In contrast to his position on earlier stage structures, Piaget argues that formal operations structures may vary by content area. Individuals reason at the most advanced levels when considering material with which they have the greatest experience. For example, completing college courses in math and science is associated with gains in propositional thought, while courses in social science are associated with advances in statistical reasoning skills (Lehman & Nisbett, 1990; Lehman, Lempert, & Nisbett, 1988). Experience influences the development of formal operational reasoning. In one study in the early 1990s, adolescents from 10 to 15 years of age performed better on Piagetian tasks such as the pendulum task than adolescents had done over two decades before. The researchers attributed the difference to the fact that (in France, where the studies were done) secondary education was less common in the earlier decades; therefore, adolescents had fewer opportunities to practice the reasoning measured by Piagetian tasks (Flieller, 1999).

The appearance of formal operational reasoning is not consistent across people or across intellectual domains but instead varies with situation, task, experience, context, and motivation (Kuhn, 2008; Labouvie-Vief, 2015; Piaget, 1972). Moreover, many theorists explain that formal operational reasoning does not suddenly appear in early adolescence, but instead, cognitive change occurs gradually from childhood on, with gains in knowledge, experience, and information processing capacity (Keating, 2004; Kuhn & Franklin, 2006; Moshman, 2005).

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Information Processing Perspective

Adolescents’ advances in the ability to think abstractly and demonstrate hypothetical– deductive reasoning are also the result of improvements in information processing capacities—such as attention, memory, knowledge base, and speed—that take place from childhood through adolescence (Kail, 2008; Luna, Garver, Urban, Lazar, & Sweeney, 2004).

Attention, Response Inhibition, and Working Memory

Greater control over attention allows adolescents to deploy it selectively, focusing on stimuli deemed important while tuning out others and remaining focused even as task demands change. Increases in attention permit material to be held in working memory while taking in and processing new material (Barrouillet, Gavens, Vergauwe, Gaillard, & Camos, 2009). For example, at age 13, Julia is able to tune out the background noise in class to listen to her teacher, determine what is important, and take notes, remembering what she’s writing while listening to her teacher. She can shift her attention to take notes from movies shown in class, and remain focused even when the class format changes to discussion.

As we gain increasing control over our cognitive system, we also become better at response inhibition, not responding or not activating cognitive operations in response to a stimulus. Advances in response inhibition enable adolescents to adapt their responses to the situation by inhibiting well-learned responses when they are inappropriate to the situation and thereby speeding cognitive processing (Luna, Paulsen, Padmanabhan, & Geier, 2013; Luna et al., 2004). For example, Robin is now able to keep herself from raising her hand in response to the teacher’s question, telling herself, “I need to give other students a chance, too.” The ability to control and inhibit responses emerges first in infancy and advances through childhood, with substantial gains in adolescence (Geier, Terwilliger, Teslovich, Velanova, & Luna, 2010; Zhai et al., 2014). However, the neurological changes that underlie response inhibition continue to develop into the 20s, and still immature capacities for response inhibition are thought to underlie the risk taking behavior common in adolescence (Albert et al., 2013; Luna et al., 2013).

Working memory reaches adultlike levels by about age 19 (Luna et al., 2004). Combined with a growing knowledge base and increased strategy use, advances in working memory result in more sophisticated, efficient, and quick thinking and learning. Now adolescents can retain more information at once, better relate new information to what is already known, and combine information in more complex ways, underlying adolescents’ increasing capacities for metacognition (Cowan et al., 2010; Gaillard, Barrouillet, Jarrold, & Camos, 2011).

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Metacognition and Scientific Reasoning

Recall from Chapter 7 the concept of metacognition—knowledge of how the mind works and the ability to control the mind. As metacognition develops through middle adolescence, teenagers are better able to be planful about their cognitive system—how they take in, manipulate, and store information (Ardila, 2013; van der Stel & Veenman, 2013). They are better able to understand how they learn and remember and to choose and deploy strategies that enhance the representation, storage, and retrieval of information. Eleventh grader Travis explained, “Studying for a biology exam is really different than studying for a history exam. In biology, I visualize the material, but when I study for history, I make up stories to help me remember it all.” Travis illustrates the metacognitive skills that emerge in adolescence because he is able to evaluate his understanding, and he adjusts his strategies to the content what helps him learn best. Adolescents’ abilities to apply metacognition in real- world settings continues to develop into late adolescence and early adulthood.

Advanced capacities for attention make adolescents better able to concentrate and study.

APTony Gutierrez

Metacognition plays an important role in scientific reasoning because it is by experimenting with and reflecting on cognitive strategies that adolescents learn about and come to appreciate logic, which they increasingly apply to situations (Kuhn, 2000; van der Stel & Veenman, 2013). Improvements in information processing capacities and metacognition enable adolescents to engage in the more sophisticated, reasoned, and efficient problem solving that underlies capacities for manipulating abstract mental representations and engaging in the hypothetical–deductive thinking that is characteristic of scientific reasoning (Bullock, Sodian, & Koerber, 2009; Demetriou, Christou, Spanoudis, & Platsidou, 2002; Kuhn, 2012). Although adolescents show advances in scientific reasoning, their reasoning tends to emphasize single solutions to problems. In one study, sixth-grade students were presented with a detailed pictorial and written information about variables that were explained to have either a causal or noncausal influence on a hypothetical problem, such as the likelihood of an avalanche occurring. The task was to apply the information in

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predicting outcomes. Although given information about five different variables, the students consistently chose only one factor as influential, although they chose different variables across trials. For example, a pair of students chose snow pollution as a cause of an avalanche, referring to the written materials, “Because it shows the snow pollution is high; snow is what causes an avalanche.” Yet for a second prediction, the student pair turned to another single variable, slope angle, explaining “Slope angle is an important part of how snow falls.” In a third prediction, they turned to yet another, different, single factor, wind speed: “We chose the wind speed because it affects how fast the snow falls” (Kuhn, Pease, & Wirkala, 2009, p. 439). Although adolescents can demonstrate scientific thinking, they tend to consistently prefer single-factor solutions. They remain unable to coordinate the effects of multiple casual influences on outcomes (Kuhn, Iordanou, Pease, & Wirkala, 2008; Kuhn et al., 2009). For many young people, the more complex reasoning required to consider multiple influences at once as well as a more sophisticated understanding of the nature of knowledge and scientific phenomena emerges in early adulthood, as discussed in Chapter 13.

Brain Development and Cognition

Changes in the brain, especially the prefrontal cortex, underlie many improvements in information processing capacities. As the structure of the prefrontal cortex changes, with decreases in gray matter and increases in white matter, cognition becomes markedly more efficient (Asato, Terwilliger, Woo, & Luna, 2010). Myelination underlies improvements in processing speed during childhood and adolescence, permitting quicker physical and cognitive responses (Silveri, Tzilos, & Yurgelun-Todd, 2008). Now not only do adolescents show faster reaction speed than children in gym class but they can connect ideas, make arguments, and draw conclusions faster than children. Processing speed increases and reaches adult levels at about age 15 and is associated with advances in working memory and cognition (Coyle, Pillow, Snyder, & Kochunov, 2011).

Development of the prefrontal cortex as well as the cerebellum leads to enhanced executive function, capacities that allow us to control and coordinate our thoughts and behavior, including attention, planning, evaluating, judging, goal directed behavior, and response inhibition (Ardila, 2013; Tiemeier et al., 2010). Connections between the prefrontal cortex and various brain regions strengthen, improving working memory and permitting rapid communication and enhanced cognitive and behavioral functioning (Tamnes et al., 2013; van den Bosch et al., 2014). With these advances in brain development, routine decisions become automatic, requiring fewer cognitive resources and therefore enabling adolescents to redirect their thinking toward more complicated problems.

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Implications of Adolescent Thinking

Adolescents’ emerging abilities to reason influence how they view the world and themselves. However, abstract thought develops gradually. Teenagers are prone to errors in reasoning and lapses in judgment, as evidenced by the emergence of adolescent egocentrism and changes in decision-making ability.

Adolescent Egocentrism

Adolescents’ new cognitive abilities draw them to consider the intangible, such as ideas and possibilities. At the same time, they undergo physical changes and psychological changes that lead them to direct their new abstract abilities toward themselves. Adolescents are naturally self-conscious. As 14-year-old Mayla’s mother explained, “She’s always in her head but also outside, paying attention to her clothes and the smallest details of her appearance as if anyone would notice anyway.” Adolescents are egocentric. They have difficulty with perspective-taking, specifically with separating their own and others’ perspectives (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). Adolescent egocentrism is manifested in two phenomena: the imaginary audience and the personal fable (Elkind & Bowen, 1979).

The imaginary audience is just that: Adolescents misdirect their own preoccupation about themselves on to others and assume that they are the focus of others’ attention (Elkind & Bowen, 1979). In this way, they are unable to accurately take other people’s perspectives. The imaginary audience fuels adolescents’ concerns with their appearance and can make the slightest criticism made in public sting painfully, as teens are convinced that all eyes are on them. The imaginary audience contributes to the heightened self-consciousness characteristic of adolescence (Albert, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2007).

Adolescents’ preoccupation with themselves also leads them to believe that they are special, unique, and invulnerable—a perspective known as the personal fable (Elkind & Bowen, 1979). A sense of self-importance underlies the personal fable belief that they will be admired, achieve fame, and be remembered. Many adolescents perceive their own experiences as unique. They believe that their emotions, the highs of happiness and depths of despair that they feel, are different and more intense than other people’s emotions and that others simply do not understand. The invulnerability aspect of the personal fable, coupled with brain development that predisposes adolescents to seek risks, makes adolescents more likely to engage in risky activities, such as drug use, delinquency, and unsafe sex; they believe that they, unlike other teens, are invulnerable to the negative consequences of such behaviors (Albert et al., 2007; Greene & Krcmar, 2000). Specifically, research with 6th- through 12th graders suggests that the invulnerability aspect of the personal fable is associated with engaging in risky activities while the sense of personal uniqueness is associated with depression and suicidal ideation (Aalsma, Lapsley, &

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Flannery, 2006).

Both the imaginary audience and personal fable are thought to increase in early adolescence, peak in middle adolescence, and decline in late adolescence (Albert et al., 2007; Elkind & Bowen, 1979; Lapsley, Jackson, Rice, & Shadid, 1988), but some research suggests that adolescent egocentrism may persist into late adolescence and beyond (Schwartz, Maynard, & Uzelac, 2008). Even adults are susceptible to these lapses in perspective. In many instances, adolescents may be less likely to see themselves as invincible than are adults. Studies in which adolescents and adults evaluate the possible consequences of various behaviors, adolescents perceive more risks inherent to health behaviors show that and activities, such as substance use and risky driving, for example, than do adults (Fischhoff, 2008; Millstein & Halpern-Felsher, 2002). Perhaps adolescent egocentrism, specifically the personal fable, may not be a feature unique to adolescence.

Decision Making

Adolescents are faced with a variety of decisions each day, ranging from the mundane, such as when to clean their rooms and how to spend an afternoon, to decisions that are important to their health, well-being, and future, such as which friendships to foster, whether to drink or smoke, what classes to take in school, and whether and where to go to college. With age and experience, adolescents take on increasing decision-making responsibility. Cognitive advances permit adolescents to engage in more sophisticated thinking than ever before and to participate meaningfully in decision making.

Researchers who study decision making from a cognitive perspective explain decision making as a rational process in which, when faced with a decision, people follow several steps. They first identify decision options, then identify the potential positive and negative consequences for each option (i.e., the pros and cons). They estimate how likely each potential outcome is, rate how desirable each outcome is, and finally combine all of this information to make a decision (Furby & Beyth-Marom, 1992). Research from this perspective has shown that, under ideal conditions, adolescents are capable of demonstrating rational decision making that is in line with their goals and is comparable to that of adults (Reyna & Farley, 2006; Reyna & Rivers, 2008). For example, comparisons of adolescents’ and adults’ decisions on hypothetical dilemmas, such as whether to engage in substance use, have surgery, have sex, or drink and drive, show that adults spontaneously generate more consequences to each decision option and are more likely to spontaneously mention risks and benefits of each option (Furby & Beyth-Marom, 1992; Halpern-Felsher & Cauffman, 2001). However, both adolescents and adults show an optimistic bias wherein they view their own risks as lower than those of peers (Halpern-Felsher & Cauffman, 2001). Moreover, adolescents and adults generally do not differ in their ratings of the perceived harmfulness of risks, and in many cases, adolescents perceive greater risks than do adults (Reyna & Farley, 2006)

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Advanced planning, decision making, and problem solving skills enable these teens to effectively collaborate on more complex tasks.

AP/Cheryl Gerber

If adolescents are aware of the risks entailed in decisions, perhaps more so than adults, why do they often make poor decisions and engage in risk taking? While adolescents’ abstract reasoning abilities permit them to consider possibilities, they often do not consider practicalities associated with each option. Adolescents are more approach oriented in response to positive feedback and less responsive to negative feedback than are adults (Cauffman et al., 2010; Javadi, Schmidt, & Smolka, 2014). Adolescents tend to place more importance on the potential benefits of decisions (e.g., social status, pleasure) than their estimation of the potential costs or risks (e.g., physical harm, short and long-term health; Rivers, Reyna, & Mills, 2008; Shulman & Cauffman, 2013). Neurological research supports these findings. For example, in the presence of rewards, adolescents show heightened activity in the brain systems that support reward processing and reduced activity in the areas responsible for inhibitory control, as compared with adults (Paulsen, Hallquist, Geier, & Luna, 2014; Smith, Steinberg, Strang, & Chein, 2015). Similarly, adolescents who engage in high-risk behavior more often show less activation of the parts of the prefrontal cortex that are associated with decision making (Luna et al., 2013; Shad et al., 2011).

Recall that executive functioning, responsible for decision making, comes with maturation of the prefrontal cortex, which lags behind the development of the limbic system, which is responsible for emotional arousal. This difference in maturational timing means that adolescents feel emotionally charged before they have corresponding self-regulation and decision-making abilities (Albert et al., 2013; Van Leijenhorst et al., 2010). Adolescents show greater activity of the reward parts of the brain than adults and are assumed to be susceptible to risk taking in situations of heightened emotional arousal (Figner, Mackinlay, Wilkening, & Weber, 2009; Mills et al., 2014). Their decisions about risk taking are swayed by so-called “hot processes,” emotional arousal–driven thinking that tends to interfere with “cold” rational processes of cost–benefit weighing (van Duijvenvoorde, Jansen, Visser, & Huizenga, 2010; Zelazo & Carlson, 2012). In other words, adolescents often act impulsively, seemingly without thought, and their decisions often are influenced by affective motivators such as the desire for pleasure, relaxation, stimulation, excitement

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(Mills et al., 2014; van Duijvenvoorde et al., 2015).

Under ideal conditions, adolescents are capable of demonstrating rational decision making that is in line with their goals and is comparable to that of adults (Reyna & Rivers, 2008). In practice, however, decision making is more complex and influenced by situational, emotional, and individual difference characteristics, such as the presence of peers, temptation of high rewards, excitement, impulsivity, and sensation seeking (Smith et al., 2013). Laboratory studies of decision making usually present adolescents with hypothetical dilemmas that are very different from the everyday decisions they face. Everyday decisions have personal relevance, require quick thinking, are emotional, and often are made in the presence and influence of others. Recall that the prefrontal cortex, responsible for executive functioning and decision making, is the last part of the brain to reach full maturity, lagging far behind the limbic system, responsible for emotion. Adolescents often feel strong emotions and impulses that they may be unable to regulate (Casey & Caudle, 2013). Therefore, laboratory studies of decision making are less useful in understanding how young people compare with adults when they must make choices that are important or occur in stressful situations in which they must rely on experience, knowledge, and intuition (Steinberg, 2013). When faced with unfamiliar emotionally charged situations, spur of the moment decisions, pressures to conform to peers, poor self-control, and risk and benefit estimates that favor good short-term and bad long-term outcomes, adolescents tend to reason more poorly than adults (Albert et al., 2013; Defoe, Dubas, Figner, & van Aken, 2012). Figure 11.7 illustrates the many influences on adolescent decision making.

When is thinking adultlike enough to treat adolescents as adults? The answer to this question holds implications for a variety of contexts. For example, when is an adolescent able to make medical decisions such as for elective surgery? In academic contexts, when is an adolescent able to drop out of school without parental permission? Perhaps the most controversial question pertains to legal contexts: When should an adolescent offender be tried or sentenced as an adult? At what age can an offender be given the death penalty or sentenced to life in prison without parole? This policy issue is discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 311).

Although many adults display faulty decision making, it is adolescents who are in need of protection from their poor decisions because the consequences of their bad decisions—such as accepting a ride from a friend who has been drinking—are potentially more serious and long lasting. Adult guidance, including discussion that aids adolescents in considering options, the pros and cons of each, the likelihood of each, and how to weigh information to come to a decision, aids adolescents in learning how to make good decisions. Experience making decisions, learning from successes and failures, coupled with developments in cognition, self-control, and emotional regulation, leads to adolescent decision making that is more reflective, confident, and successful.

Figure 11.7: Influences on Adolescent Decisions

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Coming of Age: Bat Mitzvah

In this video, 13-year-old Rachel describes the role of her bat mitzvah in helping to shape her sense of self and identity. Rachel and her parents discuss the roles and responsibilities that accompany coming of age within the Jewish community.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Thinking in Context 11.4 1. In your view, is cognitive development, reasoning, and decision making best described as developing

continuously or discontinuously? Why? 2. Compare cognitive explanations of adolescent egocentrism, risk behavior, and decision making with

neurological explanations, such as the dual-process model. 3. Describe some ways in which adolescent decision making is a product of interactions among puberty,

brain development, cognitive growth, and contextual influences such as parents, peers, and community.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development

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Legal Implications of Adolescent Decision Making

Developmental science has offered important insights into policy questions such as how to treat juvenile offenders.

Louie Psihoyos/Corbis

Developmental scientists’ work is often called upon to inform legal issues and influence social policy, as illustrated by a series of Supreme Court cases (Bonnie & Scott, 2013; Cohen & Casey, 2014).

Can adolescent offenders face the death penalty? In Roper v. Simmons, the Supreme Court considered whether the death penalty is constitutional as applied to minors. Should minors be subject to the same punishments as adults? At the time, 21 states in the United States permitted the death penalty for adolescents under the age of 18, and most of them permitted it at the age of 16 (Steinberg & Scott, 2003). As the case moved to the Supreme Court, developmental scientists collaborated with the American Psychological Association (APA) to submit an amicus curiae brief, a document referred to as a “friend of the court,” intended to inform the justices about the developmental research relevant to the case, specifically research on adolescent judgment and decision making. The brief explained that adolescents’ developmental immaturity makes them less culpable for crimes and justifies a more lenient punishment than that of adults —but still holds that they are actors who retain responsibility for the crime (Cauffman & Steinberg, 2012; Steinberg & Scott, 2003).

Recall that the lag between the development of the emotional part of the brain and the prefrontal cortex, responsible for executive functioning and decision making, contributes to adolescents’ tendency to feel strong emotions and impulses that they may have difficulty controlling (Casey & Caudle, 2013). Research suggests that adolescents, especially males, react impulsively to threat cues more so than do adults or children, even when the adolescent is instructed not to respond. This response is associated with enhanced activity in the limbic regions of the brain responsible for detecting and assigning value to emotion (Dreyfuss et al., 2014).

In addition to neurological development, psychosocial development, specifically susceptibility to peer influence and future orientation, plays a prominent role in adolescent decision making and behavior (Albert et al., 2013). When adolescents make decisions in response to hypothetical dilemmas in which they must choose between engaging in an antisocial behavior suggested by friends and a prosocial one, their choices suggest that susceptibility to peer influence increases between childhood and early adolescence, peaking

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around age 14 and declining slowly during high school (Allen & Antonishak, 2008; Steinberg & Monahan, 2007). Not only are adolescents’ decisions more likely to be influenced by peers, simply thinking about peer evaluation increases risky behavior, and the presence of peers can increase risky behavior even when the probability of a negative outcome is high (Centifanti, Modecki, MacLellan, & Gowling, 2014; Peake, Dishion, Stormshak, Moore, & Pfeifer, 2013; Smith et al., 2015).

Similarly, when adolescents and adults are compared with regard to their ability to envision themselves in the future, adults demonstrate a greater future orientation (the ability to project themselves into the future) than do adolescents (Nurmi, 1991; Steinberg et al., 2009). A poor sense of future orientation is associated with participation in risky activities (Chen & Vazsonyi, 2011, 2013). Difficulty envisioning the future coupled with the influence of strong emotions, susceptibility to peers, and poor self-control can compromise adolescents’ decisions despite their neurological and cognitive advances. In all of these ways, psychosocial factors influence how adolescents weigh the costs and benefits in making decisions: to the extent that teens are less mature than adults, their decisions are likely to be more poor than those of adults, even if they are cognitively mature (Cauffman & Steinberg, 2000, 2012; Modecki, 2014).

In the case of Roper v. Simmons, in 2005 the Supreme Court ruled against capital punishment for minors on the basis of their lack of maturity and susceptibility to peer influence (Greenhouse, 2005; Steinberg, 2013). In 2010 and 2012, under a similar rationale, in Florida v. Graham, Miller v. Alabama, and Jackson v. Hobbs, the Supreme Court ruled that minors cannot be sentenced to life in prison without parole (APA, 2012).

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What Do You Think? 1. To what degree are adolescents culpable for their offenses? Is the death penalty or life in prison

without parole appropriate penalties for adolescents? Why or why not? 2. What role should developmental science take in influencing policy? Should research with

adolescents be used to make policy decisions such as this?

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Adolescent Moral Development

Adolescents’ newfound abilities for abstract reasoning lead them to approach problems in different ways, consider multiple perspectives, and delight in the process of thinking itself. It is these cognitive advances that enable adolescents to demonstrate the final and most sophisticated form of reasoning described in Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory of moral reasoning: postconventional moral reasoning.

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Postconventional Moral Reasoning

Much of Kohlberg’s theory was based on longitudinal research with a group of boys, beginning at ages 10, 13, and 16 (Kohlberg, 1969). Over the next three decades, Kohlberg periodically interviewed the boys and discovered that their reasoning progressed through sequential stages, and in a predictable order (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983; Kohlberg, 1981). Kohlberg measured moral reasoning by presenting individuals with hypothetical dilemmas such as the following:

Near death, a woman with cancer learns of a drug that may save her. The woman’s husband, Heinz, approaches the druggist who created the drug, but the druggist refuses to sell the drug for anything less than $2,000. After borrowing from everyone he knows, Heinz has only scraped together $1,000. Heinz asks the druggist to let him have the drug for $1,000 and he will pay him the rest later. The druggist says that it is his right to make money from the drug he developed and refuses to sell it to Heinz. Desperate for the drug, Heinz breaks into the druggist’s store and steals the drug. Should Heinz have done that? Why or why not? (Kohlberg, 1969).

The Heinz dilemma is the most popular example of the hypothetical conflicts that Kohlberg used to study moral development. These problems examine how people make decisions when fairness and people’s rights are pitted against obedience to authority and law. Participants’ explanations of how they arrived at their decisions reveal developmental shifts through three broad levels of reasoning that correspond to cognitive development (Kohlberg, 1969, 1981).

Recall from Chapter 7 that young children reason at the preconventional level. Their decisions are influenced by self-interest, the desire to gain rewards and avoid punishments. Children who demonstrate preconventional reasoning argue that Heinz should not steal the drug because stealing is a punishable offense (Stage 1) or that he should steal the drug because his wife will be happy and be very good to him (Stage 2). Note that it is the reasoning behind the decision, and not the decision itself—that is, whether Heinz should or should not steal the drug—that indicates a person’s level of moral reasoning.

As noted in Chapter 9, school-age children’s moral decisions tend to be socially driven. Conventional moral reasoning entails internalizing the norms and standards of authority figures, seeking to be accepted and to maintain social order. Responses to the Heinz dilemma indicative of conventional reasoning include the following: “Heinz should steal the drug because people will think he’s an awful husband if he doesn’t” (Stage 3), or “Heinz should not steal the drug because stealing is against the law, which is designed to maintain

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social order” (Stage 4).

It is not until adolescence, according to Kohlberg, that people become capable of demonstrating the most advanced moral thinking, postconventional moral reasoning, which entails autonomous decision making from moral principles that value respect for individual rights above all else. Postconventional moral thinkers recognize that their self- chosen principles of fairness and justice may sometimes conflict with the law. When laws are unjust, they may be broken. At this level of moral reasoning, adolescents uphold individual rights over the law, and argue that Heinz should steal the drug in order to save his wife’s life. At Stage 5, Social Contract Orientation, individuals view laws and rules as flexible and part of the social contract or agreement meant to further human interests. Laws and rules are to be followed as they bring good to people, but laws can be changed if they are inconsistent with the needs and rights of the majority. Sometimes, if laws are unjust—if they harm more people than they protect—they can be broken. Stage 6, Universal Ethical Principles, represents the most advanced moral reasoning, defined by abstract ethical principles that are universal, valid for all people regardless of law, such as equality and respect for human dignity. At this stage, people argue that concerns about human rights take precedence over laws and social rules, so Heinz must steal the drug because his wife’s right to life trumps the druggists’ rights for profit as well as laws against stealing.

A great deal of research has confirmed that individuals proceed through the first four stages of moral reasoning in a slow, gradual, and predictable fashion (Colby et al., 1983; Dawson, 2002; Walker, 1989). Specifically, reasoning at the preconventional level, Stages 1 and 2, decreases by early adolescence, Stage 3 conventional reasoning increases through middle adolescence, and Stage 4 reasoning increases in middle to late adolescence and becomes typical of most individuals by early adulthood. Few people, however, advance beyond Stage 4 moral reasoning. Postconventional reasoning is rare and appears as Stage 5 reasoning (Kohlberg, Levine, & Hewer, 1983; Kohlberg, 1981). The existence of Stage 6, the hypothesized, most advanced type of moral reasoning, is supported only by case-based anecdotal evidence. Kohlberg himself questioned the validity of Stage 6, dropped it from the stage scheme, but later included Stage 6 again because it represented an end goal state to which human development strives (Kohlberg & Ryncarz, 1990).

Kohlberg’s theory of moral reasoning has led to four decades of research. Most of the research conducted has evaluated several aspects of the theory, including whether reasoning progresses through a stage sequence, the role of social interaction in promoting development, the role of gender and culture, and the link between reasoning and behavior.

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Social Interaction and Moral Reasoning

Moral development is not simply a function of cognitive development. Moral development occurs within parent, peer, and school contexts and is influenced by social development. High-quality parent–child relationships predict advanced moral reasoning (Malti & Latzko, 2010). Social interactions offer important opportunities for the development of moral reasoning. Reasoning advances when adolescents have opportunities to engage in discussions that are characterized by mutual perspective taking. Engaging adolescents in discussion about personal experiences, local issues, and media events—while presenting alternative points of view and asking questions—advances reasoning. For example, “Why do you think he did that? Was there something else that he could have done? How do you think other people interpret his actions?” Issue-focused discussions that present adolescents with reasoning that is slightly more advanced than their own prompts them to compare their reasoning with the new reasoning and often internalize the new reasoning, advancing their moral reasoning to a new level.

Parents who engage their children in discussion, listen with sensitivity, ask for children’s input, praise them, engage them with questioning, and use humor promote the development of moral reasoning (Carlo, Mestre, Samper, Tur, & Armenta, 2011; Walker & Taylor, 1991; Wyatt & Carlo, 2002). Likewise, interactions with peers in which adolescents confront one another with differing perspectives and engage each other with in- depth discussions promote the development of moral reasoning (Power, Higgins, & Kohlberg, 1989). Adolescents who report having more close friendships in which they engage in deep conversations tend to show more advanced moral reasoning than do teens who have little social contact (Schonert-Reichl, 1999). They also report feeling positive emotions when they make unselfish moral decisions (Malti, Keller, & Buchmann, 2013). Moral reasoning is inherently social. Some have argued, however, that the social basis of morality means that men and women should reason in very different ways.

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Gender and Moral Reasoning

A popular criticism of Kohlberg’s theory of moral reasoning arises because his initial research was conducted with all male samples. Early research that studied both males and females suggested gender differences in moral reasoning, with males typically showing Stage 4 reasoning, characterized by concerns about law and order, and females showing Stage 3 reasoning, characterized by concerns about maintaining relationships (Fishkin, Keniston, & McKinnon, 1973; Kohlberg & Kramer, 1969; Poppen, 1974). Carol Gilligan (1982) argued that Kohlberg’s theory neglected a distinctively female mode of moral reasoning, a care orientation, which is characterized by a desire to maintain relationships and a responsibility not to cause hurt. As Gilligan explains, the care orientation contrasts with the distinctively male mode of moral reasoning, a justice orientation, which is based on the abstract principles of fairness and individualism captured by Kohlberg. Care and justice represent frameworks modified by experience that influence how people interpret and resolve moral problems.

Although most people are capable of raising both justice and care concerns in describing moral dilemmas, Gilligan argues that they tend to predominantly focus on either justice or care concerns. Males and females could use either a justice or a care perspective, but care reasoning was thought to be used predominantly by females and justice reasoning by males (Gilligan, 1982; Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988). In agreement with Gilligan, most researchers acknowledge that more than one mode of moral reasoning exists (Kohlberg et al., 1983), but there is considerable controversy as to whether those moral orientations are linked with gender. Early research suggested that males and females differ in moral orientation (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988), but other studies have shown no gender differences in moral orientation (Knox, Fagley, & Miller, 2004). Male and female adolescents and adults display similar reasoning that combines concerns of justice (e.g., being fair) with those of care (e.g., being supportive and helpful), and when there are sex differences, they are very small (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000; Wark & Krebs, 1996; Weisz & Black, 2002). The most mature forms of moral reasoning incorporate both justice and care concerns.

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Culture and Moral Reasoning

Cross-cultural studies of Kohlberg’s theory show that the sequence appears in all cultures but that people in non-Western cultures rarely score above Stage 3 (Gibbs, Basinger, Grime, & Snarey, 2007; Nisan & Kohlberg, 1982; Snarey, 1985). Similar to cognitive capacities, morality and appropriate responses to ethical dilemmas are defined by each society and its cultural perspectives. Whereas Western cultures tend to emphasize the rights of the individual (justice-based reasoning), non-Western cultures tend to value collectivism, focusing on human interdependence (care-based reasoning; Miller, 1997). Individuals in collectivist cultures tend to define moral dilemmas in terms of the responsibility to the entire community rather than simply to the individual (Miller & Bersoff, 1995). Such emphasis on the needs of others is characteristic of Stage 3 in Kohlberg’s scheme. However, because moral values are relative to the cultural context, Stage 3 reasoning is an advanced form of reasoning because it embodies what is most valued in collectivist cultures, concepts such as interdependence and relationships.

Despite these cross-cultural differences, individuals in many cultures show similarities in reasoning. For example, one study examined Chinese and Canadian 12- to 19-year-old adolescents’ views of the fairness of various forms of democratic and nondemocratic government (Helwig, Arnold, Tan, & Boyd, 2007). Adolescents from both China and Canada preferred democratic forms of government and appealed to fundamental democratic justice principles such as representation, voice, and majority rule to support their judgments, suggesting that adolescents in collectivist cultures are able to reason with justice principles in particular contexts. In addition, similar age-related patterns in judgments and reasoning were found across cultures and across diverse regions within China. It appears that the development of moral reasoning progresses in a similar pattern across cultures. People of different cultures are able to reason using both care and justice orientations even though cultures tend to vary in the weight they assign moral orientations, emphasizing one over another.

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Moral Reasoning and Behavior

Moral reasoning explains how people think about issues of justice, but reasoning is only moderately related with behavior (Colby & Damon, 1992; Kupfersmid & Wonderly, 1980). People often behave in ways they know they should not. For example, an adolescent who explains that stealing and cheating are wrong may slip a pack of gum into her pocket and leave a store without paying or may peek at a classmate’s paper during an exam. Like other decisions, ethical conflicts experienced in real life are complex, accompanied by intense emotions, social obligations, and practical considerations, which lead people to act in ways that contradict their judgments (Walker, 2004).

With advances in moral reasoning, adolescents often begin to behave in ways that are in line with their beliefs (Brugman, 2010; Gibbs, 2003). For example, adolescents who demonstrate higher levels of moral reasoning are more likely to share with and help others (Carlo & Eisenberg, 1996; Comunian & Gielen, 2000) and are less likely to engage in antisocial behaviors such as cheating, aggression, or delinquency (Gregg, Gibbs, & Basinger, 1994; Taylor & Walker, 1997). Although adolescents who show low levels of moral reasoning are thought to be at greater risk for delinquency, findings are mixed as some studies find low levels of reasoning predict delinquency and others show no relationship (Kuther & Higgins-D’Alessandro, 2000; Leenders & Brugman, 2005; Tarry & Emler, 2007). Perhaps the degree to which moral reasoning is associated with behavior varies with how adolescents perceive the behavior, as an issue regarding morality, social convention, or personal choice (Berkowitz & Begun, 1994; Brugman, 2010). Adolescents’ moral development influences behaviors they label as moral decisions but not those viewed as social conventions or personal issues. Adolescents who engage in delinquency are more likely than other adolescents to view delinquent behaviors as issues of social convention or personal choice rather than moral issues, suggesting that their level of moral maturity is not an influence on their delinquent behavior because they do not label the behavior as entailing a moral decision (Kuther & Higgins-D’Alessandro, 2000; Leenders & Brugman, 2005). A variety of factors influence the development of moral reasoning and how adolescents view and behave in their world.

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Engaging in volunteer work, such as caring for animals or working to improve the environment, reflects the increasing connection between moral reasoning and behavior that occurs over the course of adolescence.

AP/Andrew D. Brosig

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Thinking in Context 11.5 1. Based on Kohlberg’s perspective, do you think morality can be taught? 2. What, if any, might contextual factors such as socioeconomic status, community, and interactions with

parents and peers play in moral development? 3. Do you think the average person can reach the highest level of Kohlberg’s scheme? Why or why not?

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Schools and Academic Functioning in Adolescence

Apart from the home context, school is the most relevant and immediate context in which adolescents live. The structure of schools has changed dramatically since the mid-29th century. In past generations, students used to make only one school transition: from elementary school (kindergarten–8th grade) to high school (9th grade–12th grade). Today’s students make more school changes, transitions, than ever before. Junior high schools, comprising 7th-, 8th-, and 9th-grade students, were created in the 1960s and modeled after high schools, serving as mini-high schools. In the late 1970s and 1980s, educators began to recognize that young adolescents have different educational needs than middle and older adolescents, and junior high schools began to be converted and organized into middle schools of 5th- or 6th- through 8th-grade students (Byrnes & Ruby, 2007). Middle schools are designed to provide more flexibility and autonomy than elementary schools while encouraging strong ties to adults, such as teachers and parents, and active learning that takes advantage of and stimulates young adolescents’ emerging capacities for abstract reasoning (National Middle School Association, 2003).

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School Transitions

Change, though often exciting, can pose stress to individuals of all ages. Most students find the transition to a new school, whether middle school or high school, a challenge. Academic motivation and achievement often suffers during school transitions (Booth & Gerard, 2014). Grades tend to decline with each school transition such that students who experience more school transitions tend to perform more poorly than peers who have changed schools less often (Rudolph, Lambert, Clark, & Kurlakowsky, 2001; Seidman, Lambert, Allen, & Aber, 2003). For example, early adolescents enrolled in K–8 schools tend to score higher in academic achievement, specifically, math, and reading, than do those in middle school, who have changed schools from elementary to middle school (Byrnes & Ruby, 2007). Larger cumulative declines in academic achievement are seen when students make two school transitions before high school (elementary to middle school and middle to high school) as compared with one (K–8 elementary school to high school; Crockett, Petersen, Graber, Schulenberg, & Ebata, 1989), although some research disputes the size of this difference (Weiss & Bearman, 2007). For most students, these adjustment difficulties are temporary, and their achievement recovers within one to two years as they adapt to their new schools. However, students who perceive the school transition as more stressful tend to show greater drops in motivation and academic achievement and less connectedness to school that persists well beyond the school transition (Goldstein, Boxer, & Rudolph, 2015).

School transitions are often experienced as stressful because environments, teachers, standards, support, and, often, peers shift with each transition. With each transition, adolescents meet more stringent academic standards, yet many feel that they receive less support. Middle schools were intended to be tailored to the needs of early adolescents yet research suggests that many students view their middle school experiences less positively than their elementary school experiences (Byrnes & Ruby, 2007; Roeser, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2000; Wigfield & Eccles, 1994). Students commonly report feeling less connected to middle school teachers than elementary school teachers and view their middle school teachers as less friendly, supportive, and fair (Anderman & Midgley, 2004; Lynch & Cicchetti, 1996; Way, Reddy, & Rhodes, 2007). High school students often report that they receive less personal attention from teachers, more class lectures, fewer hands-on demonstration activities, and fewer opportunities to participate in class discussions and group decision making than they did in middle school (Gentle-Genitty, 2009; Seidman, Aber, & French, 2004).

Although it is tempting to blame adolescents’ views about school on poor perspective taking or an immature prefrontal cortex, research suggests that many teachers’ views corroborate adolescents’ perspectives. For example, middle and junior high school teachers hold different beliefs about students than do elementary school teachers, even when they

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teach students of the same chronological age (Midgley, Anderman, & Hicks, 1995). They are less likely to report trusting their students and are more likely to emphasize discipline than their peers who teach elementary school. Middle school classrooms tend to be characterized by a greater emphasis on teacher control and offer fewer opportunities for student decision making and autonomy, and evaluation becomes more frequent and formal than in elementary school (Eccles & Roeser, 2011; Eccles et al., 1992).

According to researcher Jacqueline Eccles (2004), negative effects of school transitions occur when there is little stage-environment fit. The organization and characteristics of middle school often do not fit young adolescents’ needs (Eccles & Roeser, 2011). Teachers become more stringent, less personal, and more directive at the same time as young people value independence. As friendships become more important, the transition to middle school often disrupts them by dividing friends into different schools or different educational tracks. Young adolescents need more guidance and assistance with academic, social, and mental health issues just as teachers report feeling less responsibility for students’ problems. The mismatch of adolescents’ changing developmental needs and school resources and emphases contribute to declines in academic performance, motivation, and overall functioning (Booth & Gerard, 2014). Vulnerable students, such as those from low- income families or who require special education services, tend to show a larger interruption in academic achievement (Akos, Rose, & Orthner, 2014).

Some adolescents face greater risks with school transitions. Changes in school demographics, particularly a mismatch between the ethnic composition of elementary and middle school, or middle school and high school, can pose challenges to adolescents’ adjustment (Douglass, Yip, & Shelton, 2014). One study of over 900 entering high school students found that students who experienced more ethnic incongruence from middle to high school, a mismatch in demographics, reported declining feelings of connectedness to school over time and increasing worries about their academic success (Benner & Graham, 2009). Students who moved to high schools with fewer students who were ethnically similar to themselves, were most likely to experience a disconnect, as were African American male students. This is of particular concern because African American adolescents tend to experience more risk factors to academic achievement, more difficulties in school transitions, and are more likely to fall behind during school transitions than adolescents of other ethnicities (Burchinal, Roberts, Zeisel, Hennon, & Hooper, 2006). Similarly, Latino students tend to be more sensitive to changes in the school climate and experience school transitions as more challenging than do white students (Espinoza & Juvonen, 2011).

Overall, the research on stage-environment fit suggests the best student outcomes occur when schools closely match adolescents’ developmental needs. While some researchers call for K–8 schools as the educational model to emulate (Juvonen, Le, Kaganoff, Augustine, & Constant, 2004), radical reorganization of school systems is largely impractical. Instead, researchers argue for small, tight-knit middle schools to help reduce the alienation that some students experience during the middle school transition (Jackson & Davis, 2000).

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Small schools may also foster strong teacher–student relationships through more opportunities for teachers to interact with a smaller student base (McNeely, Nonnemaker, & Blum, 2002). Close relationships may help teachers feel comfortable providing opportunities for adolescents to have autonomy in classroom interactions and assignments while providing strong support. Adolescents who report high levels of teacher support and feel connected to their schools tend to show better academic achievement and better emotional health, including lower rates of depressive and anxiety symptoms (Kidger, Araya, Donovan, & Gunnell, 2012).

Adolescents’ success in navigating school transitions is also influenced by their experiences outside of school. Adolescents are most vulnerable to the negative effects of school transitions when they lack the social and emotional resources to cope with multiple stressors. Young people who report feeling supported by their families and having many friends are less bothered by day-to-day stressors and experience school transitions with few problems (Kingery, Erdley, & Marshall, 2011; Rueger, Chen, Jenkins, & Choe, 2014; Seidman et al., 2003). One influence on academic achievement is part-time employment, as noted in Lives in Context (at left and above). Finally, similar to other aspects of development, expectations matter. Adolescents who expect a positive transition to secondary school are more likely to report experiencing a positive experience (Waters, Lester, & Cross, 2014).

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Transition to Middle School

Starting middle school is a momentous event for many young adolescents. In this clip, four young people discuss the high and low points of transitioning to middle school.

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Lives in Context

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Adolescent Employment Working during high school is commonplace in the United States and Canada, with over one half of high school students reporting working at all during the school year (Bachman, Johnston, & O’Malley, 2014). Labor force surveys, on the other hand, report fewer employed adolescents (about 30%), but many of the jobs reported are “off the books” and unrecorded (U.S. Bureau of Labor, 2015). Regardless, adolescent employment today is at its lowest level since World War II (see Figure 11.8; Greene & Staff, 2012).

Most U.S. adolescents who work come from middle socioeconomic status families and seek part-time employment as a source of spending money (Bachman, Staff, O’Malley, & Freedman-Doan, 2013). Minority adolescents are less likely to work than white adolescents, largely because the economically depressed areas where minority teens are likely to live tend to offer few employment opportunities.

About one half of employed adolescents work 15 or fewer hours per week (Bachman et al., 2014). Working few hours (15 or less) appears to have little positive or negative effect on adolescents’ academic or psychosocial functioning (Monahan, Lee, & Steinberg, 2011). One the other hand, working more than 20 hours each week, common to about one third of adolescents (Bachman et al., 2014), is associated with many poor outcomes. Although both adults and adolescents tend to view working as an opportunity to develop a sense of responsibility, research does not support the view that holding a job makes teens more personally responsible (Monahan et al., 2011). For example, one area of responsibility that working is believed to affect is money management. A job may provide opportunities to learn how to budget, save, and spend wisely. Yet most teens spend their earnings on personal expenses, such as clothes, and experience premature affluence—they get used to a luxurious standard of living before they have financial responsibilities (Bachman et al., 2013). Teens who experience premature affluence may be less satisfied with their financial situation as young adults.

Figure 11.8: Employment of Adolescents and Adults in the United States, 1948–2014

Source: Congressional Research Service (CRS), based on data from U.S Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Population Survey.

More importantly, adolescents who work more than 20 hours each week tend to engage in more parent– teen conflict at home; show poor school attendance, performance, and motivation; are at higher risk of school dropout; and tend to engage in more problem behaviors such as smoking, alcohol and substance use, early sexual activity, and delinquency (Bachman et al., 2013; Dumont, Leclerc, & McKinnon, 2009; Godley, Passetti, & White, 2006; Monahan et al., 2011; Staff, Vaneseltine, Woolnough, Silver, & Burrington, 2012). Some research suggests that the negative effects of long hours of employment are most

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evident for white middle-class adolescents and associated with fewer disadvantages for Hispanic and African American adolescents from low income (Bachman et al., 2013). Yet other work suggests that intense adolescent employment is associated with detrimental developmental outcomes for youth regardless of neighborhood context (Kingston & Rose, 2015).

However, adolescent work can be a positive experience if it entails limited hours and if it includes educational and vocational training opportunities and contact with adults (Greene & Staff, 2012; Mortimer & Johnson, 1998). The most common jobs available to adolescents often involve repetitive simple tasks such as microwaving meals at a fast-food restaurant (Steinberg, Fegley, & Dornbusch, 1993). Adolescent workers often have little contact with adults—their coworkers tend to be teens; supervisors tend to be not much older than them; and customers, if in food service and retail, tend to be adolescents (Greenberger & Steinberg, 1986). Work settings that emphasize vocational skills, such as answering phones as a receptionist, and in which adolescents interact with, and work alongside, adults, tend to promote positive attitudes towards school and work, academic motivation and achievement, and low levels of drug and alcohol use and delinquency (Staff & Uggen, 2003). The best jobs take the form of formal or informal apprenticeships whereby adolescents learn interpersonal and hands-on skills by working alongside adults (Hamilton & Hamilton, 1999; Heinz, 1999).

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What Do You Think? 1. Did you hold a job during adolescence? How do your experiences compare with these findings? 2. Are you in favor of setting limits on adolescent employment, such as the number of hours they

are permitted to work? Why or why not? What limits, if any, do you suggest?

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Parenting and Academic Competence

Close parent–adolescent relationships serve as an important buffer to academic motivation and performance from childhood through adolescence for young people at all levels of socioeconomic status (Dotterer, Lowe, & McHale, 2014; Schneider, Tomada, Normand, Tonci, & de Domini, 2008). Similar to other areas of development, both the overly harsh parenting characterized by the authoritarian parenting style and the lax permissive parenting style are associated with poor academic performance. Likewise, adolescents reared by uninnvolved parents tend to show the most poor school grades (Aunola & Stattin, 2000; Glasgow & Dornbusch, 1997; Gonzalez & Wolters, 2006; Heaven & Ciarrochi, 2008). Authoritative parenting, on the other hand, is associated with academic achievement in adolescents around the world, including Argentina, Australia, Canada, China, Hong Kong, Iran, Pakistan, Scotland, and the United States (Assadi et al., 2007; Garg, Levin, Urajnik, & Kauppi, 2005; Gonzalez & Wolters, 2006; Spera, 2005).

Authoritative parenting, monitoring, and involvement in school homework and activities is associated with high academic achievement in middle and high school students.

AP/Christopher Berkey

When parents use the authoritative style, they will be open to discussion, involve their adolescents in joint decision making, and firmly but fairly monitor their adolescents’ behavior and set limits. This style of parenting helps adolescents feel valued, respected, and encouraged to think for themselves (Dornbusch, Ritter, Mont-Reynaud, & Chen, 1990; Spera, 2005). Adolescents are in a phase when they are learning to regulate their emotions and behavior and to set, work toward, and achieve educational goals (Aunola & Stattin, 2000; Moilanen, Rasmussen, & Padilla-Walker, 2015). Authoritative parenting supports these developments.

Just as in elementary school, parents can promote high academic achievement in middle and high school students by being active and involved—for example, by knowing their teens’ teachers, monitoring progress, ensuring that their teens are taking challenging and appropriate classes, and expressing high expectations (Benner, 2011; Karbach, Gottschling, Spengler, Hegewald, & Spinath, 2013; Wang, Hill, & Hofkens, 2014). Parent–school

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involvement in 8th grade has been shown to predict 10th-grade students’ grade point average regardless of socioeconomic status, previous academic achievement, and ethnicity, whether African American, European American, Native American, or Asian American (Keith et al., 1998). By being involved in the school, parents communicate the importance of education; they also model academic engagement and problem solving.

Ultimately over 80% of students who enter public high school as freshmen graduate on time (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014). However, about 7% of high school students drop out, meaning that they do not finish high school. Applying Developmental Science (p. 318) examines the problem of school dropout.

Overall, the physical and cognitive changes during adolescence present opportunities and challenges. As adolescents’ emerging physical and cognitive capacities enable them to participate in more adult roles and decisions, the short- and long-term health, educational, and personal dangers of poor decisions require additional protections. Adolescence is clearly a balancing act for adolescents and their parents.

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Applying Developmental Science

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School Dropout Who is likely to drop out of high school? It is the students who already face significant contextual risks to their development who are most likely to leave high school without a diploma. Students from low socioeconomic status are at highest risk of school dropout, and minority students are particularly vulnerable for school dropout, with rates for Latino students over 2.5 times those of non-Latino students, as shown by Figure 11.9. Dropout rates have, however, reached historic lows, with dramatic decreases for African American adolescents and especially Latino adolescents.

Students with behavior problems are more likely to drop out of high school, but many who drop out simply have academic problems, skip classes with increasing frequency, and finally completely disengage from school (Janosz, Archambault, Morizot, & Pagani, 2008; Wang & Fredricks, 2014). Research has found that dropping out of high school is not a solitary event but rather the outcome of a long gradual process of disengaging from school (Bowers & Sprott, 2012; Christenson & Thurlow, 2004; Henry, Knight, & Thornberry, 2012). Young people at risk for high school dropout show risk factors such as withdrawal (poor class participation or poor attendance) and unsuccessful school experiences (academic or behavioral problems) as early as first grade. Risks documented in first grade account for dropout almost as well as those documented in high school (Alexander, Entwisle, & Kabbani, 2001; Entwisle, Alexander, & Steffel Olson, 2005). Lack of parental involvement in children’s education places students at risk for school dropout, and when parents respond to poor grades with anger and punishment, this can further reduce adolescents’ academic motivation and feelings of connectedness to school (Alivernini & Lucidi, 2011).

Students who are engaged and attached to school and who participate in many school-related activities are less likely to drop out (Janosz et al., 2008; Mahoney, 2014). Conversely, feelings of anonymity at school increase the risk of dropping out. Many of the unfavorable characteristics that students report of their high schools predict dropout: large schools, unsupportive teachers, and few opportunities to form personal relationships or to speak out in class (Battin-Pearson & Newcomb, 2000; Christenson & Thurlow, 2004; Croninger & Lee, 2001; Freeman & Simonsen, 2014). Bullying and poor relationships with peers also place adolescents at risk for dropping out (Cornell, Gregory, Huang, & Fan, 2013; Frostad, Pijl, & Mjaavatn, 2014). Students who experience academic difficulties may be more vulnerable to the structural changes that are common during school transitions.

Figure 11.9: School Dropout Rates Among Youth Ages 16 to 24 in the United States, 1967– 2013

Source: Child Trends (2014).

Dropping out of high school is a serious event with lifelong consequences. Adults who did not finish high

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school demonstrate low levels of literacy relative to high school graduates, and this has dire consequences for their employment prospects. In 2013, about 30% of high school dropouts aged 16 to 24 were unemployed (U.S. Bureau of Labor, 2014). Today’s jobs require the ability to take in and manipulate information. Because young people without high school degrees lack the reading and information management skills that employers value, it is not surprising that high school dropouts in the United States and Canada experience more short- and long-term unemployment than graduates. When they are employed, they are more likely to hold low-paying jobs.

Young people who have dropped out of school have the option of taking a high school equivalency test, the General Educational Development exam, known as the GED. It was developed in the late 1940s as a way to certify that returning World War II veterans who had left their high school classrooms to serve in the war were ready for college or the labor market. Although passing the GED can signify that a young person has accumulated the knowledge entailed in earning a high school diploma, GED holders do not fare as well as regular high school graduates in the labor market, and they get much less postsecondary education (Tyler & Lofstrom, 2009).

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What Do You Think? 1. What are some of the reasons why adolescents might drop out of school? Identify influences at

the level of the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem. 2. What can be done to help students stay in school and graduate from high school?

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Thinking in Context 11.6 Discuss the ways in which the fit between a young person’s needs—personal and developmental—and the opportunities and supports provided to her within the school system influence her academic adjustment and likelihood of completing high school. How might factors outside of school, in the home, peer network, community, and society contribute?

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Apply Your Knowledge At 14, Kendra had her very first alcoholic drink when her friends took her to a party hosted by Dylan, a high school senior. Soon Kendra and Dylan began dating. Kendra had always felt especially self-conscious about her body, as she had started needing a bra at age 10, and by age 13, she had sometimes been mistaken for an adult. She thought of herself as “too big,” but Dylan insisted her body was “smokin’.” With Dylan, Kendra began drinking regularly at parties as she found it eased her nerves and helped her feel more comfortable interacting with the older kids. After a few drinks, she would feel comfortable enough to take off her sweatshirt and show off her tank top. Dylan also introduced Kendra to marijuana, which she preferred over alcohol because it made it easy to forget her self-consciousness. Being high on marijuana made goofing around like her friends much more fun. One night they climbed the fence surrounding the high school and spray-painted the windows black. Another time, they sneaked onto a local golf course and went skinny-dipping in the pond. However, a neighbor called the police, and Kendra, Dylan, and their friends were arrested for trespassing and possession of alcohol and drugs.

1. What might you discern about Kendra’s physical development, relative to her peers? What role might physical development play in Kendra’s behavior?

2. How might neurological development account for some of Kendra’s behavior? 3. What role might cognitive factors, such as cognitive development, adolescent egocentrism, and

decision capacities, play? 4. Does moral development have a role in Kendra’s behavior? Why or why not?

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Chapter Summary

11.1 Compare and contrast Hall’s storm and stress perspective with popular views and research evidence.

The popular view that adolescence is a troubling time for teens and parents to endure originates with the work of G. Stanley Hall, who theorized that adolescence is a period of storm and stress, a universal and inevitable upheaval triggered by puberty. Although the basis of Hall’s argument has been debunked, his storm and stress view remains popular among laypeople. Developmental scientists today reject the notion that adolescence is a period extreme storm and stress, replacing it with a more nuanced view that adolescence is a time of change characterized by individual differences in how they are experienced. Some adolescents encounter extreme turmoil, but great trauma is not the norm. Most adolescents experience some ups and downs but emerge from adolescence unscathed. The danger of the storm and stress view lies in that it may influence expectations for adolescent behavior, creating self- fulfilling prophecies that subtly influence how they are treated. 11.2 Explain the physical changes that occur with puberty and their psychosocial effects.

The most noticeable signs of pubertal maturation are the growth spurt and secondary sex characteristics. Examples of changes in secondary sex characteristics include breast development, deepening of the voice, growth of body hair, and changes in the skin. During puberty, the primary sex characteristics, the reproductive organs, grow larger and mature, and adolescents become capable of reproduction. 11.3 Analyze the influence of pubertal timing on adolescent development.

Pubertal timing is influenced by genetic and contextual factors including physical health, nutrition, body fat, exposure to stress, socioeconomic status, and the secular trend. The consequences of early and late maturation differ dramatically for girls and boys. Girls who mature early are at risk for problems with depression, anxiety, and poor body image. Both boys and girls who mature early are more likely to engage in risk behaviors and age-inappropriate behaviors such as sexual activity. Late maturation appears to have a protective effect on girls but findings regarding the effects of late maturation on boys are mixed and less consistent. Late-maturing boys may experience more social and emotional difficulties. During early adolescence, they may be less well liked by their peers and may be more likely than their peers to experience a poor body image, overall body dissatisfaction, and depression during early adolescence, but these effects tend to decline with physical maturation. Other research suggests that late-maturing boys do not differ in anxiety or depression from their on-time peers or that it is only late-maturing boys with poor peer relationships

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who experience depression. 11.4 Discuss the effects of sleep and nutrition on adolescent functioning.

Puberty causes a change in adolescents’ sleep patterns, called delayed phase preference. Adolescents stay up later, miss out on sleep, and report sleepiness. The tendency for adolescents to go to bed later has increased over the past three decades with the availability of television and other media that compete with sleep for adolescents’ time. Poor sleep is associated with internalizing and externalizing problems and increases the probability of obesity, illnesses, and accidents. Although adequate food consumption and good nutrition also are essential to support adolescents’ physical and mental health and growth, young people’s diets tend to worsen as they enter adolescence, leaving many adolescents in industrialized nations with nutritional deficiencies. In addition, levels of physical activity decrease throughout adolescence, and many adolescents engage in no regular exercise or activity. 11.5 Explain the neurological developments that take place in adolescence and their effect on behavior.

Changes in the volume of the cortex, interconnections among neurons, and myelination influence the speed and efficiency of thought and the capacity for executive function. According to the dual-process model, the limbic system undergoes a burst of development well ahead of the prefrontal cortex, and this difference in development can account for many “typical” adolescent behaviors. Changes in the balance of neurotransmitters that are associated with impulsivity and reward salience shift influencing adolescent engagement in risky behavior. Maturation and improved connectivity in the prefrontal cortex is associated with advances many aspects of executive function involved in planning and weighing risks and rewards as well as response inhibition and decision making. 11.6 Identify ways in which thinking changes in adolescence.

Adolescents become capable of formal operational reasoning permitting hypothetical–deductive reasoning and the use of propositional logic. Research suggests that formal operational reasoning does not suddenly appear in early adolescence, but instead, cognitive change occurs gradually from childhood on. Many adults fail hypothetical–deductive tasks. Reasoning can vary by content area. People reason at the most advanced levels when considering material with which they have the greatest experience. Adolescents’ advances in cognition are the result of improvements in information processing capacities, such as attention, memory, knowledge base, response inhibition, strategy use, speed, and metacognition. 11.7 Discuss how cognitive development is reflected in adolescent decision making and behavior.

Under ideal conditions, adolescents are capable of demonstrating rational decision

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making that is in line with their goals and comparable to that of adults. In practice, decision making is more complex and influenced by situational, affective, and individual difference characteristics, such as the presence of peers, temptation of high rewards, excitement, impulsivity, and sensation seeking. The difference in maturational timing between the limbic system and prefrontal cortex means that adolescents feel emotionally charged before they have corresponding self-regulation and decision-making abilities, often leading to poor decisions. 11.8 Outline the developmental progression of moral reasoning, factors that influence it, and its link with behavior.

In adolescence, we become capable of demonstrating postconventional reasoning, which entails autonomous decision making from moral principles that value respect for individual rights above all else. Research has confirmed that individuals proceed through the first four stages of moral reasoning in a slow, gradual, and predictable fashion, but few people advance beyond Stage 4 moral reasoning. Social interactions offer important opportunities for the development of moral reasoning. Reasoning advances when adolescents have opportunities to engage in issue-focused discussions that are characterized by mutual perspective taking and opportunities to discuss different points of view. Moral reasoning is only moderately related with behavior because real-life conflicts are complex, accompanied by intense emotions, social obligations, and practical considerations, which lead people to act in ways that contradict their judgments. The degree to which moral reasoning is associated with behavior often varies with how adolescents perceive the behavior as an issue regarding morality, social convention, or personal choice. Adolescents’ moral development influences behaviors they label as moral decisions but not those viewed as social conventions or personal issues. 11.9 Analyze criticisms of Kohlberg’s moral development theory.

Early research that studied both males and females suggested gender differences in moral reasoning, with males typically scoring higher. Carol Gilligan argued that Kohlberg’s theory neglected a female mode of moral reasoning, a care orientation that contrasts with the distinctively male justice orientation captured by Kohlberg. Research shows that male and female adolescents and adults display similar reasoning that combines concerns of justice and care concerns. Cross-cultural studies of Kohlberg’s theory show that the sequence appears in all cultures but that cultures differ in the degree to which they value the individual or the collective. 11.10 Describe the challenges that school transitions pose for adolescents and the role of parents in academic achievement.

Academic motivation, academic achievement, and, in girls, self-esteem, often suffer during school transitions, both the transition to middle school and to high school. With each transition, adolescents meet more stringent academic standards, yet they receive less support and encounter more opportunities to fall behind in their work.

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Poor stage-environment fit, the mismatch of adolescents’ changing developmental needs, and school resources and emphases contribute to the declines in academic performance, motivation, and overall functioning that occur during school transitions. Authoritative parenting, parent involvement in the school, and close parent-adolescent relationships are important buffers to academic motivation and performance from childhood through adolescence for young people at all levels of socioeconomic status.

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Key Terms

adolescent egocentrism 308 amygdala 303 care orientation 313 delayed phase preference 300 dual-process model 303 estrogen 295 formal operational reasoning 305 gonads 294 hypothalamus-pituitary-gonadal (HPG) axis 294 hypothetical–deductive reasoning 305 imaginary audience 308 justice orientation 313 limbic system 303 menarche 297 personal fable 308 postconventional moral reasoning 313 primary sex characteristics 297 puberty 292 secondary sex characteristics 296 secular trend 298 spermarche 297 testosterone 295

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Chapter 12 Socioemotional Development in Adolescence

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Learning Objectives 12.1. Identify ways in which self-conceptions and self-esteem change during adolescence. 12.2. Outline the process of identity development during adolescence, including influences and outcomes associated with identity status. 12.3. Explore changes in adolescents’ relationships with parents and the contribution of parenting style and monitoring to adolescent adjustment. 12.4. Compare and contrast the nature of friendship and dating during adolescence. 12.5. Differentiate the developmental progression of cliques and crowds. 12.6. Analyze how susceptibility to peer influence changes from early adolescence to late adolescence. 12.7. Compare the factors that contribute to sexual activity, contraceptive use, and the transmission of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) during adolescence. 12.8. Discuss risk factors for adolescent pregnancy and influences on the adjustment of adolescent mothers and their children. 12.9. Compare and contrast the risk factors for and treatments for adolescent problems such as depression and suicide, eating disorders, and substance use and abuse. 12.10. Characterize normative delinquent activities during adolescence as compared with serious lifelong criminal activity.

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Key Study Tools

Video Case Self-Concept in Adolescence Watch “I Am Who I Am”: Adolescent Responses Think Critically Male Adolescent Identity Crisis Watch Family Conflict and Puberty Think Critically Parenting Style and Delinquency Video Case Friendship Applying Developmental Science Popularity (p. 336) Lives in Context Cyberbullying (p. 338) Connect Adolescent Crowds Lives in Context Adolescent Dating Violence (p. 340) Connect Teens and Peer Pressure Watch Benefits of Teen Sex Watch Abstinence-Only Education Explore Further A Social Problem? Listen Reducing Teen Pregnancy Watch Adult vs. Teenage Depression Applying Developmental Science Self-Harm (p. 350) Watch Failed Approach to Juvenile Justice Explore Further Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders

“I’m a walking contradiction,” declares 15-year-old Casey. “I’m shy but also outgoing, kind but sometimes I want to be mean. I don’t know what I want to do with my life. I’d like to go away to college, but I don’t want to leave my friends. I think protecting the environment is important, and I want to make a difference in the world. But what does that mean for me? I guess I’m still figuring myself out,” Casey concludes. She has summed up much of the socioemotional task of adolescence: figuring yourself out. Specifically, adolescents construct a sense of self and identity, an understanding of who they are and who they hope to be. Adolescents’ attempts at self-definition and discovery are influenced by their relationships with parents and peers, relationships that become more complex during the adolescent years.

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Dennis Cox/Alamy

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Psychosocial Development: The Changing Self

Adolescents spend a great deal of time reflecting on themselves and engaging in introspective activities, such as writing in journals, composing poetry, and posting messages, photos, and videos about their lives on social media. Adults often view these activities as self-indulgent and egotistical, but they help adolescents work through an important developmental task: forming a sense of self. During adolescence, we undergo advances in self-concept and identity.

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Self-Concept

A major developmental task of adolescence is to construct a more complex, differentiated, and organized self-concept. As discussed in Chapter 9, older children can use broad characteristics to describe their personalities (e.g., funny, smart). With cognitive advances, young adolescents use more labels to describe themselves, and the labels they choose become more abstract and complex (e.g., witty, intelligent). Adolescents learn that they can describe themselves in multiple ways that often are contradictory, such as being both silly and serious, and that they show different aspects of themselves to different people (e.g., parents, teachers, friends; Harter, 2006b; Harter, 2012). Adolescents’ views of themselves influence their behavior. For example, adolescents’ views of their academic competencies in early adolescence predict their academic achievement in middle adolescence (Preckel, Niepel, Schneider, & Brunner, 2013).

In middle adolescence, young people recognize that their feelings, attitudes, and behaviors may change with the situation, and they begin to use qualifiers in their self-descriptions (e.g., “I’m sort of shy”). Adolescents’ awareness of the situational variability in their psychological and behavioral qualities is evident in statements such as, “I’m assertive in class, speaking out and debating my classmates, but I’m quieter with my friends. I don’t want to stir up problems.” Many young adolescents find these inconsistencies confusing and wonder who they really are, contributing to their challenge of forming a balanced and consistent sense of self. Adolescents identify a self that they aspire to be, the ideal self, which is characterized by traits that they value. Adjustment is influenced by the match between the actual self—the adolescents’ personal characteristics—and their aspirational, ideal self. Mismatches between ideal and actual selves are associated with depression symptoms, low self-esteem, and poor school grades (Ferguson, Hafen, & Laursen, 2010; Stevens, Lovejoy, & Pittman, 2014). Adolescents who show poor self-concept clarity, or poor stability or consistency in their self-descriptions, tend to experience higher rates of depressive and anxiety symptoms throughout adolescence (Van Dijk et al., 2014). As adolescents become increasingly concerned with how others view them, positive social characteristics such as being helpful, friendly, and kind become more important (Damon & Hart, 1988).

Self-concept is influenced by experiences in the home, school, and community. At home, the authoritative parenting style can provide support, acceptance, and give-and-take to promote the development of adolescent self-concept (Lee, Daniels, & Kissinger, 2006; Van Dijk et al., 2014). Interactions at school also influence how adolescents view themselves. African American middle school students’ experiences with racial discrimination at school are associated with poor academic self-concepts, but a strong connection to their ethnic group and a feeling of affinity with African American culture can buffer the negative impact of discrimination (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006). Participation in youth organizations, such

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as the Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs of America, has positive effects on the self-concept of young people reared in impoverished neighborhoods because such organizations foster competence, positive socialization, and connections with the community (Quane & Rankin, 2006). Adolescents’ evaluations of their self-conceptions are the basis for self- esteem (Harter, 2006b; Marsh, Trautwein, Lüdtke, Köller, & Baumert, 2006).

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Self-Esteem

As self-conceptions become more differentiated, so do self-evaluations. Global self-esteem, an overall evaluation of self-worth, tends to decline at about 11 years of age, reaching its lowest point at about 12 or 13, and then rises (Harter, 2006a; Orth & Robins, 2014). Declines in global self-esteem are likely due to the multiple transitions that young adolescents undergo, such as body changes and the emotions that accompany those changes, as well as adolescents’ self-comparisons to their peers. Although school transitions (as discussed in Chapter 11) are often associated with temporary declines in self-esteem, most adolescents view themselves more positively as they progress from early adolescence and through the high school years (Moneta, Schneider, & Csikszentmihalyi, 2001; Orth & Robins, 2014; Zeiders, Umaña-Taylor, & Derlan, 2013). For example, comparisons of adolescents in Grades 8, 10, and 12 reveal higher ratings of self-esteem with age for European American, African American, Asian American, and Latino youth (Bachman, O’Malley, Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2011).

Close friendships and peer acceptance are important influences on self-esteem.

Digital Light Source/Universal/Getty

Global evaluations of self-worth give way to more complex views. Adolescents evaluate themselves with respect to multiple dimensions and relationships, such as within the context of friendships, academics, and athletic abilities (Harter, 2012). Adolescents describe and evaluate their capacities in many areas and view their abilities more positively in some and more negatively in others.

Adolescents develop a positive sense of self-esteem when they evaluate themselves favorably in the areas that they view as important. For example, sports accomplishments are more closely associated with physical self-esteem in adolescent athletes, who tend to highly value physical athleticism, than nonathletes, who tend to place less importance on athleticism (Findlay & Bowker, 2009; Wagnsson, Lindwall, & Gustafsson, 2014). Similarly, adolescents with high academic self-esteem tend to spend more time and effort on schoolwork, view academics as more important, and demonstrate high academic

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achievement (Preckel et al., 2013; Valentine, DuBois, & Cooper, 2004). There is also spillover as exemplary performance and self-esteem in one area, such as athletics, often is associated with positive self-evaluations in other areas, such as social, physical, and appearance (Marsh, Trautwein, Lüdtke, Gerlach, & Brettschneider, 2007; Stein, Fisher, Berkey, & Colditz, 2007).

Whereas favorable self-evaluations are associated with positive adjustment and sociability in adolescents of all socioeconomic status and ethnic groups, low self-esteem is associated with adjustment difficulties and depression (Burwell & Shirk, 2006; McCarty, Vander Stoep, & McCauley, 2007). Low self-esteem is associated with depression during adolescence, and it also predicts depression in adulthood (Orth & Robins, 2014). For example, in one longitudinal study, researchers assessed self-esteem annually in over 1,500 12- to 16-year- old adolescents and found that both level and change in self-esteem predicted depression at ages 16 and 35 (Steiger, Allemand, Robins, & Fend, 2014). Those who entered adolescence with low self-esteem and whose self- esteem declined further during the adolescent years were more likely to show depression two decades later as adults; this pattern held for global and domain-specific self-esteem (physical appearance and academic competence).

High-quality relationships with parents, peers, and other adults (relationships characterized by many positive and few negative features) are associated with higher estimates of self- worth and better adjustment. Relationships with parents play an important role in influencing adolescents’ self-evaluations. For example, a study of Dutch, Moroccan, Turkish, and Surinamese adolescents living in the Netherlands, as well as adolescents from China, Australia, Germany, and the United States, confirmed that the overall quality of the parent–adolescent relationship predicted self-esteem (Harris et al., 2015; Wang & Sheikh- Khalil, 2014; Wissink, Dekovic, & Meijer, 2006). Parents who adopt a warm, encouraging, but firm style of parenting are more likely to raise adolescents who display high self-esteem (Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, & Keehn, 2007; Steinberg, 2001; Wouters, Doumen, Germeijs, Colpin, & Verschueren, 2013). Among Latino adolescents in the United States, high self-esteem is predicted by authoritative parenting coupled with biculturalism, adopting values and practices of two cultures, and familism, valuing the family over the individual and community (Bámaca, Umaña-Taylor, Shin, & Alfaro, 2005; Smokowski, Rose, & Bacallao, 2010; Telzer, Tsai, Gonzales, & Fuligni, 2015). In contrast, if parental feedback is critical, insulting, inconsistent, and not contingent on behavior, and parent– adolescent conflict is high, adolescents tend to develop poor self-esteem, are at risk to turn to peers for self-affirmation, and show adjustment difficulties (Milevsky et al., 2007; Wang et al., 2014).

Relationships with parents have a powerful impact on adolescents’ views of themselves; however, peers also matter. Adolescents who feel supported and well-liked by peers tend to show high self-esteem (Litwack, Aikins, & Cillessen, 2010). In addition, peer acceptance has protective effects on self-esteem and can buffer the negative effects of a distant relationship with parents (Birkeland, Breivik, & Wold, 2014). Unfortunately, however,

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adolescents with low self-esteem are more likely to report poor relationships with peers (Laursen & Mooney, 2008; Vanhalst, Luyckx, Scholte, Engels, & Goossens, 2013).

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Self-Concept in Adolescence

In this video, four young people ranging in age from late childhood to emerging adulthood describe their views of themselves.

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Identity

As adolescents’ self-concept and self-esteem become more descriptive, comprehensive, and organized, they begin to form an identity, a coherent sense of self. In devising an identity, young people integrate all that they know about themselves, their self-conceptions, along with their evaluations of themselves, to construct a self that is coherent and consistent over time (Erikson, 1950). Identity achievement represents the successful resolution of this process, establishing a coherent sense of self after exploring a range of possibilities. In establishing a sense of identity, individuals must consider their past and future and come to a sense of their values, beliefs, and goals with regard to vocation, politics, religion, and sexuality.

Identity Status

“Black again?” Rose sighs. “You wear too much black.” Her daughter, Stephanie, retorts, “How can anyone wear too much black?” Rose wonders where last year’s preppy girl went and hopes that Stephanie will lose interest in wearing goth attire. “Maybe next year she’ll try a new style and stop wearing so much black.” Stephanie’s changing styles of dress reflect her struggle with figuring out who she is, her identity. Researchers classify individuals’ progress in identity development into four categories known as identity status, the degree to which individuals have explored possible selves and whether they have committed to specific beliefs and goals (Marcia, 1966).

Identity status is most commonly assessed by administering interview and survey measures (Årseth, Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2009; Jones, Akers, & White, 1994; Schwartz, 2004). Young people typically shift among identity statuses over the adolescent years, but the specific pattern of identity development varies among adolescents (Meeus, 2011). Some adolescents remain in one identity status, such as identity moratorium—a state of exploration—for the bulk of adolescence, while others experience multiple transitions in identity status. The most common shifts in identity status are from identity diffusion (not having explored or committed to a sense of self) and identity foreclosure (prematurely choosing an identity) in early adolescence, to moratorium and achievement in middle and late adolescence (Al-Owidha, Green, & Kroger, 2009; Meeus, 1996; Yip, 2014). Table 12.1 depicts four identity statuses, or categories, describing a person’s identity development.

Identity statuses reflect different ways of viewing and responding to the world. Having not engaged in any exploration, individuals who are in the identity-foreclosed status tend to be inflexible and view the world in black-and-white, right-and-wrong terms. Pervasive uncertainty that feels like it will never be resolved is linked with identity diffusion (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000; Boyes & Chandler, 1992). Patterns of development vary across

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identity domains, such as vocation, political ideology, religious values, and sexual identity (Kroger, 2007a). For example, having chosen a career, an adolescent may demonstrate identity achievement with regard to vocation yet remain diffused with regard to political ideology, never having considered political affiliations. The overall proportion of young people in the moratorium status tends to increase during adolescence, peaking at about age 19 and declining thereafter (Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010). Identity diffusion and foreclosure become less common in late adolescence. The identity-achieved status in each domain requires that individuals construct a sense of self through exploring or trying out new ideas and belief systems, critical examination, and reflection as well as that they have formed a commitment to a particular set of ideas, values, and beliefs. Even in early adulthood, a great many young people have not reached identity achievement (Kroger, 2007b; Kroger et al., 2010; Meeus, 2011).

Influences on Identity Development

Just as authoritative parenting fosters the development of positive self-concept and self- esteem, it also is associated with identity achievement. When parents provide a sense of stability along with autonomy, adolescents tend to explore, much as toddlers do, by using their parents as a secure base (Årseth et al., 2009; Beyers & Goossens, 2008; Meeus & de Wied, 2007). Adolescents who feel connected to their parents, supported, and accepted by them but who also feel that they are free and encouraged to develop and voice their own views, are more likely to engage in the exploration necessary to advance to the moratorium and achieved status. As adolescents become individuated from parents, they begin to make identity commitments and move toward identity achievement (Meeus, Iedema, Maassen, & Engels, 2005). Adolescents who are not encouraged or permitted to explore, who are raised in authoritarian homes, are more likely to show the foreclosed status. A lack of parental support and encouragement to develop and express ideas predicts the failure to seek out and make commitments to possible selves characteristic of identity diffusion (Hall & Brassard, 2008; Reis & Youniss, 2004; Zimmermann & Becker-Stoll, 2002).

Attachment to peers is also associated with identity exploration (Harter, 2006b; Meeus,

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Oosterwegel, & Vollerbergh, 2002). Peers serve as a mirror in which adolescents view their emerging identities, an audience to which they relay their self-narratives (McLean, 2005). When adolescents feel close, supported, and respected by peers, they feel more comfortable exploring identity alternatives. As with parents, conflict with peers harms identity development as adolescents often feel less free to explore identity alternatives and lack a supportive peer group to offer input on identity alternatives, which holds negative implications for identity development, such as identity foreclosure or diffusion (Hall & Brassard, 2008).

Outcomes Associated With Identity Development

Identity development is an important influence on well-being. Specifically, identity achievement and identity moratorium are both associated with positive functioning, an adaptive, mature sense of self, prosocial behavior, and the capacity for romantic attachments among high school students (Berman, Weems, Rodriguez, & Zamora, 2006). Identity achievement is also associated with high self-esteem, feelings of control, high moral reasoning, and positive views of work and school (Adams & Marshall, 1996; Kroger, 2000). In contrast, the moratorium status is associated with anxiety (Lillevoll, Kroger, & Martinussen, 2013). Young people in the moratorium status often feel puzzled by the multiple choices before them and are driven to make decisions and solve problems by using an active information-gathering style characterized by seeking, evaluating, and reflecting on information to determine their views and make decisions (Luyckx et al., 2008). Some adolescents, however, become extremely overwhelmed and anxious, which may be paralyzing and prevent identity exploration (Crocetti, Klimstra, Keijsers, Hale, & Meeus, 2009).

As noted, foreclosed and diffused identity status become less common with age, especially after 19. Foreclosure and diffusion are associated with passivity and, in late adolescence, maladaptive long-term outcomes (Archer & Waterman, 1990; Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000). Young people who show identity foreclosure have adopted an identity, often prescribed by others, without evaluation. Young people classified as identity foreclosed choose an identity without considering its implications or evaluating other options. They tend to take a rigid and inflexible stance, avoid reflecting on their identity choice, and reject information that may contradict their position (Kroger, 2007b). Individuals who display the identity- foreclosed status are not open to new experiences or considering new ways of thinking. For example, a 14-year-old adolescent in a family of doctors who has not considered any careers and comes to the decision, after prodding by her parents and grandparents, that she wants to be a doctor may be in the identity-foreclosed status. Foreclosure is common in early adolescence.

The identity-diffused status is the least mature form of identity. While it is developmentally appropriate for early adolescents to have neither explored nor committed to a sense of

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identity, by late adolescence identity diffusion is uncommon and has been considered indicative of maladjustment (Kroger et al., 2010). Young people who show identity diffusion tend to use a cognitive style that is characterized by avoidance; rather than dealing with personal problems and making decisions, their choices are dictated by situational pressures, not reflection. Identity-diffused individuals tend to not make independent decisions; they call upon fate, follow others, or let issues decide themselves. Academic difficulties, organization and time management problems, general apathy, and alcohol and substance abuse are associated with identity diffusion. “Bryan’s again on academic probation, and it looks like he’ll be expelled from the dormitory after the resident assistant found drugs in his room. And he doesn’t seem to care. I just don’t get it,” exclaims Bryan’s academic advisor. Behavior problems both precede and accompany identity diffusion. Longitudinal research suggests that behavior problems in early adolescence predict identity diffusion in late adolescence (Crocetti, Klimstra, Hale, Koot, & Meeus, 2013).

Although the task of forming an identity is first encountered during adolescence, identity development is an important task among college-age youth and remains a lifelong process for all individuals (Côté, 2006; Kroger, 2007a). Changes within the person and his or her context, such as graduating from college, changing careers, getting married, and having children, provide opportunities to reflect upon, organize, and reorganize identity.

Ethnic Identity

An important aspect of identity, especially for ethnic minority adolescents, is ethnic identity, or a sense of membership to an ethnic group including the attitudes, values, and culture associated with that group (Phinney, 2000; Phinney & Ong, 2007). Like other components of a sense of self, ethnic identity develops and changes over time as individuals explore, gain experience, and make choices in various contexts. Adolescents explore their ethnic identity by learning about the cultural practices associated with their ethnicity by reading, attending cultural events, and talking to members of their culture (Quintana, 2007; Romero, Edwards, Fryberg, & Orduña, 2014; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007). After developing a sense of belonging, young people may become committed to an ethnic identity. A strong sense of ethnic identity helps young people to reject negative views of their culture that are based on stereotypes (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). For example, one study found that feelings of affirmation and belonging to ethnic heritage predicted positive psychological adjustment in Navajo youth (Jones & Galliher, 2007).

Ethnic minority adolescents often face challenges to the development of identity. With cognitive advances, adolescents can consider themselves and their worlds in more complicated ways—and become better at taking other people’s perspectives. Many ethnic minority adolescents also become sensitive to negative feedback, discrimination, and inequality from the majority group. Many adolescents find it difficult to develop a feeling of cultural belonging and personal goals, especially when the standards of the larger society

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are different from those of the culture of origin, such as the differing emphases of collectivism and individualism. Collectivist cultures stress commitment to family, although the emphasis on family obligations often lessens the longer the family has been living in an emigrant country that emphasizes individualism (Phinney, 2000). Sometimes adolescents are restricted from participating in the larger culture out of parental fear that assimilation will undermine cultural values. One study of Vietnamese adolescent living in an ethnic enclave in southern California found that most felt that their parents encouraged them to embrace their heritage, make friends, and engage in activities within the community rather than the larger school and neighborhood community (Vo-Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, & Valsiner, 2009). As one boy explained, “My parents expect me to speak Vietnamese consistently. Every now and then they just say that I forgot it and that I don’t know how to speak it anymore. . . . Of course, I understand it and my parents expect me to be in a Viet Club or something. But I mean c’mon, really c’mon” (Vo-Jutabha et al., 2009, pp. 683– 684). Another girl adds, “I think living in the Asian community kinda stops me from branching out. I live in this area and all of my friends are mostly Asian and I want to have other friends” (Vo-Jutabha et al., 2009, p. 680). Adolescents who perceive excessive parental pressure and restrictions might respond with rebellion and rejection of ethnic heritage.

Adolescents explore their ethnic identity by learning about cultural practices, such as cooking. A strong sense of ethnic identity predicts healthy adjustment.

Paul Chesley/natgeo/Corbis

Discrimination against particular ethnic groups can make it difficult for youth to form a positive sense of identity. Adolescents from a variety of racial and ethnic groups, both native born and immigrant, report experiences of discrimination which are associated with lower self-esteem, depression, lower social competence behavior problems, and distress (Mrick & Mrtorell, 2011; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007). For example, a study of Mexican American youth demonstrated that those who perceived and experienced more discrimination were less likely to explore their ethnicity, feel good about it, and incorporate a sense of ethnic identity (Romero & Roberts, 2003). Some ethnic minority adolescents perceive discrimination in the classroom, such as feeling like their

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teachers called on them less, graded them more harshly, or disciplined them more punitively. African American adolescents who face racial discrimination from teachers and peers at school show declines in grades, academic self-concept, mental health (anger, depression, self-esteem, and psychological resilience), school engagement, and ethnic identity (Dotterer, McHale, & Crouter, 2009; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Likewise, in a study of Navajo 9th- and 10th-grade adolescents, those who perceived discrimination showed poorer psychosocial adjustment and higher levels of substance use over a one-year period (Galliher, Jones, & Dahl, 2011). Adolescents often must manage confusing messages to embrace their heritage while confronting discrimination, making the path to exploring and achieving ethnic identity challenging and painful for many adolescents, leading many to remain diffused or foreclosed (Markstrom-Adams & Adams, 1995).

What fosters ethnic identity development? The exploration and commitment process key to identity achievement also underlies establishing a sense of ethnic identity (Yip, 2014). Parents can help adolescents withstand discrimination and contradictory messages and develop a positive ethnic identity by encouraging them to act prosocially and disprove stereotypes of low academic achievement or problem behavior (Phinney & Chavira, 1995; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor, Alfaro, Bámaca, & Guimond, 2009). Adolescents who learn about their culture, such as values, attitudes, language, and traditions, and regularly interact with parents and peers within their culture, are more likely to construct a favorable ethnic identity (Phinney, Romero, Nava, & Huang, 2001; Romero et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor, Bhanot, & Shin, 2006). For example, ethnic identity is positively associated with an adolescent’s proficiency in speaking his or her heritage language (Oh & Fuligni, 2010).

Similar to other aspects of development, perception matters. It is adolescents’ perception of their ethnic socialization—their view of the degree to which they adopt the customs and values of their culture—that predicts ethnic identity rather than simply their parents’ views (Hughes, Hagelskamp, Way, & Foust, 2009). Likewise, among African American adolescents, high levels of peer acceptance and popularity among African American peers and associated with a strong sense of ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Rock, Cole, Houshyar, Lythcott, & Prinstein, 2011). Adolescents’ perceptions of their ethnicity and ethnic groups are influenced by multiple layers of a dynamic ecological system, including families, schools, and peers, as well as the political social and economic climate (Way, Santos, Niwa, & Kim-Gervey, 2008).

Adolescents who have achieved a positive sense of ethnic identity tend to have higher self- esteem, optimism, and a more positive view of their ethnicity (Carlson, Uppal, & Prosser, 2000; Galliher et al., 2011). A strong positive sense of ethnic identity reduces the magnitude of the negative effects of racial discrimination on academic self-concept, academic achievement, and problem behaviors among African American adolescents, as well as acts as a buffer to stress, including discrimination stress (Kiang, Gonzales-Backen, Yip, Witkow, & Fuligni, 2006; Romero et al., 2014; Seaton, 2009). Adolescents with a

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strong sense of ethnic identity tend to show better adjustment and coping skills and fewer emotional and behavior problems than do those who do not or only weakly identify with ethnicity (Chavous et al., 2003; Kerpelman, Eryigit, & Stephens, 2008; Mrick & Mrtorell, 2011). Ethnic identity is an important contributor to well-being and is associated with school achievement in adolescents from diverse ethnicities, such as Mexican, Chinese, Latino, African American, and European backgrounds (Adelabu, 2008; Fuligni, Witkow, & Garcia, 2005).

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Thinking in Context 12.1 1. An important theme of development is that domains or types of development interact and influence each

other. How might this hold true for the development of a sense of self and identity? How might other areas of development influence how adolescents view themselves? For example, consider aspects of physical development, such as puberty, and cognitive development, such as reasoning.

2. Identify contextual influences on the development of a sense of self and identity. In what ways do interactions with contextual influences, such as parents, peers, school, community, and societal forces, shape adolescents’ emerging sense of self?

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Adolescents and Their Families

Adolescence marks a change in parent–child relationships. As they advance cognitively and develop a more complicated sense of self, adolescents strive for autonomy, the ability to make and carry out their own decisions, and they rely on parents less (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). Physically, adolescents appear more mature. They also can demonstrate better self-understanding and more rational decision making and problem solving, creating a foundation for parents to treat adolescents less like children and grant them more decision-making responsibility. The parenting challenge of adolescence is to offer opportunities for adolescents to develop and practice autonomy while providing protection from danger and the consequences of poor decisions. Parents may doubt their own importance to their adolescent children, but a large body of research shows that parents play a critical role in adolescent development alongside that of peers (Steinberg, 2001; Wang, Peterson, Morphey, & Aimin, 2007).

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Parent–Adolescent Conflict

Julio’s mother orders, “Clean your room.” “It’s my room. I can have it my way!” Julio snaps back. This exchange between Julio and his mother reflects the type of conflict that is common during adolescence. Conflict between parents and adolescents rises in early adolescence and peaks in middle adolescence (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Changing views of parents coupled with new capacities to reason and debate contribute to the rise in parent–child conflict in early adolescence. Adolescents begin to see their parents as people, fallible and subject to good and bad decisions, and adolescents thereby feel justified in arguing for their own autonomy (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986).

Conflict is a normal part of adolescent–parent relationships, but the majority of adolescents and parents continue to have warm, close, communicative relationships. Most adolescents report feeling close to, and loved by, their parents, and respecting their parents (Steinberg, 2001). Parent–adolescent conflict generally takes the form of bickering over mundane matters—small arguments over the details of life, such as household responsibilities, privileges and relationships, including curfew, cleaning a room, choices of media, or music volume (Smetana, 2002; Van Doorn, Branje, & Meeus, 2011). Conflicts over religious, political, or social issues occur less frequently, as do conflicts concerning other potentially sensitive topics (e.g., substance use, dating, sexual relationships; Renk, Liljequist, Simpson, & Phares, 2005; Riesch et al., 2000).

Over the course of a typical day, adolescents report three or four conflicts or disagreements with parents, but they also report one or two conflicts with friends (Adams & Laursen, 2007). Conflict tends to be higher in homes with early-maturing girls and tends to be focused on mothers more than fathers (Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, & Silva, 1993). Conflicts are common in early and middle adolescence and indicate adolescents’ desire for increased autonomy and independence from their parents (Renk et al., 2005). Conflicts tend to decline in late adolescence, as adolescents establish autonomy from parents. One study examined adolescents and their parents over a four-year period from ages 13 to 17 and found that both parents and adolescents used conflict resolution and other positive ways of interacting and solving conflicts over time

Although parent–adolescent conflict is a natural part of development, relationships that are very high in conflict and low in acceptance are harmful to adolescent development (Demo & Acock, 1996). Moreover, in most cases of severe conflict the parent–child relationship difficulties began in childhood. One longitudinal study of parent–child conflict found that mothers’ anger in conflict reactions with their 13-year-old sons predicted boys’ internalizing problems two years later (Hofer et al., 2013). Severe parent–adolescent conflict is associated with internalizing problems, such as depression, externalizing problems such as aggression and delinquency, social problems, such as social withdrawal

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and poor conflict resolution with peers, poor school achievement, and among girls, early sexual activity (Adams & Laursen, 2007; Castellani et al., 2014; Eichelsheim et al., 2010). Fortunately, intense conflict is not the norm. One study found that conflict-filled relationships and chronic escalating conflict occurred in less than 10% of families surveyed (Collins & Laursen, 2004). Healthy parent–adolescent relationships are characterized by warmth and emotional attachments with parents in which adolescents seek and receive guidance from parents and parents provide developmentally appropriate freedom and decision-making ability (Steinberg, 2001). Conflict exists in these relationships, but conflict is coupled with acceptance, respect, and autonomy support.

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Parenting Style and Monitoring

Parenting plays a large role in the development of autonomy during adolescence. As Romana explains, “My parents have rules. I hate some of those rules. But I know that my parents will always be there for me. If I needed to, I could tell them anything. They might be mad, but they’ll always help me.” Romana describes the most positive form of parenting, authoritative parenting. Recall from Chapter 8 that authoritative parenting is characterized by warmth, support, and limits. Across ethnic and socioeconomic groups, and in countries around the world, multiple studies have found that authoritative parenting fosters autonomy, self-reliance, self-esteem, a positive view of the value of work, and academic competence in adolescents (Mayseless, Scharf, & Sholt, 2003; McKinney & Renk, 2011; Uji, Sakamoto, Adachi, & Kitamura, 2013; Vazsonyi, Hibbert, & Blake Snider, 2003). Parental support and acceptance, as characterized by authoritative parenting, are associated with reduced levels of depression, psychological disorders, and behavior problems (Hair, Moore, Garrett, Ling, & Cleveland, 2008). Authoritative parents’ use of open discussion, joint decision-making, and firm but fair limit-setting helps adolescents feel valued, respected, and encouraged to think for themselves (Dornbusch, Ritter, Mont-Reynaud, & Chen, 1990; Spera, 2005). Parents in a given household often share a common parenting style, but when they do not, the presence of authoritative parenting in at least one parent buffers the negative outcomes associated with the other style and predicts positive adjustment (Hoeve, Dubas, Gerris, van der Laan, & Smeenk, 2011; McKinney & Renk, 2011; Simons & Conger, 2007).

In contrast, authoritarian parenting, which emphasizes control and punishment (e.g., “my way or the highway”) is much less successful in promoting healthy adjustment. The authoritarian parenting style, particularly the use of psychological control, inhibits the development of autonomy and has been found to be linked with low self-esteem, depression, low academic competence, and antisocial behavior in adolescence through early adulthood in young people from Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and the Americas (Ang, 2006; Barber, Stolz, & Olsen, 2005; Griffith & Grolnick, 2013; Lansford, Laird, Pettit, Bates, & Dodge, 2014; Uji et al., 2013). Similar to findings with young children, as discussed in Chapter 8, a permissive or lax parenting style has been found to interfere with the development of self-regulatory skills that are needed to develop academic and behavioral competence (Fletcher, Darling, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1995; Maccoby, 2000). In other words, adolescents reared in permissive homes are more likely to show immaturity, have difficulty with self-control, and are more likely to conform to peers (Hoeve et al., 2011; Milevsky et al., 2007).

Parenting is also influenced by culture. Although many studies have shown that authoritarian parenting is associated with negative outcomes in teens reared in Western cultures, studies with adolescents reared in non-Western and collectivist cultures have

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shown few negative outcomes of authoritarian parenting (Dwairy & Menshar, 2006; Peterson & Bush, 2013). Non-Western cultures tend to be more collectivist, placing less emphasis on autonomy and identity and more on dependence and connection to family— characteristics that are consistent with authoritarian parenting. For example, research with Chinese, Turkish, and Arab adolescents reared in collectivist cultures has found that authoritarian parenting does not predict negative outcomes, likely because authoritarian parenting is well matched to collectivist cultures’ valuing of interconnections over independence (Dwairy & Menshar, 2006). Research with Indonesian adolescents revealed that, as expected, authoritative parenting was associated with the most positive outcomes, but authoritarian parenting was not associated with either negative or positive outcomes (Abubakar, Van de Vijver, Suryani, Handayani, & Pandia, 2014). Indeed, some argue that it is inconsistency between the authoritarian parenting style and the culture that produces negative outcomes in Western cultures (Dwairy & Menshar, 2006).

Parent–child relationships develop within the context of routine family activities (Hair et al., 2008). The presence of family rituals promotes adolescents’ sense of identity, self- esteem, and family cohesion as well as helps family members weather difficult times (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Parents who encourage more regular family activities and know more about their children’s friends and teachers tend to have children who are less prone to substance use through middle adolescence (Coley, Votruba-Drzal, & Schindler, 2008).

Parental monitoring, in which parents aware of their teens’ whereabouts and companions, is associated with academic achievement, overall well-being, and reduced sexual activity; it has also been found to deter delinquent activity and substance use in youth of all ethnicities (Huang, Murphy, & Hser, 2011; Kiesner, Poulin, & Dishion, 2010; Racz & McMahon, 2011; Wang et al., 2014). Effective parental monitoring is accompanied by warmth and is balanced with respecting autonomy and privacy (Stattin & Kerr, 2000). On the other hand, when adolescents feel that their parents are intrusive, they are more likely to conceal their activities concurrently and over time (Rote & Smetana, 2015). Adolescents’ views of the warmth and control provided by their parents is linked with their psychological adjustment, including conduct, emotional symptoms, and peer relations (Maynard & Harding, 2010). What is considered to be effective parental monitoring changes as adolescents grow older. From middle to late adolescence, parental knowledge declines as adolescents establish a private sphere and disclose less as parents exert less control (Masche, 2010; Wang, Dishion, Stormshak, & Willett, 2011).

Overall, parenting entails a delicate balance of warmth and support, monitoring, and limit- setting and enforcement—no easy task indeed.

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Thinking in Context 12.2 1. In what ways might physical and cognitive development influence adolescents’ interactions with their

parents and, especially, parent–adolescent conflict? 2. Compare and contrast popular views of how parents should interact with their adolescent children with

the research on parenting style and parental monitoring.

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Adolescents and their Peers

The most easily recognizable influence on adolescents—and that which gets the most attention from adults and the media—is the peer group. Beginning in early adolescence, the amount of time young people spend with parents declines as time spent with friends— often unsupervised—increases (Larson, 2001). Each week, adolescents spend up to one third of their waking, nonschool hours with friends (Hartup & Stevens, 1997).

After spending the school day with same-age peers, adolescents also spend most of their time out of school with friends. When relations with family are poor, adolescents often turn to friends for emotional support. Close relationships with friends can ease some of the negative effects of poor relationships with parents (Way & Greene, 2006).

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Friendships

The typical adolescent has four to six close friends (Hartup & Stevens, 1999). The quality of friendships tends to improve with age (Poulin & Chan, 2010). With advances in cognition, adolescents view their social world in more sophisticated ways and develop more complex understandings of friendship (Buhrmester, 1996). Adolescent friendships are characterized by intimacy, self-disclosure, and trust (Bauminger, Finzi-Dottan, Chason, & Har-Even, 2008). Adolescents also expect loyalty from their friends. They expect their friends to be there for them, stand up for them, and not share their secrets or harm them. Adolescent friendships tend to include cooperation, sharing, and affirmation, which reflect their emerging capacities for perspective taking, social sensitivity, empathy, and social skills. Intimacy also increases over the course of adolescence as teens become better able to find mutually supportive and validating friendships and as they explore and achieve their own identities (Way et al., 2008).

Although both boys’ and girls’ friendships become more complex, girls’ friendships tend to include a greater level of emotional closeness than do boys’ (Markovits, Benenson, & Dolenszky, 2001). Boys get together for activities, usually sports and competitive games, and tend to be more social and vocal in groups as compared with one-on-one situations. In contrast, most girls tend to prefer one-on-one interactions over group situations and often spend their time together talking, sharing thoughts and feelings, and supporting each other (Benenson & Heath, 2006). The challenge for many adolescents is that close friendships entail a great deal of sharing, which, in the presence of conflict, can fuel relational aggression. Relational aggression, such as when a friend tells another’s secrets or teases about sensitive topics, is especially common among girls and associated with more extreme negative moods in girls and increases in aggression in both girls and boys (Low, Polanin, & Espelage, 2013; Monahan & Booth-LaForce, 2015; Rusby, Westling, Crowley, & Light, 2013). However, relational aggression between best friends, such as aggressive discussions, is not always associated with maladaptive outcomes. In one longitudinal study, relational aggression among some best friend dyads was associated with higher ratings of perceived friendship quality six months later (Banny, Heilbron, Ames, & Prinstein, 2011). Adolescent friendships are complex. The intimacy that makes close friendships possible can also make adolescents feel more comfortable asserting themselves in aggressive ways.

Among early adolescents it is estimated that one third to one half of friendships are unstable, with young people regularly losing friends and making new friendships (Poulin & Chan, 2010). Early adolescent friendship instability is influenced by the many biological, cognitive, and social transitions that young people make, as well as by school transitions, which are associated with social and emotional changes, as was discussed in Chapter 11. After early adolescence, young people may retain up to 75% of their friendships over a school year (Poulin & Chan, 2010). Overall, girls’ friendships tend to be shorter in

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duration but characterized by more closeness than are boys’ (Benenson & Christakos, 2003). High-quality friendships characterized by sharing, intimacy, and open communication tend to endure over time (Hiatt, Laursen, Mooney, & Rubin, 2015). Other-sex friendships become more common in adolescence than they were in middle childhood, increasing gradually in early adolescence and continuing through high school (Poulin & Pedersen, 2007).

Adolescents benefit from friendships with peers of different ethnicities. Cross-ethnic friendships are associated self-esteem, well-being, and less victimization. Why are friendships with diverse peers so beneficial?

David Grossman/Alamy

Similarity characterizes adolescent friendships. Friends tend to be similar in demographics, such as age, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status; they also tend to share psychological and developmental characteristics (Berndt & Murphy, 2002). Close friends tend to be similar in orientation toward risky activity, such as willingness to try drugs and engage in dangerous behaviors such as unprotected sex (Henry, Schoeny, Deptula, & Slavick, 2007; Osgood et al., 2013; Scalco, Trucco, Coffman, & Colder, 2015). For example, best friends are highly similar with one another in the onset and level of delinquent activity (Selfhout, Branje, & Meeus, 2008) and relational aggression (Dijkstra, Berger, & Lindenberg, 2011). Best friends also show similar rates of depression (Giletta et al., 2011) and body dissatisfaction (Rayner, Schniering, Rapee, Taylor, & Hutchinson, 2013). Adolescent friends tend to share interests, such as tastes in music; they are also similar in academic achievement, educational aspirations, and political beliefs; and they show similar trends in psychosocial development, such as identity status (Selfhout, Branje, ter Bogt, & Meeus, 2009; Shin & Ryan, 2014). Friends tend to select friends who are similar to themselves, but over time and through interaction, friends tend to become more similar to each other (Berndt & Murphy, 2002; Nurmi, 2004; Scalco et al., 2015).

Sometimes, however, middle and older adolescents choose friends who have different attitudes and values, which encourages them to consider new perspectives. Cross-ethnic friendships, for example, are less common than same-ethnic friendships, but are associated with unique benefits. Adolescent members of cross-ethnic friendships show decreases in racial prejudice over time (Titzmann, Brenick, & Silbereisen, 2015). Ethnic minority adolescents with cross-ethnic friends perceive less discrimination, vulnerability, and

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relational victimization and show higher rates of self esteem and well-being over time (Bagci, Rutland, Kumashiro, Smith, & Blumberg, 2014; Graham, Munniksma, & Juvonen, 2014; Kawabata & Crick, 2011)

Close and stable friendships aid adolescent adjustment (Bukowski, 2001; Kingery, Erdley, & Marshall, 2011). Close friendships help adolescents explore and learn about themselves. By communicating with others and forming mutually self-disclosing supportive relationships, adolescents develop perspective taking, empathy, self-concept, and a sense of identity. Friends who are supportive and empathetic encourage prosocial behavior, promote psychological health, reduce the risk of delinquency, and help adolescents manage stress, such as the challenges of school transitions (Hiatt et al., 2015; Waldrip, Malcolm, & Jensen-Campbell, 2008; Wentzel, 2014).

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Friendship

Perspectives on friendship change dramatically over the transition to adolescence. Several young people describe their friendships and what they look for in a friend. Note the age differences.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Cliques and Crowds

Each day after school, Paul, Manny, and Jose go with Pete to Pete’s house where they apply what they learn in their automotive class to work on each other’s cars and, together, restore a classic car. During adolescence, one-on-one friendships tend to expand into tightly knit peer groups of anywhere from three to about eight but most commonly around five members who are close friends. These close-knit friendship-based groups are known as cliques. Paul, Manny, Jose, and Pete have formed a clique. Like most close friends, members of cliques tend to share similarities such as demographics and attitudes (Lansford et al., 2009). The norms of expected behavior and values that govern cliques derive from interactions among the group members. For example, a norm of spending time exercising together and snacking afterward as well as valuing health and avoiding smoking, alcohol, and drugs may emerge in a clique whose members are athletes. Belonging to a peer group provides adolescents with a sense of inclusion, worth, support, and companionship (Lansford et al., 2009).

Both boys and girls form cliques (Gest, Davidson, Rulison, Moody, & Welsh, 2007). In early adolescence, cliques tend to be sex segregated, with some composed of boys and others composed of girls. Girls’ groups tend to be smaller than boys’ groups, but both are similarly tight knit (Gest et al., 2007). By mid-adolescence, cliques become mixed and form the basis for dating. A mixed-sex group of friends provides opportunities for adolescents to learn how to interact with others of the opposite sex in a safe, nonromantic context (Connolly, Craig, Goldberg, & Pepler, 2004). By late adolescence, especially with high school graduation, mixed-sex cliques tend to split up as adolescents enter college, the workforce, and other post–high school activities (Connolly & Craig, 1999).

In contrast with cliques, which are based on intimate friendships, crowds are larger and looser groups based on shared characteristics, interests, and reputation. Rather than voluntarily “joining,” adolescents are sorted into crowds by their peers. Common categories of peer groups found in Western nations include populars/elites (who are high in social status), athletes/jocks (who are athletically oriented), academics/brains (who are academically oriented), and partiers (who are highly social and care little about academics); other types of crowds include nonconformists (who like unconventional dress and music), deviants (who are defiant and engage in delinquent activity), and normals (who are not clearly distinct on any particular trait; Delsing, ter Bogt, Engels, & Meeus, 2007; Kinney, 1999; Stone & Brown, 1999; Sussman, Pokhrel, Ashmore, & Brown, 2007; Verkooijen, de Vries, & Nielsen, 2007).

Crowd membership is based on an adolescent’s image or reputation among peers (Brown, Bank, & Steinberg, 2008; Cross & Fletcher, 2009). Members of a crowd may or may not interact with one another; however, because of similarities in appearance, activities, and

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perceived attitudes, they are perceived by their peers as members of the same group (Verkooijen et al., 2007). Crowds and group affiliations are crucial components of identity development because they demarcate values and lifestyles that can form the core of an individual’s identity. Crowds differentiate young people on behaviors such as alcohol substance, sexual activity, academic achievement, psychiatric symptoms, and health risks. Crowds also differ on social characteristics such as social acceptance or popularity among peers, exposure to peer pressure, and the qualities or features of friendships (Brown et al., 2008; Cross & Fletcher, 2009). Crowd membership often predicts later adolescent behavior. Across a broad range of research studies, for example, adolescents within the peer classification category of deviants tend to report greater participation in drug use and other problem behaviors, longitudinally, whereas members of the academic and athlete crowds exhibit the least participation in these problem behaviors (Sussman et al., 2007). In middle adolescence, as cognitive and classification capacities increase, adolescents begin to classify their peers in more complex ways and hybrid crowds emerge, such as popular-jocks and partier-jocks. In late adolescence, and with high school graduation, crowds decline.

Some adolescents may use a particular crowd as a reference group and model their behavior and appearance accordingly, but adolescents do not always accurately perceive their own crowd status (Verkooijen et al., 2007). In one study, about one half of students placed themselves in a crowd different than that assigned by peers—generally most tended to label themselves as normals or as not having a crowd. Only about 20% of adolescents classified in the low-status crowds, such as brains, agreed with their peers on their crowd status (Brown et al., 2008). Adolescents who did not perceive themselves as part of a low-status crowd showed higher self-esteem than did adolescents who agreed with their crowd placement.

Similar to cliques, crowds tend to be apparent in high school settings. The importance of crowd affiliation declines with age, after leaving high school, and especially as young people adopt stable identities (Delsing et al., 2007). For more on affiliation and popularity, see Applying Developmental Science (p. 336).

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Applying Developmental Science

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Popularity Popular children, those who receive many peer nominations of likability and therefore experience high levels of peer acceptance, have a variety of positive characteristics, such as cooperativeness and social competence. In adolescence, popularity becomes more complicated and can be defined in more than one way. In addition to peer acceptance, in adolescence, perceived popularity becomes important. Perceived popularity refers to peer ratings of an adolescent’s social status—that is, social dominance, influence, and prestige in the peer group (Parkhurst & Hopmeyer, 1998). Whereas adolescents who score high in peer acceptance are prosocial and low in aggression, perceived popular teens demonstrate both positive and negative qualities. Perceived popular adolescents are often viewed as powerful, arrogant, exclusionary, elitist, manipulative, controlling, and aggressive. They show behaviors of social dominance and prestige and are judged by their peers as more attractive than other peers. They are trendsetters, show high self-esteem, dress well, know how to use their social skills, and are socially visible (De Bruyn & Van den Boom, 2005). Perceived popular adolescents tend to engage in highly visible and prestigious activities like athletics and cheerleading (de Bruyn & Cillessen, 2006, 2008). Perceived popular adolescents can be some of the most aggressive members of the peer group—engaging in overt and relational bullying and aggression—and these aggressive acts actually positively predict perceived popularity (Robertson et al., 2010; Rose & Swenson, 2009). Perceived popularity is linked with risk behaviors in high school including alcohol use and sexual activity (Choukas-Bradley, Giletta, Neblett, & Prinstein, 2015; Mathys, Burk, & Cillessen, 2013).

Perceived popularity overlaps with peer nominations of likability in elementary school, but the two become less related over time, especially among girls. Relational aggression is positively related to perceived popularity but negatively related with peer nominations of likability (Cillessen & Borch, 2006; De Bruyn, Cillessen, & Wissink, 2009). For example, girls’ perceived popularity in Grade 10 predicted lower ratings of peer likability at Grade 12, as peers saw them as mean and aggressive—yet the perceived popular girls continued to engage in more aggression (Mayeux & Cillessen, 2008). It seems that for perceived popular teens, relational aggression has few repercussions (Rose & Swenson, 2009).

Teens’ perceptions of their own social status predict long-term functioning so that even teens who are not broadly popular may demonstrate positive adjustment over time if they maintain a positive internal sense of their social acceptance (McElhaney, Antonishak, & Allen, 2008). Perceptions of popularity and peer acceptance are at least as critical in determining future social outcomes as is actually being liked by other teens. For example, 13- and 14-year-olds who saw themselves as socially accepted showed positive adjustment regardless of their level of popularity, and even unpopular teens became less hostile and more desirable companions when they believed that they were accepted by peers (McElhaney et al., 2008). Adolescents who feel successful will seek out social experiences and those who think they have difficulty with peers are likely to withdraw.

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What Do You Think? 1. Can you identify popular peers from middle school and high school? Describe them. What are

their characteristics? 2. Can you distinguish between popular students and perceived popular students? 3. How do your experiences compare with these research findings?

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Peer Conformity

“Look at these shoes. They’re red. Cool, huh?” asks Jamaica’s mother. “No—I want the black ones,” Jamaica replies. “But honey, these are so different from what everyone else has, you’ll really stand out.” Jamaica shakes her head. “I don’t want to stand out. The shoes need to be black. That’s what everyone wears.” Jamaica’s insistence on wearing the black shoes that all of her friends own illustrates her desire to conform to peer norms about dressing. The pressure to conform to peers rises in early adolescence, peaks at about age 14 and declines through age 18 and after (see Figure 12.1; Berndt & Murphy, 2002; Steinberg & Monahan, 2007).

Most adults view peer pressure as a negative influence on adolescents, as pressure to behave in socially undesirable and even harmful ways. In fact, though, American youths tend to feel the greatest pressure from peers to conform to day-to-day activities and personal choices such as appearance (clothing, hairstyle, makeup) and music (Brown, Lohr, & McClenahan, 1986; Steinberg, 2001). In laboratory experiments, adolescents were more likely to show prosocial behavior after believing that anonymous peers approve of their prosocial actions, such as sharing coins with others (van Hoorn, van Dijk, Meuwese, Rieffe, & Crone, 2014). Youths also report pressure from their friends to engage in prosocial and positive behaviors such as getting good grades, performing well athletically, getting along with parents, and avoiding smoking (Berndt & Murphy, 2002; Brown et al., 1986; Brown et al., 2008; Wentzel, 2014). For example, research with youths from Singapore demonstrates that peers exerted more pressure on one another to conform to family and academic responsibilities, values that are particularly prized in Singapore culture (Sim & Koh, 2003).

Nevertheless, peers do pressure one another to engage in risky activities and adopt an antisocial stance. Peer smoking predicts the initiation and escalation of smoking in adolescents (Bricker et al., 2006; Hoffman, Monge, Chou, & Valente, 2007). Similarly, adolescents’ reports of unsafe sex are associated with their peers’ sexual behavior (Choukas- Bradley, Giletta, Widman, Cohen, & Prinstein, 2014; Henry et al., 2007; van de Bongardt, Reitz, Sandfort, & Deković, 2014). Adolescents often show more deviant behavior as a group than as individuals, as teens may socialize and encourage one another to engage in activities that they would not consider alone, such as vandalizing property (Dishion, Andrews, & Crosby, 1995). It is not simply peer behavior that influences adolescent behavior, but it is adolescents’ perceptions of peer behavior, beliefs about peers’ activity, that predict engaging in risky activities such as smoking, alcohol use, and marijuana use (Choukas-Bradley et al., 2014; Duan, Chou, Andreeva, & Pentz, 2009).

Figure 12.1: Age Differences in Resistance to Peer Influence

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Source: Obtained with permission from Steinberg and Monahan (2007, p. 1536).

Young people vary in how they perceive and respond to peer pressure based on a variety of factors such as age, personal characteristics, and context. Adolescents are more vulnerable to the negative effects of peer pressure during transitions, such as entering a new school and undergoing puberty, which are common in early adolescence (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011; Bukowski, Sippola, Hoza, & Newcomb, 2000). A particular type of negative peer pressure, cyberbullying, is discussed in Lives in Context (p. 338).

As in other areas of adolescent development, the authoritative style of parenting, which provides support while setting limits, has been found to have positive outcomes. Adolescents with authoritative parents tend to respect them, adhere to rules, and seek advice from them, reducing teens’ reliance on peers for advice (Sim, 2000). Adolescents tend to turn to peers when confronted with decisions about short-term choices such as lifestyle preferences, including hairstyles, clothing, musical tastes, and social activities (Wang et al., 2007). Parents, however, remain important influences on adolescents. Adolescents tend to turn to parents when making decisions with long-term future consequences, such as those regarding education and religion (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011). Furthermore, parents tend to have more influence than peers on adolescents’ long- term plans, values, and educational aspirations (Berndt & Murphy, 2002; Brown et al., 1986). Although peers’ increase in importance and conformity to peers is strong in adolescence, most adolescents report feeling close to, loved by, and respected by their parents (Steinberg, 2001).

Adolescents’ beliefs about their peers’ risky behavior predict their own behavior.

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Burger/Phanie/Science Source

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Dating

“Daryl and I are seeing each other,” proclaimed 13-year-old Sharese. “Hmm. You only go out with groups of friends and are way too young to date,” her mother thought to herself, but instead sighed, gave a quizzical look, and then asked, “Who’s Daryl?” Establishing romantic relationships, dating, is part of the adolescent experience. Most young people have been involved in at least one romantic relationship by middle adolescence and by age 18 over 80% of young people have some dating experience (Carver, Joyner, & Udry, 2003). By late adolescence, the majority of adolescents are in an ongoing romantic relationship with one person (Collins & Steinberg, 2006; O’Sullivan, Cheng, Harris, & Brooks-Gunn, 2007).

Dating typically begins through the intermingling of mixed-sex peer groups, similar to that described by Sharese’s mother, progresses to group dating, and then one-on-one dating and romantic relationships (Connolly et al., 2004; Connolly, Nguyen, Pepler, Craig, & Jiang, 2013; Furman, 2002). Adolescents with larger social networks and greater access to opposite-sex peers date more (Connolly & Furman, 2000). However, some research suggests that adolescents date outside of their friendship networks and that preexisting friendships are less likely to transform into romantic relationships (Kreager, Molloy, Moody, & Feinberg, 2015). Early relationships, from ages 12 to 14, tend to be brief, but by age 16 the average relationship continues for nearly two years (Carver et al., 2003).

Dating varies by culture. Youths in Western societies date earlier than those in Asian cultures. Similarly, Asian American adolescents begin dating later than African American, European American, and Latino adolescents in the United States (Regan, Durvasula, Howell, Ureño, & Rea, 2004).

Early adolescents date for fun and for popularity with peers. Often the purpose of dating is simply to have a relationship (Furman, 2002). As teens grow older, the reasons reported for dating change. In late adolescence, dating fulfills needs for intimacy, support, and affection in both boys and girls (Furman, 2002; Giordano, Longmore, & Manning, 2006). However, adolescents’ capacity for romantic intimacy develops slowly and is influenced by the quality of their experiences with intimacy in friendships and their attachments to parents (Connolly & Furman, 2000; Furman, 2002; Scharf & Mayseless, 2008). Adolescents interact with their romantic partners in ways that are similar to their interactions with parents and peers (Collins, Welsh, & Furman, 2009; Furman & Shomaker, 2008). Through close friendships, adolescents learn to share of themselves, be sensitive to others’ needs, and develop the capacity for intimacy. Adolescents also learn about relationships by observing their parents. For example, they may employ ineffective interactional strategies that they have observed, such as withdrawal, verbal aggression, negativity, and poor problem solving (Darling, Cohan, Burns, & Thompson, 2008).

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In middle and late adolescence, dating is associated with positive self-concept, expectations for success in relationships, fewer feelings of alienation, and good health (Ciairano, Bonino, Kliewer, Miceli, & Jackson, 2006). Close romantic relationships provide opportunities to develop and practice sensitivity, cooperation, empathy, and social support as well as aid in identity development (Ciairano et al., 2006; Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Adolescents’ behaviors, such as academic achievement, tend to be very similar to that of their romantic partners (Giordano, Phelps, Manning, & Longmore, 2008). Early dating, relative to peers, is associated with increases in alcohol and substance use, smoking delinquency, and low academic competence over the adolescent years as well as long-term depression, especially in early maturing girls (Connolly et al., 2013; Fidler, West, Jarvis, & Wardle, 2006; Furman & Collibee, 2014; Martin et al., 2007). Overall, romantic experiences in adolescence are continuous with romantic experiences in adulthood, suggesting that the construction of romantic relationships is an important developmental task for adolescents (Collins et al., 2009). Adolescents who date fewer partners and experience better quality dating relationships in middle adolescence tend to demonstrate smoother partner interactions and relationship processes in young adulthood (e.g., negotiating conflict, appropriate caregiving; Madsen & Collins, 2011).

Dating violence, the actual or threatened physical or sexual violence or psychological abuse directed toward a current or former boyfriend girlfriend or dating partner, is surprisingly prevalent during adolescence. Like adult domestic violence, adolescent dating violence occurs in youth of all socioeconomic, ethnic, and religious groups (Herrman, 2009). This behavior is discussed in Lives in Context (p. 340).

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Lives in Context

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Cyberbullying

Because adolescents can access the Internet at any time, there are few respites from cyberbullying.

AP/Oliver Berg

Over the past decade, technology such as text messaging and the Internet has spawned a new form of bullying. Adolescents who engage in cyberbullying carry out aggressive acts against a victim by using electronic means such as text messaging, posting in chat rooms and discussion boards, and creating websites and blogs (Smith et al., 2008). Similar to traditional forms of bullying, the aggressive acts are intended to hurt the victim, are perceived as hurtful by the victim, and are conducted repeatedly against a victim who cannot easily defend himself or herself.

Several features of cyberbullying distinguish it from regular bullying. One is the difficulty of escape. Unlike school bullying, which generally ends at the end of the school day, cyberbullying is carried on 24/7. Cyberbullying can reach a reach large audience, increasing the potential for humiliation. In addition, cyberbullying is invisible. It does not occur face-to-face, making it difficult for victims to identify their attackers and easy for bullies to lack empathy for victims (Slonje & Smith, 2008). However, there is a large overlap between traditional and electronic bullying, with 85% of victims of cyberbullying also experiencing bullying at school and over 90% of cyberbullies engaging in bullying at school (Raskauskas & Stoltz, 2007). About two thirds of cyberbullying victims reported knowing their perpetrators, and most know the bully from school (Juvonen & Gross, 2008).

As Internet use has become a part of adolescents’ everyday life, cyberbullying has become increasingly prevalent. Ninety-five percent of adolescents are online (Pew Research Center, 2015). Up to one quarter of adolescents engage in cyberbullying (Raskauskas & Stoltz, 2007; Slonje & Smith, 2008). Researchers estimate that between 5% and 20% of adolescents in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia experience cyberbullying during a school year (Jones, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2013; Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, & Ólafsson, 2011; Livingstone & Smith, 2014). For most adolescents, a cyberbullying episode lasts a couple of weeks, but about one third report cyberbullying that lasts over a month and in some cases a year or more (Smith et al., 2008).

Youngsters mostly react to cyberbullying by ignoring it; pretending to ignore it; and, often, bullying the bully (Dehue, Bolman, & Völlink, 2008). The majority of adolescents who experience cyberbullying do not tell adults, and only about one third report telling friends (Juvonen & Gross, 2008; Slonje & Smith, 2008). Cyberbullying has similar effects as traditional bullying, including distress, anxiety, depression, poor self- esteem, social withdrawal, and poor academic achievement (Juvonen & Graham, 2014; Mason, 2008; Wade & Beran, 2011). However, cyberbullying poses a unique threat to psychological health because it can occur 24 hours a day, not just at school. Because of this many adolescents feel hopeless and pessimistic about stopping cyberbullying, placing them at risk for suicide (Bauman, Toomey, & Walker, 2013). Cyberbullying has been linked with many cases of suicide, such as 13 year-old Megan Meier, who committed suicide after months of harassment on the social network Myspace.

School policies on bullying should include statements regarding cyberbullying. Anti-bullying strategies are

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also effective in reducing cyberbullying. Class-wide lessons in assertiveness, Internet safety, social skills, and strategies for standing up to bullies and cyberbullies as well as encouraging students to support each other, aids in improving class climate and reducing all forms of bullying (Mason, 2008). Education directed at parents and school personnel can increase their awareness of cyberbullying and help them learn how to assist adolescents who are victimized. Parental monitoring and restriction of Internet use serves as a protective factor against online harassment (Khurana, Bleakley, Jordan, & Romer, 2014). Monitoring can be challenging, however, given that about three quarters of adolescents access the Internet at least occasionally through a mobile device such as a cell phone or tablet, and 25% access the Internet nearly exclusively by cell phone, modes that may be challenging for parents to monitor (Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi, & Gasser, 2013).

Cyberbullying often is hidden. By illuminating it, schools and parents can intervene effectively to reduce it and create a safe and supportive school climate.

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What Do You Think? 1. What role do parents and schools have in cyberbullying? 2. From your perspective, how can they effect change?

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Thinking in Context 12.3 1. Researchers who study peer relationships in adolescence might argue that cliques get a bad rap because

common lay views portray cliques as negative and harmful to adolescents. Compare the research on cliques with common views about cliques.

2. How might relationships with peers such as friends or dates vary by context? Consider an adolescent from an inner city neighborhood and another from an affluent suburban community. In what ways might their peer interactions and relationships be similar? Different? How might contextual factors influence adolescents’ peer relationships?

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Adolescent Sexuality

An important dimension of socioemotional development during adolescence is sexual development, a task that entails integrating physical, cognitive, and social domains of functioning. Sexuality encompasses feelings about oneself, appraisals of the self, attitudes, and behaviors (McClelland & Tolman, 2014). With the hormonal changes of puberty, both boys and girls experience an increase in sex drive and sexual interest (Fortenberry, 2013). Social context influences how biological urges are channeled into behavior and adolescents’ conceptions of sexuality.

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Sexual Activity

Although researchers believe that sexual behaviors tend to progress from hand-holding to kissing, to touching through clothes and under clothes, to oral sex and intercourse, research on adolescent sexuality tends to focus on intercourse, leaving gaps in our knowledge about the range of sexual activity milestones young people experience (Diamond & Savin- Williams, 2009). Adolescents are about as likely to engage in oral sex as vaginal intercourse (Casey Copen, Chandra, & Martinez, 2012). The majority of one sample of over 12,000 adolescents initiated oral sex after experiencing first vaginal intercourse, with about one half initiating oral sex a year or more after the onset of vaginal sex (Haydon, Herring, Prinstein, & Halpern, 2012). Interestingly, oral sex did not appear to precede vaginal intercourse, suggesting that adolescents are not engaging in oral sex as a substitute for vaginal intercourse, contrary to popular beliefs. Overall, males and females are about as likely to indicate that they have received oral sex (47% and 42%, of 15- to 19-year-old males and females, respectively; Child Trends Data Bank, 2013).

Many adults are surprised to learn that the overall rate of sexual intercourse among U.S. high school students has declined from 54% in 1991 to 47% in 2013 (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014). Overall, rates of sexual activity are similar internationally, with similar declines in recent years (Guttmacher Institute, 2014). About 30% of 16-year-olds have had sexual intercourse, and most young people have sexual intercourse for the first time at about age 17 (Finer & Philbin, 2013; Guttmacher Institute, 2014). Figure 12.2 depicts rates of sexual activity by age. About 34% of high school students reported being sexually active within the last three months and, as shown in Figure 12.3, African American high school students are more likely to have had intercourse (60%) compared to white (44%) and Hispanic students (49%; Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014).

Ethnic differences in sexual activity are thought to be influenced by socioeconomic and contextual factors that are associated with ethnicity, such as an increased likelihood of growing up in a single parent home, potentially with less parental monitoring, and in poor neighborhoods with fewer community resources, all of which are associated with early sexual activity (Browning, Leventhal, & Brooks-Gunn, 2004; Carlson, McNulty, Bellair, & Watts, 2014; Santelli, Lowry, Brener, & Robin, 2000). In addition, ethnic differences in rates of pubertal maturation, with African American girls experiencing puberty earlier than other girls, influence sexual activity as early maturation is a risk factor for early sexual activity (Carlson et al., 2014; Moore, Harden, & Mendle, 2014).

While sexual activity is normative in late adolescence, early sexual activity, prior to age 15, is associated with problem behaviors, including alcohol and substance use, poor academic achievement, and delinquent activity, as well as having a larger number of sex partners relative to peers (Armour & Haynie, 2007; McLeod & Knight, 2010; Sandfort, Orr,

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Hirsch, & Santelli, 2008). Risk factors for early sexual activity in U.S. teens are those that place adolescents at risk for engaging in a variety of problem behaviors, such as early pubertal maturation, poor parental monitoring, poor parent–adolescent communication, poor school performance, perceived parental attitudes as permissive toward sexual activity, and peers who are sexually active (Anaya, Cantwell, & Rotheram-Borus, 2003; Biro & Dorn, 2006; McClelland & Tolman, 2014; Negriff, Susman, & Trickett, 2011). Risks for early sexual activity begin well before adolescence. For example, early aggression and disruptive behavior during the transition to first grade is associated with school problems, antisocial behavior, and substance use in middle school, which in turn are linked with early sexual activity (Schofield, Bierman, Heinrichs, & Nix, 2008).

Figure 12.2: Sexual Initiation During Adolescence

Source: Guttmacher Institute (2014).

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Lives in Context

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Adolescent Dating Violence Between 10% and 60% of high school students have been victimized by dating violence. Although the majority of cases are limited to psychological aggression, between 20% and 40% of adolescents report experiencing physical aggression in a dating relationship (Herrman, 2009; Raiford, Wingood, & DiClemente, 2007). The most serious dating violence—physical assault that results in serious wounds or violent sexual assault—is less frequent, with less than 2% of adolescents reporting these forms of dating violence (Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008).

Dating violence emerges in early adolescence, with the majority of victims experiencing their first victimization before age 15 (Leadbeater, Banister, Ellis, & Yeung, 2008). Both males and females perpetrate dating violence at roughly equal rates and within the context of relationships of mutual partner aggression in which both partners perpetrate and sustain the aggression (Sears, Sandra Byers, & Lisa Price, 2007; Williams, Connolly, Pepler, Laporte, & Craig, 2008). Girls are more likely to inflict psychological abuse and minor physical abuse (slapping, throwing objects, pinching), and boys are more likely to inflict physical abuse, including more severe types of physical abuse, such as punching, as well as sexual abuse, making girls more likely to suffer physical wounds than boys. Physical violence tends to occur alongside other problematic relationship dynamics and behaviors such as verbal conflict, jealousy, and accusations of “cheating” (Giordano, Soto, Manning, & Longmore, 2010).

Risk factors for engaging in dating violence include difficulty with anger management, poor interpersonal skills, early involvement with antisocial peers, a history of problematic relationships with parents and peers, exposure to family violence and community violence, and child maltreatment (Foshee et al., 2014, 2015; Vagi et al., 2013). Many of the risk factors for experiencing dating victimization are also outcomes of dating violence, such as depression, anxiety, negative interactions with family and friends, unhealthy weight- control behaviors, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), poor life satisfaction, low self-esteem, substance use, and adolescent pregnancy (Exner-Cortens, Eckenrode, & Rothman, 2013; Niolon et al., 2015).

Adolescent dating violence is less likely to be reported than adult domestic violence. Only about 1 in 11 cases is reported to adults or authorities (Herrman, 2009). Common reasons for not reporting dating violence include fear of retaliation, ongoing emotional ties, denial, self-blame, hope that it will get better, and helplessness. In addition, about only one third of adolescents report that they would intervene if they became aware of a peer’s involvement in dating violence, predominately believing that dating violence is the couple’s own private business (Weisz & Black, 2008). Encouraging close relationships with parents is an important way of preventing dating violence because adolescents learn about romantic relationships by observing and reflecting on the behaviors of others. Adolescent girls who are close with their parents are more likely to recognize unhealthy relationships, are less likely to be victimized by dating violence, and are more likely to seek help (Leadbeater et al., 2008).

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What Do You Think? 1. From your perspective, how prevalent is dating violence in adolescence? 2. Why do you think it occurs? 3. Why is it underreported? 4. What can be done to reduce dating violence and help victims of dating violence?

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Influences on Sexual Activity

It may not be a surprise that adolescents who report many positive motivations for sexual activity show higher levels of sexual activity; these positive motivations include physical (feelings of excitement or pleasure), relationship-oriented (intimacy), social (peer approval, respect) and individual factors (gain a sense of competence, learn about the self; Manlove, Franzetta, & Ryan, 2006; Michels, Kropp, Eyre, & Halpern- Felsher, 2005; Ott, Millstein, Ofner, & Halpern-Felsher, 2006). Adolescents’ beliefs about sexuality are influenced by their peers. Having sexually active peers and perceiving positive attitudes about sex among schoolmates predicts initiation and greater levels of sexual activity and a greater number of sexual partners (Coley, Kull, & Carrano, 2014; Moore et al., 2014; White & Warner, 2015). Specifically, adolescents who report having had oral sex are more likely to report that their best friend has also engaged in oral sex, believe that a greater number of friends are sexually active, and that close friends would approve of their sexual activity (Bersamin, Walker, Fisher, & Grube, 2006; Prinstein, Meade, & Cohen, 2003). In addition, adolescents’ perceptions of the sexual norms in their neighborhood, as well as siblings’ sexual activity, are associated with age of initiation, casual sex, and the number of sexual partners, even after controlling for neighborhood demographic risk factors (Almy et al., 2015; Warner, Giordano, Manning, & Longmore, 2011).

Figure 12.3: Percentage of High School Students Who Report They Are Sexually Active, 1991–2013

Source: Kaiser Family Foundation (2014).

Adolescents’ views of normative sexual behavior are also influenced by exposure to the media. High school students who report frequent television viewing, including “sexy” prime-time programs, viewing TV for companionship, and identifying strongly with popular TV characters, tend to report greater levels of sexual experience than their peers (Cox, Shreffler, Merten, Schwerdtfeger Gallus, & Dowdy, 2014; Ward & Friedman,

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2006). One study of Belgian 12- and 15-year-old boys and girls found that television viewing was associated with higher expectations for peers’ sexual activity, and this relationship held regardless of the adolescents’ pubertal status or own sexual experience (Eggermont, 2005). Sexually active adolescents are more likely to expose themselves to sex in the media and those exposed to sex in the media are more likely to progress in their sexual activity. These findings are consistent with others in the literature that demonstrate cross-sectional and longitudinal reciprocal links between exposure to sexual content and sexual behavior, including heightened risk for pregnancy during adolescence (Bleakley, Hennessy, Fishbein, & Jordan, 2009; Chandra et al., 2008). Recent research suggests that exposure to sexy media influences adolescents’ perceptions of normative behavior. That is, those who view more sexual content tend to rate sexual behavior as more common among adolescents (Bleakley, Hennessy, Fishbein, & Jordan, 2011). However, other studies show no link between media exposure, including viewing Internet pornography and sexual behavior (Escobar-Chaves & Anderson, 2008; Luder et al., 2011; Steinberg & Monahan, 2011), suggesting that sexual behavior has multiple complex influences.

Sexting, the exchange of explicit sexual messages of images via mobile phone, is increasingly common among adolescents. An estimated 7% to 15% of adolescents with mobile phones have reported sharing a naked photo or video of himself or herself via digital communication such as the Internet or text messaging (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014; Rice et al., 2012). Females and older youth are more likely to share sexual photos than males and younger youth.

Adolescents who themselves sexted were more likely to report being sexually active and to engage in risky sexual activity (Rice et al., 2012; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2014). Adolescents who shared sexual photos also were more likely to use substances, experience higher rates of depression, and report low self-esteem as compared with peers (Van Ouytsel, Van Gool, Ponnet, & Walrave, 2014).

What role do parents play in adolescent sexual activity? The majority of adolescents (84%) and parents (90%) report having talked with each other about sex, including topics such as intercourse and the prevention of pregnancy and STIs (Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 2012). Parent–child communication about sexuality—specifically, open conversations characterized by warmth, support, and humor—is associated with later onset of sexual activity and reductions in sexual risk taking (Lefkowitz & Stoppa, 2006; Lohman & Billings, 2008; Trejos- Castillo & Vazsonyi, 2009). However, about one half of adolescents and as many as two thirds of parents report that communicating about some aspects of sexuality is embarrassing, which may influence the quality of conversations (Jerman & Constantine, 2010; Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 2012). In addition, many parents underestimate their adolescent’s sexual activity. For example, in one study, 56% of mothers of sexually active 14- to 16-year-olds, and 78% of mothers of sexually active 11- to 13-year-olds, believed that their child was not sexually active (Liddon, Michael, Dittus, & Markowitz, 2013). Authoritative parenting, regularly shared family

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activities (such as outings, game nights, or shared dinners), parental monitoring, and parental knowledge are associated with lower rates of sexual activity (Huang et al., 2011; McElwain & Booth-LaForce, 2006). In one study of nearly 15,000 adolescents, those who perceived that their parents made more warnings about the negative consequences of sex tended to accumulate more sexual partners (Coley et al., 2014).

Early sexual activity and greater sexual experience is more common in adolescents reared in stressful contexts, such as low socioeconomic status homes and poverty stricken and dangerous neighborhoods where community ties are weak (Carlson et al., 2014; Dupéré, Lacourse, Willms, Tremblay, & Leventhal, 2008). Positive relationships with adults can mitigate the effects of disenfranchised communities. For example, African American adolescents who reported high levels of communication and monitoring by their parents showed lower rates of sexual initiation. Similarly, religiosity acts as a protective factor— youth who perceive religion as important and are active in their religious community are less likely to engage in sexual activity than their peers (Rink, Tricker, & Harvey, 2007; Sinha, Cnaan, & Gelles, 2007).

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Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Adolescents

Sexual identity, one’s sense of self regarding sexuality, including one’s awareness and comfort regarding one’s sexual attitudes, interests, and behaviors, develops in a process similar to other aspects of identity development: it entails a period of exploration and commitment. During adolescence, the identity search drives young people to consider their sexuality and determine their sexual orientation. Many youth enter a period of questioning in which they are uncertain of their sexuality and attempt to determine their true orientation (Saewyc, 2011). Similar to other aspects of identity, they explore and consider alternatives. For example, many preadolescents and young adolescents engage in sex play with members of the same sex yet develop a heterosexual orientation. After a period of questioning and exploration, adolescents commit to a sexual orientation and, over time, integrate their sexuality into their overall sense of identity. Eventually most lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth disclose their sexual orientation to others (Bos, Sandfort, de Bruyn, & Hakvoort, 2008; Cates, 2007). The final stage of sexual identity development, acceptance and disclosure, may occur in adolescence, but often occurs in young adulthood and afterward (Savin-Williams & Ream, 2007).

Many youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) report having felt “different” as children. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth report feeling attracted to members of the same sex whereas transgender youth report experiencing a different gender orientation that does not match their genitalia. Constructing an identity as an LGBT young person is complicated by the prejudice and discrimination that many LGBT youth experience in their schools and communities. Many middle and high school students— especially boys and younger adolescents—report that they are less willing to remain friends or want to attend schools with nonheterosexual peers (Poteat, Espelage, & Koenig, 2009). LGBT adolescents experience more harassment and victimization by peers and report a more hostile peer environment than their heterosexual peers (Robinson & Espelage, 2013). Perceived discrimination and victimization by peers contributes to LGBT adolescents’ increased risk for psychological and behavioral problems, such as depression, self-harm, suicide, running away, poor academic performance, substance use, and risky sexual practices, (Almeida, Johnson, Corliss, Molnar, & Azrael, 2009; Collier, van Beusekom, Bos, & Sandfort, 2013; Haas et al., 2011; Plöderl et al., 2013). As sexual minority youth transition out of the school setting and experience less victimization, they tend to experience declines in distress (Birkett, Newcomb, & Mustanski, 2015).

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Gay-straight alliances foster a culture of acceptance, help sexual minority peers connect with peers, and foster well-being in students.

Ed Quinn/Corbis

LGBT youth tend to feel less accepted and perceive less social support and greater conflict with peers and parents, especially fathers, than do other adolescents (Bos et al., 2008; Busseri, Willoughby, Chalmers, & Bogaert, 2006). Social isolation might reflect rejection by other students or intentional withdrawal from family and other close relationships by adolescents who choose not to disclose their sexual identity from family and close relationships. Adolescents who anticipate negative responses from parents are less likely to disclose their sexual orientation; to avoid disclosure, LGBT youth may become emotionally distant from their parents and friends (Ueno, 2005). Support from parents and peers can buffer the negative effects of stigmatization and victimization (Birkett et al., 2015).

Schools can play a role in aiding LGBT students by cultivating a safe environment and climate where adolescents are able to develop a healthy sexual identity and offering protection from undue social emotional and physical harm. Certain characteristics of schools, such as a large student body, may offer a safer climate for LGBT youth. For example, students in more racially diverse schools reported greater willingness to remain friends and attend school with sexual minority peers, and adolescents with lesbian or gay friends report positive attitudes toward same-sex romantic and sexual relationships and less tolerance toward the unfair treatment of their LGBT peers (Heinze & Horn, 2009; Poteat et al., 2009). Similar to bullying, schools should develop and implement policies and procedures to promote a positive school climate and environment of acceptance and safety for all students (Fisher et al., 2008). Schools can promote acceptance for LGBT students by educating students and staff about gender identity and sexual orientation and integrating accurate information about social minority issues into the curriculum; staff development should instruct teachers and administrators on how to deal with discrimination, harassment, and bullying on the basis of sexual orientation. In addition, school-based support groups and group counseling can aid LGBT students who experience serious social, psychological, and behavioral problems (Fisher et al., 2008).

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The presence of gay–straight alliances (GSAs) is an important source of support and education for students and helps sexual minority students connect with peers, reduces hopelessness, and is associated with lower suicide attempts (Davis, Royne Stafford, & Pullig, 2014). Schools that have GSAs show lower rates of student truancy, smoking, drinking, suicide attempts, and casual sex than do those in schools without GSAs, with this difference being more sizable for LGBT than heterosexual youth (Poteat, Sinclair, DiGiovanni, Koenig, & Russell, 2013). Perceived GSA support predicts greater well-being in racial and ethnic minority students, regardless of sexual orientation (Poteat et al., 2015). In addition to GSAs, LGBT adolescents often turn to the Internet as a source of information and exploration of their sexual orientation by learning about sexual orientation, communicating with other LGBT people, and finding support from others (Harper, Serrano, Bruce, & Bauermeister, 2015).

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Contraceptive Use

One of the greatest concerns to parents, teachers, health care professionals, and policy makers regarding adolescent sexuality is their sporadic use of contraceptives. About three quarters of sexually active 15- to 19-year-olds report using contraception during first intercourse (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014; Martinez, Copen, & Abma, 2011). Two thirds of sexually active adolescents report the condom as the method used during the most recent sexual intercourse method used at first intercourse (Guttmacher Institute, 2014). However, many adolescents use contraceptives only sporadically and not consistently (Pazol et al., 2015). Common reasons given for not using contraceptives include not planning to have sex, the belief that pregnancy is unlikely, and difficulty communicating and negotiating the use of condoms (East, Jackson, O’Brien, & Peters, 2007; Johnson, Sieving, Pettingell, & McRee, 2015).

What predicts condom use, often referred to as “safe sex”? Some research indicates that authoritative parenting and open discussions about sex and contraception are key (Bersamin et al., 2008; Malcolm et al., 2013). However, parents do not always discuss sensitive topics like sexuality and sexual activity with their teens. One study of mother– adolescent communication in Latino families found that Latina mothers were more likely to discuss certain sex-related topics, such as the importance of waiting and the consequences of sexual activity, such as pregnancy, but were much less likely to discuss others, such as factual details about sexual intercourse and birth control (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2006). At the same time, many of the adolescents expressed the desire to discuss sexual topics with their mothers, yet most did not, citing fears that their mothers would assume they were sexually active and would punish them. The influence of parental communication is complicated as other research with Scottish adolescents suggests that teens’ perceptions of comfort talking about sex with their parents is not associated with sexual behavior (Wight, Williamson, & Henderson, 2006). Instead, it is adolescents’ knowledge that is important. Girls with more reproductive knowledge report greater use of contraceptives and more consistent use of contraceptives (Ryan, Franzetta, & Manlove, 2007).

As with other behaviors, peers play a role in adolescents’ contraceptive use. Friends’ attitudes about the consequences of sexual activity and use of condoms during intercourse predict adolescents’ attitudes about the potential risks of sex and condom use a year later (Henry et al., 2007). Cognitive development aids adolescents’ capacities to reason about various alternatives, but recall from Chapter 11 that adolescents often pay more attention to the rewards than consequences, are swayed by emotional cognitions and situations, and often fail to apply reasoning to everyday contexts (Figner, Mackinlay, Wilkening, & Weber, 2009; Shad et al., 2011; Strang, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013).

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Sexually Transmitted Infections

Given adolescents’ overall lack of communication about sexuality and sporadic use of condoms, it may not be surprising that adolescents have higher rates of STIs than all other age groups. Teens and young adults represent only 25% of the sexually active population, but 15- to 24-year-olds account for one half of all STI diagnoses each year (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2014). About one of six U.S. adolescents experiences a STI each year, three times more than do teens in Canada, which also is higher than most Western nations. Untreated STIs can result in sterility and serious, even life threatening, illness. Despite the higher risk for acquiring STIs among youth, only one third of adolescent girls and almost half (45%) of young women aged 19 to 25 report that they have discussed STIs with their health care providers (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014).

The most serious STI is HIV, which causes AIDS. Young people aged 13 to 24 represent 21% of all new HIV/AIDS diagnoses in 2011 (Guttmacher Institute, 2014). Symptoms of AIDS, specifically a weakening of the immune system, occur about 8 to 10 years after infection with HIV. Although it was once believed that adolescents who abuse drugs and share needles were most at risk for HIV infection, we now know that HIV is more often spread through heterosexual contact, especially from male to female (European Study Group on Heterosexual Transmission of HIV, 1992; Kelley, Borawski, Flocke, & Keen, 2003; Padian, Shiboski, & Jewell, 1991).

Although most adolescents (about 85% of high school students) receive education and demonstrate basic knowledge about HIV/AIDS (Kann et al., 2014), most underestimate their own risks, know little about other STIs, and are not knowledgeable about how to protect themselves from STIs (Boyce, Doherty, Fortin, & MacKinnon, 2003). In 2013, only 13% of high school students reported that they had ever been tested for HIV (Kann et al., 2014). Even in the Netherlands, a country with low STI rates among adolescents, most middle to late adolescents underestimate their risk of infection (Wolfers, de Zwart, & Kok, 2011). STIs are most likely among young people aged 15 to 24, and youth are especially vulnerable within the first year of initiating sexual activity (CDC, 2014; Forhan et al., 2009). The three ways to avoid STIs are to abstain from sex; to be in a long-term, mutually monogamous relationship with a partner who has been tested and does not have an STI; and to use condoms consistently and correctly. Making and carrying out decisions to abstain from sex or to engage in safe sex is challenging. With advances in cognition and executive functioning, specifically, perspective taking, decision making, and self-regulation, as well as experience, adolescents are better able to carry out their decisions in the real world, and show increase in safe sex.

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Adolescent Pregnancy

In 2010, about 6% of 15- to 19-year-old girls in the United States became pregnant (Kost & Henshaw, 2014). The rate of adolescent pregnancy has dropped from its high of 117 of every 1,000 adolescent girls in 1990 to 57 of every 1,000 adolescent girls in 2010. Pregnancies are least common among girls younger than 15. In 2010, 5.4 pregnancies occurred per 1,000 teens aged 14 or younger, representing fewer than 1% of teens younger than 15 each year (Guttmacher Institute, 2014). As shown in Figure 12.4, the birth rate for U.S. adolescents has also declined substantially since 1990. The decline in adolescent birth rates can be attributed to a trend beginning in the 1990s for adolescents to initiate sexual activity later than in prior decades, as well as an increase in contraceptive use (Santelli, Lindberg, Finer, & Singh, 2007).

Despite overall declines over the past two decades, the United States continues to have one of the highest teen birth rates in the developed world (see Table 12.2; Sedgh, Finer, Bankole, Eilers, & Singh, 2015). Rates of sexual activity are similar across Western nations, but U.S. adolescents are less likely to use contraceptives than are those in other countries (Santelli et al., 2007).

One half of adolescent pregnancies in the United States occur within the first six months of the time a girl begins having sexual intercourse (Klein, 2006). More than 90% of 15- to 19- year-olds describe their pregnancies as unintended (Finer & Henshaw, 2006). The acceptability and consequences of adolescent pregnancy are influenced by social context. In places where advanced education is necessary for vocational and economic advancement, adolescent pregnancy is viewed as a handicap to success. Adolescent parenthood is a greater problem today in Western cultures, largely because adolescent girls are less likely to marry before giving birth and are less likely to receive financial or emotional support from the father than are those of prior generations. The risks for adolescent parenthood also contribute to the outcomes for adolescent parents and their children.

Figure 12.4: Birth Rates for Adolescents Aged 15 to 19, 1989–2013

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Source: Child Trends Data Bank (2014).

Because their bodies are not yet mature, girls who become pregnant shortly after menarche are at higher risk for many complications, such as spontaneous miscarriage, high blood pressure, low birth weight infants, and still birth (Phipps, Sowers, & Demonner, 2002). Pregnancy in early adolescence interferes with girls’ physical development because the hormones of pregnancy conflict with those of puberty. By age 16, in most girls the reproductive system and body growth are complete, and the complications of pregnancy and birth are no more likely than they are at age 20 (Phipps et al., 2002).

The risks for adolescent pregnancy are much the same as for early sexual activity. Low socioeconomic status homes, poor neighborhoods, and low levels of parental warmth and monitoring influence early sexual activity and the risk for adolescent pregnancy. Similarly, poor academic achievement, delinquency, substance use, depression, and affiliation with deviant peers are risk factors for early sexual activity and adolescent pregnancy (Carlson et al., 2014; Fortenberry, 2013). Girls who experience menarche early relative to peers are at risk as this early maturation predicts early sexual behavior and, in turn, pregnancy (De Genna, Larkby, & Cornelius, 2011; Dunbar, Sheeder, Lezotte, Dabelea, & Stevens-Simon, 2008). In addition, the presence of family members, especially parents and siblings, who are adolescent parents is associated with a high risk of adolescent pregnancy (East, Reyes, & Horn, 2007). Involved and firm parenting during early adolescence can buffer the effects of multiple home and community risk factors on the likelihood of early sexual activity and adolescent pregnancy (East, Khoo, Reyes, & Coughlin, 2006).

Adolescent mothers are less likely to achieve many of the typical markers of adulthood,

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such as completing high school, entering a stable marriage, and becoming financially and residentially independent (Casares, Lahiff, Eskenazi, & Halpern-Felsher, 2010; Taylor, 2009). Low educational attainment means that adolescent mothers often work low-paid and often unsatisfying jobs. Those who experience high levels of stress accompanied by little support are at risk for maternal depression and their infants are at risk for developmental delays (Huang, Costeines, Ayala, & Kaufman, 2014). Adolescent mothers tend to spend more parenting years as single parents than do mothers who have children later in life. When they marry, adolescent mothers are more likely to divorce (Moore et al., 1993). Lack of resources, such as child care, housing, and financial support, influence poor educational outcomes; adolescents with child care and financial resources tend to show higher educational attainment (Casares et al., 2010; Mollborn, 2007). Although adolescent pregnancy is associated with negative outcomes, the risk factors for adolescent pregnancy are also those that place youth at risk for negative adult outcomes in general, such as extreme poverty, few educational and community supports, and family instability (Oxford et al., 2005). It is therefore difficult to determine the degree to which outcomes are caused by adolescent pregnancy itself or the contextual conditions that are associated with it.

Adolescent mothers and their children face many risks to development, but educational, economic, and social supports can improve outcomes.

Scott Houston/Corbis

It must be noted, however, that there is a great deal of variability in short- and long-term outcomes of teen pregnancy (Furstenberg, 2003; Miller, Forehand, & Kotchick, 1999). Adolescent parenthood is associated with long-term economic disadvantage. Adolescent mothers are more likely to be unemployed, have lower personal income, live in poverty, and have lower levels of education than their peers in their 30s (Assini-Meytin & Green, 2015; Gibb, Fergusson, Horwood, & Boden, 2015). For example, a longitudinal study of adolescent mothers showed that 17 years after giving birth as adolescents, more than 70% graduated from high school, 30% received a postsecondary degree, and one half achieved

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income security, more positive outcomes than often reported (Furstenberg, 2003; Miller et al., 1999). In another longitudinal study of adolescent mothers, only about 15% of adolescent mothers experienced the most negative outcomes over the transition to early adulthood, such as financial dependence, low education, unemployment, unstable housing, casual sexual activity, victimization by crime, criminal activity, and illicit drug use (Oxford et al., 2005). These dire outcomes are predicted by drug and alcohol use, criminal activity, clinical depression, anxiety, and experience with violence during adolescence. The remaining 85% of adolescent mothers showed more positive outcomes including achieving markers of adulthood such as financial independence, though about one half of these young women experienced mental health issues such as anxiety or depression (Oxford et al., 2005). Figure 12.5 summarizes risk factors and outcomes for adolescent pregnancy.

Children born to adolescent mothers are at a disadvantage relative to their peers. Adolescent mothers are less likely than older mothers to seek prenatal care and are more likely to smoke and use alcohol or other drugs (Dell, 2001; Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008). Infants born to adolescent mothers are more likely to be born preterm and low birth weight (Xi-Kuan et al., 2007). As children they tend to perform poorly in school, score lower on intelligence tests, and be disruptive. They are at risk for a variety of negative developmental outcomes such as conduct and emotional problems, lower cognitive functioning, developmental delays, and poor academic achievement (Rafferty, Griffin, & Lodise, 2011; Tang, Davis-Kean, Chen, & Sexton, 2014). Children of adolescent mothers show lower educational attainment in young adulthood (Lipman, Georgiades, & Boyle, 2011). These outcomes are influenced by the characteristics of adolescents who are likely to become mothers as well as the consequences of having a child at a young age (e.g., lower maternal education, low socioeconomic status, frequent caretaker and residence changes, poor parenting; Carothers, Borkowski, & Whitman, 2006; De Genna et al., 2011; Rafferty et al., 2011). Adolescent mothers know less about child development than do adult mothers and therefore are more likely to have unrealistically high expectations of infants, perceive their infants as difficult, and show less effective interaction skills (Moore & Florsheim, 2001; Pomerleau, Scuccimarri, & Malcuit, 2003). In one longitudinal study of infants from 14 to 36 months of age, older mothers were more supportive during play than were adolescent mothers and differences in parenting behaviors predicted cognitive and language abilities at age 3 (Rafferty et al., 2011).

Children of adolescent mothers are at risk to demonstrate increasingly deviant behavior into adolescence including delinquency, substance abuse, incarceration, school dropout, and early childbearing (Furstenberg, 2003; Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt, Belsky, & Silva, 2001). Girls are at increased risk to themselves become adolescent parents, but after taking into account other contextual factors, the risk attributable to adolescent parenting declines (Meade et al., 2008). However, there is variability in outcomes. Many children of adolescent mothers often demonstrate resilience and adjustment in the face of these risks (Levine, Emery, & Pollack, 2007; Rhule, McMahon, Spieker, & Munson, 2006). Positive

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adjustment is predicted by secure attachment; low maternal depressive symptoms; and positive parenting on the part of the mother, characterized by warmth, discussion, and stimulation.

Figure 12.5: Influences on Adolescent Pregnancy

Adolescent fathers are similar to adolescent mothers in that they are more likely than their peers to have poor academic performance, higher school dropout rates, finite financial resources, and lowered income potential (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014; Klein, 2006). Some adolescent fathers disappear from their children’s lives. Many stay involved, often while struggling. In one study, about 60% of adolescent fathers maintained consistent contact over the first eight years of the child’s life (Howard, Lefever, Borkowski, & Whitman, 2006). Father contact was associated with the child’s having better socioemotional and academic functioning at 8 and 10 years of age, particularly in school-related areas. Children with greater levels of father contact have fewer behavioral problems and higher scores on reading achievement (Howard et al., 2006).

Adolescent parents can be effective if provided with supports—economic, educational, and social. Effective supports for adolescent parents include health care, encouragement to stay in school, vocational training, parenting skills, coping skills, and access to affordable child care (Easterbrooks, Chaudhuri, Bartlett, & Copeman, 2011; Mollborn, 2007). Social support predicts increased parenting self-efficacy and parental satisfaction (Angley, Divney, Magriples, & Kershaw, 2015; Umaña-Taylor, Guimond, Updegraff, & Jahromi, 2013).

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Relationships with adults who are close, supportive, and provide guidance predict completing high school (Klaw, Rhodes, & Fitzgerald, 2003). Adolescents who share caregiving with their mothers or other adults learn as apprentices and become more competent over time (Oberlander, Black, & Starr, 2007). Adolescent parents benefit from relationships with adults who are sensitive to their needs as parents but also to their own developmental needs for autonomy and support.

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Thinking in Context 12.4 1. Identify influences on adolescent sexual activity (e.g., intercourse, oral sex, contraceptive use) at each of

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological levels. How might interventions apply this information to reduce sexual activity and increase safe sex practices among adolescents?

2. It is a common belief that today’s adolescents are more sexually active at younger ages than ever before. How would you respond to that statement, based on what you know about adolescent sexuality?

3. Given what is known about child development, specifically infant and young children’s developmental needs, as well as what is known about parenting and its influence on developmental outcomes, what supports do adolescent parents need in order to become effective parents?

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Problems in Adolescence

As much as adolescence is a time of excitement, firsts, and learning about the world and the self, it can also be an emotionally challenging time. Most young people traverse the adolescent years without adversity, but about one in five teenagers experience serious problems that pose risks to their health and development (Lerner & Israeloff, 2007). Common problems during adolescence include eating disorders, substance abuse, depression, and delinquency.

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Depression and Suicide

When adolescents experience problems in development, they are most likely to suffer from depression. Depression is characterized by feelings of sadness, hopelessness, and frustration; changes in sleep and eating habits; problems with concentration; loss of interest in activities; and loss of energy and motivation. About 9% of adolescents experience a depressive episode, and about 2% to 8% experience chronic depression that persists over months and even years (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2013). Rates of depression rise in early adolescence, and lifelong sex differences emerge, with girls reporting depression twice as often as boys (Galambos, Leadbeater, & Barker, 2004; Paxton, Valois, Watkins, Huebner, & Drane, 2007; Thapar, Collishaw, Pine, & Thapar, 2012). About one third of adolescents report feeling hopeless (Kann et al., 2014). The stereotype of the typical adolescent presents a danger when it comes to identifying depression. Parents and teachers who buy into the storm and stress myth of adolescence may assume that depressive symptoms are a normal part of adolescence and thereby ignore real problems.

There are multiple pathways to depression. Genes play a role in depression by influencing development of the brain regions responsible for emotional regulation and stress responses as well as the overall balance and production of neurotransmitters (Franić, Middeldorp, Dolan, Ligthart, & Boomsma, 2010; Maughan, Collishaw, & Stringaris, 2013). Longitudinal research suggests the role of epigenetics in depression during adolescence. For example, in one study, boys with a specific neurotransmitter allele showed severe symptoms of depression in the presence of poor family support but in the presence of high family support showed positive outcomes (Li, Berk, & Lee, 2013). The allele may increase reactivity to both negative and positive family influences, serving as a risk factor in an unsupportive family context but protective factor when coupled with family support. Genetics plays a complex role in determining depression; some alleles may serve as both risk and protective factors depending on contextual circumstances.

Many environmental factors are thought to serve as risk factors for depression (Dunn et al., 2011). Adolescents who are depressed are more likely to live in homes with depressed parents (Natsuaki et al., 2014). Depression often limits the capacity to parent effectively and with sensitivity. Feelings of alienation from parents contribute to depression (Smith, Rachel, & Catherine, 2009). Similar to adults, depression during adolescence often occurs after specific events like parental divorce, failure, or the loss of a friend (Oldehinkel, Ormel, Veenstra, De Winter, & Verholst, 2008). The longitudinal effects of stressful life events on depression are buffered by parent–child closeness and worsened by parental depression (Bouma, Ormel, Verhulst, & Oldehinkel, 2008; Ge, Natsuaki, Neiderhiser, & Reiss, 2009).

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Cultural factors also play a role in influencing adolescents’ susceptibility to depression. Unlike Western cultures, males and females display similar rates of depression in non- Western cultures (Culbertson, 1997). Within the United States, culturally influenced coping styles and responses to stressful life events influence sex and ethnic differences in depression. Many adolescents find the common discrepancy between their level of acculturation and that of their first-generation immigrant parents stressful. For example, Chinese immigrant parents whose level of acculturation differed from their adolescent children showed more unsupportive parenting practices and the adolescents reported greater feelings of alienation (Kim, Chen, Wang, Shen, & Orozco-Lapray, 2013). Poor parental acculturation is linked with adolescent depression when adolescent–parent relationships are poor (Kim, Qi, Jing, Xuan, & Ui Jeong, 2009). Likewise, Vietnamese fathers who are less acculturated to the United States use more authoritarian methods that fit their society, but their adolescents experience more depression (Nguyen, 2008). Latino adolescents who experience a discrepancy in acculturation as compared with their parents also are at risk for depression (Céspedes & Huey, 2008). As young people acculturate, they may challenge traditional attitudes and beliefs of their immigrant parents, leading to greater family conflict and emotional distress (Gonzales, Deardorff, Formoso, Barr, & Barrera, 2006).

Intense and long-lasting depression can lead to thoughts of suicide. Increases in depression during adolescence are accompanied by increases in the suicide rate. Suicide remains among the top three leading causes of death in the United States and Canada (Heron, 2013; Ornstein, Bowes, Shouldice, & Yanchar, 2013). For unknown reasons, rates of adolescent suicide vary widely across industrialized countries, from low in Denmark, Greece, Italy, and Spain, intermediate in Australia, Canada, Japan, and the United States, to high in Finland, New Zealand, and Singapore (Lester, 2003; McLoughlin, Gould, & Malone, 2015). Figure 12.6 illustrates the adolescent suicide rate across various countries.

Consistent ethnic differences occur in rates of suicide. Native American and Canadian Aboriginal adolescents commit suicide at very high rates relative to their peers—2 to 7 times the national averages (Joe & Marcus, 2003; Kutcher, 2008). Challenges with acculturation as well as contextual risk factors that are associated with ethnicity, like an increased likelihood of living in poverty, influence suicide rates among minority youth (Goldston et al., 2008). Gay and lesbian youth, especially males, are also at high risk with 3 to 4 times as many attempts than other youths; typically, these teens report family conflict, peer rejection, and inner conflict about their sexuality as influences on their attempts (Liu & Mustanski, 2012; Mustanski & Liu, 2013).

Figure 12.6: Suicide Rates, Ages 15–19, 2008

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SOURCE: McLoughlin et al. (2015).

Although females display higher rates of depression and make more suicide attempts, males are four times more likely to succeed in committing suicide (Xu, Kochanek, Murphy, & Arias, 2014). Girls tend to choose suicide methods that are more slow and passive and that they are more likely to be revived from, such as overdoses of pills. Boys tend to choose methods that are quick and irreversible, such as firearms. The methods correspond to gender roles that expect males to be active, decisive, aggressive, and less open to discussing emotions (Canetto & Sakinofsky, 1998; Hepper, Dornan, & Lynch, 2012).

Adolescents who commit suicide are more likely to have experienced multiple recent stressful events such as parental divorce; abuse and neglect; conflict with parents; family members with emotional, psychological, or antisocial problems; and economic disadvantage as well as final triggering events such as failure, loss of a friendship, or intense family arguments (Beautrais, 2003; Miranda & Shaffer, 2013) Adolescents’ suicide attempts are influenced by those of their friends. Adolescents are more likely to attempt suicide following a friend’s attempt (Nanayakkara, Misch, Chang, & Henry, 2013). Some adolescents who commit suicide are perfectionists who may find that they and the people around them are unable to meet their own rigidly high standards (Flett, Hewitt, & Heisel, 2014). Other adolescents who commit suicide first express their depression and frustration through antisocial activity such as bullying, fighting, stealing, abusing drugs or alcohol, and risk-taking (Fergusson, Woodward, & Horwood, 2000). Peer victimization is a risk factor for suicide attempts (Bauman et al., 2013) as is high levels of anxiety (Hill, Castellanos, & Pettit, 2011). Although 20/20 hindsight is quite clear, determining if a teen needs help is challenging. Frequently, however, adolescents who attempt suicide show warning signs beforehand, as listed in Table 12.3. The availability and advertisement of telephone hotlines, such as the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at (800) 273-8255 (and available at http://www.suicidepreventionlifeline.org) can help adolescents in immediate danger of suicide.

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http://www.suicidepreventionlifeline.org

Adolescents are also at risk for self-harm: deliberate and voluntary physical self-injury that is not life-threatening and is without any conscious suicidal intent (Laye-Gindhu & Schonert- Reichl, 2005). This behavior is discussed in Applying Developmental Science (above).

Preventing and treating depression and suicide requires looking beyond myths and stereotypes about adolescent behavior to be aware of the signs of adolescents in pain. Parent and teacher education about the signs of depression is an essential first step. Although school-based suicide prevention programs tend to increase awareness and knowledge about suicide, they are not associated with lower rates of suicide (Cusimano & Sameem, 2011). Depression is treated in a variety of ways that include therapy and the provision of antidepressant medication (Brent, 2009). Therapy that is designed to help the adolescent be more self-aware, identify harmful patterns of thinking, and change them is especially effective and can be administered in school or community settings (Shirk, Gudmundsen, Kaplinski, & McMakin, 2008). Counseling and peer support groups can be provided by schools and community centers (Corrieri et al., 2014).

After a suicide, family, friends, and schoolmates of the adolescent require immediate support and assistance in working through their grief and anger. The availability of support and counseling to all adolescents within the school and community after a suicide is important because adolescent suicides tend to occur in clusters, increasing the risk of suicide among adolescents in the community (Gould, Jamieson, & Romer, 2003; Haw, Hawton, Niedzwiedz, & Platt, 2013). Depression and suicide are challenging problems that illustrate the complex interactions between the individual and his or her context.

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Applying Developmental Science

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Self-Harm Brianna closed the door to her room, rolled up her shirtsleeve, and looked down at the scarred and healing gashes in her arm before reaching for a new razor blade. Brianna engages in self-harm, a behavior that often becomes habitual among adolescent girls. Although self-harm may indicate serious psychological disorders, it is also common among adolescents in Western countries, with lifetime prevalence rates of 13% to 23% of adolescents in the United States, Canada, Australia, Belgium, England, Hungary, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Norway (Muehlenkamp, Claes, Havertape, & Plener, 2012; Plener, Libal, Keller, Fegert, & Muehlenkamp, 2009). One sample of over 1,000 7th- and 8th-grade students in Sweden found that over 40% reported engaging in self-injury in the last six months (Bjärehed, Wångby-Lundh, & Lundh, 2012). Rates may be even higher because most self-harming adolescents never seek help or medical attention for their injuries (Hall & Place, 2010). Most adolescents who engage in self-harm behaviors do so occasionally, and most do not show recurring self-harm (Brunner et al., 2007).

Self-harm behaviors, particularly cutting, tend to emerge at around age 13, but the age of initiation ranges from 12 to 15 years (Bjärehed et al., 2012). Girls are more likely than boys to report harming themselves, most commonly by cutting behaviors, but also hitting, biting, or burning behaviors, but there are no differences on the basis of ethnicity or socioeconomic status (Laye-Gindhu & Schonert-Reichl, 2005; Nock, Prinstein, & Sterba, 2009).

Social problems and a difficulty forming close relationships are common among adolescents who self-harm (Ross, Heath, & Toste, 2009). They may view their relationships as tense, disappointing, and of poor quality and may be more likely to experience bullying (Fisher et al., 2012; Laukkanen et al., 2009). Psychological and behavioral difficulties such as anxiety, depression, antisocial behavior, poor problem- solving skills, and impulsivity are associated with self-harm (Bjärehed et al., 2012; Marshall, Tilton-Weaver, & Stattin, 2013). Adolescents who self-harm tend to report being more confused about their emotions, experiencing difficulty recognizing and responding to them and more reluctance to express their feelings and thoughts to others (Bjärehed et al., 2012; Nock et al., 2009). Common reasons that adolescents endorse for self-harm include depression, feeling alone, anger, self-dislike, and inadequacy.

Adolescents who repeatedly engage in cutting and other acts of self-harm tend to report that the act relieves emotional pain, reducing negative emotions (Scoliers et al., 2009; Selby, Nock, & Kranzler, 2014). Interestingly, self-harming adolescents tend to show little or no pain during the harm episode (Nock, et al., 2009). Instead, the act of cutting or other self-harming behavior produces a sense of relief and satisfaction for adolescents who repeatedly self-harm. Soon, they tend to value self-harm as an effective way of relieving anxiety and negative emotions, making it a difficult habit to break (Madge et al., 2008; Selby et al., 2014). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th edition, or DSM–V (American Psychiatric Association, 2013), includes a diagnosis for severe self-harm: nonsuicidal self-injury—self-injurious behavior that occurs with the expectation of relief from a negative feeling—to solve an interpersonal problem, or to feel better, and interpersonal difficulty and negative feelings of thoughts, premeditation, or rumination on nonsuicidal self injury. Many adolescents who self-harm receive treatment similar to other internalizing disorders, including a combination of medication, therapy, and behavioral treatment. However, repeated self-harming behaviors are difficult to treat because the relief they produce is very reinforcing to adolescents, making psychologists and other treatment providers’ work very challenging (Bentley, Nock, & Barlow, 2014; Nock, 2009).

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What Do You Think? 1. Why might some adolescents find that “feeling bad” makes them “feel good”? 2. What role might brain development or contextual factors such as parents and peers contribute

to the increase in cutting and other self-harm behaviors that many experience in adolescence?

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Eating Disorders

Adolescents’ rapidly changing physique, coupled with media portrayals of the ideal woman as thin with few curves, leads many to become dissatisfied with their body image (Benowitz-Fredericks, Garcia, Massey, Vasagar, & Borzekowski, 2012). Girls who have a negative body image are at risk of developing a strong drive for thinness and unhealthy weight loss behaviors, such as excessive exercise and use of food supplements in place of meals (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2006). Severe dieting can be an indicator of an eating disorder, which is defined as unhealthy and uncontrolled attitudes and patterns of weight control. Core features of eating disorders are unhealthy negative body image (overvaluing thinness, weight, or shape), obsession with weight control, extreme over or under control of eating, and extreme behavior patterns designed to control weight, such as compulsive exercise, dieting, or purging (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Two eating disorders, anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa, pose serious challenges to health. About 4% of adolescents are diagnosed with anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa (Smink, van Hoeken, & Hoek, 2013). Table 12.4 lists symptoms of anorexia and bulimia.

Although both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa entail excessive concern about body weight and attempts to lose weight, they differ by means. Young people who suffer from anorexia nervosa starve themselves in an attempt to achieve thinness, maintaining a weight that is substantially lower than expected for height and age (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). A distorted body image leads youth with anorexia to perceive

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themselves as “fat” despite their emaciated appearance, and they continue to lose weight (Gila, Castro, Cesena, & Toro, 2005; Skrzypek, Wehmeier, & Remschmidt, 2001). Girls with anorexia avoid eating even when hungry. For example, 16-year-old Jessica often consumed a lunch of five baby carrots and one half of an apple. In addition to avoiding eating despite hunger, many girls with anorexia exercise vigorously to increase their weight loss. Anorexia affects about 2% of girls 19 and under; however, many more girls show poor eating behaviors characteristic of anorexia (Smink et al., 2013; Smink, van Hoeken, Oldehinkel, & Hoek, 2014).

Bulimia nervosa is characterized by recurrent episodes of binge eating—consuming an abnormally large amount of food (thousands of calories) in a single sitting coupled with a feeling of being out of control—followed by purging, inappropriate behavior designed to compensate for the binge, such as vomiting, excessive exercise, or use of laxatives (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Girls with bulimia nervosa experience extreme dissatisfaction with body image and attempt to lose weight, but they tend to have a body weight that is normal or high-normal (Golden et al., 2015). Bulimia is more common than anorexia, affecting between 1% and 5% of females across Western Europe and the United States (Kessler et al., 2013; Smink et al., 2014). One study estimated that many more young people in North America and Europe show symptoms of bulimia but remain undiagnosed (Keel, 2014).

Both anorexia and bulimia are dangerous to young people’s health. Girls with anorexia may lose 25% to 50% of their body weight (Berkman, Lohr, & Bulik, 2007). They may not experience menarche or may stop menstruating because menstruation is dependent on maintaining at least 15% to 18% body fat (Golden et al., 2015). Starvation and malnutrition contributes to extreme sensitivity to cold, pale skin, and growth of fine hairs all over the body. The starvation characteristic of anorexia nervosa has serious health consequences, such as loss of bone mass causing brittle and easily broken bones, kidney failure, shrinkage of the heart, brain damage, and even death in as many as 16% of cases of anorexia (Golden et al., 2015; Reel, 2012). Side effects of bulimia nervosa include nutritional deficiencies, sores, ulcers, and even holes in the mouth and esophagus caused by repeated exposure to stomach acids, as well as bad breath, tooth damage and an increased likelihood of cancers of the throat and esophagus (Katzman, 2005).

What causes eating disorders? Both anorexia and bulimia occur more often in both members of identical twins than fraternal twins, indicating a genetic basis (Strober, Freeman, Lampert, Diamond, & Kaye, 2014). Eating disorders are much more prevalent in females than males, with about 1% of males diagnosed with an eating disorder as compared with about 6% of females (Raevuori, Keski-Rahkonen, & Hoek, 2014). Adolescents who develop eating disorders tend to have problems with impulse control and anxiety, as well as symptoms of depression; and these are all influenced by abnormal levels of neurotransmitters in the brain (Haleem, 2012; Kaye, Bailer, Frank, Wagner, & Henry, 2005). Girls who develop eating disorders also tend to experience body dissatisfaction and

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rate themselves negatively in comparison with other girls (e.g., “I am less good-looking, likable, and popular”; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2006). Interactions with parents and especially peers influence girls’ body image, dieting behaviors, and eating disorder symptoms (Blodgett Salafia & Gondoli, 2011). Girls with eating disorders often find that strictly regulating their eating is a way to exert control in their lives. Girls with anorexia, in particular, tend to set high, often unrealistic, standards for themselves. They tend to be academic achievers, perfectionists, and focused on achieving success (Halmi et al., 2000). Their perfectionist tendencies extend to their bodies, which they perceive as not meeting the societal ideal of beauty. Controlling their bodies and restricting their intake of food provides a sense of control and reduces their anxiety and negative mood states (Kaye, Wierenga, Bailer, Simmons, & Bischoff- Grethe, 2013; Tyrka, Graber, & Brooks-Gunn, 2000).

Eating disorders occur in all ethnic and socioeconomic groups in Western countries and are becoming increasingly common in Asian and Arab cultures (Isomaa, Isomaa, Marttunen, Kaltiala-Heino, & Björkqvist, 2009; Latzer, Witztum, & Stein, 2008; Pike, Hoek, & Dunne, 2014; Reel, 2012). Girls who compete in sports and activities that idealize lean figures, such as ballet, figure skating, gymnastics, and long distance running, are at higher risk for developing eating disorders than are other girls (Nordin, Harris, & Cumming, 2003; Voelker, Gould, & Reel, 2014). In the United States, white and Latina girls, especially those of higher socioeconomic status, are at higher risk for low body image and eating disorders than are black girls, who may be protected by cultural and media portrayals of African American women that value voluptuous figures (Nishina, Ammon, Bellmore, & Graham, 2006; Smink et al., 2013; Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007). Some researchers suggest, however, that ethnic differences in eating disorders are not as large as they appear. Instead, eating disorders may exist in Latina and black girls but remain undetected and undiagnosed because of barriers to diagnosis and treatment (Wilson, Grilo, & Vitousek, 2007).

Eating disorders are difficult to treat. In one study of over 2,500 adolescents, 82% of those diagnosed with an eating disorder showed symptoms five years later (Ackard, Fulkerson, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2011). Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are treated in similar ways but show different success rates. Standard treatment for anorexia includes hospitalization to remedy malnutrition and ensure weight gain, antianxiety or antidepressant medications, and individual and family therapy (Lock, 2011; Wilson et al., 2007). Medications are commonly prescribed, with mixed outcomes (Bulik et al., 2007). The success of therapy also varies. Therapy is designed to enhance girls’ motivation to change and engage them as collaborators in treatment, providing them with a sense of control. However, the success of therapy depends on the patients’ attitudes about their symptoms and illness (Bulik et al., 2007; Lock, Le Grange, & Forsberg, 2007; Lock, 2011). Unfortunately, girls with anorexia tend to deny that there is a problem as they are unable to objectively perceive their bodies. Many hold the conviction that thinness and restraint are more important and healthy than

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recovery, making anorexia very resistant to treatment (Berkman et al., 2007). As a result, only about 50% of girls with anorexia make a full recovery and anorexia nervosa has the highest mortality rate of all mental disorders (Smink et al., 2013).

Bulimia tends to be more amenable to treatment because girls with bulimia tend to acknowledge that their behavior is not healthy. Girls with bulimia tend to feel guilty about binging and purging and are more likely than those with anorexia to seek help. Individual therapy, support groups, nutritional education, and antianxiety or antidepressant medications are the treatments of choice for bulimia nervosa (Hay & Bacaltchuk, 2007; Le Grange & Schmidt, 2005). Medication tends to improve symptoms but, without therapy, rarely leads to the cease of purging (Shapiro et al., 2007). Individual and family-based therapy helps girls become aware of the thoughts and behaviors that cause and maintain their binging and purging behaviors, which decreases binge eating and vomiting and reduces the risk of relapse (Lock, 2011; Smink et al., 2013).

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Alcohol and Substance Use

Nearly one half of U.S. teens have tried an illicit drug, and nearly three quarters have tried alcohol by the time they leave high school, as shown in Table 12.5. Experimentation with alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana use—that is, “trying out” these substances—is so common that it may be considered somewhat normative for North American adolescents, especially as rates of experimentation rise during the adolescent years into young adulthood (Johnston, O’Malley, Miech, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2007; Palmer et al., 2009; World Health Organization, 2004). Alcohol, in particular, is commonly used by adolescents around the globe; however, there are cultural differences in drinking patterns, as shown by Figure 12.7.

Most adolescents begin to use alcohol in early adolescence; show steady increases in use throughout the high school years, with a peak in the mid-20s; and then decline (Windle & Zucker, 2010). Perhaps surprising to some adults is that North American adolescents who experiment in a limited way with drugs and alcohol tend to be psychosocially healthy (Shelder & Block, 1990; Windle et al., 2008). For example, adolescents who score high on measures of subjective well-being at age 16 tend to report using alcohol at age 18, suggesting that some alcohol use in late adolescence is common in well-adjusted middle and older adolescents (Mason & Spoth, 2011). Why? Alcohol and substance use may serve a developmental function in middle and late adolescence, such as a way of asserting

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independence and autonomy from parents, taking risks, forming social relationships, and learning about oneself (Englund et al., 2013). Although most adolescents experiment with alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana, without incident, there are short-term dangers of alcohol and substance use, such as overdose, accidents, and motor impairment pose serious risks as well as long-term dangers of dependence and abuse. In addition, regular intermittent use— using alcohol and substances in spurts on a regular basis (common among adolescents)— can have harmful, even catastrophic, effects on neurological and cognitive development.

Adolescents are more sensitive to neurological damage and show more cognitive impairment in response to alcohol use as compared with adults. Alcohol use, especially the regular intermittent drinking common in adolescence, is associated with damage to the brain, particularly the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus (Bava & Tapert, 2010; Feldstein Ewing, Sakhardande, & Blakemore, 2014). The resulting neurocognitive deficits reduce young people’s capacities for executive function, memory, and learning. Adolescents who use alcohol heavily show smaller hippocampal and prefrontal white matter volume than other adolescents (Bava & Tapert, 2010; Jacobus et al., 2013). Adolescent heavy drinking is associated with reduced frontal cortex response during spatial working memory tasks; slower information processing; and reductions in attention, visiospatial functioning, and problem solving (Feldstein Ewing et al., 2014). Poor executive functioning, a common neurological outcome of alcohol use during adolescence, is associated with a decrease in the ability to use social information to regulate their behavior, decreased awareness of the consequences of alcohol abuse, and higher rates of drinking (Schepis, Adinoff, & Rao, 2008).

Adolescents are more vulnerable to alcohol abuse because they show reduced sensitivity to the effects of alcohol that serve as cues in adults to limit their intake, such as motor impairment, sedation, social impairment, and quietness or distress (Spear, 2011). Regular intermittent exposure to alcohol, the typical pattern of adolescent drinking, is associated with increased tolerance to the impairing effects of alcohol and reduced sensitivity to the aversive effects, such as nausea or hangover. Adolescents develop a tolerance for alcohol more quickly than do adults (Schepis et al., 2008; Spear, 2013).

Alcohol and substance use and abuse are associated with negative consequences that can interfere with adolescents’ development, such as unwanted sexual encounters and risky sexual activity. Although alcohol and substance use may help adolescents feel that they are achieving social goals such as being comfortable in social situations and making friends, it may threaten their short- and long-term health and well-being. Risks and negative consequences of alcohol and substance use include academic problems, social problems, aggression and victimization, unintentional injuries, anxiety, depression, car crashes, and suicide (Maggs & Schulenberg, 2005; Marshall, 2014). Relying on alcohol and substances to manage day-to-day stressors and hassles prevents the development of coping, self- regulatory, and decision-making skills, which in turn promotes continued drug use.

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Figure 12.7: Prevalence of Heavy Episodic Drinking (HED), 2010

Source: World Health Organization (2014).

Adolescents at risk to abuse alcohol and substances tend to begin drinking earlier than their peers (Chen, Storr, & Anthony, 2009; Palmer et al., 2009). The tendency to abuse alcohol and substances has genetic roots: A family history of alcohol and substance use is a risk factor. However, contextual factors also promote use (Chassin, Ritter, Trim, & King, 2003; Silberg, Rutter, D’Onofrio, & Eaves, 2003). Adolescents are at reduced risk of developing alcohol and substance abuse problems if their parents are involved, warm, supportive, and aware of their children’s whereabouts and friends. Low socioeconomic status, family members with poor mental health, drug abuse within the family and community, and disadvantaged neighborhoods increase the risk of alcohol abuse in adolescence (Chaplin et al., 2012; Trucco, Colder, Wieczorek, Lengua, & Hawk, 2014). In turn, adolescents who have mental health problems, difficulty with self-regulation, or are victims of physical or sexual abuse are at higher risk of alcohol and drug abuse than their peers. However, perhaps the most direct influences on adolescents are their peers’ drinking or substance abuse behavior, their perceptions of peer support for such use, and their access to alcohol and substances (Brooks-Russell, Simons-Morton, Haynie, Farhat, & Wang, 2014).

Because adolescent alcohol and substance use is a complex problem with multiple influences, prevention and treatment programs must be multipronged. Effective prevention and intervention programs target parents by encouraging that they be warm and supportive, set rules, and be aware of their children’s activities. Education is also important. Effective alcohol and substance abuse prevention and treatment programs educate adolescents about the health risks of substance use and that, contrary to depictions in the media and society, substance use is not socially acceptable. Such programs teach adolescents how to resist pressure from peers, how to refuse offers, and how to build their coping and self-regulatory skills (Poth, Greenberg, & Turrisi, 2008; Wagner, 2008; Windle & Zucker,

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2010).

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Delinquency

“Have you got it?” asked Corey. “Here it is: Mrs. Scarcela’s mailbox!” Adam announced as he dropped the stolen item on the floor in front of his friends. During adolescence, young people experiment with new ideas, activities, and limits. For many adolescents, like Adam, experimentation takes the form of delinquent activity. Nearly all young people engage in at least one delinquent, or illegal, act, such as stealing, during the adolescent years without coming into police contact (Flannery, Hussey, & Jefferis, 2005). For example, in one study boys admitted to engaging in, on average, three serious delinquent acts, and girls reported one serious delinquent act between ages 10 and 20, yet nearly none of the adolescents had been arrested (Fergusson & Horwood, 2002). Adolescents account for 9% of police arrests in the United States (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2014). Males are about four times as likely to be arrested as females. African American youth are disproportionately likely to be arrested as compared with white and Latino youth, who are similar in their likelihood of arrest, and Asian American youth are least likely to be arrested (Andersen, 2015; Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2014).

Adolescents’ own reports, however, tend to suggest few to no gender or ethnic differences in delinquent activity (Rutter, Giller, & Hagell, 1998). Differences in arrest rates may be influenced by the tendency for police to arrest and charge ethnic minority youths in low socioeconomic communities more often than European American and Asian American youths in higher socioeconomic status communities (Rutter et al., 1998).

Most adolescents tend to show an increase in delinquent activity in early adolescence that continues into middle adolescence and then declines in late adolescence into early adulthood (Farrington, 2004). Although mild delinquency is common and not necessarily cause for concern, about one quarter of violent offenses in the United States, including murder, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault, are conducted by adolescents (Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2014). Adolescents who engage in serious crime are at risk to become repeat offenders who continue criminal activity into adulthood. Yet most young people whose delinquent activity persists and evolves into a life of crime show multiple problem behaviors that begin not in adolescence but instead in childhood (Farrington & Loeber, 2000). Chronic offenders and those who commit more serious crimes are more likely to have their first contacts with the criminal justice system by age 12 or earlier (Baglivio, Jackowski, Greenwald, & Howell, 2014).

When biological and individual risk factors are coupled with challenging home and community environments, the risk for the childhood onset of serious antisocial behavior that persists into adulthood increases. Parenting that is inconsistent, either highly controlling or negligent, accompanied by harsh punishment, and/or low in monitoring can worsen impulsive, defiant, and aggressive tendencies in children and adolescents (Bowman,

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Prelow, & Weaver, 2007; Chen, Voisin, & Jacobson, 2013; Harris-McKoy & Cui, 2012; Lahey, Hulle, D’Onofrio, Rodgers, & Waldman, 2008).

Communities of pervasive poverty offer limited educational, recreational, and employment activities, coupled with access to drugs and firearms, opportunities to witness and be victimized by violence, and offers of protection and companionship by gangs that engage in criminal acts, all of which contribute to the onset of antisocial behavior (Chen et al., 2013; Chung & Steinberg, 2006; Hay, Fortson, Hollist, Altheimer, & Schaible, 2007). Exposure to high levels of community violence predicts delinquent activity (Jain & Cohen, 2013; Mrug, Loosier, & Windle, 2008). Low-income communities tend to have schools that struggle to meet students’ educational and developmental needs, with crowding, limited resources, and overtaxed teachers (Flannery et al., 2005). Young people who experience individual, home, community, and school risk factors for antisocial behavior tend to associate with similarly deviant peers, which tends to increase delinquent activity as well as chronic delinquency (Evans, Simons, & Simons, 2014; Lacourse, Nagin, & Tremblay, 2003).

Fortunately, for most adolescents, delinquent acts are limited to the adolescent years and do not continue into adulthood (Piquero & Moffitt, 2013). Antisocial behavior tends to increase during puberty and is sustained by affiliation with similar peers. With advances in cognition, moral reasoning, emotional regulation, social skills, and empathy, antisocial activity declines (Monahan, Steinberg, Cauffman, & Mulvey, 2013). Preventing and intervening in delinquency requires examining individual, family, and community factors. Promoting authoritative parenting and close relationships with parents by providing training in discipline, communication, and monitoring fosters healthy parent–child relationships, which buffers young people who are at risk for delinquency (Bowman et al., 2007). High-quality teachers, teacher support, resources, and economic aid foster an educational environment that protects young people from risks for antisocial behavior. A three-year longitudinal study following adolescents of low-income single mothers transitioning off welfare showed that involvement in school activities protects adolescents from some of the negative effects of low-income contexts and is associated with lower levels of delinquency over time (Mahatmya & Lohman, 2011). Economic, social, and employment resources empower communities to create environments that reduce criminal activity by all age groups and promote the development of children and adolescents.

The psychosocial developments of adolescence leave a lifelong imprint on young people. Beginning the identity search, developing more complex and autonomous relationships with parents and friends, and exploring sexuality are important tasks for adolescence that serve as a foundation for development in the next period of life: early adulthood.

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Thinking in Context 12.5 1. Using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological systems theory, how do adolescents’ physical, cognitive, and social

characteristics interact with their context to influence their likelihood of developing an eating disorder such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa? How might context influence treatment options?

2. How might adults distinguish normative from atypical delinquent activity? For example, a rise in some delinquent activities is somewhat normative during adolescence and will decline in late adolescence, and sometimes the activity continues and increases.

3. Are there dangers in taking the perspective that some alcohol and substance use is common and simply a part of growing up? How should parents, teachers, and professionals respond to adolescent alcohol and substance use?

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Apply Your Knowledge At 16, John recently had his very first alcoholic drink while at a party hosted by his best friend. Since then, John has begun drinking at parties every few weeks, though he usually stops after a couple of beers. Afterward, he always catches a ride with a friend or a taxi. Big for his age, John is popular in school and has many opportunities to socialize. Even so, he only goes out once a week or so because his football schedule keeps him busy, and he works hard to maintain at least a B+ average.

Tim, also 16, has at least one beer nearly every day—often more than one. He explains that parents, school, work, and simply meeting expectations are overwhelming and frustrating. Drinking is calming, a refuge from the stress of everyday life. Last year, Tim’s best friend brought marijuana to a party, and Tim found that it was even better than alcohol; marijuana made him feel free. Tim smokes marijuana whenever he can, which is not often given that it is much more expensive than alcohol. Lately, Tim has found that alcohol doesn’t seem to make him feel as relaxed as it once did, so he’s begun trying to obtain marijuana as often as possible. Sometimes Tim steals money—from his mother, job, even teachers—to fund a fun night out.

1. What experience does the average adolescent have with substances such as alcohol and marijuana? What is normative, statistically?

2. Describe correlates of substance use in adolescence. How do John’s and Tim’s experience compare with that of the typical adolescent?

3. Many aspects of development offer insights into adolescent risk behavior, such as substance use, delinquency, and sexual activity. How might changing relationships with parents, including monitoring, parenting styles, and conflict, contribute to adolescent risk behavior? What role might relationships and interactions with peers take?

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Chapter Summary

12.1 Identify ways in which self-conceptions and self-esteem change during adolescence.

With cognitive advances, adolescents begin to use more abstract and complex labels to describe themselves. They evaluate themselves with respect to multiple dimensions and recognize that their qualities can vary with the situation. Global self-esteem dips in early adolescence. Favorable self-evaluations are associated with positive adjustment and sociability in adolescents of all socioeconomic status and ethnic groups, while low self-esteem is associated with adjustment difficulties. 12.2 Outline the process of identity development during adolescence, including influences and outcomes associated with identity status.

Adolescents are faced with the task of constructing an identity that is coherent and consistent over time. Authoritative parenting and close relationships with peers encourage adolescents to explore identity alternatives. Identity achievement is associated with high self-esteem, feelings of control, high moral reasoning, prosocial behavior, and positive views of work and school. Foreclosed and diffused identity statuses are associated with passivity and maladaptive long-term outcomes. 12.3 Explore changes in adolescents’ relationships with parents and the contribution of parenting style and monitoring to adolescent adjustment.

Conflict between parents and adolescents rises in early adolescence and peaks in middle adolescence but takes the form of small arguments over minor details. Authoritative parenting fosters autonomy, self-esteem, and academic competence in adolescents. Authoritarian parenting inhibits the development of autonomy and is linked with poor adjustment. Parental monitoring promotes well-being and is a protective factor against risky behavior. 12.4 Compare and contrast the nature of friendship and dating during adolescence.

Adolescent friendships are characterized by intimacy, loyalty, self-disclosure, and trust. Friends tend to be similar in demographics and share psychological and developmental characteristics. Over time, friends tend to become more similar. Close friendships promote positive adjustment. Dating typically begins through the intermingling of mixed-sex peer groups, progresses to group dating, and then goes to one-on-one dating and romantic relationships. Early adolescents date for fun, but in late adolescence, dating fulfills needs for intimacy and support and aids in identity development. 12.5 Differentiate the developmental progression of cliques and crowds.

During adolescence, one-on-one friendships tend to include cliques of about five to

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seven members who are close friends and share demographic and attitudinal similarities. In early adolescence, cliques tend to be sex segregated, but by mid- adolescence, cliques become mixed and create opportunities for dating. By late adolescence, the mixed sex clique tends to disappear. Crowds emerge in early adolescence. Crowds are reputation-based groups of adolescents who are classified by peers into groups based on perceived characteristics, interests, and reputation. Crowds decline in late adolescence. 12.6 Analyze how susceptibility to peer influence changes from early adolescence to late adolescence.

Peer conformity rises in early adolescence, peaks in middle adolescence, and declines thereafter. American youths tend to feel the greatest pressure from peers to conform to day-to-day activities and personal choices such as choice of clothes and music, appearance but also to engage in prosocial and positive behaviors and sometimes to engage in risky activities and adopt an antisocial stance. 12.7 Compare the factors that contribute to sexual activity, contraceptive use, and the transmission of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) during adolescence.

Sexual activity among U.S. adolescents has declined since 1990, and adolescents are waiting longer to have sex, yet sexual activity begins earlier in the United States than in Canada and Western Europe. Risk factors for early sexual activity include early pubertal maturation, poor parental communication and monitoring, sexually active peers, risky behaviors, and stressful homes and neighborhoods. Adolescents have higher rates of STIs than all other age groups and U.S. adolescents have higher rates of STIs than do those in nearly all Western nations. Although most adolescents receive education, most underestimate their own risks and know little about most STIs or how to protect themselves. 12.8 Discuss risk factors for adolescent pregnancy and influences on the adjustment of adolescent mothers and their children.

Despite a decline since 1990, the United States has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates in the developed world. Adolescent mothers are less likely to achieve many of the typical markers of adulthood and are more likely to work low-paid jobs, spend more years as single parents, and are more likely to divorce. However, there is variability in outcomes. Infants born to adolescent mothers are more likely to be born preterm and low birth weight and show academic and behavioral problems. Positive adjustment in children is predicted by secure attachment, low maternal depressive symptoms, and positive parenting on the part of the mother. 12.9 Compare and contrast the risk factors for and treatments for adolescent problems such as depression and suicide, eating disorders, and substance use and abuse.

Rates of depression rise in early adolescence, and lifelong sex differences emerge, with

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girls reporting depression twice as often as boys. Hereditary factors are coupled with environmental factors to influence susceptibility to depression. Adolescents who are depressed are more likely to live in homes with depressed parents; to have experienced significant life events such as parental divorce, failure, or the loss of a friend; and, in girls, to have matured early relative to peers.

Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa become more common in adolescence. Both have a genetic basis and are influenced by problems with impulse control, anxiety, and body dissatisfaction. Treatment includes hospitalization, individual and family therapy, nutritional education, and antianxiety or antidepressant medications.

Alcohol and substance use rises during the adolescent years into young adulthood. They may serve developmental functions but are associated with short- and long- term effects, such as accidents, academic problems, risks for dependence and abuse, and impaired neurological development. Alcohol and substance abuse is influenced by genetics but also contextual factors. Effective prevention and intervention programs provide adolescents with education; teach adolescents the skills to resist pressure, refuse offers, and cope; and educate parents as well. 12.10 Characterize normative delinquent activities during adolescence as compared with serious lifelong criminal activity.

Nearly all young people engage in at least one delinquent act during adolescence without coming into police contact. Rates of delinquency rise in early adolescence and decline in late adolescence. A minority of adolescents engage in serious crime and become repeat offenders who continue criminal activity into adulthood. Most adolescents whose delinquent activity persists and evolves into a life of crime displayed antisocial behavior in childhood, engaging in delinquent acts early, relative to their peers. Preventing and intervening in delinquency entails targeting individual, family, and community factors, such as promoting authoritative parenting, parental monitoring, high quality educational environments, and close-knit communities.

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Key Terms

Actual self 326 Anorexia nervosa 351 Autonomy 329 Biculturalism 327 Body image 351 Bulimia nervosa 351 Cliques 335 Crowds 335 Cyberbullying 337 Dating violence 339 Depression 326 Ethnic identity 330 Familism 327 Global self-esteem 326 Ideal self 326 Identity 326 Identity achievement 328 Identity diffusion 328 Identity foreclosure 328 Identity moratorium 328 Identity status 328 Perceived popularity 336 Parental monitoring 333 Popular 336 Self-harm 343 Sexual identity 328 Sexual orientation 342

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PART VI Early Adulthood

Chapter 13 Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence 362 Chapter 14 Socioemotional Development in Adolescence 388

Early adulthood is a period of gaining and sustaining. Once physical maturity is reached, aging begins. Physical changes are gradual. Most go unnoticed. Cognitive advances continue as young adults become able to appreciate multiple viewpoints, arguments, and contradictions. Socioemotional advances help young adults integrate cognition with emotion, regulate intense emotions, and think logically about complicated everyday situations. Developing a sense of identity, a commitment to a sense of self, values, and goals, prepares young adults for establishing intimate relationships.

Cohabitation is common, and most adults marry by the end of early adulthood. Marital success is predicted by maturity, realistic expectations, joint conflict resolution, and respect. Most adults become parents and often are surprised by the wide range of emotions that accompany their new baby and set of responsibilities. As the home context ascends in salience, the number of friends and time spent with them declines. The work context becomes prominent as young adults form occupational goals, settle into careers, and monitor their progress, changing their goals in light of their experiences, abilities, and interests. The school context remains relevant for many young adults. Nontraditional students balance work, family, and school, but benefit from a more complex knowledge base, and an emphasis on applying what they learn to their lives. Overall, contexts shift in salience during early adulthood, but continue to interact and influence all domains of development.

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Chapter 13 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood

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Learning Objectives 13.1. Describe the physical developments of early adulthood, such as changes in skin, muscles, motor skills, and reproductive capacity. 13.2. Analyze the range of perspectives on the causes of aging as applied to early adulthood. 13.3. Examine the contributions of obesity, physical activity, and stress for young adults’ health. 13.4. Discuss the prevalence, effects, and treatment of alcohol and substance use in early adulthood. 13.5. Discuss the development of postformal reasoning. 13.6. Compare cognitive-affective complexity with postformal reasoning. 13.7. Explain how attending college influences young adults’ development. 13.8. Contrast the experiences of traditional and nontraditional college students. 13.9. Identify challenges faced by non-college bound young adults. 13.10. Identify influences on vocational choice and occupational expectations in early adulthood.

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Key Study Tools

Applying Developmental Science Skin Cancer (p. 365) Explore Further Fertility Think Critically Successful Aging Applying Developmental Science Smoking Cessation (p. 371) Connect Obesity and Cancer Risk Think Critically Substance Use Disorders and Treatment Listen Reducing Teen Pregnancy Explore Further Young Adulthood Explore Further Wisdom Video Case Emerging Adulthood: Choosing a Major Ethical and Policy Applications of lifespan Development Apprenticeships (p. 381) Video Case Working and Attending College Full-Time Explore Further Career Education Lives in Context The Gender Divide (p. 383) Connect Vocational Choice

As he drives to school, Richard recites definitions and concepts for his biology exam. At 19 years of age, Richard has just entered his second year of college. Like many college students, Richard is not sure of his major or what career is for him. The first in his family to attend college, Richard feels a sense of responsibility to succeed, but he also finds it difficult to balance his schoolwork with his part-time job. Richard’s busy schedule leaves him with little time for participating in campus activities, making friends with other students, and getting to know his professors. Many students like Richard face similar challenges that can interfere with their success in college.

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Robert O’Dea/Arcaid/Corbis

As he progresses through college, Richard begins to notice that he feels more comfortable making decisions. Rather than feeling overwhelmed with many choices, he feels that he is able to consider each one, recognize its strengths and weaknesses, and weigh them in order to make decisions. Similar to his cognitive advances, as he reaches his mid-20s, Richard feels that he is physically stronger and faster than ever before. He wonders how his body will change and how his life will unfold in the coming years. Richard’s developmental concerns and capacities reflect the period in life known as early adulthood. Over the next decade and one half, Richard will experience many, often subtle, physical changes as well as changes in how he thinks and views the world around him. This period in life, early adulthood, spans from about ages 18 to 40.

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Physical Development in Early Adulthood

When it comes to physical development, early adulthood is a time of becoming and of maintaining. All of the organs and body systems, including digestive, respiratory, circulatory, and reproductive systems, peak in functioning during early adulthood. We may not think of people in their 20s as aging, but the biological fact is that once individuals are physically mature with growth and physical development at adult levels, senescence—a pattern of gradual age-related declines in physical functioning—begins (Cristofalo, Tresini, & Francis, 1999). Aging begins at maturation, but measurable age-related changes in functioning, known as aging, are visible by about age 30, though most people do not notice these until middle adulthood. Aging entails gradual changes in strength, body proportions, sensory capacities, and fertility.

Similar to development throughout infancy, childhood, and adolescence, development in early adulthood is multidimensional and multidirectional. Different parts of the body age at different rates, and development comprises both gains and losses in capacities such as strength, endurance, and motor skill. Age and physical development are closely related in childhood, but the link is much weaker in adulthood. Young adults display a wide range of individual differences in physical functioning and aging due to differences in genetics, context, and experience, including health; socioeconomic status; and behaviors such as smoking, exercise, and diet (Bonnie, Stroud, & Breiner, 2015; Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2014). For example, lung efficiency declines with age, but it drops 5% faster per decade for smokers as compared with nonsmokers (De Martinis & Timiras, 2003). In addition, organs vary in their rate of decline (McDonald, 2014); in one individual, for example, the digestive system may show signs of aging earlier than the cardiovascular system, while it may be the other way around for another individual.

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Physical Development

The age-related physical changes that occur in young adulthood are so gradual that very few of us notice them. Though more apparent in middle age, by age 30 some individuals begin to notice gray hairs, as the hair follicle cells that produce pigment, or color, become less abundant. Men who are prone to hereditary baldness typically begin balding in their 30s. Age-related changes in the skin, which are predictable and virtually unavoidable, begin at about age 20. The connective tissue begins to thin by about 1% per year, resulting in less elastic skin and some visible wrinkles around the eyes by age 30 (Timiras, 2003). Most adults in their 30s notice lines developing on their foreheads, the result of a lifetime of facial expressions, and many begin to notice crow’s feet at the corners of the eyes. However, the rate of skin aging is influenced by exposure to the elements, such as sun, heat, cold, and pollution. Exposure to the sun is thought to be the most dramatic contributor to skin aging, responsible for about 80% of skin changes, and—as discussed in Applying Developmental Science (p. 365)—the leading cause of skin cancer (Flament, Bazin, & Piot, 2013; Kohl, Steinbauer, Landthaler, & Szeimies, 2011). The use of sunscreen has been shown to retard skin aging (Hughes, Williams, Baker, & Green, 2013).

Muscle development increases throughout the 20s and peaks at about age 30 (Masoro & Austad, 2005). Muscle strength, as measured by the maximum force with which one can throw a ball, for example, shows a gradual decline beginning at about age 30 but is generally not noticeable to most people until middle age (Rice & Cunningham, 2002). Isometric muscle strength, the subtle contractions used to hold a hand grip, push off against a wall, stretch, or practice yoga, is maintained throughout adulthood (Lavender & Nosaka, 2007). Young adults’ performance on activities that require body coordination and bursts of strength, such as sprinting and playing basketball, tend to peak in the early 20s whereas those that require endurance, such as distance running, peak in the early 30s (Schulz & Curnow, 1988). Although strength and motor skills show a predictable pattern of change, young adults vary in the rate of change in their performance. Research with expert athletes, for example, illustrates that practice and athletic training maintains strength and motor skills. As compared with nonathlete peers, athletes experience more subtle and gradual declines in physical abilities from the late 30s to the 60s. Their muscles and motor skills age much more slowly than their peers (Faulkner, Larkin, Claflin, & Brooks, 2007).

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Fertility and Reproductive Capacity

Martina holds her newborn close to her while chatting with her family who has come to visit her in the maternity ward. At 32 years of age, Martina is older than the average first- time mother; most women are in their 20s when they give birth to their first child. However, as shown in Figure 13.1, births to women in their 30s have increased substantially since the early 1990s (Martin, Hamilton, Osterman, Curtin, & Mathews, 2015). Many young adults wait to have children until they have completed their education and established their careers. The maturity and financial stability that accompany the 30s can make for better parents. However, reproductive capacity declines with age, increasing the risk for women in their mid- to late 30s of experiencing difficulty conceiving (Schmidt, Sobotka, Bentzen, & Nyboe Andersen, 2012; Tatone, 2008).

As women’s reproductive systems age, changes occur in the quality of ova and in the rate of ovulation. Women are born with about 400,000 ova (Jadav, 2004). Chromosomal anomalies accumulate as egg cells age, increasing the risk of pregnancy loss, or miscarriage (Bentov, Yavorska, Esfandiari, Jurisicova, & Casper, 2011; Tatone, 2008). A common cause of female infertility is the failure to ovulate, to release an ova into the fallopian tube. With advancing age, ovulation becomes less regular. There are also a variety of factors that can prevent ovulation; some are treatable or preventable, such as drug and alcohol abuse, environmental toxins, obesity, and being underweight (Gordon et al., 2007; Holman, O’Connor, & Wood, 2006; Malik, 2009). Illnesses that affect the reproductive system, such as ovarian cancer and ovarian cysts, can also make it difficult or impossible to conceive (Agarwal, Gupta, & Sikka, 2006; Alpay, Saed, & Diamond, 2006). In addition, dwindling reserves of ova can also prevent conception because it is thought that the body requires a minimum level of ova reserves in order to conceive (Baird et al., 2005). However, the exact minimum is unknown and, like other aspects of physical development, may vary with genetic and contextual factors (Schuh-Huerta et al., 2012).

Figure 13.1: Births to Women Ages 18 to 44 in the United States, 1990 to 2013

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Note: Live births per 1,000 women. This figure illustrates the trend of increasing births among women in their thirties and forties.

Source: Martin et al. (2015).

Men’s rate of change in reproductive capacity is significantly different from that of women; most men remain able to conceive into older adulthood. However, the number and quality of sperm produced does decline in middle adulthood, beginning at about age 40 (Brahem, Mehdi, Elghezal, & Saad, 2011; Ehlert & Fischbacher, 2013; Fisch, 2009; Johnson, Dunleavy, Gemmell, & Nakagawa, 2015). In young men, sperm can be affected by anything that interferes with the functioning of the body, such as fever, stress, drug abuse, alcoholism, radiation, and environmental toxins (Li, Lin, Li, & Cao, 2011). Exposure to these factors can reduce the number of sperm, or affect their physical structure, activity, and motility. The oxidative stress of exposure to free radicals, as discussed in the next section, may also contribute to male infertility (Agarwal et al., 2006). In this way, lifestyle and contextual factors contribute to young men’s fertility.

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Applying Developmental Science

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Skin Cancer

The sunlamps used in tanning salons produce much more ultraviolet radiation than natural sunlight. People who use tanning beds are more than twice as likely to develop skin cancers as their peers.

Kevin Schaefer/Moment Mobile/Getty

In healthy skin, new skin cells push older skin cells toward the skin’s surface where they die and are sloughed off. Skin cancer occurs when this process malfunctions, causing new skin cells to grow out of control and form a mass of cancer cells (National Cancer Insitute, 2010). Skin cancer is the most common type of cancer in the United States, and melanoma is the sixth most common cause of cancer deaths each year (U.S. Cancer Statistics Working Group, 2013). One in five Americans will develop skin cancer over the course of their lifetimes.

Several factors increase risk of skin cancer (National Cancer Insitute, 2010):

A history of sunburns Excessive sun exposure and tanning Fair skin—but anyone can get skin cancer, including those with darker complexions Residing in sunny or high-altitude climates A history of moles A family history of skin cancer A weakened immune system Fragile skin damaged by burns, injuries, or skin conditions Exposure to environmental toxins Increasing age

Most skin cancers can be prevented by limiting or avoiding exposure to ultraviolet (UV) radiation from the sun. Many adults do not adequately protect their skin from sun damage under the mistaken belief that the majority of a person’s lifetime sun exposure is acquired before age 18. Instead, only about 23% of lifetime exposure occurs by age 18 (Godar, Urbach, Gasparro, & van der Leun, 2003).

Many young adults patronize tanning salons under the belief that an indoor tan is a safe tan. However, the sunlamps used in tanning salons may produce as much as 12 times the UV radiation of natural sunlight (National Toxicology Program, 2011). People who use tanning beds are 2 to 3 times as likely to develop skin cancers as their peers. About 70% of tanning salon patrons are girls and women aged 16 to 29, and skin cancers are increasing fastest among women younger than 40 (Skin Cancer Foundation, 2009).

To protect your skin from UV rays and reduce your risk of developing skin cancer, follow these skin cancer prevention tips:

Avoid the sun when rays are strongest, between 10:00 a.m. and 4:00 p.m. Wear sunscreen year-round. Wear protective clothing.

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Avoid tanning beds and tan-accelerating agents. Be aware of sun-sensitizing medications, such as some antibiotics, high blood pressure and diabetes medications, birth control pills, and acne medications.

Skin changes that could signal a cancerous or precancerous condition include new or growing moles; changes in existing moles such as irregular pigment, bleeding, or itching; and unexplained sores. An annual skin exam is recommended for everyone. The American Academy of Dermatology sponsors free “SPOT me” skin cancer screening clinics in many communities.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, how common is tanning among young adults? Why do you think it is popular (or

not popular)? 2. How might you convince young people about the danger of sun tanning and skin cancer?

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Theories of Aging

Biological aging begins at maturity and is the result of multiple factors. There are many theoretical explanations for aging (Bengston, Gans, Pulney, & Silverstein, 2009; Cristofalo et al., 1999; Masoro & Austad, 2005). According to the wear and tear theory of aging, an early theory of aging, the body wears out from use and thus ages. On the contrary, research suggests that we must “use it or lose it.” That is, regular exercise increases longevity in all people regardless of ethnicity or socioeconomic status (Sanchis-Gomar, Olaso-Gonzalez, Corella, Gomez-Cabrera, & Vina, 2011; Stessman, Hammerman-Rozenberg, Maaravi, Azoulai, & Cohen, 2005). Activity is a critical component of a long and healthy life.

Several other theories offer additional explanations for aging. A more recent perspective explains it as a function of programmed genetics: DNA and heredity. Recall from Chapter 2 that our genes are composed of DNA and serve as the genetic blueprint, handed down through heredity, for all of our characteristics. Parents’ lifespans predict those of their children, and identical twins share more similar lifespans than do fraternal twins, suggesting a hereditary link (Hjelmborg et al., 2006; Montesanto et al., 2011). However, kin relations for markers of biological age, such as strength, respiratory capacity, blood pressure, and bone density are relatively small as health is influenced not just by genetics but by context and lifestyle. lifespans among family members often vary with context and behaviors. Aging therefore reflects the interaction of epigenetic factors (Moskalev, Aliper, Smit-McBride, Buzdin, & Zhavoronkov, 2014). It may be that it is not lifespan that we inherit but a set of genetic factors that may predict lifespan (Walter et al., 2011). Ultimately, it is the contextual factors such as the availability of health care and lifestyle factors such as health- related behaviors that matter in predicting lifespan.

Whether genetic predispositions for longevity are realized depends on environmental factors such as diet and exercise, behaviors such as alcohol use or smoking, and exposure to environmental toxins (Karasik, Demissie, Cupples, & Kiel, 2005; Tourlouki et al., 2010). Experiments with animals support the role of caloric restriction in longevity (Speakman & Mitchell, 2011). A nutritious diet that is extremely low in calories is associated with a longer lifespan (Anton & Leeuwenburgh, 2013; Smith, Nagy, & Allison, 2010). The immune system plays a role in aging by influencing the body’s adjustment to external stressors and pathogens encountered throughout life. From this perspective, an aging immune system is less able to differentiate healthy cells from pathology, may direct the body’s defenses against healthy cells, and may ignore harmful cells (Montecino-Rodriguez, Berent-Maoz, & Dorshkind, 2013; Salvioli et al., 2013).

Another account of aging relies on cellular mutation, damage to DNA and chromosomes. Research with animals shows that cell mutations increase with age (Baines, Turnbull, & Greaves, 2014; Lee, Chang, & Chi, 2010) Cellular mutations lead to a deterioration in

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functioning and an increase in age-related diseases and cancers. Free radicals may account for some of this damage. Free radicals are highly reactive, and corrosive substances form when cells are exposed to oxygen. As oxygen decomposes within the cell, changes occur at the level of the atom: An electron is stripped, creating a free radical. Through chemical reactions, free radicals destroy DNA, proteins, and other cellular materials in an attempt to replace the missing electrons. Free radicals are thought to contribute to many age-related diseases such as cancer, cardiovascular disorders, and arthritis (Lagouge & Larsson, 2013; Shringarpure & Davies, 2009). Genes and environment may work to defend the body from free radicals by producing material that neutralizes free radicals and reduces the harm caused by them (Miura & Endo, 2010). A diet rich in antioxidants, including vitamins C and E and beta carotene, can protect against damage from free radicals (Harman, 2006).

Reductions in the capacity for cell division, specifically the limited capacity for human cells to divide, are the basis for another explanation for aging. Human cells have the capacity to divide about 50 times in their lifespan (Hayflick, 1996). Each time the cell divides, telomeres, tiny caps of DNA located at both ends of the chromosomes, become shorter. Shorter telomeres may protect the cell from common mutations that occur with repeated divisions, but they also reduce the cell’s capacity to reproduce itself (Sedivy, 2007; Xi, Li, Ren, Zhang, & Zhang, 2013). Telomeres that shorten past a critical length cause the cell to stop dividing all together, leading to increases in disease, cell death, and body aging (Andrews, Fujii, Goronzy, & Weyand, 2010; Campisi, 2013). In this sense, telomere length may serve as a biomarker of aging (Mather, Jorm, Parslow, & Christensen, 2011; Xu, Duc, Holcman, & Teixeira, 2013). Stress contributes to the shortening of telomeres, as well as oxidative stress such as that which results from free radicals (Epel, 2009; Shalev et al., 2013). Each of these theories of aging offers a different perspective on the causes of aging, as shown in Table 13.1. Given the complexities of development, it is likely that an adequate account of aging entails drawing from each of these theories.

Telomeres, dyed yellow, are visible at the ends of each chromosome. Telomeres shorten with each cell division. When telomeres shorten beyond a critical length, the cell stops dividing.

Los Alamos National Laboratory/Time Life Images

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Thinking in Context 13.1 1. Recall that development is characterized by continuities and discontinuities. Identify two aspects of

physical development that illustrate continuity and two that illustrate discontinuity. 2. Identify factors that influence reproductive capacity and aging during early adulthood. How many might

be categorized as biological in nature, and how many might be considered as contextual factors? 3. Consider theories of aging. In your view, which theory is the least adequate in accounting for how we

change over our lifetimes? Which theory do you think best accounts for how people develop over the lifespan? Why?

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Health, Fitness, and Wellness in Early Adulthood

Generally speaking, early adulthood is a time of physical health. Few deaths among young adults are the result of illness. Instead, the leading cause of death in U.S. young adults through age 35 is unintentional injury, followed by homicide and suicide, and then cancer and heart disease (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2015). Young adults who become ill or die from illness are more likely to be of low socioeconomic status. Socioeconomic indicators such as income, education, and occupation are closely related with health and illness, largely because, in the United States, health care is expensive and access is limited by socioeconomic factors (Adler & Newman, 2002; Raiz, 2006). The Affordable Care Act, signed in 2010, was implemented in 2013 with the goal of increasing the quality and affordability of health insurance in the United States, expanding public and private health insurance coverage and reducing the costs of health care. An initial estimate after the first year of operation suggests that the percentage of uninsured people may have fallen from 18% in the third quarter of 2013 to about 13% by the end of the first quarter of 2014 (Blumenthal & Collins, 2014). In Canada, universal access to health insurance has contributed to fewer economic disparities in access to health care among Canadians (Torrey & Haub, 2004).

Socioeconomic status is associated with other influences on health, such as environmental factors (e.g., exposure to crowding, stress, and pollution), health-enhancing factors (e.g., exercise, diet, and social support), and health risks (e.g., obesity and substance abuse; Cornman, Glei, Goldman, Ryff, & Weinstein, 2015; Evans & Kantrowitz, 2002). Socioeconomic differences in health status widen over the adult years. High levels of education and income are associated with better health whereas low levels of education and income are associated with deteriorating health from early adulthood through late adulthood (House, Lantz, & Herd, 2005; Schumann et al., 2011). Many of the risk and protective factors that predict health in childhood and adolescence also predict health across the adult years, as discussed in the following sections.

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Overweight and Obesity

During his first year of college, Byron welcomed the ability to make choices about food and plan his own meals. Without his health-conscious mother’s input, he was able to munch on fried chicken wings whenever he wanted and enjoyed exercising this new freedom. By his senior year of college, Byron was 45 pounds overweight. The absence of parental controls, access to an abundance of food, and busy lives make it difficult for young adults to eat healthily. Eating habits begun in early adulthood often persist for life. Obesity, defined as a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or above, and overweight (BMI greater than 25) have increased substantially in recent decades. Over two thirds of American adults are either overweight (34%) or obese (35%; Fryar, Carroll, & Ogden, 2014; Ogden, Carroll, Kit, & Flegal, 2014). Young adult women show higher rates of weight gain than women in other age groups, perhaps because of differences in contraception, dietary behavior, physical activity, and stresses associated with life transitions (such as to college; Wane, Van Uffelen, & Brown, 2010).

Obesity is influenced by heredity, but today’s obesity epidemic in Western nations has stronger ties to environmental pressures than genetic factors. Physical labor is less a part of the lifestyle in industrialized nations than ever before. Food, especially sugary, fatty, and fried foods, have become more abundant at the same time as people have become more sedentary. Sedentary lifestyles, and especially the number of hours spent viewing television, are closely associated with obesity (Heinonen et al., 2013; Pearson & Biddle, 2011). Young adults who are obese are more likely to make fewer healthy food choices and to overeat than their non-obese counterparts (Keski-Rahkonen et al., 2007). With age, it becomes more difficult to avoid overeating because caloric needs drop between the ages of 25 and 50, and the metabolic rate, the amount of energy the body uses at rest, gradually falls as muscle cells decline in number and size (Whitbourne, 2007). Low socioeconomic status in early adulthood predicts obesity in young adults, even after controlling for childhood socioeconomic status (Baum & Ruhm, 2009; Giskes, van Lenthe, Avendano-Pabon, & Brug, 2011).

Obesity is a serious health risk, associated with a range of health problems and illnesses such as high blood pressure; stroke; circulatory problems; diabetes; digestive disorders; arthritis; cancer; and, ultimately, early death (Calle, Rodriguez, Walker-Thurmond, & Thun, 2003; Drong, Lindgren, & McCarthy, 2012; Tchernof & Després, 2013). Consumption of high levels of saturated fat is associated with heightened cardiovascular reactivity (e.g., increases in heart rate), and even a single high-fat meal predicts short-term increases in cardiovascular reactivity (Jakulj et al., 2007). Obesity also holds social risks. Obese adults report more relationship difficulties with family, peers, and coworkers and have more difficulty finding mates, rental apartments, and jobs than do non-obese adults (Ambwani, Thomas, Hopwood, Moss, & Grilo, 2014; Carr & Friedman, 2005; Pachucki & Goodman, 2015).

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Although young adults who have been overweight since childhood may feel it’s “hopeless” to seek treatment for obesity, the fact is that health outcomes improve with even moderate weight loss (Orzano & Scott, 2004). Successful long-term weight loss, however, is challenging, as indicated by the vast array of “quick” weight loss programs advertised in the media. Only about 20% of overweight individuals are successful at long-term weight loss, defined as losing at least 10% of initial body weight and maintaining the loss for at least one year (Wing & Phelan, 2005). Successful weight loss is most often a result of lifestyle changes, such as regular moderate exercise coupled with a nutritionally balanced diet low in calories and fat (Douketis, Macie, Thabane, & Williamson, 2005; Holt, Warren, & Wallace, 2006). Effective weight loss interventions emphasize behaviors and encourage individuals to keep accurate records of what they eat and analyze eating patterns in their food choices (LeBlanc, O’Connor, Whitlock, Patnode, & Kapka, 2011; MacLean et al., 2015). Since many people overeat as a reaction to stress, training in problem-solving skills helps participants learn non-food-related ways of managing day-to-day conflicts and difficulties, as well as increasing social support to help individuals attain and sustain weight loss.

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Physical Activity

Exercise is an important influence on longevity (Schnohr, Scharling, & Jensen, 2003; Schoenborn & Stommel, 2011). Regular moderate exercise enhances immunity, lowering the risk of, and speeding recovery to, illnesses (Horn et al., 2015). Other benefits of exercise include stress reduction, cardiovascular health, and cancer prevention (Sloan et al., 2009). Exercise reduces risks for obesity-related illnesses such as heart disease, cancer, and diabetes (Bassuk & Manson, 2005; Tardon et al., 2005; Wannamethee, Shaper, & Alberti, 2000). Exercise strengthens muscles, reduces blood pressure, and increases the healthy form of cholesterol (high-density lipoprotein, or HDL), which in turn helps to remove the harmful form of cholesterol (low-density lipoprotein, or LDL) from the artery walls (Mann, Beedie, & Jimenez, 2014). Regular physical activity is associated with a variety of mental health benefits such as improved mood, energy, self-esteem, working memory, and ability to cope as well as reductions in stress, anxiety, and depression (Donaghy, 2007; Hogan, Mata, & Carstensen, 2013; Penedo & Dahn, 2005; Stroth, Hille, Spitzer, & Reinhardt, 2009).

How much exercise is enough to reap health benefits? To obtain health benefits such as reduced cholesterol levels, decreased body fat, and reduced risk of developing diabetes or heart disease, national guidelines recommend engaging in at least 150 minutes of moderate activity each week (such as brisk walking, raking the lawn, or pushing a lawn mower), or 75 minutes of vigorous activity, plus muscle strengthening exercises on at least two days each week (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2008). About 300 minutes of moderate or 150 minutes of vigorous exercise may be required each week to lose weight. The activity does not have to be performed in a single block of time but may be accumulated in 10-minute increments throughout the day.

Remaining active helps adults maintain motor skill competencies, such as throwing speed and jumping distance, which predict overall fitness, percentage of body fat, and strength. In addition, fitness is linked to cognitive performance throughout adulthood. Young adults who demonstrate high levels of cardiovascular fitness tend to perform better on measures of basic cognitive abilities, such as attention, reaction time, working memory, and processing speed than low-fitness young adults (Newson & Kemps, 2008).

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U.S. national guidelines recommend engaging in at least 150 minutes of moderate activity (such as brisk walking) or 75 minutes of vigorous activity (such as running), plus muscle strengthening exercises at least twice each week.

Reuters/Fabian Bimmer

It is estimated that about 31% of the world’s population is physically inactive (Hallal et al., 2012). The prevalence of physical activity varies widely around the world, from 2% of women in Saudi Arabia to 81% of women in Denmark engaging in regular physical activity, and 4% of men in Brazil to 77% of men in Sweden (Sisson & Katzmarzyk, 2008). Despite the importance of physical activity in promoting health, less than one half of adults in the United States (47% of men and 43% of women) and about one half of Canadians (55% of men and 50% of women) are moderately active, with at least 30 minutes of moderate activity or its equivalent in vigorous activity daily (Gilmour, 2007; Slack, 2006). In addition to sedentary lifestyles, young adults often engage in other health-compromising behaviors such as substance use.

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Substance Abuse

In North America, substance use, such as drug, alcohol, and tobacco use, tends to begin during adolescence, peak in the early 20s, and decline into the 30s (Chen & Jacobson, 2012; Schulenberg & Miech, 2014; Staff et al., 2010). As they transition to adulthood, young adults are typically living away from their parents for the first time in their lives and experience the drive to explore the world at the same time as they feel pressure to complete their education, establish a career, and find a mate. These circumstances, coupled with easy access to drugs and alcohol, increase the risk of using and abusing marijuana, alcohol, and other drugs in early adulthood. Substance abuse is highest in the 20s, often with dangerous consequences such as overdose, injury, accidents, and death (Chen & Jacobson, 2012). Substance use tends to decline as young adults become parents and transition into new family roles; however, substance use remains prevalent in adulthood with about 6% of middle-aged adults reporting substance use within the past month (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2014).

Tobacco

About 80% of smokers have their first cigarette before age 18, but regular or daily smoking often does not begin until about age 20, and the overall risk of initiating smoking plateaus at about age 22 (Green et al., 2007). Each month, over one third of 18- to 39-year-olds in the United States report smoking tobacco cigarettes. Even low levels of tobacco use during adolescence predict smoking during young adulthood, especially among young people who initiate smoking before age 12 (Riggs, Chih-Ping, Chaoyang, & Pentz, 2007). Moreover, many smokers do not consider themselves smokers because they only engage in occasional social smoking. That is, they smoke in social groups rather than as a daily habit (Brown, Carpenter, & Sutfin, 2011). In one study, 62% of young adults who indicated they had recently smoked identified themselves as social smokers (Song & Ling, 2011). Most social smokers report no immediate desire to quit, and although they acknowledge smoking- related health risks, they minimize them as being personally irrelevant (Brown et al., 2011).

The life transitions that come with young adulthood, such as dramatic changes in social networks, living arrangements, and school and work settings, influence susceptibility to smoking and patterns of smoking behavior. During transitions to marriage, parenthood, and occupational roles, young adults may either reject tobacco use or begin smoking regularly so that it becomes an established addiction. Education acts as a protective factor: Non-college-educated adults aged 18 to 34 are more than twice as likely to smoke as their college-educated peers (CDC, 2011; Green et al., 2007; Lawrence, Fagan, Backinger, Gibson, & Hartman, 2007).

Cigarette smoking is responsible for about one of every five deaths in the United States

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each year (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2014). Tobacco smoke harms nearly every part of the body; it is linked with cataracts, pneumonia, and lung diseases such as chronic bronchitis and emphysema and accounts for about one third of all cancer deaths. The most common cancer caused by tobacco smoke is lung cancer. Cigarette smoking is liked to about 90% of all cases of lung cancer, the top cancer killer of both men and women. Cigarette smoking is also associated with cancers of the mouth, larynx, esophagus, stomach, pancreas, cervix, kidney, and more. In addition, smoking substantially increases the risk of coronary heart disease, stroke, heart attack, vascular disease, and aneurysm (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2009). When nonsmokers are exposed to secondhand smoke, they too experience negative health consequences, particularly lung cancer and cardiovascular disease (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2014).

Why is smoking such a tenacious habit? With each cigarette, a smoker consumes 1 to 2 milligrams of nicotine in about a five-minute period. Nicotine enters the blood and reaches the brain quickly and stimulates reward pathways, making it highly addictive. Nicotine also stimulates the adrenal glands to release adrenaline, which increases blood pressure and heart rate (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2009). Withdrawal symptoms of nicotine begin quickly, within a few hours after the last cigarette, and include irritability, craving, anxiety, and attention deficits, which often send the smoker in search of another cigarette. Other withdrawal symptoms include depression, sleep problems, and increased appetite. When a smoker quits, withdrawal symptoms often peak within the first few days of smoking cessation and usually subside within a few weeks, but some people continue to experience symptoms for months. Most smokers identify smoking as harmful and express a desire to reduce or stop using tobacco (see Applying Developmental Science, p. 371). Nearly 35 million people in the United States wish to quit smoking each year, but more than 85% of those who try to quit relapse, often within a week (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2009).

Some smokers turn to e-cigarettes as an alternative to tobacco cigarettes, viewing e- cigarettes as safer than conventional cigarettes (Goniewicz, Lingas, & Hajek, 2013; Pearson, Richardson, Niaura, Vallone, & Abrams, 2012). E-cigarettes aerosolize nicotine and produce a vapor that emulates that of conventional cigarette (Yamin, Bitton, & Bates, 2010). As of this writing, e-cigarettes and the nicotine solutions used in e-cigarettes are not regulated by the U.S. federal government, and there is little research on their safety (Tremblay et al., 2015). Nevertheless, adolescents and young adults’ use of e-cigarettes is increasing rapidly (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2015).

Marijuana

By far the most commonly used substance, after alcohol and nicotine, by young adults in the United States is marijuana, with 20%, 13%, and 6% of 18- to 20-year-olds, 21- to 25- year-olds, and 26- to 34-year-olds, respectively, reporting use in the last month (Substance

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Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2014). For most young people, marijuana use is sporadic and limited in duration, but regular sustained use is associated with dependence and adverse health and social outcomes (Swift, Coffey, Carlin, Degenhardt, & Patton, 2008). Young people consume marijuana for different reasons; those who cite experimentation as their primary reason tend to report fewer marijuana- related problems than do those who list other common reasons, such as social enhancement, relaxation, enjoyment, and conformity to peers (Lee, Neighbors, & Woods, 2007). Weekly marijuana use in adolescence is associated with daily use and dependence at age 24 (Griffin, Bang, & Botvin, 2010; Swift et al., 2008). Sustained marijuana use is associated with self-reported cognitive difficulties and a variety of personal problems during the middle to late 20s, including lower levels of academic degree attainment, lower income, greater levels of unemployment and welfare dependence, lower levels of relationship satisfaction and life satisfaction, and less cohesion and more conflict with romantic partners (Conroy, Kurth, Brower, Strong, & Stein, 2015; Fergusson & Boden, 2008; Hall, 2014; Silins et al., 2014). Regular marijuana use can interfere with completing developmental tasks of young adulthood, such as reaching education and career goals, forming intimate relationships and marriage, and taking on adult roles (Blair, 2010).

Marijuana is addictive because when inhaled, the active ingredient, THC, passes from the lungs to the bloodstream to the brain and activates the brain’s reward system, making the user feel euphoric. Time may seem to pass more slowly, and sensations such as color and sound may seem more intense. Sometimes, however, a user may feel anxious, fearful, or distrustful instead of euphoric. Heavy use of marijuana interferes with thinking, impairing a person’s ability to shift attention from one item to another and to learn, form memories, and recall material (Bartholomew, Holroyd, & Heffernan, 2010; Crean, Crane, & Mason, 2011). THC binds to receptors in the cerebellum, which is responsible for balance, coordination of movement, and integration of thought, critical to executive functioning (Skosnik et al., 2008). Heavy marijuana use interferes with executive functioning— problem solving, abstract reasoning, and judgment—and the earlier the age of onset, the greater the negative effects (Crean et al., 2011; Gruber, Sagar, Dahlgren, Racine, & Lukas, 2012). For example, marijuana users tend to be less responsive to negative consequences in making decisions (Wesley, Hanlon, & Porrino, 2011). In addition, marijuana smokers experience many of the same respiratory problems common to tobacco smokers, such as cough, more frequent chest illnesses, and cancers. Marijuana smoke contains irritants and carcinogens and appears to have 50% to 79% more carcinogens than tobacco smoke (Tashkin, 2013).

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After alcohol, marijuana is the most commonly used substance by young adults in the United States.

sergi Reboredo/VWPics/Newscom

Marijuana is neurologically reinforcing, making the user crave the drug and have a hard time stopping. People who try to quit report irritability, difficulty sleeping, and anxiety, similar to withdrawal from other substances such as tobacco. In psychological tests, people trying to quit show increased aggression, which peaks about a week after stopping the drug (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2005). There has been little study of treatments for marijuana dependence because habitual marijuana abuse is very often accompanied by the abuse of alcohol and other drugs.

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Applying Developmental Science

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Smoking Cessation

Quitting smoking is challenging but the health benefits are immediate and increase over time.

AP/Carolyn Kaster

Quitting smoking, also known as smoking cessation, brings a variety of health benefits. Some occur nearly immediately. For example, heart rate and blood pressure begin to decline about 20 minutes after smoking a cigarette (Mahmud & Feely, 2003). In about 12 hours, levels of carbon monoxide in the blood drop to normal levels (American Cancer Society, 2009).

Circulation and lung function improve within three months after quitting (U.S. Public Health Service Office of the Surgeon General & U.S. Public Health Service Office on Smokin and Health, 1990). Within nine months, the tiny hairlike structures that move mucus out of the lungs, called cilia, begin to function normally, cleaning the lungs, reducing the risk of infection. Coughing and shortness of breath decrease. About a year after quitting, the risk of heart disease is about one half that of a smoker’s. Within 10 years, cancer death rates are about one half of those of smokers, and within 5 to 15 years after quitting the stroke risk and risk of coronary disease is reduced to that of a nonsmoker (American Cancer Society, 2009; U.S. Public Health Service Office of the Surgeon General & U.S. Public Health Service Office on Smokin and Health, 1990). A 35-year-old man who quits smoking will, on average, increase his life expectancy by 5 years (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2009).

Quitting smoking, however, is very challenging. In one study, nearly 85% of 18- to 24-year-olds and 75% of 25- to 34-year-olds reported trying to quit within the last year; less than 20% quit for 6 months, and about 40% were unable to quit for a single day (Messer, Trinidad, Al-Delaimy, & Pierce, 2008). Because nicotine is highly physiologically addictive, the most effective form of treatment to help people quit smoking is nicotine replacement in the form of nicotine gum and nicotine transdermal patches, which are available over the counter in the United States. Nicotine gum and patches provide users with lower overall nicotine levels, produce less severe physiological reactions, and do not contain the carcinogens and gasses associated with tobacco smoke.

Although nicotine replacement therapies may help alleviate the physiological effects of withdrawal, withdrawal also entails a psychological component. For example, the sight, feel, and smell of a cigarette and recalling the ritual of handling, lighting, and smoking a cigarette can intensify cravings and make withdrawal worse (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2009).

Federal and state taxes that increase the cost of smoking are often intended as a way to reduce smoking. However, in one study, increases in cigarette taxes were associated with reductions in self-reported smoking in less than one quarter of participants and prompted quitting in only 16% of smokers (Choi, Toomey, Chen, & Forster, 2011).

Behavioral methods of smoking cessation are the most effective approach (often coupled with nicotine replacement). They help individuals to recognize high-risk smoking situations, develop alternative coping strategies, manage stress, improve problem-solving skills, and increase social support. Increasingly behavioral

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approaches and information are offered by telephone, Internet, and written pamphlets and other materials, permitting large numbers of people access to resources to help them quit smoking. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services established a toll-free telephone number in 2004—800-QUIT-NOW (800- 784-8669)—as a way to aid people in getting the information and assistance they need to quit smoking; the website is at www.smokefree.gov.

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http://www.smokefree.gov

What Do You Think? Consider smoking cessation from the bioecological perspective. Identify ways to help smokers quit that emphasize the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem.

Alcohol

Alcohol is legal for young adults at age 21 in all U.S. states and is the drug of choice for most people throughout adulthood. Of particular concern to professionals are rates of binge drinking, defined as consuming five or more drinks in one sitting in men and four drinks in one sitting in women. Heavy drinking is defined as two or more instances of binge drinking within the past 30 days (Kanny, Liu, Brewer, & Lu, 2013). As shown in Figure 13.2, binge drinking and heavy drinking are highest in young adulthood, with about one third of adults aged 18 to 24 and 25 to 34 as well as one in five adults aged 35 to 44 reporting binge drinking within the past 30 days (Kanny et al., 2013). Binge and heavy drinking are concerns because they both involve intermittent but high levels of alcohol consumption, which increases the risk of developing alcohol dependence and abuse (Simons, Wills, & Neal, 2014). Binge drinking is associated with negative short- and long- term consequences for physical and psychological well-being including fatal and nonfatal injuries, academic failure, violence and crime, unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and impaired driving (Brown et al., 2008; Cleveland, Mallett, White, Turrisi, & Favero, 2013; Mallett et al., 2013). Because young adults often engage in binge drinking, they are at risk of experiencing the associated negative consequences.

Research with college students has suggested that binge and heavy drinking may be part of a “stage of life phenomenon” for which the transition out of high school increases the risk (Jackson, Sher, & Park, 2005). Young people who enter college face a transition that brings many challenges and opportunities, including new roles; new friendship networks; increased autonomy and independence; separation from family and old friends; new academic choices and demands; and less parental support, guidance, and monitoring—all changes that can place them at risk for increases in alcohol use (Maggs, 1997; Schulenberg & Maggs, 2002; White, Fleming, Kim, McMorris, & Catalano, 2008). As they transition from high school to college, young people experience greater exposure to drinking and encounter higher levels of peer drinking and positive peer attitudes toward alcohol (White & Jackson, 2005). Most college students report experiencing more positive consequences of drinking (such as feeling social) than negative consequences (such as cognitive impairment), which contributes to high rates of binge and heavy drinking in this age group (Lee, Maggs, Neighbors, & Patrick, 2011).

Do young adults who attend college drink more than their peers who do not attend college? Some studies suggest that college students show higher rates of drinking than their peers

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(Barnes, Welte, Hoffman, & Tidwell, 2010; Carter, Brandon, & Goldman, 2010; Vergés et al., 2011), but others show no differences (Goldman, Greenbaum, Darkes, Brandon, & Del Boca, 2011). Despite these mixed findings, heavy drinking and alcohol-related problems are more common among young adults regardless of college enrollment (Barnes et al., 2010; Lanza & Collins, 2006; Vergés et al., 2011). People who report boredom and the desire to get high as the primary reasons for drinking tend to show the heaviest rates of alcohol use (Patrick, Lee, & Larimer, 2011). Overall, young people aged 18 to 29 show the highest rates of alcohol abuse and dependence, yet most young people show a spontaneous decline in drinking over the course of early adulthood. The transition to adult responsibilities such as career, marriage, and parenthood typically predicts declines in binge drinking and alcohol-related problems (Misch, 2007; Vergés et al., 2011). Most young people “mature out” of drinking, moving from heavy drinking to more moderate drinking (Lee, Chassin, & Villalta, 2013).

Figure 13.2: Current, Binge, and Heavy Alcohol Use Among Persons Ages 12 and Older, by Age, 2014

Source: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (2014).

Many young adults outgrow heavy drinking and related problems on their own and without treatment (Lee et al., 2013; Schulenberg & Maggs, 2002), but heavy drinking and binge drinking remain prevalent in adulthood, with 14% of middle-aged adults reporting binge drinking within the last month (Kanny et al., 2013). Alcohol dependence, also known as alcohol use disorder, is a maladaptive pattern of alcohol use that leads to clinically significant impairment or distress, as indicated by tolerance, withdrawal or drinking to relieve withdrawal, inability to reduce drinking, drinking more or for longer than intended, craving alcohol, recurrent alcohol use in physically hazardous situations, neglect of activities and obligations, time spent related to drinking or recovering from drinking, and continued use of alcohol despite alcohol-related psychological or physical problems (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Although there are genetic risk factors for alcohol dependence and alcoholism, environmental factors, personal choices, and circumstances

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also influence whether an individual turns to alcohol as a coping mechanism (Enoch, 2013).

Alcohol dependence and chronic excessive alcohol consumption endanger health. Alcohol dependence places users at risk of developing various chronic diseases such as cardiovascular disease, intestinal problems, neurologic impairment, liver disease, and several types of cancer (Rehm, 2011). Brain damage from chronic alcohol abuse can eventually lead to memory and concentration problems, confusion, and apathy (Brun & Andersson, 2001; Stavro, Pelletier, & Potvin, 2013). Alcohol is implicated in accidents, injuries, criminal activity, and violence. For example, as shown in Figure 13.3, in 2013, about 20% of 21- to 25-year-olds and 26- to 29-year-olds and about 18% of 30- to 34-year-olds reported driving under the influence of alcohol within the past year (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2014). Alcohol was implicated in one third of traffic fatalities in 2013 (National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, 2014) and implicated in 40% of all crimes (National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence, 2015).

Despite experiencing alcohol-related problems and other negative consequences of drinking, people with alcohol dependence find it very difficult to stop drinking. Alcohol is physiologically addictive, and the withdrawal symptoms include anxiety, feelings of shakiness, irritability, depression, fatigue, insomnia, and confusion (Dugdale, 2009). About one half of alcoholics relapse shortly after beginning treatment (Volpicelli, 2005). Successful treatments provide individual and family counseling, group support, coping skills, and possibly aversion therapy (the use of medication that produces negative reactions to alcohol such as vomiting) to spur a distaste for alcohol (Swift, 2007; Windle & Zucker, 2010).

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Stress

“Still sick?” asked Shannon. “Yes, I just can’t shake it,” complained Carla. “I’m exhausted. The baby was up all night, and the babysitter was late. Traffic was awful. It looks like I’ll have to work late tonight. But I need to find a way to make it to class because I have an exam.” Shannon advised, “You need to carve out some time for yourself. I don’t know how you do it!” “Me neither.” Carla sighed. “With a job and family, I don’t know how to fit in study time.” Psychological stress, similar to Carla’s experience, can motivate behavior or debilitate, impairing functioning. Stress is a part of every person’s life. Daily hassles such as traffic, child care difficulties, work deadlines, and conflict with family and friends are small stresses that quickly accumulate to influence our mood and ability to cope (McIntyre, Korn, & Matsuo, 2008). Experiencing an overload of daily hassles, negative life events (such as serious illness in the family, death, unemployment, and divorce), and unfavorable social conditions (such as poverty, lack of resources, and unsafe communities) is associated high levels of stress and poor health.

Figure 13.3: Driving Under the Influence of Alcohol in the Past Year Among Persons Age 16 or Older, by Age, 2013

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2012.

Stress is physiologically arousing. When people experience stress, they respond with a “fight-or-flight” stress response in which cortisol is released and the body readies for action, raising blood pressure and heart rate. Individuals who experience chronic stress, such as that which accompanies living in poverty, are more likely to experience negative cardiovascular side effects of stress, such as hypertension (high blood pressure), high cholesterol, and arteriosclerosis (hardening of the arteries, which places more stress on the heart and increase the risk of heart attack and stroke; Harris et al., 2008). The stress response and negative consequences of stress tend to be higher in people of low socioeconomic status (Lantz,

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House, Mero, & Williams, 2005), perhaps because of the chronic stress associated with living in low-income communities and the sense that problems are unsolvable (Almeida, Neupert, Banks, & Serido, 2005). Chronic psychological stress weakens immune functioning, triggering and increasing the severity of acute illnesses such as colds and flu, chronic illnesses such as asthma and arthritis, and serious illnesses such as cancer (Connor, 2008; Gouin, Glaser, Malarkey, Beversdorf, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 2012). Stress also influences psychological functioning. Chronic stress is associated with higher rates of anxiety and depression (Joo et al., 2009; Leonard & Myint, 2009) and can be a trigger for experiencing more serious mental illnesses that have a biological basis, such as bipolar disorder and schizophrenia (Gershon, Johnson, & Miller, 2013; Juster et al., 2011).

Early adulthood is a particularly challenging time because of the many choices available, decisions to be made, and developmental tasks. Perhaps because of these stressors, young adults are more likely to report depressive feelings than are middle-aged adults, who tend to show more career and financial stability and better coping skills (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2006; Schiefman, Van Gundy, & Taylor, 2001). The challenges and stresses of early adulthood are not insurmountable. They can be countered by social support, which is associated with lower cortisol levels, suggesting a reduced fight-or-flight response (Ditzen et al., 2008). Social support buffers the negative emotional and health consequences that accompany psychological stress (Cropley & Steptoe, 2005). Encouraging young adults to maintain and strengthen social ties enhances their physical and psychological functioning. In addition, social support within the context of a relationship characterized by a secure attachment shows the greatest benefits for stress management (Ditzen et al., 2008).

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Thinking in Context 13.2 1. What aspects of young adulthood increase young people’s risk for obesity and poor health behaviors, such

as engaging in little physical activity or smoking? 2. Explain some of the reasons why substance use is highest in young adulthood. What contributes to its

decline?

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Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood: Postformal Reasoning

For Alexander, a college junior majoring in biology, weighing hypotheses on evolutionary theory is easy. As he sees it, there is one account that is clearly more rational and supported by data than the others. However, like most young adults, Alexander finds personal decisions much more difficult because many are vague and have multiple options with both costs and benefits. As teenagers mature into adults, their thinking becomes increasingly flexible and practical. Adults come to expect uncertainty and ambiguity and to recognize that everyday problems are influenced by emotion and experience rather than pure reasoning. Researchers who study postformal reasoning examine how thinking and problem solving are restructured in adulthood to integrate abstract reasoning with practical considerations (Sinnott, 1998). Young adults who demonstrate postformal thinking recognize that most problems have multiple causes and solutions, that some solutions are better choices than others, and that all problems involve uncertainty. The development of postformal reasoning entails shifts in reasoning, as described in the following section.

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Epistemic Cognition

Researchers who study postformal reasoning emphasize understanding epistemic cognition —the ways in which individuals understand how they arrived at ideas, beliefs, and conclusions. With maturation, young people become more likely to compare their reasoning process and justifications with others and, when their justifications fall short, seek a more adequate explanation and adjust their thinking accordingly. People’s understanding of the nature of knowledge advances along a predictable path in young adulthood, especially among college students (King & Kitchener, 1994; Magolda, 2002; Perry, 1970).

When they enter college, young people tend to view knowledge as a set of facts that hold true across people and contexts (King & Kitchener, 2004; Perry, 1970). They view learning as a matter of acquiring and assessing facts. Beginning college students tend to display dualistic thinking, polar reasoning in which knowledge and accounts of phenomena are viewed as either right or wrong with no in-between. They tend to have difficulty grasping that several contradictory arguments can each have supporting evidence. The entering college student may sit through class lectures, wondering, “Which theory is right?” and become frustrated when the professor explains that multiple theories each have various strengths and weaknesses.

With experience in college, such as exposure to multiple viewpoints, multiple arguments, and their inherent contradictions, students show less dualistic thinking (Baxter Magolda, 2004). Instead, they move toward relativistic thinking in which most knowledge is viewed as relative, dependent on the situation and thinker (King & Kitchener, 2004; Perry, 1970). As students become aware of the diversity of viewpoints that exist in all realms of study, their thinking becomes more flexible. They relinquish the belief in absolute knowledge and instead embrace multiple truths, relative to individual and context. Relativistic thinkers recognize that beliefs are subjective, that there are multiple perspectives on a given issue, and that all perspectives are defensible (Magolda, 2002; Sinnott, 1998). Often students become frustrated by relativism and conclude that most topics are simply a matter of opinion and perspective, and all views are valid. For example, they may conclude that all solutions to a problem are correct as it all depends on a person’s perspective. A more mature thinker, however, may acknowledge the multiple options yet carefully evaluate them to choose the most adequate solution.

As shown in Table 13.2, the most mature type of reasoning entails reflective judgment: reasoning that synthesizes contradictions among perspectives (King & Kitchener, 2004; Perry, 1970). Whereas a relativistic thinker may approach a problem such as deciding which theory is most adequate or which short story is best by explaining that it is simply a matter of opinion and it “depends on the person,” the individual who displays reflective judgment recognizes that options and opinions can be evaluated—and generates criteria to

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do so (Sinnott, 2003). Although reasoning tends to advance throughout the college years, ultimately few adults demonstrate reflective judgment (Perry, 1970).

Development beyond formal operations is dependent on metacognition and experience. Exposure to situations and reasoning that challenges students’ knowledge and belief systems, coupled with more explicit, powerful, and effective metacognition, permits individuals to consider the adequacy of their own thought and reasoning processes and modify them as needed (Kuhn, 2000). Advancement to postformal reasoning is associated with contextual factors—specifically, exposure to realistic but ambiguous problems and supportive guidance, such as that which is often a part of college education within Western cultures (King & Kitchener, 2002; Zeidler, Sadler, Applebaum, & Callahan, 2009).

Yet postformal reasoning is not universal across cultures. For example, Chinese college students generally do not display the typical advancement from dualism to relativism to reflective judgment (Zhang, 2004; Zhang & Watkins, 2001). When compared with their U.S. counterparts, Chinese students tend to lack opportunities for making their own choices and decisions in many areas such as curricula, career choices, academic majors, and residential arrangements (Zhang, 1999). Experience in decision making matters. Some theorists argue that even in Western cultures, the most advanced level of postformal reasoning (commitment within relativism) may come only with graduate study and wrestling with challenging philosophical and practical problems (King & Kitchener, 2004).

Regardless of education, culture, or age, social interaction is a critical influence on the development of postformal cognition (Kuhn, 2008). Social interaction entails discussing multiple perspectives and solutions to a problem as well as encouraging individuals to consider others’ perspectives, evaluate their own reasoning, and perhaps advance to more sophisticated forms of reasoning. People’s reasoning advances throughout adulthood; however, reasoning and decision making are not simply cognitive endeavors but are

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influenced by emotion.

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Pragmatic Thought and Cognitive-Affective Complexity

According to Gisella Labouvie-Vief (1980, 2006), development from adolescence to adulthood entails a transformation from hypothetical thought emphasizing possibilities to pragmatic thought, emphasizing the use of logic to address everyday problems. Similar to reflective judgment, pragmatic thought entails acceptance of inconsistency and ambiguity (Labouvie-Vief, 2015). Managing various roles and tackling the problems of everyday life requires thinking that is flexible and accepting of contradiction. For example, young adults must come to terms with their relative power across various contexts: At home, they have autonomy and are able to carve out their own niche whereas at work they must follow the directions of their employer. Integrating dynamic roles as spouse, parent, friend, employee, and manager requires flexibility and adaptation.

Reasoning in everyday situations is not simply a matter of logic—it is fused with emotion. Advances in reasoning during the adult years entail integrating cognition with emotion. Young adults become better able to make rational decisions and are less swayed by emotion-fused thinking than are adolescents (Thornton & Dumke, 2005; Watson & Blanchard-Fields, 1998). From young adulthood through middle adulthood, individuals experience gains in cognitive-affective complexity, the capacity to be aware of their emotions, integrate positive and negative feelings about an issue, and regulate intense emotions to make logical decisions about complicated issues (Labouvie-Vief, 2003, 2015; Mikels et al., 2010). With gains in cognitive-affective complexity, young adults better understand others, including their perspectives, feelings, and motivations, which helps them to participate in social interactions, become more tolerant of other viewpoints, and solve day-to-day problems.

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Thinking in Context 13.3 1. Can you identify examples of postformal reasoning in your own thinking? What are some challenges of

evaluating one’s own thinking? 2. What kinds of experiences foster the development of postformal reasoning? In your view, is higher

education necessary to develop the capacity for postformal reasoning? Why or why not?

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Education in Early Adulthood

Unlike childhood and adolescence, when education is mandated and virtually all students progress with their peers on the same schedule, early adulthood offers a wide range of educational and vocational opportunities and challenges. College represents an increasingly common transition from secondary school to the workplace.

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Developmental Impact of Attending College

Attending college, at least for a time, has become a normative experience for emerging adults. In 2013, about 66% of high school graduates in the United States enrolled in two- or four-year colleges (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014). Students enroll in college to learn about a specific field of study, a major, and to prepare for careers, but attending college is also associated with many positive developmental outcomes.

Adults of all ages often view their college years as highly influential in shaping their thought, values, and worldview. In addition to academic learning, young people enrolled in college are presented with various perspectives and are encouraged to experiment with alternative values, behaviors, and beliefs. College students encounter a wealth of new experiences and opportunities for autonomy, ideas, and social demands. College courses often require students to construct arguments and solve complex problems, which fosters the development of postformal reasoning (Perry, 1970; Sinnott, 2003). Attending college is associated with advanced moral reasoning and the ability to synthesize the considerations of autonomy and individual rights with promoting human welfare (Kohlberg & Ryncarz, 1990). In addition to intellectual growth, college students show advances in social development (El Hassan, 2008). The expanded worldview that accompanies college attendance is displayed in young people’s tolerance of diversity and interest in art, literature, and philosophy.

The positive impact of attending college is not simply a matter of the type of college one attends; research indicates that all institutions, public and private, selective and open enrollment, advance cognitive and psychological development (Montgomery & Côté, 2003). In addition, students at two-year community colleges show similar cognitive gains as their peers at four-year institutions (Pascarella, Bohr, & Nora, 1995). It is student involvement in campus life rather than the type of institution attended that matters in influencing developmental outcomes. Peer interaction in academic and social contexts benefits students. Students who live in residence halls have more opportunities to interact with peers and become involved in the academic and social aspects of campus life—and show the greatest cognitive gains in the college years (Reason, Terenzini, & Domingo, 2007; Terenzini, Pascarella, & Blimling, 1999). Education that challenges students and encourages them to consider perspectives other than their own; solve ambiguous, messy problems; and apply coursework to real-world problems and activities with the guidance of supportive faculty promotes cognitive-affective complexity, which underlies adaptive functioning in college as well as all the contexts in which young adults are embedded (Reason et al., 2007).

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Attending college has become normative for emerging adults in the United States.

Will & Deni McIntyre/Corbis

Despite these benefits, however, many students do not complete college. Only about two thirds of students who enroll in four-year institutions graduate within six years, and one third of students enrolled at two-year institutions graduate within three years (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014). Generally, student attrition is higher in colleges with open enrollment and less selective admission requirements. The transition to college itself predicts whether students will drop out. Most students find the transition to college challenging as it entails academic, social, and personal demands. Coursework is more difficult than in high school, and students are expected to take initiative in seeking assistance. Many students experience changes in living situation, whether a move to a dorm room or off-campus housing. College entails new psychological demands for autonomy, motivation, study skills, and self-management (Cleary, Walter, & Jackson, 2011).

Students who are the first in their families to attend college (known as first-generation college students), as well as those who are from minority or low socioeconomic homes (who also are often first-generation students), often experience the most difficulty transitioning to college and are at highest risk of dropping out of college or attending discontinuously (Aronson, 2008; Fischer, 2007; Ishitani, 2006). In 2011, about 15% of all college students enrolled in the United States were African American and 14% Hispanic (as compared with 61% white; National Center for Education Statistics, 2013). With few family and peer models of how to succeed in college, first-generation and minority students may find it difficult to understand and adjust to the college student role and expectations and may be at risk of feeling isolated (Collier & Morgan, 2008; Orbe, 2008). They may experience

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more difficulty choosing a major; enroll in more remedial coursework; trail in the number of credits they need in the first year of college; and be less active in campus, academic, and social activities—risk factors for college dropout (Aronson, 2008; Walpole, 2008).

Students’ transition to college and success in college are also influenced by the college environment (Fischer, 2007). Institutions that are responsive to the academic, social, and cultural needs of students help them adjust to college and, ultimately, succeed. Reaching out to at-risk students during the first weeks of college can help them to feel connected to the institution. Social connection, communication skills, motivation, and study skills are associated with retention (Robbins, Allen, Casillas, Peterson, & Le, 2006). Students who live on campus, see faculty as concerned with their development, establish relationships with faculty and other students, and become involved in campus life are more likely to succeed and graduate from college (Pike & Kuh, 2005). College and universities can provide opportunities for faculty and students to interact and form connections, help students develop study skills, and assist students in getting involved on campus. When students feel that they are part of a campus community, they are more likely to persist and graduate.

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Emerging Adulthood: Choosing A Major

In this video, 19-year-old Amber discusses her experience choosing a college major. Like many students, she initially chose a field quite different from her ultimate major. Here she describes how she explored fields of study and how her interactions with family influenced her choices.

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Nontraditional College Students

Virtually all of the research on the effects of college tends to focus on what most people think of as the typical college student, ages 18 through 22. However, 27% of college students are between ages 25 and 39 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). Why do students return to college? Nontraditional students tend to report career reasons for returning to college (Kasworm, 2003). Some seek a college degree to be eligible for higher- paying and more satisfying careers. Others enroll in college to change career paths. Employers sometimes encourage students to enroll in college to learn new skills.

Nontraditional students are more likely than traditional students to attend college part- time, work full-time, be financially independent, and have dependents—all of which pose significant challenges to success in college (Choy, 2002). They are more likely than other college students to juggle multiple life roles, such as worker, spouse, parent, and caregiver (Fairchild, 2003). Sometimes the demands of school, family, and work conflict can be overwhelming. For example, work-related travel is often disruptive to child care as well as academic demands, resulting in class absences and missed assignments.

Many nontraditional students find the practical details of college more difficult to navigate, as most colleges are oriented toward traditional students (Fairchild, 2003). For example, classes that meet two or three days each week often conflict with work schedules. Evening classes often meet once per week, permitting convenience at the expense of contact with professors. Some students may find required courses are offered only during the day. They may have difficulty accessing advisors and student support services. Nontraditional students are less likely than traditional students to earn a degree within five years (Choy, 2002).

However, nontraditional students bring several strengths to the table. They tend to show a readiness to learn and a problem-centered orientation toward learning that emphasizes acquiring the knowledge and skills needed for career advancement (Ross-Gordon, 2011). Older students tend to have a more complex knowledge base from which to draw and tend to emphasize seeking meaning and applying what they learn to their lives (Fairchild, 2003). Their experience and multiple roles can help nontraditional learners make meaning of theoretical concepts that may be purely abstract to younger learners (Ross-Gordon, 2011).

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Adults return to college for many reasons, including to change career paths, obtain higher paying and more satisfying careers, learn new skills, and fulfill personal goals.

AP/Joe Hermitt

Adult undergraduate students typically seek colleges that are readily accessible; offer training relevant to their current life needs; and are cost-effective, flexible in course scheduling, and supportive of adult lifestyle commitments (Kasworm, 2003). Many colleges and universities are increasingly supporting the needs of nontraditional students. Colleges can support nontraditional students by extending student services beyond business hours, providing adequate and close parking for those students who rush from work to school, as well as affordable on-campus child care for part- and full-time students, including evening students (Hadfield, 2003). Some offer orientation programs for adult learners to provide information about support resources as well as help students connect with one another and begin to build a social support network of peers.

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The Forgotten Third

It can be said that attending college is part of the American dream and has become expected of many youth. Nearly three quarters of high school students report that they expect to earn a college degree; however, by age 29, only 34% of adults hold college degrees (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014). Each year, about one third of high school graduates in the United States transition from high school to work without attending college. The population of non-college bound youth has been referred to in the literature as “forgotten” by educators, scholars, and policy makers because relatively few resources are directed toward learning about and assisting them, as compared with college-bound young adults. While some young people cite economic barriers, such as the high cost of college or the need to support their family, as reasons for nonattendance, other academically well- prepared students report forgoing college because of a desire to work or disinterest in academics (Bozick & DeLuca, 2011).

Young adults who enter the workforce immediately after high school have fewer work opportunities than those of prior generations. In 2015, the rate of unemployment for high school graduates was twice that of bachelor’s degree holders (U.S. Bureau of Labor, 2015a). In addition, many young people with high school degrees spend their first working years in jobs that are similar to those they held in high school: unskilled, with low pay and little security (Rosenbaum & Person, 2003). As illustrated in Figure 13.4, high school graduates earn less than peers with college degrees.

The curricula of most secondary schools tend to be oriented toward college-bound students, and counseling tends to be geared toward helping students gain admission to college (Krei & Rosenbaum, 2000). Many argue that secondary schools do not meet the needs of non-college bound students (Blustein, Chaves, & Diemer, 2002). Over the past three decades, secondary education has shifted toward emphasizing academics and reducing vocational training, leaving young adults who do not attend college ill-prepared for the job market (Symonds, Schwartz, & Ferguson, 2011).

Critics have argued that the one third of young adults who do not attend college are shortchanged as billions of state and federal dollars are awarded in financial aid and subsidized college tuition to aid the college-bound, yet the non-college bound receive little assistance in making the transition to adulthood (Wald, 2005). A solution proposed in the Pathways to Prosperity report from the Harvard Graduate School of Education is for the U.S. educational system to support multiple pathways to the transition to adulthood (Ferguson & Lamback, 2014; Symonds et al., 2011). Secondary schools can prepare individuals for a variety of career paths, including those that do not include college attendance. Opportunities for vocational training and to obtain relevant work experience will help young people try out careers and get relevant training for specific jobs. In

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addition, training programs should relay specific expectations for youth with regard to their responsibility in career decision making and training and the educational and vocational support they can expect in return (Symonds et al., 2011).

Figure 13.4: Median Weekly Earnings by Education in 2014 (age 25 and older)

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2015b).

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Balancing College and Career in Emerging Adulthood

Many emerging adults find themselves in the position of working full-time while attending college or graduate school. In this clip, Sarah discusses her experience both working and attending college full-time— and her view of the benefits of both.

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Vocational Development in Early Adulthood

Selecting an occupation is one of the most important decisions that young people make. Individuals proceed through several phases of vocational development over their lifetimes (Gottfredson, 2005; Super, 1990). Children often fantasize about careers as astronauts, actors, and rock stars—careers that bear little resemblance to the choices they ultimately make.

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Stages of Vocational Development

How do people select occupations? Developmental theorist Donald Super proposed that the development of occupational goals progresses through several stages in adolescence and early adulthood (Super, 1980, 1990; Super & Hall, 1978; Super & Jordaan, 2007).

The earliest stage of occupational development, known as crystallization, begins in adolescence. Adolescents from ages 14 through 18 begin to think about careers in more complex ways, considering their own interests, personality, abilities, and values as well as the requirements of each career. Similar to the exploration entailed in identity development, career exploration is at first tentative. Adolescents seek information about careers by talking with family, friends, and teachers as well as through Internet searches. They compare what they learn with their interests.

As individuals transition into young adulthood, from ages 18 to 21, they enter the specification stage in which they identify specific occupational goals and pursue the education needed to achieve them. As a first-year college student, Angela knew that she wanted to do something related to business but had not yet selected among several possible majors. Once a young person has selected a general vocational area, he or she may experiment with possibilities before choosing an occupation. Angela considered several business-related majors including accounting, management, and others and also completed an internship at an investment firm before deciding to major in finance.

During implementation, from ages 21 to 24, young adults complete training, enter the job market, and make the transition to become an employee. The developmental task is to reconcile expectations about jobs and career goals with available jobs. Young people may take temporary jobs or change jobs as they learn about work roles and attempt to match their career goals with available jobs. For example, Yolanda majored in education but found no teaching positions available at schools near her home. She accepted a temporary position running an after-school program while she applies for jobs in other cities and states. Even young adults who attain their “dream jobs” often find that they must tailor and adapt their expectations and goals in light of their career setting.

The stabilization stage, from ages 25 to 35, entails becoming established in a career. Young adults settle into specific jobs, gain experience, and adapt to changes in their workplace and field. Toward the end of early adulthood, from age 35 and up, individuals progress through the final stage: consolidation. They accumulate experience and advance up the career ladder, moving into supervisory positions and becoming responsible for the next generation of workers.

According to Super’s model, vocational maturity reflects the degree to which an individual’s occupational behaviors and status match the age-appropriate occupational

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stage. Although a task and stage-oriented approach to understanding career development remains useful, even casual observers of adult development will notice that career development does not follow a universal pattern. Not everyone progresses through the stages in the prescribed order and at the same pace. For many adults, career development does not progress in a linear fashion because most adults do not hold the same occupation throughout adulthood. For example, adults in their 50s today have had an average of nine occupations between the ages of 18 and 40 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015c). Likewise, today’s young adults in their 20s are likely to have held six jobs between ages 18 and 26 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014). Young adults can expect to change career paths one or more times throughout their lives.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Apprenticeships

Through on-the-job training coupled with classroom instruction, apprenticeships help young people prepare for careers in a variety of vocational settings.

iStock/Signature

Most European countries place a much greater emphasis on vocational education than the United States. For example, non-college bound youth in European nations such as Austria, Denmark, Switzerland, and Germany have the opportunity to participate in apprenticeship programs that combine on-the-job training and classroom instruction that often is tailored to each student. Germany is particularly known for offering apprenticeships coupled with vocational schooling in hundreds of blue- and white-collar occupations (Behrens, Pilz, & Greuling, 2008). Young people who successfully complete training often are hired by their host company.

High school graduates in nations that employ apprenticeships enter the workforce with general and job- specific skills and a job whereas North American employers tend to view high school graduates as poorly prepared for the world of work. To a certain extent, this is true, as these workers often lack vocational training and experience outside of the high school curriculum. In response, the U.S. Department of Labor as well as many states have established a series of registered apprenticeships that combine on-the-job training with theoretical and practical classroom instruction to prepare young people to work in a variety of settings.

About 150,000 companies and organizations serve as program sponsors in the Apprenticeship USA registered apprenticeship program, training about 410,000 apprenticeships in over 1,000 occupations in industries such as construction, manufacturing, health care, information technology, energy, telecommunications, and more (U.S. Department of Labor, 2015). Apprentices receive on-the-job training and instruction by employers and earn wages during training. The programs must meet national standards for registration with the U.S. Department of Labor, and training results in an industry-recognized credential. Apprentices who complete the program are often hired at their apprenticeship placement, and employers benefit by hiring employees with the specific skills they need.

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What Do You Think? 1. Were you aware of apprenticeship opportunities as a high school student or now as a college

student? Why or why not? 2. In your view, what are the benefits of completing an apprenticeship? Are there any

disadvantages to choosing an apprenticeship?

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Influences on Vocational Choice

Many factors influence how young people perceive and evaluate occupational choices, but perhaps the most important factor in selecting a career is the match between young people’s personality traits and abilities and their occupational interests. We are most satisfied when we select occupations that match our personalities and other individual traits, such as intelligence and skills. John Holland (1997) proposed that occupational choices can be categorized by six personality types, as shown in Table 13.3. Holland explained that each personality type is best suited to a particular type of vocation.

Although it is useful to consider careers in terms of Holland’s six personality types, most people have traits that correspond to more than one personality type and are able to successfully pursue several career paths (Holland, 1997; Spokane & Cruza-Guet, 2005). Personality is an important influence on vocational choice; however, contextual influences such as family and educational opportunities also influence our choice of career.

Parents influence their children’s career development in a variety of ways. Parents tend to share personality characteristics and abilities with their children and influence educational attainment, which in turn influences career choice (Ellis & Bonin, 2003; Schoon & Parsons, 2002). Parents act as role models. Socioeconomic status and parents’ occupational field influence career choice (Schoon & Polek, 2011). Young people in higher socioeconomic households are more likely to receive career information from parents. For example, in one study African American mothers with at least some exposure to college were more likely than other mothers to use a variety of strategies to aid their daughters’ progress on academic and career goals, such as gathering information about career options, colleges, and professionals from whom to seek advice (Kerpelman, Shoffner, & Ross- Griffin, 2002). Parental expectations and encouragement for academic success and higher- status occupations also predict vocational choice and success (Maier, 2005). Parents may also give their different types of career encouragement and guidance to their daughters than they give to their sons. The influence of gender on career choice is discussed in Lives in Context (p. 383).

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Occupational Expectations and Reality

Young people form expectations about careers from the world around them—school, parents, peers, and the media. Expectations of what they would like to become, how they will get there, and how long it will take are modified by experience. Daniel Levinson’s theory of development, originally based on a sample of men and later extended to include women, discusses a range of developmental tasks for the adult years (Levinson, 1978, 1996). Young adults are faced with the first task, forming a dream, which involves defining occupational expectations. First, they attempt to achieve the dream and monitor their progress toward it. Throughout adulthood, individuals modify their occupational expectations based on their experiences. Individuals change their expectations as they realize that their interests have changed; the dream was not a good fit; or their career goal was not attainable in light of their skills, abilities, and opportunities.

Experience in the working world prompts most young people to change their occupational expectations. One longitudinal study that examined young people’s occupational expectations and achievement annually during the first seven years after high school and again at age 30 found a great deal of instability during the late teens and early 20s (Rindfuss, Cooksey, & Sutterlin, 1999). At age 25, less than one half of the young people had careers that matched their expectations. Among those who did not achieve their occupational expectations at age 30, men were more likely to move into managerial positions while women were more likely to move down or leave the workforce. The reality that vocational expectations are not always achieved can be a shock and can influence self- concept and occupational development as young adults revise their expectations.

Overall, early adulthood is a time in which young people undergo many changes. As they complete physical development, health-promoting behaviors, such as those involving nutrition, physical activity, and ways of coping with stress, become increasingly important determinants of health in adulthood. The cognitive advancements of early adulthood mean that young people can think in increasingly abstract and flexible ways, permitting them to apply their reasoning to beyond the academic and solve practical problems. It is when young people enter careers and become financially self-sufficient that most begin to consider themselves “adults,” as we will discuss in Chapter 14.

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Lives in Context

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The Gender Divide

Gender roles have broadened but women have been slow to reach equal representation in traditionally male- dominated careers in fields such as medicine, law, and science.

John B. Carnett/Getty

Women have entered the workforce in increasing numbers since the 1960s. As generations of women are raised by working mothers and societal perspectives on gender roles have broadened, young women have become interested in careers traditionally held by men. However, women have been slow to reach equal representation in traditionally male-dominated careers in fields such as medicine, law, and science. Careers traditionally held by females, such as nursing, administrative office support, and medical assisting, remain predominantly female—and earn less than traditionally male professions.

Why do few women enter science and other stereotypically masculine careers? We have seen in prior chapters that girls and boys show similar cognitive capacities and that girls tend to show higher levels of achievement on reading and writing tasks. With advancing grade, and particularly entrance to high school, girls’ self-esteem tends to decline and they become more uncertain of their academic abilities than do boys (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002). During college, many women come to doubt their ability to succeed in male-dominated careers and become more likely to choose non-science majors; or, if they continue in science, they choose socially oriented fields like those in the health professions (Benbow Lubinski, Shea, & Eftekhari-Sanjani, 2000). Prior achievement in math and science is not related to gender gaps in science fields, suggesting that women who choose nonscience majors are not less skilled in these areas (Riegle-Crumb, King, Grodsky, & Muller, 2012).

Young women’s ambivalence may be exacerbated by debates raised in recent years regarding whether women’s professional success is incompatible with career success. Some studies suggest that parenthood had a negative effect on women’s career success, especially when women give birth to their first child at around the same time they enter their careers, whereas men’s career success tends to be independent of parenthood (Abele & Spurk, 2011). One study of physicians found that women with children tended to be less advanced in their specialty qualifications, less prone to choose prestigious surgical fields, less likely to have a mentor, and less often aspire to prestigious senior hospital or academic positions (Buddeberg-Fischer et al., 2010). Some conclude that successful women professionals are less likely to have children (Hewlett, 2002).

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Whether high-profile traditionally male-dominated careers interfere with women’s desires to have children or women who wish to remain childless enter high-power careers is questionable. Regardless, career success and child-rearing can be combined when women have adequate support (Mills, Rindfuss, McDonald, & te Velde, 2011). Experts advise that young women should consider their life plans—what they expect for their professional and personal lives—when planning their futures. There is a need for high school and college programs to help young women develop and achieve high vocational aspirations, set goals to help them achieve their aspirations, and plan ahead to integrate their professional and personal lives.

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What Do You Think? 1. Compare the career and family responsibilities that men and women face. 2. From your perspective, is there a gender divide in employment opportunities and barriers? Why

or why not? If so, what can be done to reduce gender differences?

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Thinking in Context 13.4 1. What are some of the reasons why a young adult might not attend college or might drop out? What can

schools, colleges, parents, or policy makers do to help young adults attend college? 2. What advice would you give to a high school-age friend who has no plans to attend college? Why? 3. How does career choice illustrate the interplay between an individual’s characteristics, development, and

capacities and contextual factors, such as opportunities, choices, and socioeconomic status? Provide examples.

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Apply Your Knowledge Brenda dropped her bags on the floor of her dorm room and introduced herself to her new roommate, Denise. They got along easily, and after talking for some time, Denise left to go to the library. Brenda marveled at their very different lives. Whereas Denise’s parents are doctors, Brenda’s mother works two jobs to pay the bills. Brenda considers herself very lucky to have won a scholarship to college. She worries about leaving her mother alone with her younger siblings—there’s so much work to do and the little ones need a lot of supervision if they are to stay out of trouble in the neighborhood. Brenda worries that her little brothers will grow up too quickly and make dangerous decisions like joining one of the many neighborhood gangs. She realizes that she is very fortunate to be able to leave her poor community but worries that her absence will harm her family. At the same time, Brenda is delighted to have the opportunity to learn new things, to study with bright students and professors, and to prepare for a career as a doctor. As a pre-med major, Brenda has a very busy semester ahead, and she hopes that she won’t disappoint those who have given her such grand opportunities.

1. Brenda comes from an impoverished neighborhood. In the coming years as she enters early adulthood, how does the context in which she was raised and in which she lives influence her physical development and health?

2. In what ways can Brenda expect to grow cognitively over the years of early adulthood? What contributes to this change? How might cognitive advances influence her functioning and behavior on practical day-to-day level?

3. How likely is Brenda to earn a college degree? What role does attending college play in career outcomes, employment, and salary in early adulthood?

4. What challenges do first-generation students, like Brenda, face in transitioning to and succeeding in college? What contextual factors influence these risks and what might serve as protective factors and aid development?

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Chapter Summary

13.1 Describe the physical developments of early adulthood, such as changes in skin, muscles, motor skills, and reproductive capacity.

Physical development continues into the 20s when all of the organs and body systems reach optimum functioning. Age-related physical changes are so gradual that most go unnoticed by young adults. Physical strength peaks at about age 30, then gradually declines but young adults vary in the rate of change in their performance. Men are capable of reproducing throughout life, but sperm production is impaired by factors that harm the body’s functioning. In women, ovulation becomes less regular with age and is impaired by a variety of behavioral and environmental factors. 13.2 Analyze the range of perspectives on the causes of aging as applied to early adulthood.

Wear and tear explains aging as a function of the body wearing out from use. Aging may also be accounted for by programmed genetics; whether genetic predispositions are realized depends on environmental and behavioral factors. Caloric restriction and declines in immune system functioning may increase longevity. Increases in cellular mutation and the action of free radicals result in damage to DNA and chromosomes, contributing to many age-related diseases. Finally, human cells have a limited capacity to divide. Telomeres shorten with each division, and when they shorten past a critical length, the cell stops dividing all together, diseases increase, cell death occurs, and the body ages. 13.3 Examine the contributions of obesity, physical activity, and stress for young adults’ health.

Obesity has increased substantially in recent decades and is influenced by heredity and lifestyle factors. Obesity is a serious health risk, associated with a range of health and personal problems and illnesses. Successful weight loss is a result of lifestyle changes, such as regular moderate exercise coupled with a nutritionally balanced diet, training in stress management techniques, and problem-solving skills. Regular exercise increases longevity, enhances immunity, and promotes stress reduction. Chronic stress weakens immune functioning, triggering and increasing the severity of acute illnesses and chronic illnesses. Social support buffers the negative emotional and health consequences that accompany psychological stress. 13.4 Discuss the prevalence, effects, and treatment of alcohol and substance use in early adulthood.

Alcohol and substance use tend to begin during adolescence and peak during young adulthood. Over one third of young adults smoke cigarettes. Tobacco smoke accounts for about one third of all cancer deaths. Marijuana is the most commonly

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used illicit substance. For most young people, marijuana use is sporadic and limited in duration, but increases in marijuana use is associated with a variety of negative cognitive and personal outcomes. Binge drinking and heavy drinking peak in young adulthood and decline by the end of early adulthood with the transition to adult responsibilities. Binge drinking is associated with negative short- and long-term consequences for physical and psychological well-being, including alcohol dependence and withdrawal symptoms. 13.5 Discuss the development of postformal reasoning.

People’s understanding of the nature of knowledge advances along a predictable path in young adulthood. When they enter college, young people tend to display dualistic thinking, viewing knowledge as a set of facts that hold true across people and contexts. With experience and exposure to multiple viewpoints, arguments, and contradictions, young adults begin to display relativistic thinking. The most mature type of reasoning entails reflective judgment. Development beyond formal operations is dependent on metacognition and experience. 13.6 Compare cognitive-affective complexity with postformal reasoning.

In Lavouvie-Vief’s theory, advances in reasoning during the adult years entail making gains in cognitive-affective complexity and integrating cognition with emotion, permitting individuals to utilize pragmatic thought, become more open-minded and tolerant of other viewpoints, regulate intense emotions, and think logically about complicated everyday situations. 13.7 Explain how attending college influences young adults’ development.

College students encounter a wealth of opportunities to develop postformal reasoning, advanced moral reasoning, and tolerance for diversity. Student involvement in campus life more so than the type of institution attended influences developmental outcomes. One third to nearly one half of North American students drop out of college. Students who have trouble adjusting to the academic, social, and personal demands of college, especially first-generation and minority students, are at risk for dropping out. 13.8 Contrast the experiences of traditional and nontraditional college students.

Nontraditional students tend to report career reasons for returning to college. They are more likely than traditional students to attend college part-time, work full-time, be financially independent, and have dependents, all of which pose significant challenges to success in college. Many nontraditional students find the practical details of college more difficult to navigate. Older students tend to have a more complex knowledge base from which to draw and tend to emphasize seeking meaning and applying what they learn to their lives. 13.9 Identify challenges faced by non-college bound young adults.

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Young people who do not attend college are more likely to be unemployed than their college-educated peers or to spend their first working years in jobs that are similar to those they held in high school, unskilled, with low pay and little security. Over the last three decades, secondary education has shifted toward emphasizing academics and reducing vocational training, leaving young adults who do not attend college ill- prepared for the job market. 13.10 Identify influences on vocational choice and occupational expectations in early adulthood.

Vocational development in early adulthood entails choosing and becoming established in a career. We select occupations that match our personalities and other individual traits. Contextual influences such as family, socioeconomic status, and educational opportunities also influence our choice of career. According to Levinson, young adults form a dream; define occupational expectations; monitor their progress; and change their expectations in light of their experiences, abilities, and changing interests.

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Key Terms

alcohol dependence 372 binge drinking 372 caloric restriction 366 cognitive-affective complexity 376 dualistic thinking 375 epistemic cognition 375 free radicals 366 isometric muscle strength 364 postformal reasoning 375 pragmatic thought 376 reflective judgment 375 relativistic thinking 375 senescence 364 telomeres 367 wear and tear theory of aging 366

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Chapter 14 Socioemotional Development in Early Adulthood

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Learning Objectives 14.1. Discuss markers of emerging adulthood and the role of context in shaping this period. 14.2. Explore intimacy development and the influence of the social clock on adjustment. 14.3. Compare and contrast influences on friendship and mate selection. 14.4. Identify characteristics of intimate violence, influences on violence, and ways of addressing it. 14.5. Contrast the correlates of singlehood and cohabitation. 14.6. Discuss the transition to marriage and predictors of marital success and divorce. 14.7. Examine the effects of parenthood on young adults. 14.8. Compare and contrast the experience of stepparents, never-married parents, and same-sex parents. 14.9. Discuss the experience of women and minorities in the workplace. 14.10. Examine the interaction of work and family on young adults’ adjustment.

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Key Study Tools

Video Case Emerging Adulthood Explore Further Intimacy Video Case Romantic Relationships in Early Adulthood Lives in Context Internet Dating (p. 395) Connect Mate Selection and Genetics Watch Why Domestic Violence Victims Don’t Leave Think Critically Intimate Partner Violence Think Critically Cohabitation Watch The Brain in Love Explore Further Marital Satisfaction Video Case Planning for Parenthood and Work-Life Balance Listen Millennials and Parenthood Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Same-Sex Marriage and the Law (p. 403) Listen Stepfamilies Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Family Leave Policies (p. 412) Watch Women in the Workplace Explore Further Work-Family Spillover

“I guess real life begins now,” Sandra remarked to her college roommate, Christiana. “Is my cap straight?” asked Christiana. Sandra adjusted Christiana’s cap and stepped back to look at her friend in her graduation cap and gown, “Yep. Here we go!” Later, as she sat through her college commencement, Sandra wondered about her future. Will she like her new job? What will it be like to work full-time? What about her boyfriend, Jamal? They’ve dated for over a year. Will he propose? Sandra wasn’t sure that she wanted him to propose. There are many things she’d like to do before settling down. “After all, I’m just starting to figure myself out,” she thought to herself. “Will I ever be ready to merge my life with someone else’s? Will parenthood be right for me? Will I be able to juggle all the demands of work and family life? Do I want to?”

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Reuters/Noah Berger

Most young adults have similar concerns about the transition to adult roles. In this chapter, we take a closer look at the process of becoming an adult and traversing the years of early adulthood, roughly from ages 18 to 40. Given the many changes that happen over this 22- year span, many developmental scientists have begun to differentiate between the transition to adulthood and early adulthood itself.

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Psychosocial Development in Early Adulthood

Sandra’s ponderings about her future illustrate the developmental tasks of early adulthood: making decisions about relationships, family, career, and lifestyles, and then transitioning and committing to these roles. Some young people transition to adult roles very quickly while others take a more lengthy, windy path to adopting adult roles. Many young people find themselves in an “in-between” status in which they are not adolescents yet they have not yet assumed the roles that comprise adulthood. This extended transition to adulthood is known as emerging adulthood and takes place roughly from ages 18 to 25 (Arnett, 2000, 2004). The following sections discuss emerging adulthood and the psychosocial developments that occur during this transitional period.

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Emerging Adulthood

Much as adolescence is believed to be a social construction, a result of societal changes that separated adolescents from adults (review Chapter 11), in recent years developmental scientists have posed that societal changes have prolonged the transition to adulthood, creating the new period of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2004). With more high school graduates entering college than ever before, the traditional markers of adulthood, such as completing one’s education, entering a career, establishing a residence, marrying, and forming a family, are delayed relative to prior generations. Increasingly, young people have extended educational experiences prior to career entry, take longer to commit to a career and settle into occupational tracks, and become financially independent more gradually and at later ages than ever before (Shanahan, 2000; Tanner, 2014). The delay of career commitment and financial independence is accompanied by delayed marriages and later family formation (Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, & Gordon, 2003).

Emerging adulthood bridges adolescence and adulthood, extending from 18 to 25 or even into the late 20s, and is a time in which many young people who reside in Western industrialized societies have left the dependency of adolescence but have not yet assumed adult responsibilities (Arnett, 2000, 2004). Emerging adulthood is characterized by diversity in lifestyles because little is normative demographically for individuals in their late teens through mid-20s (Côté, 2006). For example, some emerging adults live with their parents, others live in college dormitories or in apartments with roommates or with spouses or alone. People aged 18 to 25 have the highest rates of residential change of any age group, shifting among residences and living situations. Some emerging adults are married; others are in long-term relationships, casual relationships, or are single. Education and vocation also varies among emerging adults. Some are in college, some are in the workforce, and some are employed while attending college. Emerging adults adopt adult roles at different times, as shown in Table 14.1.

Psychosocial Development During Emerging Adulthood

Emerging adulthood is an important time of psychosocial development. Self-esteem rises

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steadily from late adolescence through the mid-20s (Chung et al., 2014). Depressive symptoms decline, and well-being increases as young people make advances in emotional regulation, especially the ability to regulate intense emotions such as anger (Galambos, Barker, & Krahn, 2006; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014). Emerging adulthood also is a time of instability and exploration, as young people examine various life options. Emerging adults explore alternatives and make frequent changes in educational paths, romantic partners, and jobs. No longer under parental restrictions and without the full range of adult responsibilities, emerging adults are able to fully engage in the identity developmental processes described in Chapter 12, such as sampling opportunities and possible selves (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Luyckx, Meca, & Ritchie, 2013). As young people make progress toward resolving their identity, they are more likely to perceive themselves as adults (Fadjukoff, Kokko, & Pulkkinen, 2007; Nelson & Barry, 2005).

Emerging adults tend to report feeling a subjective sense of being in-between, that they are not adolescents but they also are not adults (Arnett, 1997, 2003). For example, less than one third of 18- to 20-year-olds tend to report they consider themselves to be adults, as compared with 50% of 21- to 24-year-olds and 70% of 25- to 28-year-olds (Arnett, 1997; Reitzle, 2006). Emerging adults tend to view becoming an adult as independent of traditional markers of adulthood, such as marriage, and instead based on acquiring a set of personal characteristics such as accepting responsibility for themselves, making independent decisions, and becoming financially independent (Arnett, 2003; Sharon, 2015). Attaining these personally important markers is associated with well-being (Sharon, 2015). However, one longitudinal study that followed 7th- to 12th-grade students into emerging adulthood (ages 18 to 24) found that emerging adults viewed both personal qualities and traditional social transition markers as contributors to self-perceived adulthood (Johnson, Berg, & Sirotzki, 2007). Although most emerging adults do not identify role transitions, such as marriage and parenthood, as necessary for people to be considered adults, young people who have experienced these role transitions are more likely to see themselves as adult than are those who have not completed similar role transitions.

Emerging adulthood is an exciting time of exploration, independence, and firsts, but also one of feeling in between, neither adolescent nor adult.

Yamil Lage/AFP/Getty

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Contextual Nature of Emerging Adulthood

Emerging adulthood is a response to larger societal changes, but it is not universal (Molgat, 2007). Ages for assuming adult roles are not set in stone. Young people vary with regard to when they enter careers, marriage, and parenthood (Cohen et al., 2003; Eisenberg, Spry, & Patton, 2015). One study that followed young people from 17 to 30 years of age found that the average person gained autonomy with respect to obtaining employment, establishing financial and residential independence and becoming a parent over these years; however, there was great variability in individual patterns for assuming adult roles (Cohen et al., 2003). Transitions did not occur at the same pace or order for everyone.

Young people who drop out of high school, experience early parenthood, begin working at a job immediately after high school, or who reside in low socioeconomic homes and communities may experience only a limited period of emerging adulthood or may not experience emerging adulthood at all (Hendry & Kloep, 2010; Maggs, Jager, Patrick, & Schulenberg, 2012).

In contrast, emerging adulthood may be extended into the late 20s for young people who obtain advanced training, such as attending medical school or law school, which delays entry into career, other adult roles, and financial independence. Enrollment in postsecondary education often delays residential and financial independence. College students tend to depend on parents for financial and often residential support whereas those who are employed are more likely to be financially self-supporting and to live in a residence independent of parents (Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1999). Emerging adulthood may financially overburden families by extending children’s financial dependence (Settersten & Ray, 2010). Some theorists argue that emerging adulthood is not a life stage—it does not exist everywhere and for everyone—but is simply an indicator of medium to high socioeconomic status and the educational and career opportunities that accompany such status (Côté, 2006, 2014).

Although emerging adulthood is not universal, it has been observed among young people in many cultures, including Argentinean, Austrian, Chinese, Czech, German, Israeli, Mexican, North American, Romanian, and Spanish, (Arias & Hernández, 2007; Facio & Micocci, 2003; Macek, Bejček, & Vaníčková, 2007; Mayseless & Scharf, 2003; Nelson, 2009; Nelson, Badger, & Wu, 2004; Sirsch, Dreher, Mayr, & Willinger, 2009). Each of these cultures endorses similar criteria for adulthood as well as criteria that are unique to their own culture. For example, each culture rates accepting responsibility for the consequences of one’s actions as the most important criterion for adulthood, but other important criteria vary by culture. North American emerging adults also rate making independent decisions and becoming financially independent as criteria for adulthood (Arnett, 1997, 2003). In Argentina, young people rated the capacity to care for young children as the second most important criteria for women (Facio & Micocci, 2003). Israeli young adults listed being

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able to withstand pressure as a required attribute for adulthood (Mayseless & Scharf, 2003) whereas Romanian young people reported norm compliance as an indicator of adulthood (Nelson, 2009). Chinese emerging adults rated learning to have good control of your emotions as being necessary for adulthood (Nelson et al., 2004). Yet none of these criteria were rated as necessary for adulthood by North Americans (Arnett, 2003). In contrast, a study of 18- to 26-year-old college students and nonstudents from a rural village in India found that the majority viewed themselves as adults and believed that others viewed them as adults, contrary to predictions related to emerging adulthood; however, the college students reported higher levels of optimism characteristic of emerging adulthood than did those who did not attend college, supportive of the existence of emerging adulthood (Seiter & Nelson, 2011). It appears that emerging adulthood, the extended transition from adolescence to adulthood, often occurs in Western industrialized cultures. However, the specific features and characteristics with which young people define adulthood vary by culture.

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Emerging Adulthood

In this video we consider the topic of emerging adulthood from the perspective of emerging adults as well as from the perspective of parents to adult children. Compare the characteristics that young people and parents see as comprising adulthood.

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Intimacy Versus Isolation

As with earlier periods in development, psychological adjustment and health is influenced by interactions between the individual and social world. According to Erikson’s (1950) lifespan theory of psychosocial development, at every phase in life, individuals encounter psychological crises that offer both opportunities and risks for psychological development. The crisis of early adulthood is the major psychosocial task of intimacy versus isolation: developing the capacity for intimacy and making a permanent commitment to a romantic partner.

A primary task of young adulthood is to establish intimate relationships with significant others.

Ed Jones/AFP/Getty

Establishing an intimate relationship that is mutual and satisfying is a challenge for emerging and young adults who often continue to struggle with identity issues and are just gaining social and financial independence. Commitment to an identity, including a sense of self, values, and goals, prepares young people for establishing intimate relationships (Kroger, 2007; Zimmer-Gembeck & Petherick, 2006) and is associated with establishing intimate relationships in early adulthood (Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2010). Yet, as young adults form intimate relationships, they must reshape their identity to include their role as partner and the goals, plans, and interests shared with their partner. Thus, they must resolve identity and intimacy demands that may conflict. For example, as they engage in continued identity development, they must do the work of establishing an intimate relationship, making sacrifices and compromises that may involve a temporary loss of self before expanding the sense of self to include a partner. The formation of intimate relationships is associated with well-being in young adults (Busch & Hofer, 2012). The flip side—not attaining a sense of intimacy and not making personal commitments to others— is the negative psychosocial outcome of isolation, entailing a sense of loneliness and self- absorption.

Because developing a sense of intimacy is a task of early adulthood that relies on identity development, many emerging adults who are just forming their identities are ill-prepared for this task. For example, young people who are engaging in the psychological exploration

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characteristic of the psychosocial moratorium are less likely to form intimate relationships whereas those who are identity achieved are more likely to engage in romantic relationships characterized by loyalty and love (Markstrom & Kalmanir, 2001). Identity achievement predicts readiness for intimate and committed romantic relationships and the capacity to actively seek and establish them (Barry, Madsen, Nelson, Carroll, & Badger, 2009; Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2010; Montgomery, 2005). Emerging adults generally report feeling that they are not ready for a committed, enduring relationship (Collins & van Dulmen, 2006). Many young people do not enter into truly intimate relationships until they have traversed the transition from emerging adulthood to early adulthood.

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The Social Clock

“There is a time for everything,” explained 14-year-old Carissa to her older sister, Erika. “At 18 you graduate high school, 22 you graduate college, 22 or 23 you get engaged, and 24 or 25 you get married.” “Silly, those ages fit for some people but not everyone. It depends on your experience, career plans, and personal goals,” admonished 20-year-old Erika. Yet Erika wondered to herself whether Carissa was right. Is there a “time for everything”? Developmental theorist Bernice Neugarten (1979; Neugarten & Neugarten, 1996) suggested that there is. Neugarten proposed that rather than follow simplistic age-based stages, adult development is shaped by a web of contextual influences. Throughout life, we experience a number of normative age-graded events, life events that most people encounter at specific ages, such as graduating from high school at age 18. The expected timing of normative age-graded events can be expressed as a social clock, age-related expectations for major life events such as occupational entry, marriage, parenthood, and retirement. Every society has a timetable for such events, and young people compare their progress on these events with that of their peers.

The social clock marks normative age-graded events, such as graduations, marriage, and parenthood.

Jason Edwards/natgeo/Corbis

The degree to which individuals match their culture’s social clock influences their self- esteem and psychological functioning. Most people are aware of their own timing and can describe themselves as early, late, or on time with regard to milestones such as getting married, having children, or retiring. Since the mid-20th century, Western culture’s expectations for the timing of developmental milestones of adulthood have become less age conscious and rigid in that the acceptable age range for norms have widened (Peterson, 1996). Delayed parenthood is one example; today, few people blink at a 40-year-old first- time parent whereas a generation ago late parenthood was unusual. That said, many young adults experience distress and poor self-esteem when they are off-time relative to their peers.

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Thinking in Context 14.1 1. In what ways is emerging adulthood socially constructed, a product of contextual factors? Did you

experience, or are you currently in, emerging adulthood? Identify conditions in which emerging adulthood may not occur.

2. Identify elements of the social clock. What are events that most adolescents, emerging adults, and young adults experience? What typical ages accompany these events? Compare yourself to the social clock you have identified. How well does it match your experience?

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Relationships in Early Adulthood

Young adults satisfy some of their intimacy needs through close friendships. Yet the developmental task of establishing the capacity for intimate relationships is best fulfilled by establishing a romantic relationship with a mate. The following sections discuss both types of intimate relationships: friendship and romantic relationships.

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Friendship

Like friendships in childhood and adolescence, adult friendships are based on similarity— shared interests, attitudes, and values (Hartup & Stevens, 1999). Friends tend to be similar in demographics, such as age, sex, and socioeconomic status, as these variables signal common interests and needs that may be fulfilled by friendship. In college, friendships may become more ethnically diverse among white students, less so among black students, and remain unchanged among Latino and Asian students (Stearns, Buchmann, & Bonneau, 2009). Some friendships are very intimate and marked by sharing, closeness, and support, yet other friendships are less intimate and based on a common interest, such as a favorite sport or a field of study. Some friendships are lifelong and of higher quality and are more stable than relationships with romantic partners and spouses (Hartup & Stevens, 1999). Friendship quality is associated with psychological adjustment and well-being in emerging and young adults (Buote et al., 2007; Demir, Özen, Doğan, Bilyk, & Tyrell, 2011).

Although recently married young people tend to have the greatest number of friends, single young adults tend to rely more heavily on friendships to fulfill needs for social support and acceptance than do married young adults (Carbery & Buhrmester, 1998). The more that friendships are characterized by social support and self-disclosure, the more satisfaction single young adults report and the longer the relationship lasts (Sanderson, Rahm, & Beigbeder, 2005). Women, regardless of marital and parental status, tend to have more intimate and long-lasting friendships, see their friends more often, and rely more on friends to meet social and emotional needs than do men (Carbery & Buhrmester, 1998; Radmacher & Azmitia, 2006; Sherman & de Vries, 2000). Men’s friendships tend to center around sharing information and activities, such as playing sports, rather than intimate disclosure (David-Barrett et al., 2015; Radmacher & Azmitia, 2006). As male friendships endure to become long-lasting ties, self-disclosure increases and the friends become closer (Sherman & de Vries, 2000). Satisfaction with one’s friendships is a better predictor of life satisfaction than is the number of friends (Gillespie, Lever, Frederick, & Royce, 2014).

Many young adults have opposite-sex friendships, which can be important sources of social support but tend not to last as long as same-sex friendships. Among men, friendships with women tend to decline after marriage, but women, especially highly educated women, tend to have more friendships with men throughout adulthood, especially in the workplace. Other-sex friendships are a source of companionship and support and offer opportunities to learn about gender differences in the expression of intimacy (Bleske-Rechek & Buss, 2001; Grover, Nangle, Serwik, & Zeff, 2007). It seems that both men and women gain from other-sex relationships. Men learn about emotional expression and intimacy, and women often report that male friends offer a different, objective point of view on problems.

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Over the course of adulthood, the number of friends and time spent with them declines. Adults often turn primarily to their spouses for intimacy and social support (Carbery & Buhrmester, 1998; Kito, 2005). As young adults establish families and careers, they often have less time to spend with friends, yet friendship remains an important influence on well- being throughout life (Hartup & Stevens, 1999).

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Romantic Relationships

Romantic relationships are important sources of intimacy. They are formed in similar ways as friendships but show different patterns of progression. The developmental task of early adulthood is to form long-term intimate relationships that will endure throughout adulthood (Seiffge-Krenke, 2003). Generally speaking, there tends to be continuity in relationship quality such that quality of romantic relationships in adolescence predicts relationship quality in emerging adulthood and beyond (Shulman & Connolly, 2013). The nature of romantic relationships often does change over time, however. For example, emerging adults tend to fluctuate between relationships or to be involved in short sexual and romantic encounters (Cohen et al., 2003). Today, young adults often experience years of singlehood and dating before partnering.

Mate Selection

What do men and women look for in a mate? Men and women from many cultures show similar patterns in mate preferences. Men tend to prefer a younger mate and assign greater value to physical attractiveness and domestic skills; from an evolutionary perspective, these are attributes that signal fertility and the capacity to care for offspring (Buunk, Dijkstra, Fetchenhauer, & Kenrick, 2002; Furnham, 2009; Li et al., 2013). Women tend to assign greater importance to earning potential, intelligence, height, and moral character and seek mates who are the same age or slightly older—characteristics that may increase the likelihood that a woman’s offspring will survive and thrive.

Contrary to popular belief, opposites do not make for satisfying partnerships. Differences among romantic partners may enhance their compatibility if the different traits complement one another—for example, one partner being more shy and the other outgoing. However, generally speaking, opposites might attract, but it is similarity that breeds relationship satisfaction. The more similar partners are, the more likely they are to report being satisfied with their relationship and to remain in the relationship (Blackwell & Lichter, 2004; Lutz-Zois, Bradley, Mihalik, & Moorman-Eavers, 2006). When entering a relationship, partners tend to lack information about each other and the resulting ambiguity is associated with liking (i.e., having positive feelings about) one another. As partners gain information about each other, they inevitably encounter some dissimilarities. Dissimilarities tend to reduce liking because once evidence of dissimilarity is encountered, subsequent information is more likely to be interpreted as further support of dissimilarity, further reducing liking (Norton, Frost, & Ariely, 2007).

Most intimate partners share similarities in demographics, attitudes, and values. Research has differentiated between perceived similarity (the degree to which individuals believe they are similar to their partner) and actual similarity (the measurable similarities they share).

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Studies have found that perceived similarity predicts attraction to potential and current mates (Montoya, Horton, & Kirchner, 2008; Taylor, Fiore, Mendelsohn, & Cheshire, 2011) and is more important in mate selection than actual similarities (Tidwell, Eastwick, & Finkel, 2013). What actual similarities do couples typically share? Common similarities shared by romantic partners include personality style, intelligence, educational aspirations, and attractiveness (Markey & Markey, 2007). Romantic partners often also share similarities in health behaviors such as smoking and tendencies toward risk taking (Smithson & Baker, 2008; Wiersma, Fischer, Harrington Cleveland, Reifman, & Harris, 2010). Young people tend to choose partners who share behavioral similarities with them, and as their relationships develop and grow, they often become more similar to each other. (This pattern resembles the one by which friends tend to become more similar to one another over time, as discussed in Chapter 12.)

Today, many adults of all ages use the Internet as a means of meeting potential romantic partners and developing relationships with them. The role of the Internet in mate selection is discussed in Lives in Context (p. 395). Mate selection is complicated and influenced by developmental, personal, social, and cultural factors.

Components of Love

Mario and Davida dated for 4 years before marrying. After 15 years of marriage and three children, Davida feels a warm sense of comfort and stability with her husband, who has become her best friend, but she sometimes misses the sparks of their dating years. Corey is planning to propose to his girlfriend of six months. “Sure, it’s very soon after meeting,” he thought to himself, “but I’m crazy about her, can’t stop thinking about her, and can’t imagine a day without seeing her.” Both Davida and Corey experience love in their relationship, but they do not experience the same kind of love.

Interpersonal relationships can be categorized on the basis of different compositions of three aspects that comprise love: passion, intimacy, and commitment (Sternberg, 2004). New romantic relationships tend to be characterized by passion, excitement, and happiness that accompany intense physical attraction, physiological arousal, and cognitive preoccupation (i.e., constantly thinking about the object of affection). Passion is not always accompanied by intimacy, emotional engagement, warm communication, closeness, connectedness, and caring for the other person’s well-being. Commitment, the decision that partners make to stay with one another, grows as people spend more time together, create shared goals, and solve problems together. According to theorist Robert Sternberg (1988), different combinations of these three components comprise seven different types of love, as shown in Table 14.3 and Figure 14.1.

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Western ideals of love, such as those depicted in movies and television programs, include all three components. However, the relative proportions of passion, intimacy, and commitment vary over the course of a relationship and with age as young adults tend to experience higher levels of passion in their relationships than older adults (and midlife and older adults tend to experience greater levels of commitment; Sumter, Valkenburg, & Peter, 2013). The euphoria of passion is influenced by novelty, spontaneity, and unfamiliarity because passion arises from physical attraction that is exciting and new. Intimacy, however, grows with familiarity. Feelings of closeness and bonding underlie the development of intimacy. It is over time that commitment strengthens. The novelty and uncertainty that fuels passion fades as the sense of security and stability that underlie intimacy and commitment grows. In turn, as intimacy and commitment increase, passion often subsides (Baumeister & Bratslavsky, 1999). Yet it is intimacy and commitment, not passion, that ultimately determine whether the romance will endure (Hendrick & Hendrick, 2004). This pattern of passion declining as intimacy and commitment increase is true of all couples, heterosexual and same-sex, married and unmarried (Kurdek, 2006). However, intimacy fluctuates from day to day, and increases in intimacy are often associated with similar increases in passion (Rubin & Campbell, 2011). Many couples show a long-term romantic love characterized by passion and intimacy, which in turn increases marital happiness and enhance their feelings of commitment (Acevedo & Aron, 2009). Successful couples acknowledge and appreciate the “ups” in intimacy and passion despite overall declines.

Figure 14.1: Sternberg’s Triangular Theory of Love

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Eastern cultures such as those of China and Japan offer a different perspective on romantic love. Traditional collectivist views common in Eastern cultures value interdependence. The young person is defined through relationships and roles—such as the roles of daughter, son, sibling, husband, and wife—rather than as an individual. Because all relationships are important components to the young person’s sense of self, affection is dispersed throughout all relationships, and romantic relationships are less intense than those experienced by Western young people. Chinese and Japanese young adults consider mate selection within the context of their other relationships and responsibilities to others. They are more likely than North American and European young adults to rate companionship, similarity in backgrounds, and career potential as important in choosing a partner and are less likely to rate physical attraction and passion as important factors (Dion & Dion, 1993). Similarly, dating couples in China report feeling less passion than do those in the United States but report similar levels of intimacy and commitment, which in turn predict relationship satisfaction (Gao, 2001).

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Lives in Context

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Internet Dating With every generation come advances in technology that influence daily life, including romantic relationships. For example, in the mid-1990s, the first online dating sites were launched. Online dating, meeting, and communicating have flourished over the past two decades, enabling individuals to meet and interact with many potential dates quickly and without having to leave their homes.

In 2013 nearly 11% of adults in the United States and 38% who were currently single and seeking a partner reported having used online dating sites or mobile dating apps (Smith & Duggan, 2013). Overall, 5% of U.S. adults report having met their spouse or long-term partner online, including 11% of couples who have been together 10 years or less. Young adults are the most common users of online dating sites, with 22% of 25- to 34-year-olds and 17% of 35- to 44-year-olds reporting having dated online, roughly double the rate for those ages 18 to 24 and those ages 45 to 54 (Smith & Duggan, 2013).

Why do people choose to date online? Two thirds of online daters report that it is a good way to meet people, and nearly three quarters agree that it helps people find a better romantic match because they have access to a wide range of potential partners.

An online dating relationship usually begins with a flurry of e-mail messages. If the two decide they are interested enough to pursue the contact further, phone calls and then a face-to-face meeting follow. Unlike traditional dating, in online dating a great deal of information is shared before daters meet. The tone, or degree of emotionality, of e-mail messages influences daters’ impressions of potential partners. Strong positive emotional words, such as excited or wonderful, are more likely to elicit a response from a prospective dating partner than less strong emotional words, such as good or fine (Rosen, Cheever, Cummings, & Felt, 2008). In addition, daters tend to prefer low levels of self-disclosure, a preference that also exists in traditional dating. In many ways, people using online dating and the resulting romances are very much like those that originate though friends, school, or work (Hall, Park, Hayeon, & Michael, 2010).

Online dating differs from traditional dating in that it allows daters to exert greater control over their first impressions to potential partners. Typical dating profiles include a self-description and a picture. The accuracy of photos varies. In one study, online daters, independent judges, and trained coders evaluated the accuracy of daters’ photos (Hancock & Toma, 2009). While online daters rated their own photos as relatively accurate, independent judges rated approximately one third of the photographs as not accurate. Female photographs were judged as less accurate than male photographs; they were more likely to be older; to be retouched or taken by a professional photographer; and to contain inconsistencies, including changes in hair style and skin quality (Hancock & Toma, 2009). Over one half of online daters have felt that someone else misrepresented themselves in their profile (Smith & Duggan, 2013). Despite this, the degree to which online daters misrepresent themselves is low (Hall et al., 2010). Women may be more likely to fib about their weight, and men may be more prone to tell white lies on other subjects, such as their assets, relationship goals, and personal interests (Hall et al., 2010). However, differences between individuals tend to be far greater than those between the sexes.

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Online daters face an ironic challenge. The increased options that dating websites provide, such as the seemingly endless supply of potential dates, may not aid them in finding a suitable partner (Finkel, Eastwick, Karney, Reis, & Sprecher, 2012). As daters face more options, they are more likely to search excessively for an ideal “Ms./Mr. Right”; they may also become distracted with details and irrelevant information, making it more difficult to screen and select partners (Southard, 2008; Wu & Chiou, 2009). With so many opportunities, online daters may find it difficult to make decisions about romantic partners, perhaps undermining their dating efforts. Indeed, about one third of online daters agree that online dating “keeps people from settling down because they always have options for people to date” (Smith & Duggan, 2013).

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, what are the advantages and disadvantages of online dating? 2. Consider friendships and the mate selection process in early adulthood. In what ways is the

pursuit of romantic relationships online similar to and different from what we know about friendship formation and mate selection in early adulthood?

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Romantic Relationships In Early Adulthood

Establishing romantic relationships is an important task for many young adults. In this clip college students Amber and Jeffrey describe the origins of their relationship and compare themselves to their peers. Emerging adult Morgan considers whether there is pressure to settle down, and parents to young adults provide their perspectives.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Intimate Partner Violence

Violence between intimate partners is a widespread health issue that is not limited by culture, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, or marital status. Intimate violence includes physical violence, sexual abuse, and psychological harm. Victims frequently experience several forms of violence. For example, physical violence, such as throwing and breaking possessions, punching holes in walls, shaking, hitting, and kicking, tends to be accompanied by psychological abuse, including such as threats of violence and coercive tactics such as humiliation, control, and isolation from friends and family (Krebs, Breiding, Browne, & Warner, 2011). Intimate partner violence occurs at similar rates in both heterosexual and same-sex couples (Clift, Thomas, & Dutton, 2005).

Physical violence in which a male harms a female partner is the most commonly reported type of intimate violence; however, many more acts remain unreported. Research suggests that men and women report experiencing similar rates of physical assault during arguments (Archer, 2002; Próspero & Miseong, 2009). Intimate violence escalates the emotional intensity of arguments and tends to elicit retaliatory violence from the victimized partner. A particularly comprehensive form of violence is intimate terrorism, a pattern of coercive control and repeated severe battering; research has found that both males and females perpetrate intimate terrorism, at similar rates (Hamel, 2009). Partners report the main motivation for remaining in relationships characterized by intimate terrorism as fear (Leone, Lape, & Xu, 2013). Although, overall, men and women are about equally likely to instigate episodes of intimate violence, women are more likely to miss work, report depression, be injured, receive death threats, and to actually be killed by their partners (Catalano, 2007; Jasinski, Blumenstein, & Morgan, 2014; Moffitt & Caspi, 1999). Men are more likely to report partner aggression as the precipitant to their own aggression whereas women’s is more precipitated by verbal aggression or something else other than physical (Fincham & Beach, 2010).

Intimate violence is not a one-time event but a process (Cattaneo, Stuewig, Goodman, Kaltman, & Dutton, 2007). A variety of factors contribute to intimate violence. Spouses who abuse often show higher rates of depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem and often display possessive, jealous, and controlling behavior toward their partner (Dixon & Browne, 2003; Johnson, Giordano, Longmore, & Manning, 2014). Many fail to see their role in the abuse and instead blame their partner for causing situations that lead to violence (Henning & Holdford, 2006). As children, those who have grown up to be abusive spouses are more likely to have observed domestic violence in the home, received physical punishment and coercive discipline as well as to have engaged in violent delinquency during adolescence (Murrell, Christoff, & Henning, 2007; Smith, Ireland, Park, Elwyn, & Thornberry, 2011). There is also overlap between perpetrator and victim roles; many victims also engage in abusive behavior (Tillyer & Wright, 2013).

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Figure 14.2: Lifetime Rates of Intimate Partner Violence by Sex and Ethnicity

Note: *No data available for Asian or Pacific Islander males.

Source: Breiding et al. (2014).

About 36% of women and 29% of men experience intimate partner violence defined as rape, physical violence, or stalking at some point in their lifetime, and about 6% and 5% report experiencing intimate violence in the past year (Breiding, Chen, & Black, 2014). Although women are more likely to experience intimate partner violence, overall rates vary by ethnicity, as shown in Figure 14.2.

Contextual factors that contribute to domestic violence include stressors such as poverty, unemployment, and drug and alcohol abuse. For example, the experience of poverty and other contextual stressors may underlie the higher rates of domestic violence reported by African American women (Cho, 2012). Cultural norms and values also influence rates of partner violence.

Worldwide, about one third of women experience intimate partner violence in their lifetimes, but rates vary widely from 16% in East Asia (including China, Japan, North Korea, and South Korea) and 19% in Western Europe to 66% in Central sub-Saharan Africa (including Chad, Congo, and Rwanda) to 41% and 42% in South Asia (including Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan) and parts of Latin America, respectively (Breiding et al., 2014; Devries et al., 2013).

Around the world, the large majority of intimate abuse includes female victims. Cultural norms valuing male dominance and female submissiveness, as well as differences in women’s social mobility through education and career, underlie differences in prevalence rates (and gender differences in prevalence rates) throughout the world, including many countries in Asia, the Middle East, and Africa (Bendall, 2010; Boyle, Georgiades, Cullen, & Racine, 2009; Eng, Li, Mulsow, & Fischer, 2010; World Health Organization, 2005). In Cambodia, for example, the more contact and discussions couples have, the more likely

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are husbands to assert control and engage in intimate violence (Eng et al., 2010). Among women in India, education serves as a protective factor against experiencing intimate violence, but community living standards and attitudes toward maltreatment are more closely linked with partner abuse (Boyle et al., 2009).

Why do victims of intimate violence remain in these relationships? Many do so out of financial necessity, love, fear, the embarrassment of alerting authorities, and the hope that their partner will change (Dunn & Powell-Williams, 2007). Victims who remain in abusive relationships often feel that they are powerless, which is associated with increased risk for victimization and heightened symptoms of depression (Filson, Ulloa, Runfola, & Hokoda, 2010). Many communities provide services to aid victims of intimate violence, including crisis telephone lines, shelters, and clinics that provide counseling, support, and treatment. Yet victims of partner violence often return to the relationship several times before terminating it. Most victims seek help repeatedly over the course of the relationship, with more diverse and intense help-seeking accompanying more severe violence (Cattaneo et al., 2007).

Community services addressing intimate partner violence attempt to empower victims by easing their transition from dangerous homes and fostering self-help skills (Barner & Carney, 2011). Community services often include treatment for abusers, emphasizing communication, anger management, and problem solving, but many perpetrators repeat the pattern of violence despite treatment (Harway & Hansen, 2004; Levesque, Velicer, & Castle, 2008). Finally, exposure to intimate partner violence has damaging effects on children, similar to the effects of exposure to community violence as discussed in Chapter 9, but worse because home is not a safe haven. Children reared in homes of pervasive violence are more likely to be victims of physical abuse themselves and to live in fear of experiencing or witnessing violence, risk factors for engaging in intimate partner violence as adults (Carpenter & Stacks, 2009).

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Thinking in Context 14.2 1. How might developmental and contextual factors such as neighborhood, age, and life experience

influence the formation and course of friendships? In what ways are romantic relationships similar and different from friendships?

2. How might culture and context influence young adults’ perspectives of what characteristics to look for in seeking a romantic partner and mate? How might young people increase their odds of forming a happy and long-lasting relationship?

3. Consider the problem of intimate violence from a bioecological perspective. What microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem may increase the likelihood of violence? What factors might decrease it?

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Marriage and Alternatives to Marriage

Although most young people marry in early adulthood, others experience alternative living styles, whether by choice or circumstance; they may remain single or cohabit with a partner. Trends such as late marriage, divorce, and an increasing number of adults who choose not to marry mean that most adults in the United States will spend a large part of their adult lives as single; indeed, about 8% will remain single throughout life. Couples who marry are very likely to live together before marriage. Others live together in long-term cohabitation that does not lead to marriage.

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Singlehood

Singlehood, not living with a romantic partner, is common among U.S. young adults. About one third of 25- to 39-year-old adults have never married, including 18% of 35- to 39-year olds (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015b). Women tend to select mates who are the same age or older, are equally or better educated, and who are professionally successful whereas men tend to marry down with regard to age, education, and professional status. Because of these tendencies, highly educated professional women who are financially independent, and therefore lack an economic incentive to marry, may find few potential mates who are suitable; such women tend to be overrepresented among singles after age 30 (Sharp & Ganong, 2007). Overall, women are more likely than men to remain single for many years or their entire lives.

Some young people are single by deliberate choice. Many women describe themselves as single by choice when they are self-supporting, feel a sense of control over their romantic lives, and have not encountered anyone they wish to marry (Sharp & Ganong, 2007). Other young adults describe themselves as single because of circumstances that they cannot control. One study of never-married women found that some attributed singlehood to focusing more on career goals than marriage, others pointed to disappointing romantic relationships, and some reported never meeting the right person (Baumbusch, 2004). When young adults perceive themselves as single by choice, they tend to report enjoying singlehood and the freedom to take risks and experiment with lifestyle changes (Austrom & Hanel, 1985). They also tend to associate singlehood with independence, self-fulfillment, and autonomy throughout their life course, including in old age (Timonen & Doyle, 2013).

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Cohabitation

Cohabitation, the practice of unmarried couples sharing a home, has increased steadily over the past three decades such that the majority of young adults in their 20s have lived with a romantic partner, and about two thirds of U.S. couples live together before marriage (Manning, 2013; Sassler & Miller, 2011). Cohabitation is even more common in Europe: Over 75% of couples in Northern and Central Europe and the United Kingdom cohabit, and about 90% do so in Sweden and Denmark (Hsueh, Morrison, & Doss, 2009; Manning, 2013; Popenoe, 2009).

Why are rates of cohabitation rising? One influence is the increasing prevalence of emerging adulthood. The trend for advanced education and delayed career entry contributes toward the tendency for each generation of young people to marry late relative to prior generations. Some young adults move in with their partners early in the relationship because of changes in employment, housing situations, or convenience, or in response to pregnancy (Sassler & Miller, 2011). Many young adults who have close romantic and sexual relationships desire stability and a shared residence, yet they report not feeling ready for marriage. Those whose parents are divorced are more likely to have attitudes supporting cohabitation and may be more wary about marriage (Cunningham & Thornton, 2007). Young adults commonly cite assessing romantic compatibility, convenience, and improving finances as reasons for cohabiting (Copen, Daniels, & Mosher, 2013; King & Scott, 2005). Many view it as a precursor to marriage or a trial marriage (Murrow & Shi, 2010). For example, in 2008, nearly 70% of high school seniors reported that living together before marriage is a good way to test compatibility (Manning, 2013), and research suggests that cohabitation in the United States is commonly viewed as a trial marriage (Guzzo, 2009). Contextual factors, such as socioeconomic status and culture, also influence rates of cohabitation. Young adults of low socioeconomic status, as well as of African American and Puerto Rican heritage, are more likely to cohabit as an alternative to marriage (Cherlin, 2010; Seltzer, 2004). Moreover, sexually active young adults tend to report more favorable views of cohabitation (Willoughby & Carroll, 2010).

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Most young adults in North America and Europe cohabitate, or live together, in committed relationships.

Sacramento Bee/Tribune/Getty

Despite its prevalence in Europe and the United States, cultures differ in the acceptability of cohabitation and policies supportive of it. In many European countries, cohabitation is viewed not as a precursor but rather as an alternative to marriage. Cohabiting couples in those cultures often hold legal rights similar to those of married couples and show similar levels of devotion as married couples (Hiekel, Liefbroer, & Poortman, 2014; Perelli-Harris & Gassen, 2012). Similarly, cohabiting couples in Canada are afforded the same rights as married couples after living together for a period of one to three years, depending on province (Le Bourdais & Lapierre-Adamcyk, 2004). Alternatively, cohabitation is nearly unheard of in some countries, such as Ireland, Italy, Japan, and the Philippines, where fewer than 10% of adults have ever lived with an unmarried partner (Batalova & Cohen, 2002; Williams, Kabamalan, & Ogena, 2007).

The stability of cohabiting unions also varies internationally. Overall, cohabiting couples in the United States tend to be less satisfied, show higher rates of intimate violence, and have less stable relationships than married couples; one third of cohabiting couples in the United States dissolve in three years (Jose, Daniel O’Leary, & Moyer, 2010; Kenneyand & McLanahan, 2006). In contrast, European cohabiting couples show much lower rates of dissolution, similar to those of married couples (Copen et al., 2013; Hiekel et al., 2014; Perelli-Harris & Gassen, 2012). Cultural views on the acceptability of cohabitation and policies that provide legal rights to cohabitants contribute to these cultural differences (Liefbroer & Dourleijn, 2006; Soons & Kalmijn, 2009).

Research suggests that cohabiting couples who go on to marry tend to have unhappier

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marriages with a greater likelihood of divorce (Hsueh et al., 2009; Jose et al., 2010; Rhoades, Petrella, Stanley, & Markman, 2007). For example, in one study women who cohabited before marriage reported less of a connection with their spouse, less affection, and more poor marital adjustment than did those who did not cohabit before marriage (Kulik & Havusha-Morgenstern, 2011). Yet critics argue that much of the research describing negative effects of cohabitation on marital stability in U.S. couples is based on data collected decades ago, when cohabitation was less common (Manning & Cohen, 2012). More recent research collected over the past two decades has suggested that, as cohabitation becomes more common, its association with marital instability has weakened (Reinhold, 2010). Instead, the relation of cohabitation and marital stability is complicated and influenced by other relationship factors. For example, couples who enter cohabitation with marriage plans, such as while engaged, tend to experience marriages with levels of marital quality and distress similar to those of married respondents who had not cohabited, and their unions are more stable than those who enter cohabitation with no plans of marriage (Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2009; Stanley, Rhoades, Amato, Markman, & Johnson, 2010). Relationship stability is influenced by many factors, not simply whether an unmarried couple lives together.

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Marriage

Young people in Western countries are remaining single and cohabiting for more of their adult lives and are marrying at later ages than ever before. Yet marriage remains an important marker of the attainment of adult status for many young people. About 90% of North Americans marry at least once in their lifetimes (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015b). The median age of marriage in the United States is 27 and 29, for women and men respectively, an increase of more than six years since 1975 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015a); see Figure 14.3. Similar increases in the median age of marriage have occurred in Canada, with the average age at first marriage being 31 for males and 30 for females—up more than six years since 1975 (Milan, 2013)—and in some European countries. In 2011 in Sweden, the median age was as high as 36 for men and 33 for women, up seven years since 1980 (United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, 2015).

Figure 14.3: U.S. Median Age at First Marriage, 1890 to 2014

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census (2015a).

Despite this trend, there remains variability in the age of first marriage. Low socioeconomic status young people tend to marry at younger ages than do those of higher socioeconomic status (Meier & Allen, 2008). In the United States, African Americans are the least likely to marry, and when they marry, they do so later and spend less time married than do European Americans (Dixon, 2009). Factors that contribute to marriage rates of African American adults include the availability of more females than males, greater employment instability among African American males, and higher rates of cohabitation as compared with other ethnic groups (Dixon, 2009).

Generally speaking, there are economic, physical, and psychological benefits to marriage. Married people around the world are happier, physically healthier, less distressed, and wealthier than nonmarried people (Koball, Moiduddin, Henderson, Goesling, & Besculides, 2010; Vanassche, Swicegood, & Matthijs, 2012). Longitudinal research over an eight-year period with a sample of nearly 2,600 African American young adults showed that

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rates of risky health behavior such as alcohol and drug use declined with marriage (Ali & Ajilore, 2011). Individuals who are depressed prior to marriage tend to show larger psychological gains after marriage than do those who are not depressed (Frech & Williams, 2007). The quality of the marital relationship predicts mental health and well-being in both men and women (Kurdek, 2005; Robles, 2014). Egalitarian relationships in which home and family duties are shared are associated with marital harmony and increased satisfaction in men and women (Xu & Shu-Chuan Lai, 2004). Women tend to feel most satisfied when they perceive the marital relationship as one of equal power and shared responsibility than when they feel that they alone are responsible for their spouse, children, career, and housework (Ogolsky, Dennison, & Monk, 2014; Saginak & Saginak, 2005). This is particularly true in Western nations where egalitarian marriage roles are increasingly expected (Greenstein, 2009). Marital satisfaction is an important predictor of life satisfaction and well-being (Fincham & Beach, 2010).

Transition to Marriage

Newlyweds experience multiple changes during their first years of marriage, and these changes can be stressful. Couples must coordinate and make decisions about living arrangements, housework, eating habits, spending habits, sleeping habits, and sexual activity (Wallerstein, 1994). Newly married couples must define their relationship, including balancing autonomy and independence and negotiating conflict. Newlyweds’ changing relationship influences their interactions with parents, family, and friends. They must maintain relationships with their families of origin as well as establish family traditions such as what holidays to celebrate and where to spend holidays.

Over the first year of marriage, most couples report a drop in satisfaction (Kilpatrick, Bissonnette, & Rusbult, 2002; Kurdek, 2005). This decline is influenced by a reduction in shared leisure time, including time spent talking to one another and doing things that bring each other pleasure—even seemingly minor things such as making each other laugh. Marriage also means that more time is spent on household tasks, further decreasing shared fun times. Many newlyweds struggle with rising debt, which is associated with higher levels of conflict and lower marital satisfaction (Dew, 2008). During times of conflict, newlyweds become less in tune with each others’ thoughts and feelings and are less able to accurately interpret them (Kilpatrick et al., 2002). However, couples whose relationships endure the challenging first years of marriage report that they love each other more than ever before (Sprecher & Metts, 1999).

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The transition to marriage poses many challenges as newlyweds must negotiate household tasks, financial obligations, and new roles.

Bubbles/Alamy

The transition to marriage and the creation of a stable and fulfilling marital relationship entails transforming the romantic relationship from purely passionate to companionate. The growth and expression of commitment is essential to the survival of the relationship. Couples’ expressions of warmth, empathy, acceptance, and respect predict long-lasting, high-quality, and satisfying relationships (Gadassi et al., 2015; Mattson, Frame, & Johnson, 2011; Phillips, Bischoff, Abbott, & Xia, 2009).

Couples who are successful at managing the transition to married life are able to address differences and resolve conflicts constructively by expressing feelings calmly, listening, clarifying the other’s expressed wishes and needs, avoiding defensiveness and criticism, accepting responsibility, and compromising (Hanzal & Segrin, 2009; Johnson, Cohan, & Davila, 2005). Newlyweds with good initial relationship resources, such as supportive interactions with spouses, are better able to manage stressors and report greater marital adjustment over time (Neff & Broady, 2011). Overall, success in navigating the waters from newlywed to longtime married couple is a function of how the couple communicates and deals with conflict.

Marital Success

What predicts marital success? One strong predictor is chronological age. Generally speaking, the younger the bride and groom, the less likely they are to have a lifelong marriage (Amato & Irving, 2006; Cherlin, 2010). Psychosocial maturity also predicts marital success. Recall that Erikson proposed that a secure sense of identity is needed before intimate relationships can be forged. Emerging adults who have not attained identity achievement are more likely to refer to passion in defining love over intimacy and commitment (Aron & Westbay, 1996). It is the trust and loyalty that accompany intimacy and commitment, however, that predict marital satisfaction.

Marital success is also predicted by the degree of similarity between both members of the couple. Similarity in socioeconomic status, education, religion, and age all contribute to

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predicting a happy marriage (Gonzaga, Campos, & Bradbury, 2007). Most couples who marry are similar in demographics such as religion; however, heteronymous couples are increasingly common. About 15% of all new marriages in the United States in 2010 were between spouses of a different race or ethnicity from one another, more than double the share in 1980 (6.7%; Wang, 2012). Young adults tend to view successful relationships as those in which they have a partner who agrees with them on most issues (Wright, Simmons, & Campbell, 2007). They also report happier marriages when their spouse matches them in terms of behavioral choices such as substance use (Leonard & Homish, 2008).

Men generally report being happier with their marriages than women, though the difference is small (Jackson, Miller, Oka, & Henry, 2014). Women’s marital satisfaction tends to vary with their marital roles (Rhoades et al., 2007). Traditional marriages entail a clear division of roles wherein the woman is responsible for nurturing and caring for the family and creating a comfortable home, and the man, as head, is responsible for the economic stability of the home. Frequently, women who have focused exclusively on parenting return to the workforce as their children grow older. Alternatively, many women continue to work while their children are young while also retaining primary responsibility for maintaining the home. Such women are said to work a “second shift” because after returning home from work they transition to their second job: homemaker.

Egalitarian marriages are those in which the man and woman share rights and responsibility. Both devote time and energy to their career, child-rearing, homemaking, and their relationship. Most professional women and college student women who plan for careers, especially in male-dominated fields, expect an egalitarian marriage and often plan for how they and their partners will integrate work and family roles (Deutsch, Kokot, & Binder, 2007; Peake & Harris, 2002). In dual-earner marriages, most men take on many more child care tasks than in prior generations but still spend less time on housework. Dual-earner couples who view themselves as equal contributors to household duties tend to divide work most equitably and report highest levels of satisfaction (Helms, Walls, Crouter, & McHale, 2010). Although many couples strive for it, true equality in marriage is rare. In determining marital satisfaction, it seems that what matters more than actual equity (how household responsibilities are distributed between partners) is the perception of equity (whether partners feel that responsibilities are distributed fairly); this holds true for both members of the couple but especially for women (Amato & Irving, 2006; Greenstein, 2009). If the division of household responsibilities feels equal, then the couple is likely to report marital satisfaction.

Successful marriages are based on realistic expectations. Happily married couples acknowledge that there are good times and bad. Most admit that there have been moments when they considered calling it quits or wondered if they had made a mistake (Wallerstein, 1994). A successful marriage is an exercise in flexibility, communication, and joint conflict resolution. It takes work. Happily married couples adapt to each other’s changing needs

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and desires as well as the changing circumstances.

The June 2015 Supreme Court ruling mandated the recognition of same-sex marriage nationwide.

Reuters/Marcus Donner

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Same-Sex Marriage and the Law Same-sex couples share many similarities with heterosexual couples, including longevity and parenting competence (Biblarz & Savci, 2010). However, until the July 2015 Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, in many states they were unable to legally marry. Marriage confers health and psychosocial benefits to all couples: same or opposite-sex. Prior to Obergefell, same-sex marriage was legal in 36 states and the District of Columbia, but not all states recognized same-sex unions from other states (Pew Research Center, 2015b). Obergefell v. Hodges combined four cases challenging states’ rights to refuse to recognize or license same-sex marriages, denying couples seek legal rights and protections that come with marriage, such as the right to jointly adopt children.

The interdisciplinary nature of applied developmental science is illustrated by an amicus curiae brief for Obergefell v. Hodges, submitted to inform the Supreme Court justices (see http://www.apa.org/about/offices/ogc/amicus/obergefell.pdf). The brief was jointly authored and submitted by more than a dozen professional organizations in psychology, social work, and medicine, including the American Psychological Association (APA), American Medical Association, American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), National Association of Social Workers, and Association for Marriage and Family Therapy. The amicus brief referred to scientific findings that same-sex relationships are equivalent to heterosexual relationships in essential respects and that there is no scientific basis for concluding that same-sex couples are not fit parents or that children of same-sex couples are any less psychologically healthy and well-adjusted than children of heterosexual couples. The brief therefore argued that excluding same-sex couples from the institution of marriage denies them social, psychological, and health benefits and is stigmatizing.

Figure 14.4: Support of Same-Sex Marriage in the United States, by Generation, 2001–2015

Source: Pew Research Center (2015c).

With the Obergefell ruling, the United States joins the more than a dozen countries with national laws allowing gays and lesbians to marry, including Canada, Finland, Spain, the Netherlands, Argentina, and New Zealand (Pew Research Center, 2015a). In a 2015 survey, nearly two thirds (57%) of Americans said they supported same-sex marriage, compared with 39% who opposed it (Pew Research Center, 2015c). As shown in Figure 14.4, there are large cohort differences such that younger generations express higher levels of support for same-sex marriage, but in recent decades, older generations also have become more supportive of it.

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http://www.apa.org/about/offices/ogc/amicus/obergefell.pdf

What Do You Think? 1. What role should developmental scientists take in advising courts and policy makers? Do you

think they should participate in writing amicus curiae briefs? Why or why not? 2. What might be some of the reasons we see cohort differences in attitudes toward same-sex

marriage? Identify contextual factors that might contribute to some of the generational differences we see.

Same-Sex Marriage

Like other young people, gay and lesbian adults seek love, partnership, and close intimate relationships. Intimate relationships and marriage appear to have similar meanings for gay and lesbian couples as compared with heterosexual couples (Cherlin, 2013). Until same-sex marriage began to be legal in various jurisdictions, it was very difficult to study same-sex unions. At the time of the recent Supreme Court decision mandating the recognition of same-sex marriage nationwide (Obergefell v. Hodges, 2015; see Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development, p. 403), over two thirds of states already permitted gay and lesbian couples to marry. Therefore, the literature comparing sexual minority and majority couples to date is sparse but growing.

Studies that have compared gay, lesbian, and heterosexual couples have found no significant differences in love, satisfaction, or the partners’ evaluations of the strengths and weaknesses of their relationships (Lavner, Waterman, & Peplau, 2014; Peplau, 1991; Savin-Williams, 2000). Problems such as intimate partner violence, for example, exist in both types of relationships (Edwards, Sylaska, & Neal, 2015). Moreover, the breakup rate for same-sex couples is comparable to that for heterosexual couples; same-sex couples that have a marriage-like commitment had stable unions (Rosenfeld, 2014). The available research suggests that gay and lesbian persons experience the same psychological benefits from same-sex legal marriage and other types of legally recognized same-sex relationships such as civil unions and registered domestic partnerships (Riggle, Rostosky, & Horne, 2010; Wight, LeBlanc, de Vries, & Detels, 2012). For example, a study of over 36,000 people in the California Health Interview Survey found that same-sex married lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons in a legal relationship were significantly less distressed than lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons not in a same-sex legal relationship as well as nonmarried heterosexual persons, suggesting a mental health benefit to legal marriage (Wight, LeBlanc, & Lee Badgett, 2013).

The stressors that gay men and lesbian women face, such as the experience of stigma and prejudice, might play a role in how same-sex marriage manifests in health and psychological well-being (Hatzenbuehler, 2009). Legal recognition of same-sex relationships, legal marriage in particular, may have the potential to offset the mental health impact of these

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stressors at the individual level and might offset the larger macro-level effects of sanctioned discrimination (Wight et al., 2013). This is supported by research suggesting that same-sex couples living in states with legally sanctioned marriage report higher levels of self-assessed health than those living in states than bar same-sex marriage (Kail, Acosta, & Wright, 2015). Laws may represent an important contextual influence on well-being. For example, a 2009 study found that gay men and lesbian women residing in states that did not specifically protect sexual minorities from hate crimes or employment discrimination tended to show higher rates of mental health problems (Hatzenbuehler, Keyes, & Hasin, 2009).

As parents, gay and lesbian couples tend to coparent more equally and compatibly than heterosexual partners; however, their relationship dynamics often shift in similar ways as heterosexual parents (Biblarz & Savci, 2010). For example, lesbian couples with children tend to move from shared employment, decision making, and household work in exchange for differentiation between partners in child care and paid employment, similar to heterosexual couples (Goldberg & Perry-Jenkins, 2007; Kurdek, 2007). Less is known about gay men, but they seem to not show a domestic hierarchy that values paid work over homemaking. Instead, paid work may be seen as a compromise that takes the working partner away from spending time with their children (Kurdek, 2007).

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Divorce

In the decades since the 1960s, divorce rates have increased substantially in many Western industrialized countries but have since stabilized and even declined (United Nations Statistics Division, 2014). In the United States, the divorce rate increased during the 1970s, peaking at 5.2 divorces per 1,000 people in 1980, and has declined since to 3.4 divorces per 1,000 people in 2012 (National Center for Health Statistics, 2015). Despite these global changes in divorce rates, there remain large international differences, as shown in Table 14.4 with the highest divorce rate in the Russian Federation and lowest in Ireland, suggesting that social contextual factors that are unique to each culture are partially responsible for international variation in divorce rates. Despite the overall decline in divorces, the United States has one of the highest divorce rates in the world.

One explanation for the rise in divorce rates is that young people’s expectations for marriage have changed. Recent generations of young people tend to expect more from marriage and their spouse than did prior generations (Amato & Irving, 2006). Fifty years ago, most marriages entailed a traditional division of roles. Women raised children, cared for husbands, and tended to the home while men provided economic stability. Today’s marriages often are more egalitarian, partners share roles and responsibilities, but roles are often less clearly defined than in prior generations. Both husbands and wives hold earning and caregiving responsibilities and spouses turn to each other for friendship, love, companionship, and support. Young adults may hold unrealistic expectations for their partner and their relationship, perhaps influenced by the “perfect” fictional marriages depicted on many television programs (Segrin & Nabi, 2002). Many emphasize personal fulfillment as a role for marriage, but young adults who emphasize the personal fulfillment functions of marriage are at higher risk of divorce (Campbell, Wright, & Flores, 2012). Many young adults agree with the statement that a successful marriage is one in which they and their partners agree on most issues (Wright et al., 2007). At the same time, as young adults expect more from their marriages, they spend less time with their spouses than did prior generations of young adults, and divorce itself has become more socially acceptable than in prior generations (Cherlin, 2009).

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While changing expectations and increasing social acceptance influence divorce rates, the rising median age of marriage and increase in cohabitation have stabilized divorce rates over the last 25 years. Among young adults born after 1980, divorce rates have declined, perhaps due to increased selectivity (Kennedy & Ruggles, 2014). Rising rates of cohabitation among young adults mean that many domestic partnerships break up before marriage, also curtailing divorce rates (Bumpass, 2004; Heaton, 2002).

Predicting Divorce

Couples who share similarities in demographics (e.g., age, ethnicity, religion); interests (e.g., leisure activities); and personality, attitudes, and values are more likely to have successful marriages (Gonzaga et al., 2007; Hohmann-Marriott, 2006). As we have discussed, the older the bride and groom, the more likely their marriage will succeed (Lehrer, 2008). Poor education, economic disadvantage, and role overload as well as not attending religious services and experiencing multiple life stressors increases the risk of divorce (Brock & Lawrence, 2008; Härkönen, 2014). Parental divorce increases the risk of divorce for the two subsequent generations (Hetherington & Elmore, 2004; Storksen, Røysamb, Gjessing, Moum, & Tambs, 2007). Longitudinal research suggests that parental divorce influences children’s adjustment problems and perspective of marriage as a lifelong commitment (Cunningham & Thornton, 2007). When adult children of divorced families marry, they may have poor coping and conflict resolution skills, experience more conflict in their relationships, and be less able or willing to resolve differences. More recent research suggests that the number and quality of family transitions predicts attitudes toward marriage, relationship skills, and divorce (Amato, 2010).

According to research on causes of divorce, the best predictor is the couple’s communication and problem-solving style (Amato, 2010; Gottman & Driver, 2005). Troubled couples often are unable to effectively resolve differences. When one member of

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the couple raises a concern, the other retreats, reacting with anger, resentment, and defensiveness. Disagreements regarding financial issues are particularly strong predictors of divorce (Dew, Britt, & Huston, 2012). Negative interaction patterns and difficulty regulating discussions predict later divorce even in newlyweds reporting high marital satisfaction (Lavner & Bradbury, 2012). Negative interaction patterns in couples who later divorce are often evident even before they get married (Clements, Stanley, & Markman, 2004). The immediate precipitators of divorce are often infidelity, followed by incompatibility, alcohol abuse or drug use, and simply growing apart (Amato & Previti, 2003). Adults are more likely to blame their ex-spouses than themselves for the problems that led to the divorce. Women are more likely than men to initiate divorce, yet women tend to experience more negative consequences from divorce, as discussed in the next section.

Consequences of Divorce

The process of divorce entails a series of stressful experiences, such as conflict; physical separation; moving; distributing property; and, for some, child custody negotiations. Women are twice as likely as men to initiate the divorce, but regardless of who initiates the divorce, all family members feel stress and a confusing array of emotions, such as anger, despair, embarrassment, shame, failure, and relief (Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006; Härkönen, 2014). Most couples find that the divorce is worse than expected, negatively affecting their health, financial stability, social support, happiness, and self-esteem (Andreβ & Bröckel, 2007; Forste & Heaton, 2004; Varner & Mandara, 2009). Even the partner who initiates the divorce finds the separation worse than anticipated, largely because unhappy spouses focus on the needs that are not being met in their relationship and are unaware of the needs that are fulfilled. The longer the couple is together, the more difficult the breakup because of shared property, friends, children, and intimacy. Women are more likely than men to experience loss of income and financial instability, and these problems are associated with higher rates of depression (Varner & Mandara, 2009).

People undergoing divorce often find that their social network shrinks at the same time that their needs for social support increase (Kalmijn & van Groenou, 2005). Each member of the couple loses supportive in-laws, and in-law relationships may become strained and combative. Friends and neighbors often feel that they are expected to “take sides” and consequently may avoid both members of the divorcing couple. Relocation may cause a spouse to lose contact with friends and neighbors. Recently divorced adults are prone to depression; loneliness; anxiety; an increase in risky behaviors such as drug and alcohol use; promiscuous sexual activity; and poor eating, sleeping, and working habits (Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006; Kalmijn & Monden, 2006). In general, divorced people tend to be less happy than married, never-married, and widowed people (Forste & Heaton, 2004). However, for some spouses the divorce may come as a relief; many are able to adjust to a “new normal” of living without a partner. Most find that their happiness and life

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satisfaction improve when they find a new romantic partner and establish a relationship (Wang & Amato, 2000). Table 14.5 summarizes correlates and influences on marriage and divorce.

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Thinking in Context 14.3 1. What individual, familial, neighborhood, and societal factors have influenced the rise in singlehood and

cohabitation? How might extended singlehood and cohabitation influence young people’s attainment of developmental tasks such as intimacy?

2. Provide advice to newlyweds. Given what is known about love, marriage, and divorce, what can they do to ensure a happy marriage and reduce the likelihood of divorce? Alternatively, what can someone who is facing divorce do to aid his or her transition?

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Parenthood in Early Adulthood

Until recently, having children was, for biological and cultural reasons, an inevitable part of adult life and not a decision. Effective methods of birth control and changing cultural views on parenthood and childlessness have made having children a choice (Mills, Rindfuss, McDonald, & te Velde, 2011). Childbearing rates have declined in most industrialized nations. For example, in the 1950s the average number of children born to a woman in the United States was 3.8; today it is 2.1 (Central Intelligence Agency, 2013). The average number of children is even lower for many industrialized nations including Australia (1.8), Germany (1.4), and Japan (1.4), as compared with developing nations such as Niger (7.0), Somalia, (6.2), and Afghanistan (5.5; Central Intelligence Agency, 2013). Although families are growing smaller, the majority of married adults still become parents. As shown in Figure 14.5, the average age at which women give birth has increased over the past three decades. Emerging adults in North America tend to view delayed parenthood as normative (Koropeckyj-Cox, Romano, & Moras, 2007). Increases in the availability of effective contraception, increases in women’s education and labor market participation, and societal value changes contribute to the postponement of parenthood (Mills et al., 2011). However, as discussed in Chapter 13, women who postpone childbearing to the early 30s are at higher risk for experiencing fertility difficulties (Schmidt, Sobotka, Bentzen, & Nyboe Andersen, 2012).

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Figure 14.5: Maternal Age at First Birth in the United States, 1970–2013

Sources: Matthews and Hamilton (2009); U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2013).

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Becoming a Parent

The decision of whether to have a child is influenced by personal and circumstantial factors, such as values, health, and financial status. Although women’s employment itself does not predict parenthood, women in high-status and demanding occupations are more likely to delay or decide against childbearing than are women in less demanding occupations (Nilsen et al., 2012). North American young adults cite a variety of reasons to have children, including experiencing the parent–child bond; growth, learning, and fun experiences that come with raising a child; and the desire to help someone grow into a productive adult (O’Laughlin & Anderson, 2001). Common disadvantages of parenthood include the loss of freedom and high cost of raising a child. It is estimated that a new parent will spend about $245,340 over the course of raising a child from birth to age 18 (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2014).

Regardless of when parenthood happens, the transition is challenging. New parents experience the exciting yet overwhelming task of getting to know their infant while meeting his or her needs for constant attention, affection, and care. New parents are greeted with a host of new responsibilities and changes: caregiving responsibilities, added housework, financial demands, loss of sleep, and less leisure time, which are associated with a reduced sense of well-being (Claxton & Perry-Jenkins, 2008; Nelson, Kushlev, & Lyubomirsky, 2014). Many new parents report not feeling prepared for the roller coaster of emotions ranging from joy to frustration and reduced feelings of well-being that accompany parenthood (Galatzer-Levy, Mazursky, Mancini, & Bonanno, 2011; Stanca, 2012). Some research suggests that, even years after becoming parents, many people are unable to regain the reductions in happiness and life satisfaction that accompany having a child (Clark, Diener, Georgellis, & Lucas, 2008). Some theorize that parents’ perceptions of the joys of parenthood may be a way of balancing the challenges, frustrations, and drops in happiness that accompany parenthood (Eibach & Mock, 2011). Regardless, parenthood is the norm rather than the exception, and new parents experience a wide range of emotions that accompany their new baby and set of responsibilities.

The transition to parenthood places stress on even the best of marriages. Parenthood is associated with sudden declines in marital satisfaction for both parents as conflict tends to rise in response to increased financial, household, and parental demands and decreased leisure time (Don & Mickelson, 2014; Trillingsgaard, Baucom, & Heyman, 2014). Mothers tend to report more stress and a higher workload with the advent of parenthood than do fathers (Krieg, 2007; Widarsson et al., 2013). In addition, most women experience a decline in physical activity and its accompanying health effects with motherhood (McIntyre & Rhodes, 2007; Perales, del Pozo-Cruz, & del Pozo-Cruz, 2015). Among dual- earner and single-parent families, finding quality child care is a major challenge, as is determining how to care for infants and children when they are sick and cannot attend

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child care, whether it is taking time off from work or making other arrangements. Women who work full-time often experience role burden, which is associated with poor health (Hewitt, Baxter, & Western, 2006). Lacking a sense of personal control over multiple roles associated with higher levels of distress among new parents (Keeton, Perry-Jenkins, & Sayer, 2008).

During the transition to parenthood, most American and European couples, even those in more egalitarian marriages, shift toward traditional marital roles and division of labor (Dribe & Stanfors, 2009; Katz-Wise, Priess, & Hyde, 2010; Koivunen, Rothaupt, & Wolfgram, 2009). Both parents tend to become more traditional in gender role attitudes and behaviors, but women tend to show a greater change than men (Katz-Wise et al., 2010). In dual-earner couples, the greater the degree of shared parenting responsibilities, the greater the happiness of the couple, and especially of the mother (Chong & Mickelson, 2013; Feeney, Hohaus, & Noller, 2001). Conversely, marital satisfaction drops, especially for women, if there are large disparities in caregiving responsibilities—for example, if the woman is responsible for the majority of the caregiving—and if expectations regarding shared responsibilities are violated (Biehle & Mickelson, 2012). Mothers’ satisfaction with the division of child-rearing responsibilities predicts their ratings of relationship quality (Adamsons, 2013). Planning ahead for the changes that accompany a newborn as well as prepregnancy satisfaction serve protective roles for the spousal relationship (Lawrence, Rothman, Cobb, & Bradbury, 2010).

Clearly, parenting is no easy task, but most parents report that it has promoted their own development by encouraging them to become more empathetic, tolerant, and responsible (Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003). Ultimately, the process of parenting influences parents’ development, as each stage of a child’s development offers tasks and challenges that shape the parents’ competence and self-concept. As children enter school, parents interact with the many adults who are a part of their children’s lives, such as teachers and other parents. Parents of adolescents are faced with balancing between providing teens with autonomy and setting boundaries and keeping them safe. The increase in parent–child bickering that is common during adolescence takes a toll on parents, who typically report temporary declines in marital and life satisfaction (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Each phase of a child’s life entails a different set of parenting tasks and skills, requiring flexibility on the part of adults.

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Planning for Parenthood and Work-Life Balance

In this clip, young adults discuss their preferences regarding having children and expectations for work-life balance.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Stepparents

Even under ideal conditions, parenting is challenging. Stepparents face even more difficulties. Stepparents are often placed in the position of providing discipline without the warm attachment bond that characterizes most parent–child relationships. Stepmothers tend to face particularly high levels of conflict; more disliked by their stepchildren; and experience more stress, anxiety, and depression (Doodson, 2014; Gosselin, 2010; Shapiro & Stewart, 2011). Stepmothers may be expected to take on maternal roles and develop relationships quickly. However, stepparent–stepchild bonds take a great deal of time to develop, and stepmothers may feel guilty for not feeling maternal and preferring life without stepchildren (Church, 2004; Felker, Fromme, Arnaut, & Stoll, 2002).

Stepparents who do not have children of their own may hold unrealistic expectations for family life that sharply contrast with the reality they encounter (Amato & Sobolewski, 2004; Doodson, 2014). Stepparents who have children of their own have an easier time, perhaps because they are more experienced in forming warm attachments with children and tend to engage children in fun activities; this is particularly the case for stepfathers, as they experience less pressure to take on parenting roles than do stepmothers (Ganong, Coleman, Fine, & Martin, 1999; Hennon, Hildenbrand, & Schedle, 2008).

Stepparenting poses challenges for new marriages. Remarried parents tend to report high levels of tension and conflict about parenting as compared with first-married parents (Ganong & Coleman, 2000; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002). How well adults adjust to the role of stepparent is influenced by the support of the biological parent as well as the children’s perception of their relationship with the stepparent and willingness to accept the adult into the family (Jensen & Howard, 2015). Positive child communication and a high-quality marriage, as well as social support, predicts positive coping on the part of stepmothers (Whiting, Smith, Barnett, & Grafsky, 2007). Stepmothers who perceive a lack of control over parenting practices during visitations are more likely to feel powerlessness, anger, and resentment, which may be manifested in depression (Gosselin, 2010; Henry & McCue, 2009). After a challenging transition, many couples adjust to their roles as spouses and parents, and interactions with stepchildren improve (Jensen & Howard, 2015). The difficulties that stepparenting entails is one reason that the divorce rate is higher in couples with stepchildren (Teachman, 2008).

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Never-Married Single Parent

Four in 10 infants in the United States are born to never-married mothers each year, and many of these mothers remain single after giving birth (Martin, Hamilton, Osterman, Curtin, & Mathews, 2015). In 2011, about 41% of single mothers had never been married, up from 4% in 1960 (Caumont, 2013). In recent years, more single professional women in their 30s have become single parents by choice. However, these women are dissimilar to the typical never-married single parent, and we know little about the development of children born to single women with high-powered careers. Instead, similar to Britain, where the typical never-married parent is likely to be a woman of working-class status, the typical never-married parent in the United States is also of low or middle socioeconomic status, most commonly an African American young woman (Rowlingson & McKay, 2005). African American women are disproportionately likely to be never-married parents, comprising 40% of never-married mothers (as compared with 32% white non-Hispanic and 24% Hispanic; Caumont, 2013). African American women are more likely to postpone marriage after childbirth than are women of other ethnic groups. Higher rates of job loss, mortality, and persistent unemployment among many African American men influence African American young women’s decisions. About one third of never-married African American mothers marry within nine years after the birth of their first child, often to a man who is not the child’s biological father, and the resulting family is much like any other first-marriage family (Wu, Bumpass, & Musick, 2001).

As a group, never-married mothers often show better mental health, such as lower rates of anxiety and depression, than do married mothers (Afifi, Cox, & Enns, 2006; Taylor & Conger, 2014). Yet other research suggests that they are less happy (Baranowska-Rataj, Matysiak, & Mynarska, 2013). The experiences of never-married single mothers vary with other contextual influences such as social support. African American and Latino parents are more likely to report receiving family support, which influence maternal and child outcomes (Taylor & Conger, 2014). The primary challenge never-married mothers face is economic as they are more likely to live in poverty in the United States and European Union (Chzhen & Bradshaw, 2012; McKeever & Wolfinger, 2011). They are less likely to receive child support than divorced mothers, and about one half have at least one additional child (Wu et al., 2001). A large study of unmarried mothers suggested that nonmarital childbearing is adversely associated with the ability to marry an economically attractive mate and maintain a long term marital union (Graefe & Lichter, 2007). As we have discussed, poverty and low socioeconomic status hold vast implications for children’s development.

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Never-married mothers often experience better mental health than married mothers. However, outcomes vary with contextual factors such as social support and socioeconomic status.

MoMo/Stone/Getty

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Same-Sex Parents

Most gay and lesbian young adults in the United States plan to raise children one day (D’augelli, Rendina, Sinclair, & Grossman, 2006). It is estimated that 35% of female spousal couples and 28% of male spousal couples are raising biological, step or adopted children. For unmarried partners, the estimates are 21% and 5%, respectively (Gates, 2013). About 23% of lesbian women are parents, compared to about 68% of heterosexual women (Brewster, Tillman, & Jokinen-Gordon, 2013). Lesbian women become parents through a more diverse set of pathways than heterosexual women, including adoption and parenting a spouse or partner’s child. The majority of children in same-sex parented homes are conceived through previous heterosexual marriages, but an increasing number of gay men and lesbian women become parents through adoption and reproductive technologies (Henehan, Rothblum, Solomon, & Balsam, 2007).

In the past, many state laws assumed that gay men and lesbian women were unable to be competent parents, and they often lost custody battles. Today, most U.S. states, as well as Canada, hold that sexual orientation is not related to parenting competence and, therefore, do not consider parents’ sexual orientation in considering custody arrangements (Raley, Fisher, Halder, & Shanmugan, 2010; Tye, 2003). Despite this, many courts remain biased against same-sex parents in custody and adoption cases, and several states prohibit adoptions by same-sex individuals and couples (Raley et al., 2013). At least nine European countries currently permit gay and lesbian couples to adopt children: Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Iceland, Norway, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. In January 2008, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that gay men and lesbian women have the right to adopt a child, suggesting that the ability of same-sex couples to adopt children will spread to include more European countries (Crumley, 2008). Research in the United States suggests that same-sex and heterosexual parents do not differ in the stresses and adaptation to adoption (Lavner et al., 2014)

As discussed in Chapter 9, children reared by lesbian and gay parents do not differ from those reared by heterosexual parents in social development, psychological adjustment, and gender orientation (Fedewa, Black, & Ahn, 2014). They also do not differ from heterosexually parented children in sexual orientation—that is, most are heterosexual (Tasker & Patterson, 2007). Same-sex parents do not differ from heterosexual parents in competence or commitment to their roles as parents (Perrin & Siegel, 2013). Instead, some research suggests that lesbian parents are more aware of the skills necessary for effective parenting and engaging in high quality of parent–child interactions than are heterosexual parents (Bos, van Balen, & van den Boom, 2007; Vanfraussen, Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, & Brewaeys, 2003). Nonbiological social mothers establish their identities as parents through their interactions with their babies and the resulting relationship (Dahl & Malterud, 2015). Children tend to show equal preference for biological and social mothers (Goldberg,

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Downing, & Sauck, 2008).

The parenting role that same-sex partners take varies with the way in which the family formed. Generally speaking, the biological parent tends to assume most of the parenting responsibility when the children are the result of a previous heterosexual relationship. However, when children are a joint choice and the result of adoption or reproductive technology, partners tend to report an egalitarian split of household and child-rearing duties, as compared with the more traditional split among heterosexual parents whereby the woman is responsible for a greater proportion of household and child-rearing duties (Tasker & Patterson, 2007; Vanfraussen et al., 2003). Among lesbian parents, the child and nonbiological mother’s relationship tends to be characterized by similar levels of acceptance, openness, and authority as that with the biological mother, and the two parents tend to be equally involved in the process of child-rearing (Bos et al., 2007; Goldberg & Perry-Jenkins, 2007; Vanfraussen et al., 2003).

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Childlessness

Although most adults have children, some remain childless. In 2014, 48% of women aged 15 to 44 were childless; specifically, 50% of 25- to 29-year-olds, 29% of 30- to 34-year- olds, 19% of 35- to 39-year-olds, and 15% to 17% of 40- to 50-year old women were childless (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015c). It is difficult to determine the rate of childlessness in men.

People remain childless for many reasons. Some are involuntarily childless after unsuccessful fertility treatments or because they have never found a suitable partner. Other adults are voluntarily childless—that is, they have chosen to not have children. Common reasons for voluntary childlessness include the desirability for flexibility and freedom from child care responsibility, pursuit of career aspirations, economic security, environmental reasons (such as not wanting to contribute to global overpopulation), and desires to preserve marital satisfaction. It is unclear how many women are childless by circumstance or by choice. One study of Italian women found that one third of those who were childless were so by choice (Koropeckyj-Cox & Pendell, 2007). Others were childless as a result of decisions to delay childbearing or the result of adverse external circumstances such as relationship dissolution. A large sample of women in the United Kingdom found that only about half of those who postponed childbearing into their 30s and who still intended to start a family managed to do so in the subsequent six years (Berrington, 2004). Some young adults decide that they do not want children, and later, often after marriage, change their minds and choose to become parents. Other adults decide against children after being married and establishing a lifestyle that suits them.

Consistent predictors of childlessness include education and career status. Adults who choose to remain childless tend to be highly educated professionals who are devoted to their careers (Kemkes-Grottenthaler, 2003). Higher levels of education predict childlessness in women from Australia, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States (Koropeckyj-Cox & Call, 2007; Waren & Pals, 2013) Women who are voluntarily childless tend to be more assertive and self-reliant and less religious than their peers, which likely influences their adjustment throughout life (Morell, 2000; Tanturri & Mencarini, 2008).

Overall, adults who are childless by choice tend to be just as content with their lives as those who are parents. Most adults in the United States report the belief that childless adults can lead fulfilling lives. Emerging adults have few negative biases about childlessness (Koropeckyj-Cox & Pendell, 2007). Positive attitudes toward childlessness are more common among adults who are college educated, childless, and female, while negative attitudes toward childlessness are more common among adults who are male, less educated, and have conservative religious beliefs (Koropeckyj-Cox & Pendell, 2007; Koropeckyj-Cox

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et al., 2007).

Childlessness, however, is frequently the result of postponing parenthood rather than choosing to be childless (te Velde, Habbema, Leridon, & Eijkemans, 2012). Involuntary childlessness is associated with life dissatisfaction varying from ambivalence to deep disappointment in both men and women (Hadley & Hanley, 2011; Nichols & Pace- Nichols, 2000; Peterson, Gold, & Feingold, 2007), especially when it is accompanied by self-blame, rumination, and catastrophizing (Kraaij, Garnefski, & Vlietstra, 2008). Childlessness appears to interfere with psychosocial development and personal adjustment only when it is involuntary and a result of circumstances beyond an individual’s control (Roy, Schumm, & Britt, 2014). The social context also matters, as the extent to which childlessness is associated with lower psychological well-being appears to be dependent on the societal context—specifically, the degree to which a country and culture’s norms are tolerant toward childlessness (Huijts, Kraaykamp, & Subramanian, 2011).

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Thinking in Context 14.4 1. What personality, developmental, and life experience factors influence whether an adult will become a

parent? How might contextual factors play a role in determining whether one becomes a parent and the timing of parenthood?

2. What special challenges do stepparents, single parents, and lesbian and gay parents face? In what ways are the challenges these parents face similar? Different?

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Careers in Early Adulthood

Considering that most adults spend nearly one third of their waking hours at work, it is not surprising that the career setting is an important context for psychosocial development in early adulthood. Career development does not end with selecting a vocation. Young adults must obtain a job, learn about their role and tasks, develop proficiency, work well with others, respond to direction, and develop a good working relationship with supervisors. Work life influences young people’s sense of competence, independence, and financial security and often is a source of new friendships (Brooks & Everett, 2008; Schooler, 2001).

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Transition to Work

Many young people find themselves employed in careers that are not their first choice, often explaining that they simply “fell into it,” without exerting much effort or a choice (Arnett, 2004). For example, one study of 1,200 Australian young adults found that over the seven years after completing their schooling, only 20% were working in a field that represented their greatest interest (Athanasou, 2002). The day-to-day work entailed by a given occupation often differs from young people’s expectations. Young people often are faced with more clerical and other paperwork, longer work hours, less supportive and instructive supervisors, and lower pay than expected (Hatcher & Crook, 1988). Managing expectations in light of reality often leads young adults to resign and seek alternative jobs and careers.

Young people’s jobs frequently do not match their interests and education. These mismatches are common during the early years of employment as young adults are learning about their competencies and preferences and comparing them with the reality they encounter in the workplace (Wilk, Desmarais, & Sackett, 1995). It is not uncommon for an individual to undergo as many as six job changes by age 27 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014). By another estimate, the average young adult holds four jobs between the ages of 18 and 21, three between 22 to 25, three between 26 and 30, and two between ages 31 and 35 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015b). In 2012, the median length of job tenure—that is, time spent in a particular position—for 25- to 34-year-olds was just over three years (Guo, 2014).

Mentoring relationships aid the transition to employment. Young people who report a mentoring relationship with someone in their chosen career have more opportunities for full-time employment, receive more advice, and become more attached to the labor force than do young people without mentors (McDonald, Erickson, Johnson, & Elder, 2007).

Career development follows a myriad of paths. Men most often are employed continuously after completing their formal education and until retirement. Women display more varied and discontinuous career trajectories, often interrupting or deferring their career in favor of child-rearing and family caretaking (Hite & McDonald, 2003); this pattern may be a reflection of maternity and family leave policies, as discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 412).

People’s career goals tend to shift as they grow older and more experienced. Goal engagement is associated with increases in well-being and lower rates of depression in employed young adults but negative outcomes in young adults with unfavorable career opportunities (Haase, Heckhausen, & Silbereisen, 2012). The 20s often are a period of transitioning and settling into a career. People in their 30s often seek occupational challenge and autonomy (Raabe & Beehr, 2003). Many adults, even those established in

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careers, reconsider their choices throughout adulthood (Bobek & Robbins, 2005).

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Diversity in the Workplace

In recent decades, the workplace has become more diverse as women and ethnic minorities have penetrated nearly all careers. Throughout Europe and North America, about half of the labor force is female (International Labour Office, 2008; U.S. Department of Labor, 2007). Fifty-nine percent of women in the United States work (U.S. Department of Labor, 2007). Ethnic diversity is also increasing in every occupation and every nation. Despite this, women and ethnic minorities are faced with many obstacles to their career success, most notably the so-called glass ceiling. The glass ceiling refers to the invisible barrier that prevents women and ethnic minorities from advancing to the highest levels of the career ladder. Women and ethnic minorities tend to fill lower-level positions and their numbers decline with each rung on the career ladder. For example, women hold 24% of chief executive positions, 43% of management positions, and over three quarters of office and administrative support positions (U.S. Department of Labor, 2007). Similarly, 7% of chief executive positions, 13% of management positions, and 25% of office and administrative support positions are held by African Americans and Hispanics.

Although laws guarantee equal opportunity, racial bias remains an influence on the careers of ethnic minority members. In one study, white male participants were asked to examine résumés that varied in quality (some indicated high qualifications and others low) and by the writer’s race (African American, Hispanic, Asian, and white). Résumés from hypothetical Asian job seekers were rated as highly qualified for high-status jobs regardless of résumé quality. Résumés indicating high qualifications were rated higher for white and Hispanic job seekers. African American job seekers received negative evaluations regardless of résumé quality, suggesting that racial discrimination may make it hard for even highly qualified African American candidates to obtain jobs (King, Madera, Hebl, Knight, & Mendoza, 2006). Similar findings occurred when participants were to judge recommendation letters (Morgan, Elder, & King, 2013).

The discontinuous nature of many women’s careers contributes to their difficulty in advancing to the highest rungs of the career ladder. Many women put their careers on hold, leaving the workplace several times to raise children, often hindering their career advancement. One study of young adult women in male-dominated fields found that many had changed their career plans between ages 18 and 25 because of the desire for a flexible job, citing demands of occupations and low intrinsic value of science (Frome, Alfeld, Eccles, & Barber, 2006). Women in high-status professional fields tend to delay childbearing or remain childless (Blair-Loy & Dehart, 2003). Moreover, negative stereotypes may hinder the career achievement of mothers. In one study, a mother or nonmother jobholder applying for a promotion in a traditionally male profession was rated by college students as well as adults in the workforce. Both students and workers tended to view the mother as showing lower job commitment, striving, dependability, and

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competence as compared with the nonmother (Heilman & Okimoto, 2008). Regardless of work experience, women tend to earn less than men, even in the same occupations. One year out of college, for every dollar a man earns, the same age woman earns about $.82. Across all ages, women earn $.79 for every dollar men earn (Hill, 2015).

Minority women of color are faced with multiple obstacles to their career success, such as gender and racial discrimination. Minority women who reach career success tend to display high self-efficacy, or feelings of personal control, and engage in active problem solving, confronting problems rather than avoiding them (Byars & Hackett, 1998). African American women who become leaders in their professions tend to report close supportive relationships with successful women, such as mentors, colleagues, and similarly successful friends, who help them set high expectations and provide support in achieving them. Mentoring is important for career development of all young adults. Women of color report strong desires to be mentored by a woman of their own ethnicity. However, the ethnic and gender obstacles to career success mean that women of color may find it difficult to establish a mentoring relationship with a mentor of their choice (Gonzáles-Figueroa & Young, 2005).

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Family Leave Policies

Family leave policies allow people to interrupt their employment to engage in caretaking activities, including caring for newborns and ill famiy members. The scope of family leave policies varies by state.

AP/Donna McWilliam

Most adults find managing the multiple demands of work and family challenging. There are many times in life when an adult may take on additional caretaking responsibilities, such as after the birth or adoption of a child or when a family member is seriously ill. People in most industrial nations are able to interrupt their employment to care for newborns and young children through various forms of leave.

Maternity leave is granted to mothers and is usually intended to protect the health and welfare of women and their newborns around the time of birth. Beginning in the early to mid-1950s, many countries in Europe established maternity leave policies (Moss & Deven, 2006). In 1992, the European Union introduced an international policy establishing minimum standards, including at least partial payment, for maternity leave in all of its member states. Along with Australia, the United States is one of the only developed countries that does not mandate universal paid leave for women who give birth.

Parental leave, intended to enable parents to provide care for young children, is typically taken after maternity leave. In 1998, the European Union endorsed a parental leave policy requiring all member states to permit working parents, men and women, to a minimum of three months of leave to care for children up to 8 years of age (Moss & Deven, 2006). In most of these countries, the leave is partially paid. In addition, some men are able to avail themselves of paternity leave, which is granted to fathers only around the time of birth and intended to enable fathers to provide support to their partner and to care for existing children. One survey of 19 countries, mostly in Europe, found that nearly all had paternity leave varying from 2 to 10 days and usually, but not always, paid on the same basis as maternity leave (Moss & Deven, 2006).

While the United States does not mandate maternity, paternity, or parental leave, the Family and Medical Leave Act signed in 1993 grants workers in companies of 50 or more employees up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave for the birth or adoption of a child and for the care of a sick child, spouse, or parent with a serious health condition. It also guarantees job security in that an employee is entitled to return to the same or comparable job and requires the employer to maintain health benefits as if the employee never took leave. The United States was one of the last industrialized nations to establish a family leave policy (Wisensale, 2006); however, at the time the law was signed in, about 34 states had already adopted some form of leave policy with some producing comparable or stronger legislation.

Critics of the Family and Medical Leave Act note that the policy is limited in scope. Only employers with 50 or more employees must provide leave, so it is estimated that the policy covers only about half of U.S. employees (Wisensale, 2006). Because it is unpaid, most single parents and low-income couples can’t afford to take it even if given the opportunity. It was not until 2002 that a U.S. state (California) enacted a paid family leave law; it provides an employee with up to six weeks per year of paid leave to care for a new child or seriously ill family member. Rhode Island and New Jersey have since established paid family leave

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programs, including full or partial wage replacement for birth or adoption for up to six weeks, or to care for a family member who is suffering from a serious medical condition (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2013).

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What Do You Think? 1. Why do you think family leave policies often spark debate in the United States? 2. Given what you know about children and families, as well as young adults’ careers, what family

policies, such as the length of leave, would you suggest?

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Work and Family

Work–family balance is a concern to most families today, and especially to mothers. In the United States, the majority of married and unmarried mothers work, including over two thirds of mothers with a child under 6 years of age and over three quarters of mothers whose youngest child is in school (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015a). Nearly all married fathers work, and most share child care and household responsibilities with their wives, making work–life balance a task for both spouses. Most parents find it difficult to meet the competing demands of family and career, especially as the boundaries between today’s workplace and home are often blurred as many adults are expected to bring work home or be available during nonwork hours via mobile devices.

Both men and women report feeling conflict between work and family obligations (Ammons & Kelly, 2008; Winslow, 2005). However, women are more likely than men to suffer from role overload, high levels of stress that result from attempting to balance the demands of multiple roles: employee, mother, and spouse (Cinamon & Rich, 2002; Gilbert & Kearney, 2006; Higgins, Duxbury, & Lyons, 2010). Role overload is more common in low-status occupations where workers have little control over their schedule or work, occupations that women are more likely to have than men (Devine et al., 2006). Demand overload influences one’s sense of personal control, which in turn influences health (Bryson, Warner-Smith, Brown, & Fray, 2007). Role overload is associated with poor health, higher rates of depression, less effective parenting, and marital conflict in women (Hewitt et al., 2006; Pearson, 2008; Perry-Jenkins, Goldberg, Pierce, & Sayer, 2007). Control over work time predicts satisfaction with work–life balance and lower levels of work–life conflict (Carlson et al., 2011). When hours increase, women who perceive control over their schedule show greater work–family satisfaction than do those who perceive little control (Valcour, 2007). Research comparing employees across several European countries found that poor work–life balance was associated with more health problems and poor well-being in both men and women. However, variations in reported work–life balance between countries was explained by national regulations regarding working hours, suggesting that workplace policies (often regulated by government) influence employees’ sense of work–life balance and overall well-being (Lunau, Bambra, Eikemo, van der Wel, & Dragano, 2014).

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Most mothers in the United States work, juggling the complex demands that accompany the often dueling roles of parent and employee.

AP/Ann Heisenfelt

Successfully managing multiple roles entails setting priorities. Women who manage multiple responsibilities while avoiding role overload tend to devote less time to maintaining the household, trading household chores and expectations for an immaculate home for more time with children (Hewitt et al., 2006). Working couples in which neither member works very long hours and each contribute to household finances and household and child-rearing tasks are happiest and are more likely to avoid either member experiencing role overload (Barnett & Gareis, 2006; Betz, 2005). In addition, research suggests that women who best manage role overload are those who seek physical and emotional support from others (Higgins et al., 2010).

Workplace policies can reduce role overload and improve employee morale and productivity. Flexible policies that permit employees to balance home and work responsibilities, such as flexible starting and stopping times, opportunities to work from home, and time off to care for sick children, are associated with better attendance, commitment to the organization, and work performance, and with fewer distress symptoms (Halpern, 2005). Workplaces with onsite child care show lower rates of employee absenteeism and higher productivity (Brandon & Temple, 2007). When adults are better able to balance work and family, they experience benefits in all of their roles. They are more productive and happy workers, more satisfied spouses, better parents; they experience greater well-being at home and work as well (Barnett & Gareis, 2006; Lunau et al., 2014; Russo, Shteigman, & Carmeli, 2015).

Early adulthood spans many years and entails many adjustments. Many people experience an extended transition to young adulthood known as emerging adulthood. Young adults traverse many career transitions, including obtaining education, seeking and changing jobs, and moving up the career ladder. They also experience changing relationships, seek mates, make lifestyle decisions, and choose whether to have children. The great many changes that occur during early adulthood give way to the middle adult years—a relatively more stable time, as discussed in Chapters 15 and 16.

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Thinking in Context 14.5 1. How might we aid young adults as they transition into the work environment? What factors might

improve their competence and satisfaction in their new role? 2. Diversity comes in many forms: ethnic, gender, and parental status, to name a few. What can employers

do to address diversity issues in the workplace, ensure fair treatment of employees, and increase morale and productivity?

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Apply Your Knowledge In college, Kayla and Meghan were inseparable, sharing friends, majors, and even a dorm room. After college, they obtained entry-level jobs at the same firm and shared an apartment. Feeling that they were more like family than friends, Meghan would often refer to Kayla as her sister, the one who helps her get through her “20s crisis.” With each promotion, Kayla and Meghan climbed up the career ladder until one day Meghan came home excitedly talking about her latest promotion, one that would require that she move across the country. Kayla and Meghan vowed to remain best friends forever.

After Meghan moved, their lives began to take different paths. Meghan’s extensive business travel took her to faraway places, and her work hours grew longer. Kayla continued on her career path but began to focus more of her energy on her personal life after meeting and falling in love with Joel. Kayla and Joel married within a year, with Meghan as maid of honor. Two years later, Kayla gave birth to a son, naming Meghan as his godmother. Kayla loved her career but hated feeling torn in two directions, between home and career— for example, having to go to work when the baby was sick. After giving birth to her second child, Kayla felt even more out of control and decided to put her career on hold and focus on raising her children.

Unlike Kayla, Meghan never married. She came close, living with someone for over a year, but as time went on the passion drained from the relationship, leaving two very close friends. Meghan relished her career and rarely wondered about what could have been. On her 38th birthday, however, Meghan evaluated her life. After visiting Kayla and playing with her godchildren, she realized that she wanted a family. Meghan concluded that she may never meet the “right” man and may never marry, but she wanted a family nonetheless. Meghan called her doctor to discuss options for conceiving as a single parent.

1. Meghan and Kayla’s lives have taken different paths. Describe the differences. What developmental and contextual factors contribute to them?

2. Is there such as thing as a 20s crisis? If so, what form does it take, and how do contextual factors influence it?

3. How do friendships change over the course of young adulthood? 4. Compare Kayla’s and Meghan’s experiences with what we know about marriage and cohabitation.

What challenges do young adults face with regard to balancing the demands of work and family? How do Kayla and Megan illustrate these themes?

5. Discuss Meghan’s decision to pursue parenthood. What challenges might she experience in the coming years? How might she address them?

6. How do you think Kayla and Meghan will fare in the coming years?

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Chapter Summary

14.1 Discuss markers of emerging adulthood and the role of context in shaping this period.

Advances in education have delayed the traditional markers of adulthood. Emerging adulthood is an extended transitional period between adolescence and early adulthood characterized by diversity in lifestyles, identity development, and the subjective sense of being in-between. Although emerging adulthood is observed in industrialized cultures around the world, it is not universal as it is influenced by socioeconomic status and contextual changes that have prolonged the transition into adulthood. 14.2 Explore intimacy development and the influence of the social clock on adjustment.

Erikson proposed that the psychosocial task of early adulthood is establishing an intimate relationship that is mutual and satisfying. Developing a sense of identity— commitment to a sense of self, values, and goals—prepares young people for establishing intimate relationships. Neugarten posed that it is contextual influences, rather than age-related stages, that shape adult development. Throughout life, we experience a number of normative events that represent a social clock of age-related expectations for major life events. Every society has a timetable for such events and the degree that individuals match their culture’s social clock influences their adjustment. 14.3 Compare and contrast influences on friendship and mate selection.

Like friendships in childhood and adolescence, adult friendships are based on similarity. Women tend to have more intimate, long-lasting, and opposite-sex friendships than men, whose friendships tend to center around sharing information and activities rather than intimate disclosure. Men and women from many cultures seek different characteristics in mates. Despite this, most intimate partners share similarities in demographics, attitudes, and values. The more similar partners are, the more likely they are to report being satisfied with their relationship and to remain in the relationship. 14.4 Identify characteristics of intimate violence, influences on violence, and ways of addressing it.

Violence between intimate partners is not limited by culture, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, or marital status. Intimate violence is not a one-time event but a process. A variety of factors contribute to intimate violence. Spouses who abuse often show higher rates of depression, anxiety, and low self- esteem as well as often display possessive, jealous, and controlling behavior toward

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their partner. There is also overlap between perpetrator and victim roles. Contextual factors that contribute to domestic violence include stressors such as poverty, unemployment, drug and alcohol abuse, and cultural norms. Many communities provide services to aid victims as well as perpetrators of intimate violence. 14.5 Contrast the correlates of singlehood and cohabitation.

Most North Americans spend a large part of their adult lives as single, and some remain single throughout life. The circumstances surrounding singlehood influence young adults’ perceptions and reactions to being single. Cohabitation has become increasingly common in the United States and is very common in most European nations. Cohabiting couples in the United States tend to be less satisfied, less stable, and show higher rates of intimate violence than married couples. When they marry, North American cohabiting couples tend to have unhappier marriages with a greater likelihood of divorce. 14.6 Discuss the transition to marriage and predictors of marital success and divorce.

Most North Americans marry. Newlyweds experience multiple changes during their first years of marriage and often report a drop in marital satisfaction. Marital success is predicted by maturity and similarity in demographic factors. Successful marriages are based on realistic expectations, flexibility, communication, and joint conflict resolution. Couples who marry at a young age and share few similarities in demographics and interests are at higher risk of divorce. Other factors such as being at an economic disadvantage, experiencing multiple life stressors and role overload, and having poor communication and conflict resolution skills increases the risk of divorce. The process of divorce entails a series of stressful experiences. Most couples find that the divorce is worse than expected. Recently divorced adults are prone to depression, anxiety, and a variety of risky behaviors. 14.7 Examine the effects of parenthood on young adults.

New parents are greeted with a host of new responsibilities and changes. Mothers tend to report more stress and a higher workload and less physical activity with the advent of parenthood than do fathers. The transition to parenthood is associated with declines in marital satisfaction. In dual-earner couples, the greater the degree of shared parenting responsibilities, the greater the couple’s happiness. Most parents report that parenthood has encouraged them to become more empathetic, tolerant, and responsible. The process of parenting influences development. Each phase of a child’s life entails a different set of parenting tasks and skills, requiring flexibility on the part of adults. 14.8 Compare and contrast the experience of stepparents, never-married parents, and same-sex parents.

Stepparents are often placed in the position of providing discipline without the warm attachment bond that characterizes most parent–child relationships. Often they have

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unrealistic expectations for parenting skills and relationships with stepchildren and face more conflict than anticipated. Remarried parents tend to report high levels of tension and conflict about parenting as compared with first-married parents. After a challenging transition, many couples adjust to their roles as spouses and parents, and interactions with stepchildren improve, but the divorce rate is high for remarried couples with children. The typical never-married parent in the United States is of middle or low socioeconomic status and is most commonly an African American young woman. As a group, never-married mothers tend to show better mental health than do married mothers. The primary challenge never-married mothers face is economic. Same-sex parents do not differ from heterosexual parents in competence or commitment to their roles as parents. Children reared by same-sex parents do not differ from those reared by heterosexual parents in mental health, peer relationships, gender identity, and sexual orientation. 14.9 Discuss the experience of women and minorities in the workplace.

Women and ethnic minorities are faced with many obstacles to their career success, including discrimination and the glass ceiling. Although laws guarantee equal opportunity, racial discrimination can prevent even highly qualified African American candidates from obtaining jobs. The discontinuous nature of many women’s careers contributes to their difficulty in advancing to the highest rungs of the career ladder. Regardless of work experience, women tend to earn less than men, even in the same occupations. Minority women are faced with multiple obstacles to their career success. Mentoring is important for career development of all young adults but especially women and ethnic minority members who may have few models for career success among family and friends. 14.10 Examine the interaction of work and family on young adults’ adjustment.

Many North American adults find it difficult to balance the competing demands of family and career. Women are more likely than men to suffer from role overload. Role overload is associated with psychological distress, marital conflict, poor health, and depression. Women who manage multiple responsibilities while avoiding role overload tend to devote less time to maintaining the household and have spouses who share financial, household, and child-rearing responsibilities. Flexible workplace policies that permit employees to balance home and work responsibilities have workers who show better attendance, commitment to the organization, and work performance with fewer distress symptoms.

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Key Terms

cohabitation 399 commitment 392 emerging adulthood 390 intimacy 392 intimacy versus isolation 392 intimate violence 397 role overload 405 social clock 393

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PART VII Middle Adulthood

Chapter 15 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood 420 Chapter 16 Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood 446

Midlife reflects a changing balance of gains and losses. In addition to sensory changes, many middle-aged adults experience declines in strength and endurance; physical activity and life choices influence the rate and extent of change. Women’s adjustment to menopause, the end of the reproductive years, is influenced by personal characteristics, circumstances, and internalized societal views about women and aging. Cognitively, midlife adults show declines in attention, working memory, and processing speed, but an expanding knowledge base and growing expertise permits them to compensate, showing few changes in functioning within everyday contexts.

In midlife, the home context takes center stage. Marital satisfaction increases as child- rearing tasks decline and couples have more time to spend with each other. Most midlife parents adjust well to the resulting empty nest as relationships with adult children tend to become closer. The grandparent role often satisfies midlife adults’ emerging generative needs. Most midlife adults retain the role of adult child and provide increasing assistance to their aging parents. Adults spend much of their days within the work context and job satisfaction increases in middle adulthood, especially with career advancement. Although adults spend less time with friends than with family, friendships improve with age and continue to be important sources of social support. In short, midlife adults show positive physical, cognitive, and socioemotional adjustment, and a tendency to mellow out, as they interact in the multiple contexts in which they are embedded.

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Chapter 15 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood

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Learning Objectives 15.1. Discuss age-related changes in vision and hearing during middle adulthood. 15.2. Explain normative patterns of change in the skin, muscles, and skeletal system during middle adulthood. 15.3. Compare and contrast the reproductive changes that middle-aged men and women experience. 15.4. Discuss the common health conditions and illnesses during middle adulthood, including risk and protective factors as well as treatment. 15.5. Explain ways of promoting wellness across the middle adult years. 15.6. Contrast the findings of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of crystallized and fluid intelligence over adulthood. 15.7. Analyze changes in cognitive capacities during middle adulthood, including attention, memory, processing speed, and expertise. 15.8. Discuss learning during middle adulthood, particularly for adults who return to higher education.

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Key Study Tools

Think Critically Functional Loss in Vision Lives in Context Use of Cosmetic Procedures in Midlife (p. 424) Watch How to Reverse Aging Explore Further Perimenopause and Menopause Applying Developmental Science Hormone Replacement Therapy (p. 427) Cultural Influences on Development Cultural Perspectives on Menopause (p. 428) Watch Surviving Cancer Video Case Dealing with a Parent’s Death Lifespan Brain Development The Middle-Aged Brain (p. 436) Think Critically Everyday Problem Solving Explore Further Adult Cognitive Development Connect The Mind at Midlife Video Case Returning to School in Midlife Listen Learning for the Sake of Learning

As the basketball swooshed through the hoop, Mel called out to his son, Al, “Yeah! Your dad’s still got it!” Al raced toward his father, beating him for the rebound, “But I’m still faster.” “You may be faster, but I’m experienced—and experience makes all the difference,” Mel challenged his son.

Who is right, father or son? In many ways, both are. In this chapter, we examine the physical and cognitive changes in middle adulthood, from ages 40 to 65. Our conclusion largely will mirror this conversation: Middle-aged adults experience mild physical and cognitive declines, but experience and wisdom often permit them to compensate for any decline in capacity.

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Ronnie Kaufman/Blend/Newscom

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Physical Development in Middle Adulthood

Physical changes occur gradually throughout adulthood. Like Mel, adults often compensate for changes by modifying their behavior. Nevertheless, even active and vibrant middle-aged adults notice some changes in their body shape, strength, speed, and appearance. Most middle-aged adults begin to sense their own mortality, often in response to acute or chronic health conditions and especially after experiencing life-threatening health concerns. Many middle-aged adults begin to think of their lives in terms of years left of life rather than years lived (Neugarten, 1968). Aging itself cannot be controlled, and physical declines are inevitable. However, many middle-aged adults compensate for declines and maximize their physical capacities in order to maintain an active lifestyle.

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Sensory Changes

Suddenly aware that he holds the newspaper at arm’s length and still squints to read, 45- year-old Dominic wondered to himself, “When did this happen? I can’t see like I used to.” Like much of physical development, the changes that take place in our senses represent continuous change. Over the adult years, vision and hearing capacities gradually decline. Like Dominic, most adults notice changes in vision during their 40s and changes in hearing at around age 50. The use of corrective lenses aids vision problems, and hearing aids amplify sounds, permitting better hearing.

Vision

Dominic’s need to hold the newspaper at a distance in order to read is not unusual and is related to changes in the eye that occur throughout the adult years. The cornea flattens; the lens loses flexibility; and the muscle that permits the lens to change shape, or accommodate, weakens. The result is that most adults in their 40s develop presbyopia, also known as farsightedness—the inability to focus the lens on close objects, such as in reading small print (Hermans, Dubbelman, van der Heijde, & Heethaar, 2008; Strenk, Strenk, & Koretz, 2005). By age 50, virtually all adults are presbyopic and require reading glasses or other corrective options (Gil-Cazorla, Shah, & Naroo, 2015; Truscott, 2009). Most also require corrective lenses for distance. Bifocals that combine lenses for nearsightedness and farsightedness are helpful.

In addition to changes in the accommodative ability of the lens, the ability to see in dim light declines because, with age, the lens yellows, the size of the pupil shrinks, and over middle age, most adults have lost about one half of the rods (light receptor cells) in the retina, which reduces the ability to see in dim light and makes adults’ night vision decline twice as fast as their day vision (Jackson & Owsley, 2003). As rods are lost, so too are cones (color receptive cells) because rods secrete substances that permit cones to survive (Bonnel, Mohand-Said, & Sahel, 2003). Color discrimination, thus, becomes limited with gradual declines beginning in the 30s (Kraft & Werner, 1999; Paramei & Oakley, 2014). Night vision is further reduced because the vitreous (transparent gel that fills the eyeball) becomes more opaque with age, scattering light that enters the eye (creating glare) and permitting less light to reach the retina (Scilley et al., 2002). In middle adulthood, about one third more light is needed to compensate for these changes that reduce vision (Owsley, McGwin, Jackson, Kallies, & Clark, 2007). All of these changes in vision make driving at night more challenging as headlights from other cars become blinding (Gruber, Mosimann, Müri, & Nef, 2013).

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Joan experiences presbyopia, as signified by her need to hold her magazine at a distance to read.

BSIP/Science Source

Hearing

In addition to vision, Dominic also noticed that he has difficulty hearing, at least in some situations. When he plays with his 4-year-old nephew, Dominic finds that he has to lean in close to hear the boy’s speech. Sometimes he finds himself watching his teenage daughter’s lips while she speaks, especially when they are having dinner in a crowded restaurant. Middle-aged adults tend to experience more difficulty hearing under conditions of background noise and perform more poorly under that condition than do young adults (Leigh-Paffenroth & Elangovan, 2011). Age-related hearing loss, presbycusis (“old hearing”), becomes apparent in the 50s and is caused by natural cell death that results in the deterioration of the ear structures that convert sound into neural impulses (Quaranta et al., 2015). The loss is first limited to high-pitched sounds, which enable us to distinguish between consonants such as f versus s and p versus t; as a result, the person often can hear most of a message but may misinterpret parts of it, such as names. Presbycusis hearing deficits tend to be more apparent in settings with background noise, such as a dinner party. By late adulthood, hearing loss extends to all sound frequencies. Reduced sensitivity to speech sounds influences processing as older adults show less activation of the auditory cortex in response to speech as compared with younger adults (Hwang, Li, Wu, Chen, & Liu, 2007).

Presbycusis is age-related, but contextual factors play a role in age-related hearing loss. Many middle-aged adults display hearing loss that is preventable, the result of exposure to noise in the workplace, at concerts, and through the use of headphones (Tremblay & Ross, 2007). Generally, men’s hearing declines more rapidly than women’s, perhaps up to twice as quickly (Gordon-Salant, 2005). Men’s rapid hearing decline can be traced to exposure to intense noise (e.g., headphones and concerts); loud work environments (e.g., construction, military, and transportation work); and, in later adulthood, illnesses such as cerebrovascular disease (a disease of the blood vessels that supply the brain, often caused by atherosclerosis), which can lead to a stroke that damages the auditory cortex (Ecob et al., 2008; Helzner et

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al., 2005). Hearing declines are evident in some men as early as 30 years of age and also entail a genetic component (Gordon-Salant, 2005; Wingfield, Tun, & McCoy, 2005). Hearing loss can be prevented by wearing protective equipment, such as earplugs, and by lowering the volume on MP3 players. Screening to identify risk for hearing loss and early signs of hearing loss can help in delaying loss (Chou, Dana, Bougatsos, Fleming, & Beil, 2011).

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Skin, Muscular, and Skeletal Changes

Karen looked at the pictures of her daughter’s wedding. “What a beautiful day. Ouch! Look at this picture of me in the sunlight. When did I get so many lines around my eyes?” Age- related changes in the skin are predictable and unavoidable. Most adults in their 30s notice lines developing on their foreheads, the result of a lifetime of facial expressions. By the 40s, these lines are accompanied by crow’s feet around the eyes and lines around the mouth— markers of four decades of smiles, frowns, laughter, and other emotions. During middle adulthood the skin becomes less taut as the epidermis, the outer protective layer of the skin that produces new skin cells, loosens its attachment to the thinning dermis, the middle layer of skin consisting of connective tissue that gives skin its flexibility (Quan & Fisher, 2015). The resulting loss in elasticity is accompanied by the loss of fat in the hypodermis, the innermost layer of skin composed of fat, which leads to wrinkling and loosening of the skin (Kohl, Steinbauer, Landthaler, & Szeimies, 2011).

Women tend to experience age-related changes sooner and more quickly than do men as their dermis is thinner and they experience hormonal changes, a reduction of estrogen, that exacerbate aging (Farage, Miller, Elsner, & Maibach, 2013). While age-related changes in the skin are unavoidable, there is great variability in age-related appearance (Miyamoto et al., 2011). Adults who have spent more time outdoors, especially without skin protection, tend to show signs of aging more quickly. Exposure to sun rays advances skin aging for people of all skin types and ethnicities, as does smoking (Gragnani et al., 2014; Kohl et al., 2011; Pontius & Smith, 2011). Cosmetic procedures, as discussed in Lives in Context (p. 424), are increasingly available and popular, especially with women in middle adulthood.

As we have discussed, although most people reach their peak in muscle strength during their 20s, followed by a small gradual decline through the 30s, changes usually go unnoticed until the mid to late 40s. The rate of decline in muscle mass and strength tends to accelerate in the 40s (Keller & Engelhardt, 2013). By age 60, about 10% to 15% of maximum strength is lost. Not all parts of the body age at the same rate (Mitchell et al., 2012). Isometric strength, for example, tends to be retained (Mitchell et al., 2012). There are also individual differences. Some people experience greater losses and others fewer, depending on their level of physical activity. Loss of endurance tends to occur after age 40, but the decline is generally proportionately less than that of strength (Hayslip, Panek, & Patrick, 2007).

In addition to losses in strength and endurance, both men and women tend to experience weight gain in middle adulthood, with an increase in body fat and loss of muscle and bone. Much of the increase in fat is deposited in the torso. The abdomen increases 6% to 16% in men and 25% to 35% in women (Whitbourne, 2007). In men, fat accumulates on the back and upper abdomen, while women experience an increase in fat in the upper arms and

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around the waist. Over adulthood, muscle mass tends to be replaced by fat; however, good nutrition and an active lifestyle can reduce losses and even increase muscular density.

Metabolic rate slows over the course of adulthood. When adults gradually reduce their caloric intake to match their reduced need for calories, age-related weight gain is minimized. For example, a seven-year-long study of about 30,000 women aged 50 to 79 showed that a low-fat diet with lots of vegetables, fruits, and grains predicted weight loss and maintenance, regardless of socioeconomic status and ethnicity (Howard et al., 2006). Research with animals suggests that extremely low-calorie diets increase health and longevity (Bishop & Guarente, 2007; Simpson & Raubenheimer, 2007). Overall, weight in young adulthood, at age 25, predicts midlife weight (Waring, Eaton, Lasater, & Lapane, 2010). Moreover, activity plays a large role in maintaining weight, muscle mass, and endurance throughout adulthood (Aldwin, Spiro, & Park, 2006). Adults who remain active tend to retain their physical physique and competencies (Newell, Vaillancourt, & Sosnoff, 2006). Overweight, on the other hand, is associated with cardiovascular disease and death by cardiovascular disease (Heir, Erikssen, & Sandvik, 2011).

Physical activity can offset midlife losses in muscle.

AP/Kathy Kmonicek

Many age-related changes, like those of the skin and body composition, are visible. Others, like skeletal changes, are less obvious. Bone density reaches its height in the mid- to late 30s, after which adults tend to experience gradual bone loss. Bones become thinner, more porous, and more brittle as calcium is absorbed. Bone loss increases in the 50s, especially in women, whose bones have less calcium to begin with and who lose the protective influence of estrogen on bones after menopause (Chan & Duque, 2002). As the bones that make up the vertebrae in the spinal column become thin and more brittle, the disks collapse and adults lose height, about an inch or more by age 60, and more thereafter (Hannan et al., 2012). Loss of bone density causes bones to break more easily and heal more slowly, making a broken bone more serious as we age. Like other physical changes, losses in bone density can be slowed by behavior and lifestyle choices, such as avoiding smoking and excess drinking and engaging in weight-bearing exercise (Berg et al., 2008; Bleicher et al., 2011; Gass & Dawson-Hughes, 2006). Table 15.1 summarizes some of the physical changes that take place during middle adulthood.

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Lives in Context

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Use of Cosmetic Procedures in Midlife The many physical changes that occur in middle adulthood influence adults’ views of themselves as well as how they interact with, and are treated by, others. Changes in appearance are hard to deny in midlife. Most midlife adults can list how their appearance has changed, noting, for example, lines that have appeared on their face (Honigman & Castle, 2006). As people age, their concerns about their appearance increasingly focus on the face. It is not uncommon for midlife adults, especially women, to develop concerns and worries about losing their attractiveness, as judged by Western beauty standards that emphasize youth (Barrett & Robbins, 2008).

Many adults seek to improve their appearance through cosmetic procedures—both surgical and nonsurgical. As the name suggests, surgical cosmetic procedures entail surgery. Nearly 1.8 million surgical cosmetic procedures were conducted in 2014 including procedures such as liposuction, eyelid surgery, tummy tucks, and breast augmentation (American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, 2014). Nonsurgical cosmetic procedures are far more common, with 13 million conducted in 2014. The most common noninvasive procedures include Botox injections (which paralyze facial muscles, making them unable to contract and “wrinkle”), so-called injectable “fillers” (substances injected into wrinkles, temporarily filling them), and chemical peels and microdermabrasion (chemical and physical means of removing the outermost layers of skin, purporting to reveal smooth new skin).

As shown in the accompanying graph, middle-aged people are the age group most likely to obtain cosmetic procedures. At all ages, about 90% of cosmetic procedures are conducted on women.

Why do women pursue cosmetic procedures? There are multiple individual and contextual factors at play when considering how middle-aged women view themselves and their attitudes toward these procedures (Saucier, 2004; Slevec & Tiggemann, 2010). Western cultural norms equate women’s aging with a decline in physical attractiveness. Television, magazines, and advertising feature the latest advances in cosmetic surgical procedures as well as prolific discussions of the latest celebrity to “go under the knife” (Sarwer & Crerand, 2004). Cosmetic surgery has also become the focus of a number of popular television programs, such as Botched and Extreme Makeover. Continued media exposure can shape people’s perceptions and normalize values and behaviors, such as those related to cosmetic procedures as a means for addressing body discontent (Slevec & Tiggemann, 2010).

Figure 15.1: Cosmetic Procedures by Age in the United States, 2014

Similar to other periods in life, peers are an important influence on women’s attitude and behaviors. Women who perceive their friends as supportive of the use of cosmetic procedures, and especially those whose friends obtain such procedures, are likely to view cosmetic procedures positively and are more likely to obtain them (Nerini, Matera, & Stefanile, 2014; Sharp, Tiggemann, & Mattiske, 2014).

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What Do You Think? 1. From your perspective, why are cosmetic procedures most popular in midlife? 2. What are some of the advantages and disadvantages or risks of such procedures? 3. How might someone make a decision about whether to pursue cosmetic procedures?

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Thinking in Context 15.1 1. How might the age-related changes that adults experience in vision and hearing influence their day-to-

day functioning and interactions with others? Consider adults’ roles in the workplace and at home, as employees, parents, spouses, and friends.

2. The physical changes that accompany middle adulthood can influence how adults view themselves as well as how others view and treat them. What are some of the possible implications of physical aging for adults’ sense of self?

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Middle Adulthood and the Reproductive System

In middle adulthood, the level of sex hormones in the body declines in both men and women. Women experience the end of fertility. Men retain their reproductive capacity, albeit at a diminished level. Despite these changes, sexual activity and enjoyment often continues throughout life.

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Reproductive Changes in Women

At about 51 years of age on average, but starting as early as age 42 and as late as 58, women experience menopause, the cessation of ovulation and menstruation (Avis & Crawford, 2006; Do et al., 1998). The timing of menopause is influenced by heredity but also by lifestyle choices and contextual influences, such as exposure to pollution (Grindler et al., 2015; Hartge, 2009). Menopause occurs earlier in women who smoke, who are malnourished, who have not given birth, and who are of lower socioeconomic status (Gold et al., 2013; Saraç, Öztekin, & Çelebi, 2011). Specifically, a woman is said to have reached menopause one year after her last menstrual period. Perimenopause refers to the transition to menopause, extending from three years before and after menopause. It is during perimenopause that the production of reproductive hormones declines and symptoms associated with menopause first appear (McNamara, Batur, & DeSapri, 2015).

The first indicator of perimenopause is a shorter menstrual cycle, followed by erratic periods (Burger, Hale, Robertson, & Dennerstein, 2007). Ovulation becomes less predictable, occurring early or late in the cycle; sometimes several ova are released and sometimes none (Nelson, 2008). This unpredictability in ovulation can sometimes lead to a “surprise” late-life pregnancy. Other women who waited to have children may find themselves frustrated by the unpredictability of their cycles, the accompanying difficulty getting pregnant, and the closing window of opportunity.

The most common symptoms of perimenopause that women experience are hot flashes, in which the expansion and contraction of blood vessels cause sudden sensations of heat throughout the body accompanied by sweating (McNamara et al., 2015). Two thirds to

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three quarters of U.S. women experience hot flashes (Nelson, 2008). Declining levels of estrogen slows sexual arousal and reduces vaginal lubrication, sometimes making intercourse uncomfortable (Simon, 2011); this symptom can be addressed by using a cream or gel to provide vaginal lubrication. Complaints about sexual functioning increase with age, with 35% to 40% of women reporting difficulties with sexual functioning including a reduced sex drive (Torpy, 2007; Walsh & Berman, 2004). For example, one study of women from France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom found that over one third of the women mentioned experiencing a reduced sex drive whereas over one half reported a loss of interest in sex (Nappi & Nijland, 2008). Women who report depression following menopause are more likely to report difficulties with sexual functioning (Gallicchio et al., 2007). Hormone replacement therapy, discussed in Applying Developmental Science (p. 427), is designed to address many of these symptoms.

The loss of estrogen increases some health risks. For example, estrogen protects against the accumulation of plaque on artery walls. The decline in estrogen is accompanied by an increase in arterial plaque, declines in cardiovascular function and metabolism, and increased risk for cardiovascular disease (Knowlton & Lee, 2012; Rosano, Vitale, Marazzi, & Volterrani, 2007). In addition, reductions in estrogen speed the loss of bone mass, increasing the risk of osteoporosis.

How women experience menopause, whether they report severe mood changes and irritability or few psychological and physical consequences, varies with their attitudes and expectations for menopause, which are influenced by personal characteristics, circumstances, and societal views about women and aging (Ayers, Forshaw, & Hunter, 2010; Delanoë et al., 2012; Lindh-Åstrand, Hoffmann, Hammar, & Kjellgren, 2007; Nosek, Kennedy, & Gudmundsdottir, 2012; Strauss, 2011). Similar to off-time physical transitions, such as girls who begin puberty early or women who experience premature menopause, experience higher rates of depression, anxiety, body dissatisfaction, sexual dysfunction, and poor self-confidence (Deeks, Gibson-Helm, Teede, & Vincent, 2011). Women who have children may view menopause as providing sexual freedom and enjoyment without worry of contraception or pregnancy. In contrast, women who desire a family but who have not given birth may view menopause as the end of fertility and the accompanying possibility of child-rearing, making menopause a difficult time indeed (Howell & Beth, 2002).

Contextual factors influence how women make sense of menopause (Delanoë et al., 2012; Strauss, 2011). When menopause is viewed as a medical event whose symptoms require treatment, women tend to view it more negatively and report more physical and emotional symptoms (Hvas & Dorte Effersøe, 2008). However, recent generations of women have objected to the notion of menopause as a disease and instead view it as a naturally occurring process. Adults of both sexes, as well as their families, tend to view menopause more positively when it is described as a life transition or symbol of aging, as compared with a

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medical event whose symptoms are problematic and require treatment (Dillaway, 2008; Hvas & Dorte Effersøe, 2008). In the United States, postmenopausal women tend to view menopause more positively than do younger women (Avis, Brockwell, & Colvin, 2005). They tend to report menopause as causing few difficulties and instead view it as a beginning. For example, in one study of over 2,000 postmenopausal women, about two thirds reported feeling relieved over freedom from birth control (Rossi, 2004).

Education and socioeconomic status are associated with women’s views of menopause. High education and high socioeconomic status each are associated with more positive views of menopause and fewer reports of menopausal symptoms (Lawlor, Ebrahim, & Smith, 2003). Ethnicity is also related to views about menopause. African American and Mexican American women tend to hold more favorable views toward menopause than white non- Hispanic American women, often describing it as a normal and sometimes looked forward to part of life (Avis et al., 2001; Sampselle, Harris, Harlow, & Sowers, 2002). Cultural factors also influence how menopause is experienced, as discussed in Cultural Influences on Development (p. 427).

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Reproductive Changes in Men

What about men? Do they experience a sudden drop in reproductive ability similar to women? Do males experience changes similar to menopause? No. Unlike women, men’s reproductive ability declines gradually and steadily over the adult years, beginning as early as age 30 in some men and continuing at a pace of about a 1% decrease per year to a total decline in testosterone of about 30% by age 70 (Federman & Walford, 2007). Men’s bodies produce less testosterone and they become less fertile, but about 75% of men retain testosterone levels in the normal range with most adult males continuing to produce sperm throughout adulthood and many able to father children into their 80s (Federman & Walford, 2007).

Men experience gradual declines in testosterone over their lifetimes; however, levels can shift dramatically in response to stress and illness, creating the appearance of a “male menopause” (Shores, 2014). Stress from problems such as unemployment, illness, marital problems, children leaving home, or sexual inactivity can cause reductions in testosterone, which decreases sexual desire and resexample, products designed to treatponses. Low levels of testosterone may interfere with a man’s ability to achieve or maintain an erection, which can influence anxiety about his sexual capacity, which can lead to further declines in testosterone (Seidman & Weiser, 2013). In this way, it might appear as if some men go through a form of menopause, but the sudden declines in testosterone tend to be a correlate of stress and health problems rather than a biological inevitability (Donatelle, 2004). Normative declines in testosterone are gradual, and connections between testosterone levels and health-related outcomes are weak (Basaria, 2013; Simon, 2008). Regardless, media and popular views in the United States and Europe have contributed to the notion of a male menopause and a corresponding medicalization of masculinity in middle and older adulthood though the use of hormone and other treatments (Marshall, 2007; Vainionpää & Topo, 2006). For example, products designed to treat so-called “low T” are commonly advertised on television despite research suggesting that only about 6% to 10% of men experience testosterone deficiency (Araujo et al., 2004; Haring et al., 2010) Similar to the medicalization of menopause, viewing normative hormonal changes experienced by men as a disease contributes to negative views of normal aging.

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Applying Developmental Science

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Hormone Replacement Therapy

Hormone replacement therapy is commonly prescribed to manage menopausal symptoms. However, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration recommends that physicians prescribe the smallest dose to reduce menopausal symptoms and for the shortest time.

iStock/Signature

From the 1950s until recently, it was common for women to use hormone therapy to increase the levels of estrogen or progesterone in their bodies in order to reduce severe perimenopause symptoms, manage common symptoms such as hot flashes, or to attempt to retain their youth. Many postmenopausal women used hormone replacement in the belief that it reduced heart disease and improved cognitive function. The results of correlational studies supported the use of hormone therapy and it was widely prescribed (Hersh, Stefanick, & Stafford, 2004).

But in 2002, the results of the Women’s Health Initiative Study, a longitudinal study of thousands of perimenopausal women, suggested that hormone replacement therapy reduces the incidence of hot flashes and decreases the risk of osteoporosis but does not protect against heart disease. On the contrary, it suggested that hormone replacement therapy may increase the risk of heart disease, stroke, and breast cancer (Nelson et al., 2002). These findings resulted in a dramatic worldwide decline in the use of hormone replacement therapy (Stevenson, Hodis, Pickar, & Lobo, 2009). Research with international samples suggests that the breast cancer rate declined from 2000 to 2007, as hormone replacement therapy became less common, suggesting its role (Sharpe et al., 2010).

However, like most aspects of development, the relation of hormone replacement therapy and health outcomes is much more complex than the Women’s Health Initiative findings suggested as it is influenced by the dynamic interaction of genetic and contextual factors. In one study, for example, hormone replacement therapy did not lower the overall risk of heart disease across all women, but after controlling for other risk factors (such as hypertension) the risk for heart disease was lower for women taking hormone supplements (Rossouw et al., 2007). The cardiovascular risks associated with hormone replacement therapy increased with age starting only at age 60 (Stevenson et al., 2009). The breast cancer risks associated with hormone replacement therapy varies by race and ethnicity, body mass index (BMI), and breast density (Hou et al., 2013). There is no universal relationship; instead, it varies by individual.

Other research shows that hormone replacement therapy can help some postmenopausal women with selected comorbid conditions such as osteoporosis, type II diabetes, certain cardiovascular pathologies, rheumatoid arthritis, and colorectal cancer (Britto et al., 2011; Islander, Jochems, Lagerquist, Forsblad- d’Elia, & Carlsten, 2011; Panay, Hamoda, Arya, & Savvas, 2013). Findings such as these may suggest that hormone replacement therapy is a reasonable option to manage menopausal symptoms over the short term (Canderelli, Leccesse, & Miller, 2007; Hickey, Elliott, & Davison, 2012). The U.S. Food and Drug Administration recommends that physicians prescribe the smallest dose to reduce menopausal symptoms and for the shortest time (Hannon, 2010). The decision as to who should use any form of hormone replacement therapy needs to be based on the individual woman’s needs, quality of life, and potential risks versus benefits (Panay et al., 2013).

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What Do You Think? 1. Why might researchers’ conclusions about hormone replacement therapy vary so dramatically

across studies and over the past decade? 2. What factors do you think are important for women to consider when it comes to hormone

replacement therapy? What advice would you give a friend?

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Cultural Influences on Development

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Cultural Perspectives on Menopause Societal and cultural views influence how menopause is perceived. In societies that value youth, women may fear the bodily changes of menopause and their perceived loss of sex appeal (Howell & Beth, 2002). On the other hand, in cultures where older women are respected and achieve social or religious power with age (e.g., powerful mother-in-law and grandmother roles), women report few complaints about menopausal symptoms (Delanoë et al., 2012).

In Japan, where women gain power and responsibility (such as monitoring household finances and caring for dependent parents) with age, women rarely report hot flashes or other menopausal symptoms (Huang, Xu, I, & Jaisamrarn, 2010; Lock & Kaufert, 2001). Middle adulthood is seen as a mature and productive time of life; menopause is not viewed as a marker of decline by Japanese women or their physicians. Research has shown that women in Asian cultures, as well as non-industrialized cultures, consistently report fewer and less severe menopausal symptoms (Gupta, Sturdee, & Hunter, 2006; Huang et al., 2010). For example, one study of Chinese women found that only one third reported experiencing hot flashes and less than one third experienced night sweats (Liu & Eden, 2007).

Similarly, Mayan women of the Yucatán achieve increased status with menopause along with freedom from child-rearing (Beyene & Martin, 2001). Mayan women marry as teenagers and by the late 30s typically have given birth to many children. Many Mayan women are eager to escape the burden of child-rearing and describe menopause in positive terms such as providing freedom, being happy, and feeling like a young girl again. Few report menopausal symptoms such as hot flashes (Beyene & Martin, 2001). In fact, there is no word in the Mayan language to describe hot flashes (Beyene, 1986). Women in rural India also report menopause as a welcomed time that is accompanied by enhanced mobility, freedom from unwanted pregnancy, and increased authority (Gupta et al., 2006).

Western women tend to have mixed feelings about menopause. They frequently describe the negatives including a loss of fertility and the physical changes that accompany it, feeling less feminine, and having a clear sign of aging (Chrisler, 2008). At the same time, menopause represents the end of dealing with menstrual periods, the end of contraceptive worries, and a sense of liberation. Older women tend to have more positive views of menopause than do younger women and are more likely to report feeling a sense of freedom and confidence (Chrisler, 2008).

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What Do You Think? 1. From your perspective, how do adults in the United States view menopause? For example, how

does television depict menopause or menopausal women? Identify examples in popular media to support your perspective.

2. How might individuals’ perception of developments such as menopause influence what they experience (and the reverse)?

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Thinking in Context 15.2 1. Contextual factors, such as socioeconomic status, influence all aspects of physical aging, including the rate

and form that aging takes. How might contextual factors influence the sensory changes that occur over the adult years? Reproductive changes?

2. Physical characteristics such as appearance and reproductive capacity influence adults’ sense of attractiveness and desirability. How might age-related changes in physical characteristics influence and shape middle-aged adults’ sense of self?

3. Compare menopause with menarche. How is the process of menopause similar and different from menarche? What is the role of context in shaping women’s experience and perspective on each?

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Health in Middle Adulthood

Although the middle adult years are generally characterized by good health, they are a time when many people begin to notice some declines in health and physical abilities. As we have discussed, changes in strength and endurance become noticeable, especially among adults who lead sedentary lifestyles. In middle adulthood, the rate of chronic illnesses increases, as do doctor’s visits and hospital stays. Most midlife adults view themselves as healthy; however, self-reports of health vary by contextual condition. For example, in nearly all countries of the world, self-reports of health and death rates vary by socioeconomic status. People of high socioeconomic status report better health than those of low socioeconomic status (Mackenbach et al., 2008).

Cancer is the leading cause of death in middle adulthood, followed by cardiovascular disease and accidents (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2015). Deaths by accident decrease over the adult years. Gains in life experience and declines in impulsivity reduce risk taking and novelty seeking through middle adulthood. The following sections discuss leading health concerns of middle-aged adults, including cancer, cardiovascular disease, and osteoporosis. Note that, until recently, nearly all studies of health in adulthood were conducted on men, particularly Caucasian men. Women and minorities are underrepresented in research on prevention and treatment of illness. Researchers have only recently begun to address this deficit in our understanding of illness. The following sections describe what we know about several common illnesses, discussing sex and ethnic differences when possible.

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Cancer

Rates of cancer have declined 20% since the mid-1990s (Siegel, Ma, Zou, & Jemal, 2014), but cancer remains the leading cause of death in middle age, responsible for about one third of deaths between the ages of 45 and 64 (CDC, 2015; National Center for Health Statistics, 2015). It is estimated that nearly 15% of adults between the ages of 45 and 64 will develop cancer (National Cancer Institute, 2012). Adults aged 45 to 64 account for 37% of the nearly 1.7 million diagnoses of cancer each year (Siegel et al., 2014) Overall, men tend to be diagnosed with cancer at a higher rate than women (Siegel et al., 2014). Sex differences in cancer are influenced by genetics and lifestyle factors such as workplace exposure to toxins, health-related behaviors such as smoking, and fewer visits to the doctor. People of low socioeconomic status tend to experience cancer at higher rates than do other adults because of inadequate access to medical care, poor diet, high levels of stress, and occupations that may place them in contact with toxins (Jemal et al., 2008; Vona-Davis & Rose, 2009).

What is cancer? Cancerous cells are abnormal cells. Everyone has some of these abnormal cells. Cancer occurs when the genetic program that controls cell growth is disrupted. As a result, abnormal cells reproduce rapidly and spread to normal tissues and organs and the person is diagnosed with cancer. Cancer cells might undergo uncontrolled growth for three reasons. Cell mutations may cause cancer genes known as oncogenes to undergo abnormal cell division or interfere with tumor suppressor genes that keep oncogenes from multiplying (Lin et al., 2007; Vogelstein & Kinzler, 2004). Finally, cell mutations may prevent cells from repairing the DNA errors that occur as a function of cell division as well as those that occur from exposure to environmental toxins and free radicals. Whether an individual develops cancer is affected by a complex web of genetic and environmental influences.

Scientific breakthroughs have increased our knowledge of genetic risk factors for cancer. For example, women now can be tested for mutations in the genes responsible for suppressing the proliferation of breast cancer cells. Genetics, however, is not destiny. Only about 35% to 50% of women who test positive for the genetic mutation actually develop breast cancer. Those who do show more genetic mutations and tend to develop breast cancer especially early in life, often before age 30 (Stephens et al., 2012). Whether a genetic risk factor for breast cancer leads to developing breast cancer is influenced by the presence of environmental risk factors, such as heavy alcohol use, overweight, use of oral contraceptives, exposure to toxins, and low socioeconomic status (Khan, Afaq, & Mukhtar, 2010; Nickels et al., 2013). The biology of breast cancer is age dependent: Early-onset breast cancer is qualitatively different than late-onset breast cancer. While early-onset breast cancers are largely inherited and are often invasive, spreading quickly, late-onset breast cancers tend to grow more slowly, are less biologically aggressive, and likely follow extended exposures to environmental stimuli as well as disruptions in cell division that occur with

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aging (Benz, 2008). Although many people persist in the centuries-old belief that a diagnosis of cancer is a death sentence, today’s medical advances permit more people to survive cancer than ever before. About 70% of adults aged 45 to 64 diagnosed with cancer survive at least five years, and many experience remission, “beating” cancer. Survival and cure rates vary by type of cancer.

Cancer rates have declined over the last two decades and survival rates have risen to nearly three-quarters of diagnoses, but it remains the leading cause of mortality in middle age.

Manuel Litran/Paris Match/Getty

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Cardiovascular Disease

Cardiovascular disease is responsible for over one quarter of deaths of middle-aged Americans each year (National Center for Health Statistics, 2015). Markers of cardiovascular disease include high blood pressure; high blood cholesterol; plaque buildup in the arteries (arthrosclerosis; see Figure 15.2); irregular heartbeat; and, particularly serious, heart attack (blockage of blood flow to the heart caused by a blood clot occurring within a plaque-clogged coronary artery; Koh, Han, Oh, Shin, & Quon, 2010). Cardiovascular disease can also cause a stroke: After originating in the coronary arteries, a blood clot can travel to the brain, causing stroke, which can result in neurological damage, paralysis, and death.

Figure 15.2: Cardiovascular Disease

Source: National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute. (2014).

Risk factors for cardiovascular disease include heredity, age, a diet heavy in saturated and trans fatty acids, and smoking (Go et al., 2013). One important risk factor, hypertension, has increased rapidly in the last two decades to account for over one third of U.S. adults ages 45 to 59 (Egan, Zhao, & Axon, 2010). By 2030, 40.5% of the U.S. population is projected to have some form of cardiovascular disease (Heidenreich et al., 2011). Hypertension is a global problem responsible for about 13% of all deaths in the world each year (World Health Organization, 2015). Anxiety, psychological stress, and a poor diet have negative effects on the heart and contribute to hypertension and cardiovascular disease (Backé, Seidler, Latza, Rossnagel, & Schumann, 2012; Holt et al., 2013).

Awareness of the symptoms of heart attack is critical to surviving it. About half of heart

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attack victims die before being admitted to a hospital (American Heart Association, 2008a). The most common symptom of heart attack is chest pain. Most heart attacks are accompanied by the sense of uncomfortable pressure, squeezing, fullness, or pain in the chest. The pain may come and go or may last. Other symptoms include discomfort or pain in other areas of the upper body, especially the left arm or both arms, but also the back, neck, jaw, or stomach. Shortness of breath can occur before or with the chest pain. Other symptoms include breaking out in a cold sweat, nausea, or light-headedness. Cardiovascular disease has been traditionally viewed as an illness affecting men, as men are more likely to be diagnosed with cardiovascular disease. However, women are more likely to die from cardiovascular disease, especially heart attack. In addition, women tend to show different symptoms of heart attack and are more likely to report experiencing four or more symptoms than are men (Kirchberger, Heier, Kuch, Wende, & Meisinger, 2011). The most common symptom experienced by women is shortness of breath. Only about one third report chest pain, the hallmark symptom in men (McSweeney Cody, O’Sullivan, Elberson, Moser, & Garvin, 2003). When they do, they are more likely to describe it as pressure or tightness than pain. Women are more likely than men to report pain in the left shoulder or arm, pain in the throat or jaw, pain in the upper abdomen, pain between the shoulder blades, nausea, dizziness, and vomiting (Kirchberger et al., 2011).

Treatment for cardiovascular disease varies depending on the severity. Medication and behavioral changes, such as increasing physical activity, changing diet, and consuming more fish oil, may reduce hypertension and cholesterol levels (Harris et al., 2008; Koh et al., 2010). In serious cases, coronary bypass surgery may be recommended, in which damaged coronary blood vessels are replaced with those from the leg, and angioplasty, in which a needle is threaded through the arteries and a tiny balloon is inflated to flatten plaque deposits against the arterial walls and enable blood to flow unobstructed. For angioplasty, a coronary stent is often inserted to help keep the artery open. As shown in Table 15.2, various lifestyle choices can help to prevent heart disease.

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Osteoporosis

The normative bone loss that occurs with reproductive aging increases the risk of osteoporosis, a disorder entailing severe bone loss that leads to brittle and easily fractured bones (Walker, 2008). About half of U.S. adults are affected by osteoporosis (10 million people) or low bone mass (Wright et al., 2014); these conditions can be identified through a routine, noninvasive bone scan. Declines in estrogen cause postmenopausal women to lose about 25% of their bone mass in the first ten years after menopause, increasing to about 50% by late adulthood (Avis et al., 2005; Vondracek, 2010). Men experience a more gradual and less extreme loss of bone, because age-related decreases in testosterone, which their bodies convert to estrogen, occur slowly; therefore, the loss of bone mass that occurs with declines in estrogen occurs gradually over the adult years (Avis & Crawford, 2006; Walker, 2008). Most people—men and women—are diagnosed with osteoporosis only after experiencing bone fractures, but one out of every two women and one in four men over 50 will have an osteoporosis-related fracture in their lifetime (NIH Osteoporosis and Related Bone Diseases National Resource Center, 2007). Men at risk for osteoporosis are those with low body mass and the very old. Because women are more widely known to be at risk, men often go undiagnosed and untreated (Liu et al., 2008).

Heredity and lifestyle contribute to the risk of osteoporosis. For example, at least 15 genes contribute to osteoporosis susceptibility (Li et al., 2010). Identical twins are more likely to share a diagnosis of osteoporosis than are fraternal twins (Andersen, 2007). Thin, small- framed women tend to attain a lower peak bone mass than do other women and are at relatively higher risk of osteoporosis. Other risk factors include a sedentary lifestyle, calcium

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deficiency, cigarette smoking, and heavy alcohol consumption (Bleicher et al., 2011; Nachtigall, Nazem, Nachtigall, & Goldstein, 2013).

Osteoporosis can be prevented by encouraging young people to maximize their bone density by consuming a diet rich in calcium and vitamin D and engaging in regular exercise from childhood through adulthood (Nachtigall et al., 2013). These same diet and activity guidelines, specifically having a bone-healthy lifestyle, as well as medication that increases the absorption of calcium, can slow the bone loss associated with osteoporosis in middle adulthood (Vondracek, 2010). Consuming a diet rich in calcium and vitamin D, avoiding smoking and heavy drinking, and engaging in moderate alcohol consumption and weight- bearing exercise can offset bone loss in postmenopausal women (Berg et al., 2008; Bleicher et al., 2011; Guadalupe-Grau, Fuentes, Guerra, & Calbet, 2009).

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Wellness

Caught in a traffic jam on the highway, Natasha used her mobile phone to call her husband. “Hi, honey, I’m running late. Can you start cooking dinner?” He replied, “Sorry, I’m not home yet. I’ve got a late meeting.” Natasha sighed, “Okay. I’ll call the babysitter and ask her to stay late. I still have to stop at Mom’s house to drop off her medicine, and this traffic doesn’t look like it will ease up anytime soon. I didn’t expect Mom’s giving up driving to take up so much of my time.”

Perhaps it is not surprising that middle-aged adults experience more daily stresses than adults of any other age (Holliday, 2007). Colloquially referred to as the “sandwich generation,” middle-aged adults are pressed to meet not only the multiple demands of career and family but often the demands of caring for two generations, their children and their elderly parents. As we have discussed in Chapter 12, the accumulation of daily hassles, such as traffic jams, workplace conflict, and child care difficulties, can influence our mood, ability to cope, and even our health. An overload of daily hassles, the experience of negative life events (such as job loss or illness), and disadvantageous contextual factors (such as poverty, a lack of access to medical care, and unsafe communities), contribute to poor health and illness (Almeida, Neupert, Banks, & Serido, 2005; Lantz, House, Mero, & Williams, 2005), especially when perceived as out of control (Hay & Diehl, 2010).

Change itself, whether positive or negative, is experienced as stress. Generally, the more stressful changes that take place, the more likely a person is to experience an acute illness or flare-up of a chronic illness. Stress harms health directly through physiological effects, such as increases in blood pressure, and psychological effects, such as anxiety and depression (Reagan, Grillo, & Piroli, 2008; Segerstrom & O’Connor, 2012). Exposure to stress also harms health indirectly, through behavioral responses to stress. Under stress, individuals may smoke and drink more, sleep less, get less exercise, and eat more poorly (Cropley & Steptoe, 2005). Chronic stress is associated with acute illnesses, such as cold and flu, as well as chronic illnesses, such as hypertension, arteriosclerosis, cardiovascular disease, cancer, and autoimmune diseases (e.g., lupus, Graves disease, chronic fatigue syndrome; Cass, 2006; Segerstrom & O’Connor, 2012; Stojanovich & Marisavljevich, 2008).

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Middle-aged adults experience more daily hassles than adults of other ages, which pose risks to health and well-being.

Blend/Alamy

Stress management is an important way of reducing the negative mental and physical health effects of stress. When people learn to control their reactions to stress by using relaxation techniques, meditation, and biofeedback, they can reduce the incidence and severity of illness. An important way of reducing stress and promoting health and wellness is exercise (Gerber & Pühse, 2009; Johnson, 2007). Physically fit individuals show less psychological reactivity (e.g., spikes in blood pressure) to, and improved recovery from, psychological stressors than do unfit individuals (Forcier, Stroud, & Papandonatos, 2006).

Exercise reduces the physiological effects of stress, as it improves vascular function, reduces risk of cardiovascular disease, and protects against other health problems (Gerber & Pühse, 2009; Johnson, 2007). The health benefits of exercise persist throughout the adult years, but most middle-aged adults do not get the exercise that they need. Despite the proven benefits of physical activity, more than 50% of U.S. adults do not get enough physical activity to provide health benefits, and over one third are inactive in their leisure time (Physical Activities Council, 2015).

Many middle-aged adults face a variety of obstacles to regular exercise such as lack of time, family and work conflicts, lack of energy, and the challenges of being overweight. Middle- aged adults who begin and maintain an exercise program gain a sense of self-efficacy, the belief that they can be successful, which aids their progress in becoming more active and healthy (Blanchard et al., 2007; Purath, Miller, McCabe, & Wilbur, 2004).

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Health is influenced not just by behavioral choices, such as coping effectively with stress and maintaining an exercise program, but also by attitudes and personality style. Optimism, conscientiousness, and positive emotions are associated with good health (Dainese et al., 2011; Friedman & Kern, 2014). People who score high on measures of hostility and anger, who tend to view others as having hostile intentions and are easily angered, are at risk for negative health outcomes, such as heart disease and atherosclerosis (Brydon et al., 2010; Friedman & Kern, 2014). Anger is physiologically arousing, stress hormones course through the body, increasing heart rate and blood pressure. Frequently angry displays and ruminating about events that invoke anger and other negative emotions can lead to high blood pressure that persists and, ultimately, heart disease (Brydon et al., 2010; Ohira et al., 2008).

Some adults are better able than others to adapt to the physical changes of midlife and the stress wrought by the changes in lifestyle that accompany midlife transitions, such as juggling career with caring for children and parents, and tend to display the personal characteristic that researchers refer to as hardiness (Maddi, 2007b). Individuals who display hardiness tend to have a high sense of self-efficacy, feeling a sense of control over their lives and experiences. They also view challenges as opportunities for personal growth and feel a sense of commitment to their life choices.

Hardy individuals tend to appraise stressful situations more positively, viewing them as manageable, approach problems with an active problem-focused coping style, and show fewer negative reactions to stressful situations (Bartone, 2006; Vogt, Rizvi, & Shipherd, 2008). The positive appraisals and sense of control that come with hardiness serve a protective function as they are associated with lower emotional reactivity, lower average blood pressure, slower progression of cardiovascular disease, and positive self-ratings of physical and mental health (Maddi, 2013; Sandvik et al., 2013). People who score low in hardiness tend to feel less control; experience more negative reactions to stressful situations; and are more likely to use an emotion-focused style of coping, such as avoidance or denial, which is maladaptive to health and functioning and is associated with higher stress in response to stimuli (Dolbier, Smith, & Steinhardt, 2007).

Hardiness, however, can, be learned. Training in hardy skills and attitudes, such as coping, social support, relaxation and stress reduction, nutrition, and physical activity, can increase feelings of control, challenge, and commitment that are central to hardiness (Maddi, 2007a). There is some evidence that hardy leaders can indeed increase hardy cognitions and behaviors in groups, influencing the meaning-making process so that situations are interpreted as interesting, challenging opportunities to grow and controllable (Bartone, 2006; Bartone, Roland, & Picano, 2008).

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Individuals’ sense of hardiness can be enhanced by learning stress management and coping techniques, such as meditation.

Jewel Samad/AFP/Getty

Fortunately, most people tend to show more adaptive responses to stress as they progress through middle adulthood. They learn to anticipate stressful events, take steps to avoid them, and approach stressful situations with more realistic attitudes about their ability to change them (Aldwin & Levenson, 2001). Overcoming stressful conditions and personal challenges contributes to a growing sense of self-efficacy over middle adulthood.

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Dealing With a Parent’s Death

An important stressor that many midlife adults experience is caring for an elderly parent and the changes that come with the loss of parents.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Thinking in Context 15.3 1. Genetic tests can reveal whether an individual has a gene for an illness such as cancer. What does a

positive test, suggesting the presence of the gene for an illness, mean? Considering the influence of lifestyle and epigenetics (from Chapter 2), what advice would you give to a person who has the gene for an illness such as cancer?

2. Apply the bioecological framework to explain the myriad of factors that influence health and wellness in middle adulthood. Identify factors at the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem that can act as risk and protective factors to health during midlife.

3. Provide advice to a friend about what he or she can do to ensure a healthy middle age.

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Intellectual Abilities In Middle Adulthood

As we have seen, middle adulthood is a time of change in physical functioning. Are the physical changes of middle adulthood accompanied by cognitive changes? One way of assessing cognitive capacities is with the use of IQ tests. In Chapter 8, we discussed the most commonly used intelligence test, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS). The skills measured by the WAIS can be organized into two forms of intelligence: fluid and crystallized.

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Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence

Intelligent people know a lot. They have a knowledge base acquired through experience and education. This accumulation of facts and information comprises crystallized intelligence (Cattell, 1963; Horn & Cattell, 1966). Examples of crystallized intelligence include memory of spelling, vocabulary, formulas, and dates in history. Although critics argue that crystallized intelligence measures examine an individual’s accumulated knowledge rather than intelligence itself, people who score high on measures of crystallized intelligence not only know more but they learn more easily and remember more information than do people with lower levels of crystallized intelligence (Horn & Noll, 1997).

While crystallized intelligence refers to accumulated knowledge, fluid intelligence refers to a person’s underlying capacity to make connections among ideas and draw inferences. Fluid intelligence permits flexible, creative, and quick thought, which enables people to solve problems quickly and adapt to complex and rapidly changing situations. Information processing abilities, such as the capacity of working memory, attention, and speed of analyzing information, influence fluid intelligence (Salthouse & Pink, 2008). Fluid and crystallized intelligence make up two separate components to intelligence (Nisbett et al., 2013), but they interact in the sense that the basic information processing capacities that embody fluid intelligence make it easier for a person to acquire knowledge and develop crystallized intelligence. That said, the relationship is not causal. Longitudinal research with midlife and older adults showed no dynamic relationship between verbal and other factors over a 16-year period, suggesting that changes in fluid abilities may not drive age changes in crystallized abilities (Christensen, Batterham, & Mackinnon, 2013; Finkel, Reynolds, McArdle, & Pedersen, 2007).

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Intelligence Over the Adult Years

How does intelligence change over the adult years? There is no simple answer to this question. Researchers using different methods have drawn different conclusions about adult intelligence. Recall from Chapter 1 that researchers learn about how people differ by age and how they change over time with the use of cross sectional, longitudinal, and cross- sequential research designs. The conclusions that researchers draw regarding intellectual change in adulthood vary with each research design.

Until recently, most researchers believed that intelligence declined with age. Early cross- sectional studies, comparing adults of various ages at once, showed clear age differences in IQ scores whereby intelligence peaked in early adulthood, declined through middle adulthood, and dropped steeply in late adulthood (Salthouse, 2014). Longitudinal studies, however, show a different picture of intellectual development in adulthood (Horn & Donaldson, 1976; Schaie, 2013). Research following children evaluated from childhood through middle age (up to age 50) demonstrated that, contrary to prior findings from cross sectional research, intelligence scores increased into middle adulthood, especially on tests that reflect accumulated knowledge or expertise (Bayley, 1955; Deary, 2014).

How does intelligence change over the adult years? Why are the findings of cross-sectional studies very different from those of longitudinal studies? K. Warner Schaie examined this question in his groundbreaking study of intellectual change in adulthood, the Seattle Longitudinal Study. Because cross-sectional and longitudinal studies offer contradictory pictures of intellectual change in adulthood, Schaie employed a cross-sequential design that combined both research methodologies to disentangle the effects of age (change over time) and cohort (change over generations; Schaie, 1993, 2013). During the first wave of data collection, in 1956, adults ages 22 to 70 were tested. These individuals were followed up at regular intervals and new samples of adults were added. To date, the Seattle Longitudinal Study has examined over 5,000 men and women and has yielded five cross-sectional comparisons and over 60 years of longitudinal data.

The findings of the Seattle Longitudinal Study show the typical drop in intelligence scores after the mid-30s but also the typical longitudinal finding that there are modest gains through middle age that are sustained into the 60s, followed by gradual declines thereafter (Schaie, 2013; Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). As shown in Figure 15.3, crystallized and fluid intelligence show different patterns of change over the adult years. The components of crystallized intelligence, such as verbal ability and inductive reasoning, remain stable and even increase into middle adulthood, suggesting that individuals expand and retain their wealth of knowledge over their lifetimes. On the other hand, fluid intelligence, such as perceptual speed and spatial orientation, decreases beginning in the 20s, suggesting that cognitive processing slows, somewhat, with age (Horn & Masunaga, 2000; McArdle,

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Ferrer-Caja, Hamagami, & Woodcock, 2002; Schaie, 2013). Other samples of adults have supported these findings of gains in crystallized intelligence through middle adulthood coupled with gradual declines in fluid intelligence (Dellenbach & Zimprich, 2008; Kaufman, 2001; Singer, Verhaeghen, Ghisletta, Lindenberger, & Baltes, 2003). In late adulthood, both types of intelligence decline (Schaie, 2013).

Why does fluid intelligence decline over the adult years? Declines in performance on tasks measuring fluid intelligence may be due to the biological slowing of the central nervous system, as evident in declines in processing speed (Kaufman, 2001; Salthouse & Pink, 2008). Other research points to declines in frontal lobe functioning and reductions in interconnectivity in explaining declines in fluid intelligence (Bugg, Zook, DeLosh, Davalos, & Davis, 2006; Geerligs, Maurits, Renken, & Lorist, 2014). The ability to quickly update one’s working memory is closely related to measures of fluid intelligence and some research suggests that it is the decline in working memory updating rather than speed that causes age changes in fluid intelligence (Unsworth, Fukuda, Awh, & Vogel, 2014). Most notably, training in tasks that tap working memory are associated with improvements in fluid intelligence tasks (Au et al., 2015)

Figure 15.3: Longitudinal Changes in Crystallized and Fluid Intelligence Over the Adult Years

Source: Schaie (2005).

An important finding of the Seattle Longitudinal Study is that there are large cohort effects in intelligence. Each cohort of adults has experiences unique to their generation that influence their intellectual development. From 1889 to 1973, each cohort of adults has scored higher in verbal memory and inductive reasoning, and lower in numeric ability, than previous generations (Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). IQ gains from one generation to another have been found in many countries, typically coinciding with the advent of modernization

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(Nisbett et al., 2013; Williams, 2013). In addition, the drop in intelligence scores that appears after midlife happens later in more recent cohorts (Schaie, 2013). These effects can be at least partially explained by generational changes in educational attainment. With each generation, young people complete more years of education, more exposure to testing, and advanced levels of education tend to emphasize logic and self-expression, skills measured by intelligence tests (Baker et al., 2015; Williams, 2013). In addition, declines in numeric ability with each cohort may reflect each generation’s increasing reliance on computers for mathematical computation.

Overall, intellectual ability increases over the adult years, especially when individuals are engaged in intellectually complex occupational and leisure activities, which are more common among recent cohorts (see Lifespan Brain Development, p. 436; Schaie, 2013). Research suggests that the tendency to engage in mentally simulating activities such as reading is influenced by crystallized intelligence; however, engaging in stimulating activities can enhance functional intelligence in all adults (Dellenbach & Zimprich, 2008). One study of middle-aged to older adults had an experimental group engage in diverse novel and mentally stimulating activities for 10 to 12 weeks and compared them to a control group. The experimental group showed gains in fluid intelligence—gains suggesting that even brief periods of cognitive stimulation can improve problem solving and promote flexible thinking (Tranter & Koutstaal, 2008). In addition, training and practice in attention and working memory skills improves performance on tasks targeting executive control processes (Au et al., 2015; Nisbett et al., 2013).

Intellectual capacity seems to follow the “use it or lose it” principle. Adults who use their intellectual skills tend to maintain them longer than do those who are less cognitively active. Individuals who have completed higher education, hold intellectually challenging occupations, and engage in intellectual leisure pursuits show a later decline in intellectual ability as compared with adults who are less engaged (Schaie, 2013). Contextual factors also influence intellectual decline (Nisbett et al., 2013). Whereas midlife is a time of intellectual growth, individuals who live in unfavorable environments such as those of pervasive poverty, or who have experienced serious illness, may experience intellectual declines far earlier than the average adult (Schaie, 2013).

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LifeSpan Brain Development

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The Middle-Aged Brain It is in midlife that many people hit their stride. Despite changes in some fluid abilities, midlife adults tend to be skilled at the tasks of everyday life and calmly tackle life’s challenges. Middle-aged adults demonstrate selective optimization with compensation by emphasizing strengths and minimizing weaknesses. However, cognition in midlife is not simply about managing deficits. Instead, many cognitive competencies increase and peak in middle adulthood, including crystallized intelligence; problem solving; and the ability to make accurate judgments about people, jobs, and the world around us (Schaie, 2013; Thornton & Dumke, 2005).

Changes in brain organization account for many of these advances. For example, brain myelination continues to grow throughout young adulthood and peaks in middle adulthood, especially in the frontal lobes and temporal lobes—areas known for language, communication, and executive function (Giorgio et al., 2010; Sowell et al., 2004; Wang & Young, 2014). Myelination contributes to midlife adults’ ability to quickly assess situations, make decisions, and problem solve.

We have seen that midlife adults often face multiple stressors, such as supporting children, caring for aging parents, and juggling career responsibilities. Though they likely face more stressors than ever before, starting in their 40s, midlife adults tend to show a happier outlook on life than do young adults. They tend to feel more competent, in control, and flexible—characteristics that are adaptive for everyday problem solving. Changes in brain activity underlie these advances in self-regulation. For example, when young and older adults view upsetting and uplifting images, the young adults tend to show activation in the amygdala for both sets of images whereas the older adults showed amygdala activation for the positive but not the disturbing images (Mather & Carstensen, 2005). Recall that the amygdala is responsible for strong emotional reactions, especially aggression. Beginning in midlife, adults become less sensitive to negative stimuli (Carstensen & Mikels, 2005; Samanez-Larkin, Robertson, Mikels, Carstensen, & Gotlib, 2009).

Other research suggests midlife adults tend to have a rosy view of the world and tend to view neutral stimuli in a positive light (van Reekum et al., 2011). This positivity bias is adaptive for everyday functioning as midlife adults are able to manage challenging situations, ignore negative stimuli, and focus on the positive (Reed & Carstensen, 2012; Reed, Chan, & Mikels, 2014). Midlife gains in emotional regulation permit them to become adaptive problem solvers and more holistic thinkers.

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What Do You Think? 1. How do these findings compare with popular stereotypes of aging? 2. Think about the middle-aged adults you know. How well do they fit this portrayal? Why or

why not?

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Thinking in Context 15.4 1. Cross-sectional and longitudinal research designs (see Chapter 1) often result in very different

conclusions. Consider this problem using research findings on adult intelligence. 2. Why do we typically find large cohort differences in intellectual abilities? Consider the contextual changes

that accompany recent generations. For example, consider your own experiences with those of your parents, grandparents, and even great-grandparents. How were your worlds different, and how might this contribute to differences on intelligence measures?

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Cognitive Development In Middle Adulthood

The intellectual changes and continuities that occur over midlife are influenced by adults’ capacities for information processing. For example, measures of fluid intelligence tap aspects of information processing such as attention, memory, and processing speed. Crystallized intelligence is influenced by adults’ memory capacities and expertise. How do information processing abilities change over the midlife years?

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Attention

In what ways does attention change with age? Researchers who study attention examine how much information a person can attend to at once, the ability to divide attention and change focus from one task to another in response to situational demands, and the ability to selectively attend and ignore distracters and irrelevant stimuli. With age, it becomes more difficult to divide attention—that is, to engage in two complex tasks at once and focus on relevant information (Radvansky, Zacks, & Hasher, 2005). As with other capacities, age-related declines in attention are not uniform across adults and these differences predict variations in cognitive performance. In one study, those who performed better on cognitive tasks were more attracted to and spent more time viewing novel stimuli than those who performed at average levels (Daffner, Chong, & Riis, 2007). Moreover, the magnitude of the difference between cognitively high and cognitively average performing groups grew with age from middle adulthood into old age, suggesting that the link between engagement and novelty and higher cognitive performance increases with age.

Most adults find that inhibition, the ability to resist interference from irrelevant information to stay focused on the task at hand, becomes more difficult over the adult years (Rozas, Juncos-Rabadán, & González, 2008; Sylvain-Roy, Lungu, & Belleville, 2014). For example, laboratory tasks in which participants are presented with a series of letter combinations and told to press the space bar after viewing a particular combination (such as T-L) show that adults’ performance declines steadily from the 30s on; with age, adults make more errors of commission—pressing the space bar after incorrect letter combinations (Mani, Bedwell, & Miller, 2005). Errors of omission—not pressing the space bar in response to the correct sequence—increased in the presence of extraneous noise. In everyday life, these changes in attention might make adults appear more easily distracted, less able to attend, and less able to take in information with age.

However, changes in attention are not always evident in real-life functioning (Kramer & Madden, 2008). Experience and practice matters (Glisky, 2007), and this is true for all information processing capacities. People in occupations that require detecting critical stimuli and engaging in multiple complex tasks, such as air traffic controllers, develop expertise in focusing and maintaining attention and show smaller declines with age (Kennedy, Taylor, Reade, & Yesavage, 2010; Morrow et al., 2003). Experts tend to use external supports more effectively (Morrow & Schriver, 2007). Practice also improves performance and reduces age-related decline. For example, training in how to divide attention between two tasks by using selective attention and switching back and forth between mental operations, improves the performance of older adults as much as that of younger adults, although age differences in performance remain (Kramer & Madden, 2008).

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Performance on tasks requiring attention begins to decline in middle adulthood but practice can improve performance and reduce age-related declines.

Michael Blann/DigitalVision/Thinkstock

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Memory

Memory, essential to cognitive competence, changes substantially over the adult years. The capacity of working memory declines from the 20s through the 60s and is related to changes in attention (Rowe, Hasher, & Turcotte, 2010; Sylvain-Roy et al., 2014). Middle- aged and older adults are less able to recall lists of words and numbers than are young adults; memory for prose shows similar, though less extreme, decline (Old & Naveh- Benjamin, 2008). Age differences in performance on working memory tasks can be partially explained by a decline in the use of memory strategies with age (Braver & West, 2008; Craik & Rose, 2012).

With age, adults are less likely to apply the memory strategies of organization and elaboration, which require that new information is linked with already-stored information (e.g., existing knowledge). From middle adulthood into old age, adults begin to have more difficulty retrieving information from long-term memory, which makes them less likely to spontaneously use organization and elaboration as memory strategies (Glisky, 2007). Changes in attention influence declines in working memory. As we age, it becomes more difficult to tune out irrelevant information, which then leaves less space in working memory for completing a given task (Levitt, Fugelsang, & Crossley, 2006; Radvansky et al., 2005).

Many laboratory tests of memory entail tasks that are similar to those encountered in school settings. Middle-aged and older adults may be less motivated by such tasks than younger adults who likely have more recent experience in school contexts. Laboratory findings, therefore, may not accurately illustrate the everyday memory capacity of middle- aged and older adults (Salthouse, 2012). For example, when the pace of a memory task is slowed, or participants are reminded to use organization or elaboration strategies, middle- aged and older adults show better performance (Braver & West, 2008). In addition, the type of task influences performance. For example, in one study, adults aged 19 to 68 completed memory tests under two conditions: a pressured classroom-like condition and a self-paced condition. When participants were shown a video and tested immediately (classroom-like condition), younger adults showed better recall than did the middle-aged adults. However, when participants were given a packet of information and a video to study on their own (self-paced condition), young and midlife adults did not differ on recall three days later (Ackerman & Beier, 2006; Beier & Ackerman, 2005), suggesting that with age and experience the ways in which we learn and remember change. The midlife adults performed better when they could apply their own strategies and memorize the material at their own pace.

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Laboratory tests of memory in middle-aged adults are influenced by factors such as motivation, task, and experience. Laboratory studies may not accurately measure the everyday memory capacity of middle-aged and older adults.

BSIP/Newscom

The declines in memory evident in laboratory research are less apparent in everyday settings (Salthouse, 2012). Knowledge of facts (e.g., scientific facts), procedures (e.g., how to drive a car), and information related to one’s vocation either remain the same or increase over the adult years. As we have discussed, crystallized intelligence grows over the adult years (Schaie, 2013). Adults’ experience and knowledge of their cognitive system (metacognition) permits them to use their memory and crystallized intelligence more effectively. For example, they use external supports and strategies to maximize their memory, such as by organizing their notes or placing their car keys in a designated spot to permit easy retrieval (Schwartz & Frazier, 2005). As with attention, memory declines vary with the individual and task. Most adults compensate for declines and show little to no differences in everyday settings; however, chronic stress impairs working memory (Lee & Goto, 2015). Midlife adults who feel overwhelmed in daily life, such as those faced with many conflicting responsibilities and stressors that demand a great deal of multitasking, are more likely to rate their memory competence as poor, likely an inaccurate portrayal of their abilities (Vestergren & Nilsson, 2011).

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Processing Speed

The greatest change in information processing capacity with age is a reduction in the speed of processing. Simple reaction time tasks, such as pushing a button in response to a light, reveal a steady slowing of responses from the 20s into the 90s; see Figure 15.4 (Rozas et al., 2008; Salthouse, 1993). The more complex the task, the greater the age-related decline in reaction time. However, when reaction time tasks require a vocal response rather than a motor response, age-related declines are less dramatic (Johnson & Rybash, 1993).

In addition, adults’ performance on standard tasks measuring processing speed is influenced by their capacities for attention. Adults who are highly distractible show slowed responding on standard tasks measuring processing speed, but their performance improves when tasks are designed to reduce distractions (e.g., by listing fewer items on a page). Reducing distractions improves performance, and the magnitude of improvement as a result of reducing distractions on tests of processing speed increases with age (Lustig, Hasher, & Tonev, 2006).

Processing speed is closely associated with performance on tasks measuring fluid intelligence (Salthouse, 1993; Salthouse & Pink, 2008). Declines in processing speed with age predict age-related declines in memory, reasoning, and problem-solving tasks (Levitt et al., 2006; Meijer, de Groot, van Gerven, van Boxtel, & Jolles, 2009). Moreover, the relationship between processing speed and performance on cognitive tasks becomes stronger with age (Chen & Li, 2007; Deming, Chang, Tianyong, & Guiyun, 2003; Salthouse & Pink, 2008). Changes in processing speed likely influence many of the cognitive declines associated with aging.

Why does cognitive processing slow with age? Changes in the brain underlie reductions in processing speed. The loss of white matter, myelinated connections, reduces processing speed (Bennett & Madden, 2014; Nilsson, Thomas, O’Brien, & Gallagher, 2014). In addition, the loss of neurons forces the remaining neurons to reorganize and form new, often less efficient, connections (Johnson & Rybash, 1993). Another explanation posits a loss of information with each step in cognitive processing. With age, cognitive resources decline, adults show more information loss with each step; as a result, when attempting a complex task, they perform more poorly than do young adults (Deming et al., 2003; Salthouse & Madden, 2013).

Although clearly apparent in laboratory tasks and highly reliable, the decline in the speed of processing is not as apparent in everyday situations. Middle- and older-aged adults proficiently engage in complex tasks every day, showing performance similar to, or better, than that of younger adults. For example, one study tested 19- to 72-year-olds on two tasks: a reaction time task and a typing task. Both tasks measured their speed and accuracy. Although the middle and older adults displayed slower reaction time as compared with

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young adults, their typing speed and accuracy was no different (Salthouse, 1984). With age, adults compensated for their slower reaction time by looking further ahead in the material to be typed, thereby anticipating keystrokes (Bosman, 1993; Salthouse, 1984). As they age, adults compensate for limitations in processing speed by modifying their activities to emphasize skills that rely on accumulated knowledge and thereby honing their crystallized intelligence (Bugg et al., 2006; Salthouse, 1996). Table 15.3 summarizes the changes that take place in information processing abilities over middle adulthood.

Figure 15.4: Processing Speed Across the Lifespan

Source: Salthouse (2000).

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Expertise

Over the course of midlife into old age, adults gain experience and knowledge, and demonstrate advances in practical problem solving in which they apply their experience and expertise to achieve goals and solve problems in the real world. With age, most adults develop and expand their expertise, an elaborate and integrated knowledge base that underlies extraordinary proficiency in a given task and that supports gains in practical problem solving. The development of expertise peaks in middle adulthood when experts are able to solve problems efficiently by using abstract reasoning and making intuitive judgments. Experts are not distinguished by extraordinary intellect but by knowledge and experience (Ericsson, 2014) Experts operate on hunches, intuitive judgments of how to approach a problem based on experience.

It is expertise that enables middle-aged and older adults to compensate for declines in processing speed and memory (Ericsson & Moxley, 2013). Like the typists who compensated for declines in reaction time by looking further ahead in the material to be typed (Salthouse, 1984), one study of food service workers found that gains in expertise compensated for declines in physical performance. In this study, 20- to 60-year-old food service workers were compared on several aspects of expert performance: strength and dexterity, technical knowledge (e.g., of the menu), organizational skills (e.g., setting priorities), and social skills (e.g., providing professional service). Although middle-aged workers showed declines in physical abilities, they performed more efficiently and competently than did young adults, suggesting that expertise in other areas compensated for losses in strength and dexterity (Perlmutter, Kaplan, & Nyquest, 1990). Expert knowledge is transformative in that it permits a more sophisticated approach to problem solving than that of nonexperts. Specifically, expert thought is intuitive, automatic, strategic, and flexible (Ericsson, 2014).

Experts approach problems intuitively, relying on their past experience and evaluation of the context in determining their approach. With experience, experts’ responses become automatic. As responses become automatic, information gets processed more quickly and efficiently and complex tasks become routine (Herzmann & Curran, 2011). Responses appear intuitive in that they are well rehearsed, seemingly without thought. As expertise grows experts find that their responses become so autonomic that it is hard for them to consciously explain what they do. For example, adults are better than children at tying shoelaces, yet children are far better than adults at explaining how to tie shoelaces (McLeod, Sommerville, & Reed, 2005).

In addition to operating more intuitively and automatically, expert behavior is strategic. Experts have a broader range of strategies and have better strategies than novices and can better apply them in response to unanticipated problems (Ericsson & Moxley, 2013). For

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example, one study presented airplane pilots with a flight simulation. They were given directions from air traffic controllers and allowed to take notes. The experienced pilots were more likely to take notes than the nonexpert pilots, and their notes tended to be more accurate and complete (Morrow et al., 2003). In actual flights comparing pilots aged 22 to 76, older pilots take more notes than do younger pilots but do not differ in their ability to repeat complex instructions regarding flight plans and conditions (Morrow et al., 2003). Similarly, expert golfers show fewer declines in performance with age as they compensate for their changing capacities (Logan & Baker, 2007). Longitudinal research with expert chess players showed that there are few age effects in chess skill (Moxley & Charness, 2013); those with greater expertise and participation in tournaments showed fewer age- related declines in chess performance but performed similarly in other areas (Roring & Charness, 2007).

Despite showing slower working memory, experts maintain their performance in their areas of expertise, often by relying on external supports, such as notes (Morrow & Schriver, 2007). Finally, intuitive and automatic application of a broad range of strategies permits experts to be more flexible than nonexperts. Experts are more open to deviating from formal procedures when they encounter problems. Experts often approach cases in an individualized way, varying their approach with contextual factors, and are sensitive to exceptions (Ormerod, 2005).

Expertise permits selective optimization with compensation, the ability to adapt to changes over time, optimize current functioning, and compensate for losses in order to preserve performance despite declines in fluid abilities (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen, 2003). As people age, they select aspects of functioning to optimize and improve their proficiency. Typically these are areas in which they excel. People spend effort increasing their expertise in their chosen areas, thereby optimizing their strengths (Bugg et al., 2006; Salthouse, 1984). In addition to emphasizing their strengths, people naturally devise ways

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of compensating for declines in physical functioning and fluid ability. Selective optimization with compensation occurs naturally—often without the individual’s awareness as their expertise permits them to adapt to developmental changes. Older typists who look further ahead in their typing and experienced pilots who take more detailed notes are examples of expertise compensating for declines in working memory and processing speed. Successful aging entails selective optimization with compensation (Freund & Baltes, 2007).

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Learning

In middle adulthood, career settings are important contexts for learning. Adults’ careers provide opportunities for them to practice, maintain, and increase cognitive and problem- solving skills.

Adults who maintain their cognitive capacities tend to seek cognitive complexity and engage the world around them. In addition, experiencing cognitive challenges, such as a stimulating career, boosts cognitive skills over the adult years (Andel, Kåreholt, Parker, Thorslund, & Gatz, 2007). A growing number of midlife adults seek formal opportunities to enhance their learning. In fact, many employers and professional associations strongly encourage and often require that adults obtain continuing education to stay current in their fields. In recent years, the percentage increase in the number of students age 25 and over has been larger than the percentage increase in the number of younger students. Forty-two percent of students enrolled in American colleges and universities are adults aged 25 and up (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015).

Adults enroll in higher education for many reasons, such as to change careers, improve career opportunities, increase income, or gain personal enrichment (Sander, 2008). Over two thirds of adult learners are female (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). Life transitions, such as divorce, unemployment, widowhood, or children entering school, often spur adults to return to formal education.

Reentering formal education is challenging. Most students, particularly women, juggle multiple and often conflicting demands of family, household, school, and work (Hostetler, Sweet, & Moen, 2007; Sweet & Moen, 2007). Divorce and responsibility for young children, more common among women, are associated with failure to complete a degree (Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2005). The multiple demands mean that most women who return to school will take fewer credits, experience more interruptions in academic progress, and will require more time to complete a degree than do returning men. Role overload often interferes with education and is the reason for failure to complete a degree (Sweet & Moen, 2007). Most returning students are aware of the challenges they face and express motivation to overcome them given the benefits of education, such as the excitement of learning, sense of personal enrichment, and value of a college degree in improving work life (Chao & Good, 2004).

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In 2009 Captain Sully Sullenberger successfully executed an emergency water landing of US Airways Flight 1549 in the Hudson River off Manhattan, New York City. He explained to CBS News anchor Katie Couric: “One way of looking at this might be that for 42 years, I’ve been making small, regular deposits in this bank of experience, education, and training. And on January 15 the balance was sufficient so that I could make a very large withdrawal.”

Todd Sumlin/MCT/Newscom

Adult learners approach learning differently than traditional-age students and have unique needs. They enter learning environments with a wealth of experience on which to build. Adult learners tend to be problem-oriented in that they typically want to know why they should learn something and how it is relevant to solving problems in their jobs and personal lives (Knowles, Holton, & Swanson, 2014). They tend to value learning from experience over learning from listening to lectures considering abstract theories. Therefore, adult learners enter classroom settings with different expectations. Effective instruction for adult learners helps them discover their need to know by emphasizing experiential learning through discussion, problem-solving cases, laboratory experiments, and field experiences (Knowles, 1972). Returning students tend to show more intrinsic motivation for obtaining a college education than do traditional-age students (Bye, Pushkar, & Conway, 2007; Knowles, 1970). Motivation is important, but returning students require support to succeed.

Returning students need support from family and friends, including emotional support and tangible assistance in making progress toward educational goals. For example, family members can help the returning student to set aside time for studying without distractions or interruptions. Colleges and universities also play a role in aiding adult learners. The availability of classes scheduled during evenings and weekends, and online, as well polices on financial aid for part time students, affects returning students’ success. Opportunities to develop relationships with faculty are especially welcome by returning students, but because many take night courses and only a few credits each semester, they may be less likely to develop these close relationships. Like earlier in life, education transforms development, grants opportunities and financial rewards, and is a vehicle of self-development for midlife adults. Midlife adult students gain more than academic knowledge. They show

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advancements in social reasoning and self-evaluation skills (Demetriou & Bakracevic, 2009). The greater capacity to interact with others; understand social relationships; and understand themselves improve midlife adults’ sense of self, their personal lives, and relationships.

Middle adulthood is a time of stability, change, and variability. Many aspects of development remain stable, such as knowledge and expertise, and others change, such as information processing skills. Variability marks midlife, especially when considering health. Most middle-aged adults report good health; however, several illnesses become more common. Lifestyle factors, such as smoking, excessive drinking, and exercising, influence heath and development throughout midlife. The degree to which adults maintain physical and cognitive capacities throughout middle adulthood influences the changes that they will experience in late adulthood, as we will discuss in Chapters 17 and 18.

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Thinking in Context 15.5 1. Why are recent generations of adults maintaining their cognitive functioning longer than prior

generations? What contextual factors might contribute to this change? 2. Generally speaking, cognitive declines apparent in laboratory settings are less apparent in everyday life.

Discuss three examples of this. Why do adults show higher functioning in real-world settings than those in the laboratory? Given what you know about cognition and learning in adulthood, what advice would you give to a middle-aged adult who is entering college? What advice would you give instructors of adult learners?

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Returning to School in Midlife

In this video, Cheryl describes the process of returning to college at age 47 in the wake of panic disorder.

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Apply Your Knowledge Over coffee, Wendy confides in her closest friends:

I sometimes wonder how I got here. I look in the mirror each day and am almost always surprised by the lines in my face and the graying of my hair. My body is changing, and I’m not sure what I think about it. Some is good, some . . . I don’t know. Each time I go to aerobics class, I am quickly reminded that I am no longer 20. Yoga classes are a much better experience. I feel healthy, but my doctor still insists on administering a cardiac stress test during my annual checkup.

Her friend Latisha commiserates:

I made the mistake of scheduling my stress test before work. I didn’t realize it entailed walking on a treadmill and getting sweaty! Sure, I’m no longer 20, but I’m healthy and I always remind myself that I still have my mind. Every time my son comes home from college, he’s surprised that I win nearly every game of Trivial Pursuit we play. I keep reminding him that I have a lot of “useless” knowledge. However, sometimes I feel more forgetful and scattered than ever before. That worries me.

Violet laughs:

Try sitting in my classes. Going back to college has been a real eye-opener. Not only am I the oldest—the “mom” in the room—but it’s sometimes embarrassing that I ask the most questions in class. We learned about Piaget last week, and I couldn’t help but ask a ton of questions about what his theory means for my work with preschoolers. Sometimes it seems as though I’m the only one who cares.

1. What physical changes, such as sensory, strength, appearance, and reproductive, for example, can midlife adults expect? How might these physical changes influence their functioning?

2. Do you think that men and women show different patterns of physical changes and corresponding changes in functioning and how they view themselves? Why or why not?

3. Although these friends didn’t discuss their health, what heath concerns are typical in midlife? What can men and women do to reduce risks and improve overall health?

4. Why might Latisha feel more scattered and forgetful? What cognitive changes occur during middle adulthood that may influence this? How do situational and contextual factors contribute to adults’ feelings of forgetfulness?

5. Do you think Violet’s concerns are common to returning students? Why or why not? What might Violet do to improve her experience?

6. What role does socioeconomic status play in physical and cognitive changes and how adults respond to them during middle adulthood? Is this pattern the same for men as for women?

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Chapter Summary

15.1 Discuss age-related changes in vision and hearing during middle adulthood.

The eye undergoes many changes over the adult years. The cornea flattens, the lens loses flexibility, and accommodative ability declines, leading most adults in their 40s to show presbyopia. The loss of rods in middle age coupled with increases in the vitreous’ opacity results in night vision declining twice as fast as day vision. In the 50s, presbycusis, becomes apparent. First limited to high-pitched sounds and more apparent in settings with background noise, by late adulthood hearing loss extends to all sound frequencies. 15.2 Explain normative patterns of change in the skin, muscles, and skeletal system during middle adulthood.

During middle adulthood, the skin becomes less taut and shows signs of aging, worsened by exposure to sun. Declines in strength and endurance become noticeable, but the rate and extent of change is influenced by physical activity. Men and women tend to gain body fat and lose muscle. Reducing caloric intake and remaining physically active helps adults retain their physical physique and competencies. Bone density reaches its height in the mid to late 30s, after which adults tend to experience gradual bone loss, making bones thinner, more porous, and more brittle and easily broken. 15.3 Compare and contrast the reproductive changes that middle-aged men and women experience.

Women experience menopause in midlife: the average age is about 51. Hot flashes are the most common symptom of perimenopause. The loss of estrogen increases some health risks, such as cardiovascular disease and osteoporosis. The timing of menopause is influenced by heredity but also by lifestyle choices. Women’s experience of menopause is influenced by personal characteristics, circumstances, and societal views about women and aging. Men’s reproductive ability declines gradually and steadily over the adult years, but most men continue to produce sperm throughout adulthood. 15.4 Discuss the common health conditions and illnesses during middle adulthood, including risk and protective factors as well as treatment.

Cancer and chronic health conditions are the result of a complex web of genetic and environmental influences. Advances in medicine have changed the nature of disease. More people survive cancer than ever before. Risk factors for cardiovascular disease include heredity, high blood pressure, poor diet, smoking, and psychological stress. Medication and behavioral changes may reduce hypertension and cholesterol levels. Declines in estrogen as well as other factors place postmenopausal women at risk for

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osteoporosis. Intervention in the form of weight-bearing exercise, diet, and medication can prevent and slow the course of osteoporosis. 15.5 Explain ways of promoting wellness across the middle adult years.

Stress influences health directly through physiological effects, psychological effects, and behavioral responses. Chronic stress is associated with acute and chronic illnesses. Stress management as well as exercise can increase well-being. In addition, the positive appraisals and sense of control that come with hardiness serve a protective function on well-being and health. Training in hardy skills and attitudes, such as coping, social support, relaxation and stress reduction, nutrition, and physical activity, can increase feelings of control, challenge, and commitment that are central to hardiness. 15.6 Contrast the findings of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of crystallized and fluid intelligence over adulthood.

The cross-sequential Seattle Longitudinal Study shows a cross-sectional drop in fluid intelligence after the mid-30s but also a longitudinal gain in crystallized intelligence in midlife that is sustained into the 60s. In late adulthood, both types of intelligence decline. Declines in performance on tasks measuring fluid intelligence may be due to the biological slowing of the central nervous system; however, intellectual engagement enhances crystallized intelligence as well as functional intelligence over the lifespan. 15.7 Analyze changes in cognitive capacities during middle adulthood, including attention, memory, processing speed, and expertise.

With age, it becomes more difficult to divide attention to engage in two complex tasks at once and focus on relevant information as well as to inhibit irrelevant information. The capacity of working memory declines with age because of a decline in the use of memory strategies and changes in attention. Processing speed declines from early adulthood through the middle to late adult years. An expanding knowledge base and growing expertise permits most adults to show few changes in cognitive capacity within everyday contexts and compensate for declines in processing speed. 15.8 Discuss learning during middle adulthood, particularly for adults who return to higher education.

Adults enroll in higher education for many reasons: to change careers, improve career opportunities, increase income, or gain personal enrichment. Returning students often approach learning differently than traditional-age college students. Most experience conflicting demands of family, household, school, and work. Returning students need support from family and friends—emotional support but also tangible assistance in making progress toward educational goals.

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Key Terms

crystallized intelligence 434 dermis 423 epidermis 423 expertise 439 fluid intelligence 434 hardiness 433 hormone replacement therapy 426 hypodermis 423 inhibition 436 menopause 424 osteoporosis 427 perimenopause 425 presbycusis 422 presbyopia 422 selective optimization with compensation 436

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Chapter 16 Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood

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Learning Objectives 16.1. Compare Erikson’s and Levinson’s perspectives of the psychosocial tasks of middle adulthood. 16.2. Analyze the theoretical and empirical support for the midlife crisis. 16.3. Evaluate the changes that occur in self-concept and identity during middle adulthood and their relation to well-being. 16.4. Evaluate the stability of the Big 5 personality traits. 16.5. Discuss the changing nature of friendship in middle adulthood. 16.6. Discuss marital satisfaction, risks for divorce, and outcomes of divorce in midlife. 16.7. Analyze family relationships in midlife, including the parent adult–child, grandparent, and midlife child–older adult parent relationship. 16.8. Characterize job satisfaction during the midlife years. 16.9. Examine retirement planning and its effects in adjustment to retirement.

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Key Study Tools

Watch The Psychology of Your Future Self Explore Further Psychosocial Development Think Critically Active Self-Acceptance Video Case Personality in Midlife Explore Further Big 5 Personality Traits Explore Further Friendships in Middle Adulthood Explore Further Effects of Divorce Listen Sex and Happiness Lives in Context First-Time Parenting in Midlife (p. 460) Lives in Context Grandparents Raising Grandchildren (p. 463) Video Case Relationships with Adult Children Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Age Discrimination (p. 467) Connect More Than Job Satisfaction Think Critically Retirement Decisions

“I’m going to be late. I have a parent–teacher conference at John’s school,” Hal told the babysitter. Another midlife adult, Lena, called her assistant while catching the bus to work, “Block out the weekend of the 15th because I’m taking my daughter to college.” “Mommy’s going to work now. Bye-bye. I love you,” Danielle said as her infant daughter clutched her tightly when Danielle dropped her off at day care. Meanwhile, Seymour worried, thinking, “I hope I have enough time to straighten the house before my grandchildren arrive,” These adults have very different life experiences and occupy a variety of roles: parent to an infant, parent to an older child, parent to a college student, and grandparent—yet all are middle-aged adults.

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Sonja Pacho/Corbis

We have seen that the middle adult years span a broad period of life, from roughly age 40 to 65. Over these two and one half decades, we undergo many life changes. Similar to other periods in life, concerns, priorities, and developmental tasks shift over middle adulthood (Havighurst, 1972; Hutteman, Hennecke, Orth, Reitz, & Specht, 2014). For example, parenting demands are highest when adults raise young children but typically decline in the 40s as children age and require less care. Midlife adults experience a wide range of concerns to accompany a wide range of life circumstances (Vandewater & Stewart, 2006). A 40-year- old mother of young children faces different developmental and contextual issues than a 55-year-old mother whose child has begun college and left her with an “empty nest” (Wray, 2007). Career concerns shift from achieving and maintaining professional status early in midlife to preparing for retirement in the late 50s and 60s. In this chapter, we explore socioemotional development in middle adulthood; changes in developmental tasks; and changes in middle adults’ sense of self, personality, relationships, and career.

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Psychosocial Development In Middle Adulthood

Compared to childhood and old age, middle adulthood has come under study very recently and is perhaps the least-understood period of life (Graham & Lachman, 2012; Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015). One challenge of studying midlife is that it comprises several decades. Developmental concerns change over the decades, yet we know relatively little about these shifts and midlife adults’ adjustment during this period. Popular views associate middle age with midlife crises, but midlife is also described as a period of psychological awakening and inner development and a time when people devote energy towards generative purposes (Erikson, 1950; Levinson, 1978, 1996). These conflicting views suggest that there are multiple paths through midlife, many factors influence midlife outcomes for better or worse, and well-being and life satisfaction vary among middle-aged adults.

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Erikson’s Generativity Versus Stagnation

Naomi spent several mornings each week coaching her daughter’s softball team. Eduardo hired several high school students to work as interns at his firm and learn about his career path. Francesca volunteered her time at a child advocacy center, helping to write grant proposals to earn the funds needed for the center to remain open. Each of these adults is “giving back” to others. For Erik Erikson (1959), the developmental task of middle adulthood entails cultivating a sense of generativity, a concern and sense of responsibility for future generations and society as a whole. In early midlife, generativity is often expressed through child-rearing.

The drive for generativity often fuels middle adults’ desires to give back to the community, such as by volunteering in soup kitchens.

John Moore/Getty

Over the middle adult years, generativity expands to include a commitment to community and society at large. Personal goals become framed within the context of contributing to the social world beyond oneself and one’s immediate family to future generations and even the species itself (McAdams, 2014; McAdams & Logan, 2004). Generativity fulfills adults’ needs to feel needed and to make contributions that will last beyond their lifetimes, achieving a sense of immortality (Kotre, 1999). Generativity also serves a societal need for adults to guide the next generation, sharing their wisdom with youth through their roles as parents, teachers, and mentors (McAdams, Hart, & Maruna, 1998). Adults fulfill generative needs through teaching and mentoring others in the workplace and community, volunteering, and engaging in creative work. For the active and generative, middle adulthood is the prime of life even as they experience multiple conflicting demands.

In Erikson’s view, adults who fail to develop a sense of generativity experience stagnation, self-absorption that interferes with personal growth and prevents them from contributing to the welfare of others (Erikson, 1959). After attaining career and family goals, some adults experience tremendous disappointment and remain self-absorbed, focusing on their own comfort and security rather than seeking challenges, being productive, and making contributions to help others and make the world a better place (McAdams & Olson, 2010).

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Generativity is good for others, but it is also good for the midlife adult as it promotes personal growth (Villar, 2012). Generativity is associated with life satisfaction, self- acceptance, low rates of anxiety and depression, and overall well-being (An & Cooney, 2006; Cox, Wilt, Olson, & McAdams, 2010). The most generative adults are proactive problem solvers who approach problems by investigating multiple solutions and exploring several options before committing to any one (Beaumont & Pratt, 2011).

Generativity increases from the 30s through the 60s in adults of all ethnicities and socioeconomic backgrounds (Ackerman, Zuroff, & Moskowitz, 2000; Newton & Stewart, 2010). However, it is characterized by an interesting gender difference. Men who have children tend to score higher in measures of generativity than do childless men, although having children is not related to generativity in women (Marks, Bumpass, & Jun, 2004). Likewise, engaging in child care activities is associated with increases in generativity in men but not women (McKeering & Pakenham, 2000). Having children may draw men’s attention to the need to care for the next generation while women may already be socialized to nurture young. That said, generativity is a stronger influence on well-being in women than men (An & Cooney, 2006). For both men and women, however, generativity is influenced by psychosocial issues addressed earlier in life, such as developing a sense of trust (Wilt, Cox, & McAdams, 2010). For example, the sense of trust achieved in infancy is the basis for developing autonomy in toddlerhood and both influence the growth of competence and initiative in childhood. All of these abilities come into play as adolescents and young adults establish a sense of identity and intimacy. Developing generativity in middle adulthood relies on a lifetime of psychosocial development including the ability to trust others and oneself, understand one’s self, and sustain meaningful relationships.

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Levinson’s Seasons of Life

Similar to Erikson, Daniel Levinson (1978, 1996) viewed development as consisting of qualitative shifts in challenges that result from the interplay of intrapersonal and social forces. Based on interviews with 40 men aged 35 to 45 and, later, 45 women aged 35 to 45 —both the men and the women were workers in a wide variety of occupations—Levinson concluded that adults progress through a common set of phases that he called seasons of life.

The key element of Levinson’s psychosocial theory is the life structure, which refers to the overall organization of a person’s life, namely relationships with significant others as well as institutions, such as marriage, family, and vocation. We progress through several seasons over the course of our lives in which our life structures are constructed, then tested and modified. Each season begins with a transition period, lasting about five years when individuals conclude tasks of the prior stage and prepare for the next set of challenges. After individuals transition to the new stage, they must create and refine a life structure by integrating intrapersonal and social demands. Once adults master the developmental task of a given stage, they begin to question the resulting life structure and are spurred to progress to the next stage.

During the transition to early adulthood (17 to 22), we construct our life structure by creating a dream, an image of what we are to be in the adult world, which then guides our life choices. Young adults then work to realize their dreams and construct the resulting life structure (22 to 28). Men tend to emphasize the occupational role and construct images of themselves as independent and successful in career settings. For example, Ben aspired to be a manager at his firm. He considered the skills he needed to develop, such as communication, leadership, and presentation skills, and focused his energy on making progress toward this goal. Women often create dual images that emphasize both marriage and career. Martha also aspired to become a manager, but she also wanted to be home early enough each day to spend time with her children and participate in their lives. Although Martha worked to develop her career skills, she chose not to spend the necessary hours at the office until the children were in elementary school. Levinson found that men who were oriented toward career spent their 20s working toward their goals by gaining professional experience and credentials. Among women and men who took on primary caregiving roles, career development tended to show a slower path and extended into middle age (Kogan & Vacha-Haase, 2002; Levinson, 1996).

During the age 30 transition (28 to 33), adults reconsider their life structure. Some adults who emphasized career over family may change their focus toward finding a partner or having children. Women who emphasized caregiver roles may become more individualistic, developing interests outside of the home, as their children grow older. Adults who do not

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have satisfying accomplishments at work or home may wonder if they can create and sustain a meaningful life structure and may find the age 30 transition particularly challenging or a crisis. Men tend to experience the 30s (34 to 40) as a period of settling down, focusing on some goals and relationships and giving up others based on their overall values. Many women remain unsettled as they take on new career or family commitments and balance multiple roles and aspirations. Women generally do not achieve a similar level of stability until middle age (Levinson, 1996).

Levinson observed that as adults transition to middle adulthood (40 to 45), they reexamine their dream established in early adulthood and evaluate their success in achieving it. This process of entering middle adulthood is often tumultuous. The crisis is one of identity, and it arises because of the awareness of time passing: half of life is spent. Midlife adults look back at dreams of adolescence and early adulthood and evaluate their progress, coming to terms with the fact that they will not realize many of their dreams. In those areas where they have achieved hoped-for success, they must reconcile reality with their dream and perhaps wonder whether the experience was “worth it,” or whether they are missing out on some other aspects of life. Given a limited amount of time left in life, many adults reexamine the goals and values underlying their life structure. Some middle-aged adults make substantial changes, such as changing careers; divorcing; or beginning a new project, such as writing a book. Others make smaller changes while remaining in the same context, devoting more time to the family, for example.

The seasons of life are influenced by context because the process of evaluating and revising the life structure is influenced by the social opportunities and situations around us. Contexts of disadvantage, with poverty, discrimination, or limited opportunities, deplete individuals of the energy needed to examine and revise the life structure. Opportunities to advance in one’s career provide avenues of growth as individuals develop satisfying life structures; achieve their modified dreams; and become able to focus on the tasks of middle adulthood, such as accepting aging and becoming generative. Although most adults find the seasons of life conceptualization of adulthood intuitively pleasing, critics note that Levinson’s conclusions are based on a very small sample that overrepresents highly educated professional people of high socioeconomic status (Dare, 2011). Nevertheless, Levinson’s ideas have shaped popular views of adulthood, most notably, the concept of a midlife crisis, as discussed in the following section.

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Midlife Crisis

The 45-year-old who purchases a red convertible sports car; the middle-aged person who suddenly leaves a spouse and moves out of the home, beginning a new life in a new city; the midlifer who is suddenly gripped with anxiety over the future, the fear that half of life is over, and despair that life has not turned out as planned and little time remains to make changes— each of these people embodies aspects of the most popular stereotype about middle age, depicted in television dramas and self-help magazine articles: the midlife crisis, a stressful time in the early to middle 40s when adults are thought to evaluate their lives. The term arose in the public consciousness in the 1970s after publication of several popular books, including Seasons of Life, in which Daniel Levinson (1978) articulated his theory of adult development, discussed in the preceding section.

The themes of the midlife crisis are to deal with failure to achieve the dreams of youth and decide how to restructure life. Middle-aged adults evaluate their lifestyles and may question the choices that they have made. Midlife adults often seek balance between home and career, changing their focus on one over the other. Levinson proposed that successfully traversing the midlife crisis requires adults to modify their life structure, reevaluate their goals and their relations with their social context, and develop a sense of generativity.

Although the existence of a midlife crisis is widely accepted (Wethington, 2000), research is at odds with this popular view as surveys of adults over age 40 have revealed that only about 10% to 20% report having experienced a midlife crisis (Wethington, Kessler, & Pixley, 2004). Research consistently suggests that a period of crisis or psychological disturbance is not universal among middle-aged adults but instead occurs at various periods of life (Brim, Ryff, & Kessler, 2004; McCrae & Costa, 2006; Rosenberg, Rosenberg, & Farrell, 1999). There are individual differences. Those who do experience a crisis in midlife are usually those who have upheavals at other times in their lives, and these experiences seem to be driven by personal style more than by advancing age (Freund & Ritter, 2009). Personal characteristics may determine whether a person experiences midlife, or any other point in life, as a crisis. For example, men who scored higher on measures of psychological problems in earlier adulthood were more likely to report experiencing a midlife crisis 10 years later than did men who scored lower on psychological problems (Costa et al., 1986; McCrae & Costa, 2006). Outside events that can occur at any time in adulthood, such as job loss, financial problems, or illness, may trigger responses that adults and their families may interpret as midlife crises (Beutel, Glaesmer, Wiltink, Marian, & Brähler, 2010; Wethington et al., 2004).

Most developmental scientists adopt the perspective that midlife represents a transition and, similar to the transition to adulthood, entails creating; clarifying; and evaluating values, goals, and priorities (Lachman et al., 2015). A close examination of this kind can

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lead to insights about oneself and decisions to revise life plans in light of conclusions (Vandewater & Stewart, 2006). Although first addressed in adolescence, identity development is a lifelong process. Going through life experiences, achieving personal milestones, and moving through life transitions often spur adults to revisit the identity development process and reassess their sense of self (Erikson, 1959). Life evaluation is common in midlife, but most people respond by making minor adjustments, creating turning points in their lives rather than dramatic changes. If they cannot revise their life paths, they try to develop a positive outlook (Wethington et al., 2004). Moreover, goals are not set in stone—they are dynamic and change over time. Adults assess and adjust goals throughout life, often without awareness.

Midlife is unquestionably a transition, given changes in middle-aged adults’ bodies, families, careers, and contexts. Whether this transition takes the form of a crisis depends on individual factors and circumstances rather than age (Freund & Ritter, 2009). Despite this, the concept of a midlife crisis remains popular in our culture, perhaps because it describes exciting possibilities for making major life changes or perhaps because it is a simple explanation for the many changes that occur. Paradoxically, most adults of all ages tend to view middle adulthood as a positive time in life as shown by Figure 16.1 (Freund & Ritter, 2009). In addition, research suggests that midlife is a time of increasing life satisfaction, self-esteem, and well-being (Lachman et al., 2015; Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010). As we will discuss later in this chapter, longitudinal studies show that personality remains stable from young adulthood, through middle adulthood, to older adulthood, suggesting that a period of upheaval and turmoil does not exist in midlife or at least is not evidenced in personality change (McCrae & Costa, 2006).

Figure 16.1: Views of Midlife, by Age

Source: Freund and Ritter (2009).

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Thinking in Context 16.1 1. According to Erikson’s lifespan psychosocial theory, each psychosocial stage builds on the last. How does

resolution of the tasks of infancy, childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood contribute to adults’ capacities to address the task of midlife, developing a sense of generativity?

2. Identify instances in which a midlife crisis is depicted in popular media. In your view, how accurate are these depictions? Why?

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The Self In Middle Adulthood

It is in middle age that people often first become aware of biological aging, changes in their skin, bodies, and athletic ability. Youthfulness holds an important place in Western society. For example, analyses of women’s magazines reveal that the fashion industry focuses its promotional efforts on the young and seldom includes images of women over 40 (Lewis, Medvedev, & Seponski, 2011). Television programs portray midlife women with youthful bodies and shapes and sizes of younger women. Like adolescent and young women, midlife women who report viewing these media tend to rate their body shapes more poorly (Hefner et al., 2014). Many adults deny that their bodies are aging and attempt to stop or reverse the aging process in an effort to maintain an ageless sense of self (Wray, 2007).

However, changes in body image, while salient, are not always adults’ biggest concerns regarding aging. In one study of British African Caribbean, British Muslim, West Indian, and Pakistani women, all tended to perceive physical changes, but most reported that the most important body concern was maintaining physical activity and avoiding dependence on family (Wray, 2007). Less socioeconomically advantaged adults tend to have older identities, likely because of their worse health and less favorable predictions of future health as compared with their wealthier peers (Barrett, 2003). Health inequalities can shape the subjective experience of aging, including how old we feel and how we experience aging itself.

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Self-Concept

As we have discussed, self-concept emerges in early childhood and, by adolescence, is refined and differentiated into an organized and comprehensive collection of traits, characteristics, and self-descriptors. Self-concept continues to develop, becoming more complex and integrated into middle adulthood (Labouvie-Vief, 2003; Lodi-Smith & Roberts, 2010). In addition to offering more complex self-descriptions, middle-aged adults are more likely to integrate autobiographical information and experiences into their self- descriptions (Pasupathi & Mansour, 2006).

Subjective evaluations of age are important parts of the sense of self (Barrett & Montepare, 2015). Adults tend to consistently identify with their younger selves, perhaps as a compensatory strategy to counteract the negative cultural messages associated with aging and to maximize their happiness. As compared with men, women tend to hold more youthful self-conceptions, perhaps because Western cultures tend to define aging as a more negative experience for women than men (Izard, 2007). For example, adults, especially women, with younger age identities tend to be more optimistic about their cognitive competencies and their ability to maintain memory and other aspects of cognitive abilities regardless of their actual age (Schafer & Shippee, 2010).

Middle-aged adults, especially women, may perceive a disparity between how young they feel and how they look in a mirror, which may lead to distress.

Pixland/Thinkstock

A typical midlife adult might look in the mirror and find that what they see does not match their sense of self. Aging is associated with a loss of youthful attractiveness and fertility in

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women whereas aging has some positive connotations in men such as competence, autonomy, and enhanced earnings potential. Women tend to have more youthful identities than men and may perceive a greater disparity between how they feel and what they see in the mirror, leading to distress (Barrett, 2005). Women may retain more youthful identities as a means of enhancing their self-conceptions and identifying with valued social groups. Despite this, self-concept shows remarkable stability throughout adulthood (Lachman & Bertrand, 2001; Stewart, Ostrove, & Helson, 2001). Young people who describe themselves as outgoing, nurturing, or competent, for example, are likely to hold the same view in middle and late adulthood. Possible selves, however, are less stable.

Possible selves, our conceptions of who we might become in the future, are self-orientations that guide and motivate choices and future-oriented behaviors (Cross & Markus, 1991). The possible self is a motivator of behavior from middle adulthood into older adulthood (Smith & Freund, 2002). People are motivated to try to become the hoped-for possible self and attempt to avoid becoming the feared self, the self we hope never to become. In middle adulthood, we compare the lives we have achieved with our hoped-for self, and the degree of match between the two influences our life satisfaction. Failure to achieve the hoped-for self or failure to avoid the feared self results in negative self-evaluations and affect. However, we protect ourselves from failure by revising our possible selves to be more consistent with our experience and to avoid disappointment and frustration.

It is possible selves who thereby shift throughout adulthood. Young adults in their 20s describe the aspirations of their possible selves as idealistic and grand—visions of fame, wealth, exceptional health and athletic prowess. By middle adulthood, most people realize that their time and life opportunities are limited, and they become motivated to balance images of their possible selves with their experiences in order to find meaning and happiness in their lives. Thus, midlife is an important time of self-growth (Lilgendahl, Helson, & John, 2013). Over their lifetimes, adults revise their possible selves to be more practical and realistic, such as to competently perform the roles of worker, spouse, and parent, and to be wealthy enough to live comfortably and meet the needs of children and aging parents (Bybee & Wells, 2003).

Older middle-aged adults tend to be more autonomous, less concerned with the evaluations and expectations of others, and more concerned with living up to self-chosen ideals and standards than are younger adults (Ryff, 1995). Middle-aged adults are more likely than young adults to acknowledge and accept both their good and bad qualities and feel positively about themselves (Ryff, 1991, 1995). Revised, more modest, possible selves influence adults’ sense of well-being, permitting middle-aged and older adults to show higher self-esteem than young adults (Orth et al., 2010). Moreover, research suggests that self-esteem increases throughout middle adulthood, with longitudinal studies suggesting that self-esteem, peaks at about age 50 to 60 (Orth, Maes, & Schmitt, 2015) and cross- sectional studies suggesting a later peak in early older adulthood, as shown in Figure 16.2 (Robins, Trzesniewski, Tracy, Gosling, & Potter, 2002). Self-esteem is associated with

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positive emotional, social, and career outcomes throughout life, from adolescence through older adulthood (Orth, Robins, & Widaman, 2012). As discussed in the following sections, other aspects of self also change over the midlife years.

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Personality In Midlife

How would you describe yourself? How has that changed over the years? Four middle-aged adults answer these questions.

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Gender Identity

Over the middle adult years, gender identity, individuals’ identification with the masculine or feminine gender role, tends to become more fluid and integrated. Men and women become more similar. Men adopt more traditionally feminine characteristics, such as being sensitive, considerate, and dependent, and women adopt more traditionally masculine characteristics, such as confidence, self-reliance, and boldness (Huyck, 1996). Many middle-aged adults begin to integrate masculine and feminine aspects of themselves, becoming more androgynous (James & Lewkowicz, 1995). Men may become more nurturing, enhancing their relationships at home and work. Women often become more assertive. For example, one study followed a representative sample of third-grade Finnish children for 30 years (Pulkkinen, Feldt, & Kokko, 2005). Although boys and girls adopted traditional gender characteristics in adolescence, by age 40 the men had become less aggressive and more conforming in contrast to the women, who showed a reverse pattern of becoming more assertive. Longitudinal research following adults from their 30s to 80s mirror this finding: Although there are individual differences, the average man, initially low in femininity, becomes significantly higher in femininity across the lifespan; the average woman, initially high in femininity, becomes significantly lower in femininity across the lifespan (Jones, Peskin, & Livson, 2011). This pattern of gender convergence occurs in middle-aged adults and increases through middle adulthood in Western nations as well as in non-Western cultures, such as the Mayan people of Guatemala and the Druze of the Middle East (Fry, 1985).

Figure 16.2: Age Differences in Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan

Source: Robins et al. (2002).

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In middle age, adults become less tied to gender stereotypes for their own behavior. Men tend to adopt more feminine characteristics, such as being warm and sensitive, and women adopt more masculine characteristics, such as becoming more assertive.

iStock/Essentials

Androgyny, integrating masculine and feminine characteristics, provides adults with a greater repertoire of skills for meeting the demands of midlife. Middle-aged women who may be newly independent after experiencing divorce, death of a partner, or the end of child-rearing may enter the workplace, seek advancement in current careers, or enroll in college. Successfully meeting these new challenges requires self-reliance, assertiveness, and confidence. Men, on the other hand, may become more sensitive and self-reflective as they complete generative tasks of mentoring and caring for the next generation. A great deal of research has shown that androgyny predicts positive adjustment and is associated with high self-esteem, advanced moral reasoning, psychosocial maturity, and life satisfaction (Bem, 1985; Lefkowitz & Zeldow, 2006; Pilar Matud, Bethencourt, & Ibáñez, 2014). Men and women with an androgynous gender role have a greater repertoire of skills, both instrumental and expressive, which permits them to adapt to a variety of situations with greater ease than do those who adopt either a masculine or feminine gender role.

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Self and Well-Being

Throughout the lifespan, the sense of self and identity are important influences on people’s overall functioning and their sense of well-being (Sneed, Whitbourne, Schwartz, & Huang, 2012). In midlife, perception of, and adaptation to, age-related physical changes are important influences on the sense of self and well-being. Some midlife adults exaggerate the changes—seeing wrinkles, for example—as deeper and more pervasive than they are. Others deny changes and fail to see how their bodies have aged. Midlife adults who subjectively view themselves as younger than their chronological age (e.g., those who feel 35 years old when in fact they are 45 years old) tend to score higher on measures of well-being, mental health, and life satisfaction (Keyes & Westerhof, 2012; Ryff, 2014). At the same time, other research suggests that older subjective age predicts poor life satisfaction only when adults have negative attitudes about aging but not when aging attitudes are more favorable (Mock & Eibach, 2011). One longitudinal study showed that lower subjective age at age 50 to 75 years was associated with better episodic memory and executive function 10 years later (Stephan, Caudroit, Jaconelli, & Terracciano, 2014). Ultimately, the healthiest midlife adults are those who recognize their age but remain active and healthy, engage in prevention, and do not become stricken and paralyzed by age-related physical changes (Ryff, 2014; Vandewater & Stewart, 2006).

Despite this positive view, a lifespan perspective suggests that well-being is U-shaped, with its lowest point in early middle age, typically the early 40s (Blanchflower & Oswald, 2008; López Ulloa, Møller, & Sousa-Poza, 2013). Perhaps the overall decline in well-being in middle adulthood is related to the great many roles most midlife adults occupy. In a prior chapter, we discussed the challenge that role overload poses to well-being. Midlife well- being is influenced by the number of roles a person occupies, role quality, and adaptation to the physical changes in midlife (Vandewater & Stewart, 2006). When accompanied by a sense of control, multiple role involvement predicts positive well-being, more trusting and positive relations with others, a positive sense of life purpose, and greater overall well-being (Chrouser Ahrens & Ryff, 2006). Perceived control is associated with life satisfaction and multiple demands that midlife adults face often tests their sense of control (de Quadros- Wander, McGillivray, & Broadbent, 2013). Positive processing, a tendency to interpret events in a favorable light, is associated with high levels of well-being in midlife (Lilgendahl & McAdams, 2011). Multiple roles must be accompanied by a sense of control or mastery in that area to influence well-being, especially in women; otherwise, role strain can occur, as discussed later in this chapter.

Figure 16.3: Adults’ Mean Ratings of Their Past (10 Years Ago) and Present Life Satisfaction

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Note: The life satisfaction scale can range from 1 (low satisfaction) to 10 (high satisfaction).

Source: Röcke & Lachman (2008).

Although most people experience midlife shifts in well-being, they typically rate their subjective overall sense of well-being in the moderate to high range. As shown in Figure 16.3, one national sample of 25- to 75-year-old adults studied over a nine-year span found that on average all ages reported feeling moderate to high levels of life satisfaction in the present as well as 10 years ago and rated their satisfaction as increasing from past to present (Röcke & Lachman, 2008). The sense of self and subjective sense of well-being tends to remain stable over midlife, even as adults experience many physical and social changes.

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Personality

It is commonly believed that people change a great deal as they age, yet research suggests that self-concept and identity largely remain stable over the adult years. Extensive research on the nature of personality, conducted with multiple samples over several decades, has resulted in an empirically based theory that has collapsed the many characteristics on which people differ into five clusters of personality traits, collectively known as the Big 5 personality traits, shown in Table 16.1 (McCrae & Costa, 2008). The Big 5 personality factors are thought to reflect inherited predispositions that persist throughout life and a growing body of evidence supports their genetic basis (Bouchard & McGue, 2004; Penke, Denissen, & Miller, 2007).

Big 5 personality traits predict career, family, and personal choices in adulthood. People who are high in conscientiousness are more likely to complete college, those high in extroversion are more likely to marry, and those high in neuroticism are more likely to divorce (Hill, Turiano, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2012; Shiota & Levenson, 2007). People who are high in extroversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness and low in neuroticism report higher levels of well-being (Cox et al., 2010). Big 5 traits even predict mortality. For example, increased mortality risk is associated with each of the following: low conscientiousness, low extroversion, and high neuroticism as well as long-term increases in neuroticism (Mroczek & Spiro, 2007). Conscientiousness has a close association with health (Friedman & Kern, 2014).

Individual differences in Big 5 personality traits are large as people show unique patterns of traits, and those patterns and individual differences in personality traits are highly stable over periods of time ranging from 3 to 30 years (McAdams & Olson, 2010). Childhood personality ratings by teachers predict personality ratings in middle adulthood (Edmonds, Goldberg, Hampson, & Barckley, 2013; Hampson & Goldberg, 2006) as do personality ratings collected during adolescence (Morizot & Le Blanc, 2003). For example, someone who is highly extroverted in young adulthood, perhaps with a very active social life, will also be highly extroverted in middle adulthood, perhaps manifested as being active in a parent–teacher organization, leading a scout troop, or participating in a book group.

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Although there is a great deal of continuity in personality traits at all ages, the greatest variability in traits occurs in childhood and may continue into adolescence. For example, one study of 10- to 20-year-olds found that self-ratings of personality were more inconsistent and less coherent among younger participants (Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2008). Continuity in personality traits increases with age, from early adulthood, peaking in the late 30s into middle adulthood and decreasing in older adulthood (Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; McAdams & Olson, 2010).

Despite findings of within-person stability, research also shows age differences in Big 5 factors, as shown in Figure 16.4 (Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011). Cross-sectional studies of adults around the world, including those from Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United States, have found that agreeableness and conscientiousness increase and neuroticism, extroversion, and openness decline into middle adulthood, suggesting that adults mellow out with age (McCrae & Costa, 2006; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008; Soto et al., 2011). These cross-cultural similarities in patterns of change support arguments that personality itself and age-related changes have biological origins.

How do we make sense of age trends in light of substantial data supporting stability in personality traits over the lifespan? Research with large groups of people indicates general age-related patterns of change. At the same time, individuals’ relative position with regard to traits does not change (Deary, Pattie, & Starr, 2013; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). In other words, someone who is high in openness relative to age peers will remain high in openness over time, even though as a group the adults may show a decline over the adult years.

What underlies group patterns of personality change? Recall from Chapter 1 that individuals are active in influencing their development. People’s behaviors and choices shape their contexts and their personalities. Age-graded events, such as graduating from college or experiencing menopause, as well as personal transitions such as getting married or divorced, also influence age-related patterns in personality change (Mroczek, Spiro, & Griffin, 2006). Finally, normative history-graded influences, or cohort differences, contribute to personality change across generations. Exposure to events and experiences unique to a given historical period may cause some cohorts to show a greater range of personality change over their lifetime than others.

When considering the individual, personality influences a person’s life choices and experiences, yet folk wisdom usually adheres to the opposite: that personality in adulthood is influenced by events and experience over a lifetime. The logic goes that after a humiliating experience at a party, a person becomes more introverted and anxious about social gatherings, for example. However, research suggests that experience rarely causes large changes in personality and that instead it is our personalities that influence our choices and experiences (McCrae, 2002; McCrae & Costa, 2006). Introverted and socially anxious people may be more prone to find parties and social gatherings challenging and perhaps be

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more likely to have humiliating experiences. People choose behaviors, lifestyles, mates, and contexts based on their personalities, and then the outcomes of these choices and life experiences may strengthen and stabilize personality traits (Soto, 2015). For example, in one study conducted over a nine-year period, social well-being correlated positively with extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, and openness; and changes in changes in social well-being coincided with changes on these traits (Hill et al., 2012). In this sense, stability of personality is influenced by individuals’ behaviors and choice of environments as well as by environmental factors themselves (Kandler et al., 2010). In addition, people are motivated to maintain a stable sense of personality as part of developing and maintaining a consistent sense of self (Kandler et al., 2010). Certainly, dramatic life changes, such as divorce, serious illness, or widowhood may bring about new behaviors and patterns of traits, but more commonly, such events evoke and strengthen existing patterns of traits (Mroczek et al., 2006; Roberts & Caspi, 2003). Personality traits can be expressed in many ways, depending on the situation, and personality shapes our choices, behaviors, and life course.

Figure 16.4: Age Differences in Big 5 Personality Traits

Source: Soto et al. (2011).

Overall, middle adulthood is characterized by psychosocial growth, increases in generativity, expanded self-conceptions, stability in personality, and a greater sense of well- being. Midlife adults’ psychosocial functioning influences the frequency and quality of social interactions with others. Similar to other periods in life, social relationships remain important influences on midlife adults’ well-being, as we discuss in the next section.

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Thinking in Context 16.2 1. Consider your self-concept. Identify your possible self and feared self. In what ways do you think these

have changed since your adolescent years? Consider the life tasks that you expect to engage in 15 years from now. What might your possible and feared selves look like?

2. Middle-aged adults operate within multiple contexts and roles. What factors might influence midlife adults’ personality, self-concept, and sense of well-being? Identify factors at the micro, meso, and exosystem levels of context. How might these factors influence psychosocial functioning? What macrosystem factors might influence psychosocial adjustment in middle adulthood?

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Relationships In Middle Adulthood

Midlife adults’ changing sense of self, changing family formations, and changing roles and responsibilities in the workforce and at home influence their social relationships with friends, spouses, children, and parents.

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Friendships

Over the course of middle adulthood, most people spend more time with family than friends, but friendships continue to be important sources of social support and are associated with well-being, positive affect, and self-esteem (Huxhold, Miche, & Schüz, 2014; Ueno & Adams, 2006). Nearly 95% of middle-aged adults report having friends and, for them, most friends are old friends (Lang & Carstensen, 1994). Friendships improve with age. Whereas young adults tend to report having many friends and feel ambivalent or troubled about some, middle-aged and older adults tend to report fewer friends, but almost all are described as close and few to none are ambivalent or troubled (Fingerman, Hay, & Birditt, 2004).

As with earlier times in life, midlife adults choose friends who are similar to them in age, gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status (Ueno & Adams, 2006). Because of these similarities, friends tend to share experiences and values that make them useful sources of advice for dealing with serious problems such as illness, unemployment, or family troubles. Throughout the lifespan, close friendships are based in reciprocity, emotional give-and-take that entails intimacy, companionship, and support as well as behaviors such as sharing, exchanging favors, and giving advice (Hartup & Stevens, 1999). Close friends attempt to improve each other’s well-being by providing emotional and social support and helping each other manage daily life, stressful transitions, and crises.

Gender differences in friendship persist throughout adulthood. Similar to earlier periods in life, women tend to have more close friends and experience more pleasure and satisfaction in their friendships than do men, perhaps because women’s friendships tend to be based in intimacy and the provision of emotional support whereas men’s friendships tend to center around activities (Antonucci et al., 2002; Rose, 2007). Women tend to discuss relationships and personal matters whereas men tend to not to talk about themselves, favoring discussions about sports, business, and politics. Although women have closer friendships, men have more contact with friends during middle adulthood (Adams & Ueno, 2006).

Friendships improve with age and are a powerful buffer against stress.

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Friendships offer powerful protection against stress for both men and women. Daily hassles, such as a challenging commute and juggling the demands of career and family, and major crises, such as illness or death, are stressors that tax individuals’ coping resources and contribute to illness, aging-related physical changes, and even early death (Aldwin, 2007). Adults turn to close friends for support with everyday hassles; they mobilize both high- and lower-quality friendships when managing major stressors (Birditt, Antonucci, & Tighe, 2012). Friends help one another cope with life stress by showing interest, letting each other vent, and helping each other objectively analyze situations and decide how to respond. Midlife women especially rely on social support to manage midlife challenges such as menopause as well as changes to family structure due to departure of children, divorce, changing needs of aging parents, and parental death (Krause, 2010). Increasingly women meet many of their social support needs through social networking on Internet sites such as Facebook (Dare & Green, 2011; Hogeboom, McDermott, Perrin, Osman, & Bell-Ellison, 2010). The process of seeking companionship and discussing stressful situations itself releases stress and improves adults’ psychological and physical well-being.

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Marriage

Over the past half-century, marriage rates have declined to record lows; however, nearly all adults in the United States will marry. In 2014, over 80% of adults married by age 45, 90% by age 60, and over 95% by age 80 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015). In comparison, in 1960, only 7% of men and 6% of women had never married by age 45 (Wang & Parker, 2014). Researchers have identified several tangible health benefits to marriage. Generally speaking, married people tend to live longer and be happier and healthier than single people (Grover & Helliwell, 2014). Cross-sectional and longitudinal research has shown that married people show lower rates of depression and anxiety and fewer mental conditions (Frech & Williams, 2007; Hewitt, Baxter, & Western, 2006). Same-sex partnerships show similar benefits, although there is less research to date (Cherlin, 2013; Wight, LeBlanc, & Lee Badgett, 2013).

Marital satisfaction tends to increase over the middle adult years as child-rearing tasks decline, family incomes rise, and spouses have more time to spend with each other.

Michael Keller/Corbis

In Chapter 13, we discussed research on marriage in young adulthood with couples who are just beginning their life journey together. Given your knowledge of lifespan development, you may not be surprised to learn that the nature of marriage, including marital conflict and marital satisfaction, changes over the decades and with each partner’s and the couple’s experiences. Dating and newlywed couples must develop interest, attraction, and a feeling of similarity, which helps them to create a shared life and increase relationship satisfaction. Midlife adults have different perspectives and needs than young adults. Whereas similarity

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in personality predicts marital satisfaction in young adulthood, partners who are most similar in personality tend to report less marital satisfaction over a 12-year period (Shiota & Levenson, 2007). The most satisfying marriages reflect congruence in which partners’ attributes complement one another (Rammstedt, Spinath, Richter, & Schupp, 2013). Successful marriage partners balance similarity and differences, such that partners have enough shared interests, goals, and interaction styles to get along but also some differences that generate and sustain interest in one another.

Marital happiness tends to be highest during the first year or so of marriage, and husbands tend to be more satisfied with marriage throughout life than are wives (Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001; Lucas & Dyrenforth, 2005). Many midlife couples have been married for 10 or 20 years and face different tasks and stressors than do younger couples. Midlife couples typically are raising a family, have more responsibility at work, and are coping with greater role strain than at any life stage (Kim & Moen, 2001). Most midlife couples find parenting to be a source of marital conflict. Child-rearing is associated with declines in marital satisfaction and intimacy (Bradbury, Fincham, & Beach, 2000; Lawrence, Rothman, Cobb, Rothman, & Bradbury, 2008). With children come financial pressures, which tend to increase marital conflict, as well as increased responsibilities and often quarrels over child-rearing and discipline techniques. Midlife couples tend to report more disagreements on finances and household responsibility than do older couples (Hatch & Bulcroft, 2004). At the same time, paradoxically, parenthood tends to be associated with increases in marital commitment (Bradbury et al., 2000; Lawrence et al., 2008).

Marital satisfaction tends to increase over the middle adult years as child-rearing tasks and stress decline, family incomes rise, and spouses get better at understanding each other and have more time to spend with each other (Fincham, Beach, & Davila, 2007). Advances in emotional regulation also improve the quality of martial interactions (Bloch, Haase, & Levenson, 2014). High-quality marital interactions predict marital satisfaction in women (Schmitt, Kliegel, & Shapiro, 2007). In one study, the most common area of desired change among married persons age 40 to 50 was to have more time together (Christensen & Miller, 2006), suggesting that the middle adult years are often very good years for marriages. By the 60s, most couples are happier. Many of their responsibilities, such as child-rearing, have subsided, and they experience less conflict and spend more time together.

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Divorce

Most marriages that end in divorce do so within the first ten years, but about 10% of marriages break up after 20 years or longer (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015). By 45 years of age, over one third of men and women have ever divorced (Kreider & Ellis, 2011). As we have discussed, second marriages are more than twice as likely as first marriages to end in divorce. The breakup of a second marriage tends to be more stressful for adults and children than the demise of the first marriage (Hetherington & Kelly, 2002). Overall, middle-aged adults list similar reasons for divorce as do young adults: communication problems, relationship inequality, adultery, physical and verbal abuse, and desires for autonomy (Rokach, Cohen, & Dreman, 2004; Sakraida, 2005). Women are more likely than men to initiate divorce, and women who are the initiators tend to fare better than those who do not initiate the divorce (Steiner, Suarez, Sells, & Wykes, 2011).

Divorce is associated with decreases in life satisfaction, heightened risk for a range of illnesses, and even early a 20% to 30% increase in risk for early death (Björkenstam, Hallqvist, Dalman, & Ljung, 2013; Holt-Lunstad, Smith, & Layton, 2010; Sbarra, Law, & Portley, 2011). Divorce is thought to be more harmful to women’s health than men’s because it tends to represent a greater economic loss for women, including often a loss of health insurance (Lavelle & Smock, 2012). However, some research suggests that, in women, illness often precedes divorce, suggesting that illness may be a contributor rather than outcome of divorce (Karraker & Latham, 2015). Economic disadvantage, perceived and real, increases stress and decreases feelings of control, which may worsen postdivorce health (Lorenz, Wickrama, Conger, & Elder, 2006; Williams & Umberson, 2004).

Although some adults show poor health outcomes of divorce (Mancini, Bonanno, & Clark, 2011; Sbarra, 2015), there are substantial individual differences in response to divorce. During and immediately after the divorce, there is often significant stress, but most people ultimately cope well and are resilient after their divorce (Amato, 2010; Sbarra, 2015). Divorce poses challenges the sense of self, as each partner must adjust his or her self- concept to that of a “single self” instead of as part of a couple. Improvement in self-concept is associated with increases in future psychological well-being (Slotter, Gardner, & Finkel, 2010). One study of more than 600 German divorcees demonstrated that nearly three quarters experienced little self-reported change in life satisfaction across a nine-year period that included the divorce (Mancini et al., 2011). Women who successfully transition through a divorce tend to show positive long-term outcomes. They tend to become more tolerant, self-reliant, and nonconforming—all characteristics that are associated with the increased autonomy and self-reliance demands that come with divorce. Men tend to remarry more quickly after divorce than do women; less is known about men’s long-term adjustment to divorce. As with other life challenges, divorce represents an opportunity for growth and development (Baum, Rahav, & Sharon, 2005; Schneller & Arditti, 2004), and

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adaptive outcomes following divorce appear to be the norm, not the exception (Perrig- Chiello, Hutchison, & Morselli, 2014).

How can we account for these disparate findings? One answer lies in the findings that individual differences predict adjustment and the likelihood of poor or favorable outcomes (Amato, 2010; Mason & Sbarra, 2012). For example, pre-divorce depression, attachment anxiety, and cognitive styles influence outcomes. During divorce, people who have a hard time distancing themselves from their psychological experiences and instead focus solely on their problems—often revisiting negative interactions blow-by-blow—tend to show excessive cardiovascular reactivity that is ultimately associated with the development of cardiovascular disease (Chida & Steptoe, 2010). Poor health outcomes are more likely when people are overly immersed in their experiences, ruminating on all that is bad and will be terrible rather than focusing on finding meaning in their experiences (Kross, Gard, Deldin, Clifton, & Ayduk, 2012; Sbarra, Smith, & Mehl, 2012). Women may find divorce more difficult as many report ruminating more about arguments, having more detailed memories of conflicts, and feeling more depressed after arguments than men (Lorenz et al., 2006; Steiner et al., 2011).

Divorce is challenging, but middle-aged persons generally show less of a decline in psychological well-being and show overall better adaptation than do young adults (Wang & Amato, 2000). It may be that increases in experience, flexibility, and problem-solving and coping skills in middle adulthood aid adaptation. In addition, adults with high levels of education and high socioeconomic status are more likely to divorce, but they are also better able to adapt than are adults who are less educated and of lower socioeconomic status (Wu & Penning, 1997).

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Relationships With Adult Children

Learn what it’s like to have adult children and how the parent-child relationship changes as children move through adulthood.

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Parent–Child Relationships

The dynamic lifelong challenge of parenting taps adults’ capacities for adaptation. Just as parents become proficient at meeting children’s developmental demands at a given age, children advance, posing new challenges and requiring a transformation of skills. Middle- aged adults are parents to children ranging in age from infancy to adulthood (see Lives in Context, p. 460). However, for most parents it is in middle adulthood that they launch their young adult children into the world. Many parents view their children’s graduation from high school in a positive light while also experiencing some regrets, especially a sense of lost time with their children that cannot be regained (DeVries, Kerrick, & Oetinger, 2007).

A son or daughter moving out of the family home is an important experience for parents and children as it marks the child’s entry to adulthood and independent living. Mothers report the move as more stressful than fathers (Seiffge-Krenke, 2010), but most parents adjust well to their children’s transition to independent living and the resulting empty nest (Mitchell & Lovegreen, 2009). This is especially true for parents who encouraged the development of autonomy at an early age, granting their children developmentally appropriate levels of autonomy that increased with age. In addition, parents experience less distress over the transition when communication and affection continue after the child leaves the nest, but they report poor life satisfaction when parent–child communication declines (White, 1994). Sometimes, however, parents hold higher expectations for autonomy for their emerging adult children as they enter college than their children are willing and able to fulfill, with negative consequences for parents’ adjustment (Kenyon & Koerner, 2009).

Generally speaking, there is continuity in parent–child relationships throughout the lifespan. In one longitudinal study of New Zealand families, parental warmth and support in childhood and adolescence predicted contact and closeness with children in early adulthood (Belsky, Jaffee, Hsieh, & Silva, 2001). Some research suggests that relations between U.S. parents and adult children may worsen when they continue to live together, perhaps because of the adult children’s dependence on parents, financial or otherwise (Ward & Spitze, 2007). Specifically, an adult child’s failure to show appropriate levels of autonomy can be a source of stress for parents (Pillemer & Suitor, 2002). Parents are often concerned about their children’s independence and continue to make efforts to socialize their children into adulthood (Birditt, Miller, Fingerman, & Lefkowitz, 2009). Parents and adult children tend to become closer as they mature. Parents become more generative and adult children more autonomous regardless of whether they live together (Connidis, 2001).

In all nations, families who live apart continue to provide various forms of emotional and physical support to one another, including advice, babysitting, loans, car repair, and more

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(Farkas & Hogan, 1995; Haberkern & Szydlik, 2010). How much support family members provide for each other depends on many factors, such as attachment, relationship quality, cultural norms, and resources. Familism is a value that mandates that the family comes before all else and that family members have a duty to care for one another, regardless of the problem or situation, whether personal, financial, or legal (Carlo, Koller, Raffaelli, & De Guzman, 2007); it is common in Hispanic cultures, among others. Financial resources also influence the level and types of support that family members provide. Poverty often leads family members to provide financial and physical assistance, including living together. For example, in most nations, low-income families, such as single parents, immigrants, and members of minority groups, are more likely to live together in three-generation households (parents, children, grandchildren; Burr & Mutchler, 1999). Generally speaking, early midlife parents continue to give children more assistance than they receive, especially when children are unmarried or facing challenging life transitions such as unemployment and career change or divorce (Zarit & Eggebeen, 2002).

Especially after the economic recession that affected much of the world in 2007 and 2008, it has become increasingly common for adult children to return home in their 20s. About one third of young adults ages 25 to 34 live with their parents, and the majority (58%) report being satisfied with their living arrangements (Parker, 2012). Over one third of young adults who return home report that living with their parents has been good for their relationship, about half say that it has had no effect on their relationship, and only 18% report that living at home has had a negative effect on their relationships. Parents report similar levels of satisfaction regardless of whether they have adult children in the home (Parker, 2012). However, other research suggests that having at least one postcollege age child living at home is associated with lower psychological well-being among mothers but not fathers (Pudrovska, 2009).

Children’s success in life influences their midlife parents’ sense of well-being. Both mothers and fathers show negative emotional responses to their adult children’s unmet career and relationships goals (Cichy, Lefkowitz, Davis, & Fingerman, 2013). Parents are likely to feel a sense of failure if their children do not live up to expectations, one aspect of which is whether the adult son or daughter is still living at home (see Figure 16.5). Adult children’s problems are associated with lower parental well-being, including more negative and less positive affect, lower levels of self-esteem, and more poor parent–child relationships (Greenfield & Marks, 2006; Greenfield, Marks, Hay, Fingerman, & Lefkowitz, 2008). For example, in one study of middle-aged adults, having an adult child with problems predicted poorer parental well-being, regardless of the presence of another successful child, and the more problems in the family, the worse parental well-being (Fingerman, Cheng, Birditt, & Zarit, 2012). Parents who perceive their grown children as needing too much support report lower life satisfaction (Fingerman, Cheng, Wesselmann, et al., 2012).

Figure 16.5: Proportion of Young Adults Living With Their Parents in the

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United States, 1968–2012

Source: Parker (2012).

Similar to other times in life, parents who have rewarding relationships and roles apart from that of parent show the most positive adjustment to the empty nest and view it as welcomed, freeing, and rewarding, for example, rather than lonely and depressing (Dennerstein, Dudley, & Guthrie, 2002; Mitchell & Lovegreen, 2009). Most midlife parents are happy in their roles, but their satisfaction varies with parental age, health, ethnic background, parent–child relationship quality, and perception of how their children “turn out,” which influence their subjective levels of happiness (Mitchell, 2010).

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Lives in Context

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First-Time Parenting in Midlife A growing number of adults are postponing parenthood into midlife. As a result, it is not uncommon for adults in their 40s and early 50s to raise young children. We have discussed the biological changes in the reproductive capacity that occur throughout young adulthood and middle adulthood. Whether through assisted reproduction, adoption, or chance, there is a growing number of new parents who are middle aged.

The transition to parenthood entails many changes for all parents. Midlife parents, however, may find the social side of their new role challenging as their daily experiences may not match those of their peers. Midlife parents of infants, for example, have different concerns and needs than their friends. A new mother may find that find that her social clock is discordant with her same-age peers who may be sending their children to college or planning for weddings and grandchildren. At the same time, a midlife mother may find herself much older than many of the other parents of infants she meets at child care, play groups, and parks. Midlife parents may find the social side of parenting a challenge.

When asked, midlife parents cite benefits to being an older parent. Many middle-aged adults have established careers with financial security, enabling flexibility in how they spend their time. Midlife parents also feel that they are better prepared for parenthood. They feel mature, competent, and generative as well as tend to be less stressed than younger parents (Mac Dougall, Beyene, & Nachtigall, 2012). Middle-aged parents tend to experience greater increases in life satisfaction with the birth of their children and are less prone to depressive symptoms (Luhmann, Hofmann, Eid, & Lucas, 2012). Middle-aged parents tend to take a more youthful perspective, seeing middle age as extending longer and old age as starting later than do those who have children early in life (Toothman & Barrett, 2011). The most common complaints of older parents include having less energy for parenting and feeling stigmatized as older parents (Mac Dougall et al., 2012).

Children also benefit from being raised by midlife parents. The cognitive and emotional changes that take place in young and middle adulthood also contribute to midlife adults’ readiness to parent. For example, in some studies mothers who were older when the first child was born tended to demonstrate more positive parenting behaviors, such as hugs, kisses, and praise, and fewer negative ones, such as threats or slaps (Barnes, Gardiner, Sutcliffe, & Melhuish, 2013; Basatemur & Sutcliffe, 2008). Finally, children raised by older mothers tend to be healthier, having fewer visits to the hospital, a greater likelihood of having had all of their immunizations by 9 months of age, and higher scores on measures of language and social development through age 5 (Sutcliffe, Barnes, Belsky, Gardiner, & Melhuish, 2012).

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What Do You Think? 1. What are some of the challenges of becoming a parent in midlife? How might adults address

these? 2. How might a child be influenced by parental age? How might having a parent who is older than

other parents influence children? Why?

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Grandparenthood

Most U.S. adults become grandparents in their late 40s and early 50s (with an average of 49 for women and 52 for men; see Figure 16.6; Leopold & Skopek, 2015). Just as parenthood arrives later with each generation, so does the median age of grandparenthood. Similar to patterns of marriage and childbirth, grandparenthood occurs up to eight years later in Western European countries (such as Austria, the Netherlands, and Switzerland) and up to three years earlier in Eastern European countries (such as Bulgaria, Poland, and Ukraine) as compared with the United States (Leopold & Skopek, 2015). The role of grandparent is an important one for adults because, with increasing lifespans, many will spend one third of their lives as grandparents.

Figure 16.6: Distribution of Grandparents by Age and Gender in the United States, 2001 and 2015

Source: Tergesen (2014).

Throughout life, the timing of developmental transitions influences adaptation. In middle adulthood, the timing of the transition to grandparenthood influences adults’ experience of this role. Many middle-aged adults may find that they become grandparents at a time when they are already juggling multiple roles at work and home. Adults who become grandparents earlier than the norm may experience greater pressures between their career goals and responsibilities and their home life and expectations of their role as grandparents (Szinovacz, 1998). Some grandparents may find themselves in the position of parenting young children and adolescents while fulfilling the care and support functions of the grandparent role (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2001). The grandparent role is rewarding, but for many adults, it may be accompanied by role strain as they may juggle expectations of employers, spouses, children, adult children, and grandchildren.

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Adult children may expect their parents to help them with child-rearing and to share their knowledge and experience, both with their children and their grandchildren. Grandparents tend to expect frequent contact with their grandchildren at the same time as they expect their own boundaries to be respected (Thiele & Whelan, 2006). Grandparent involvement is associated with child well-being and adolescent adjustment (Griggs, Tan, Buchanan, Attar-Schwartz, & Flouri, 2010). For example, close nurturing relationships with grandparents are associated with positive adjustment and fewer problem behaviors in adolescents in divorced and single-parent homes (Attar-Schwartz, Tan, Buchanan, Flouri, & Griggs, 2009; Henderson, Hayslip, Sanders, & Louden, 2009).

In low-income families, grandparents often usually take on important financial and caregiving roles. Grandparent involvement is high in many minority households, such as Chinese, Korean, Mexican-American, Native American, and Canadian Aboriginal grandparents—this is especially the case for grandmothers, who take on caregiver, mentor, and disciplinarian roles (Kamo, 1998; Werner, 1991; Williams & Torrez, 1998). In particular, more regular contact, closer relationships with grandchildren, and greater parental encouragement to visit with grandchildren are associated with more grandparent involvement. Grandparents who are more engaged and spend more time with their grandchildren tend to report higher levels of life satisfaction (Moore & Rosenthal, 2015). Research with 14 European countries suggests that this is especially true for those who live in countries with high grandparent obligations, such as Italy and Greece (Neuberger & Haberkern, 2013). In some cases, grandparents step in as primary caretakers for their grandchildren, as discussed in Lives in Context (p. 463).

Relationships between grandparents and grandchildren are influenced by several factors, including grandparent and grandchild gender, geographic proximity, socioeconomic status, and culture. In most cultures grandparents and grandchildren of the same sex tend to be closer, especially grandmothers and granddaughters. Generally, grandmothers tend to have more contact with their grandchildren than do grandfathers, and they tend to report higher satisfaction with the grandparent role (Silverstein & Marenco, 2001). Grandparents who live closer to their children tend to have closer relationships with their grandchildren than do those who have contact only on special occasions like holidays and birthdays. In Western nations, most grandparents are able to visit their grandchildren regularly, and those who live far away often remain involved in their grandchildren’s lives despite the distance (AARP, 2002). The farther away grandchildren and grandparents live from one another, the fewer face-to face contacts, landline phone contacts, and mobile contacts such as text messaging (Hurme, Westerback, & Quadrello, 2010). Because parents regulate grandparent–grandchildren contact, grandparents’ relationships with their own children influence their contact and relationships with their grandchildren. The parent–adult child relationship changes with the birth of a grandchild and grandparents, and their adult children set new boundaries. Grandparents balance providing support, companionship, and involvement with noninterference (Breheny, Stephens, & Spilsbury, 2014). Bonds with

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children’s spouses are important, especially daughters-in-law, in affecting contact and ties with grandchildren (Fingerman et al., 2004). After an adult child’s divorce, grandparents related to the custodial parent typically have more contact with grandchildren (Johnson, 1998).

The grandparent role provides adults opportunities to satisfy generative needs by nurturing a new generation, enjoy spending time and playing with children without the responsibility of parenthood, and gain a sense of immortality by passing along family and personal history as well as a second generation of progeny (Moore & Rosenthal, 2015). Some theorists argue that grandparental investment, the tendency for grandparents to be involved in their grandchildren’s lives and transfer resources to them, stems from its provision of evolutionary benefits such as a correlation between the presence of the maternal grandmother and child survival (Coall & Hertwig, 2011). Similar to parent–child relationships, grandparent–grandchild relationships show continuity over time. Close grandparent–grandchild relationships in childhood predict close relations in adulthood (Geurts, Van Tilburg, & Poortman, 2012).

Being a grandparent provides opportunities to enjoy spending time and playing with children without the responsibility of parenthood.

Steve Mason/Photodisc/Thinkstock

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Lives in Context

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Grandparents Raising Grandchildren

Raising a grandchild is challenging yet custodial grandparents frequently mention a sense of satisfaction in parenting and in seeing grandchildren’s accomplishments.

Najlah Feanny/Corbis Saba

Raising a child is both challenging and rewarding. Although child-rearing is generally regarded as a one- time phase in the lifespan—reflected in such phrases as “starting a family” or “taking time off to raise a family”—some adults find themselves raising multiple cohorts of children as they take over the parenting of their children’s children.

Overall, about 8% of U.S. children under the age of 18 are raised by grandparents, including about 16% of African American, 8% of Hispanic, and 4% of European American non-Hispanic and Asian American children. Large proportions of Native American children are raised by grandparents; some Indian tribes estimate that up to 60% of their children are in this living situation (Goyer, 2006). The majority of custody arrangements are informal with no involvement from child welfare agencies. Grandparents often obtain custody of their grandchildren in response to parental absence or incapacitation from substance abuse, HIV/AIDS, incarceration, abandonment, mental and physical difficulties, and death (Dolbin-MacNab & Keiley, 2006).

The transition to parenting grandchildren is not easy—partly because the reasons for parental absence, such as incarceration or illness, are stressful to both the grandparent and children. Children often enter grandparent custodial arrangements with preexisting problems due to poor parenting and harsh contextual conditions (Smith & Hancock, 2010). Many children experience internalizing and externalizing difficulties, such as anxiety, depression, aggression, academic difficulties, behavior problems, anger, and guilt (Billing, Ehrle, & Kortenkamp, 2002; Guzell-Roe, Gerard, & Landry-Meyer, 2005). In addition, contextual factors make custodial grandparenting more difficult. Grandparent caregiver arrangements are especially common in low-income communities, as kin offer a safety net for families in crisis and nearly 20% of custodial grandparents live in poverty (Bachman & Chase-Lansdale, 2005; Goyer, 2006).

The majority of grandparents raising grandchildren are in their late 50s and early 60s, with about 70% under the age of 60 (Robinson & Wilks, 2006). As grandparent caregiving is not part of typical midlife

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development, the off-time nature and reduced opportunities for normative growth make the transition difficult and stressful for adults. Perhaps because of the stress, financial difficulties, feelings of grief and anger toward the parent, and feelings of social isolation, grandparent caregivers tend to suffer mental and physical health problems more than those who do not care for their grandchildren (Edwards & Benson, 2010; Letiecq, Bailey, & Kurtz, 2008). Grandparents who care for grandchildren with emotional and behavioral problems tend to experience higher rates of anxiety, stress, and depression as well as tend to report less life satisfaction (Doley, Bell, Watt, & Simpson, 2015). Research has shown that grandparents who are members of minority groups tend to experience greater risk of health problems because they are more likely to live in poverty and in disadvantaged neighborhoods; however, social support can buffer some negative outcomes (Chen, Mair, Bao, & Yang, 2014; Letiecq et al., 2008; Moore & Miller, 2007).

Despite these challenges, many grandparent caregivers adjust and report positive aspects of caregiving. Many frequently mention a sense of satisfaction in parenting, including positive feelings, such as joy, pride in influencing their grandchildren, love, and satisfaction in seeing grandchildren’s accomplishments (Dolbin- MacNab, 2006). Several studies suggest that grandparent well-being is enhanced by raising grandchildren. Some grandparents report feeling fortunate to parent again and to have the opportunity to do a better job and to enjoy the love and companionship of grandchildren (Moore & Miller, 2007). Some grandparents report that raising their grandchildren is easier than parenting their own children because of greater wisdom and experience, feeling more relaxed, and having more time and attention to give to grandchildren (Dolbin- MacNab, 2006). Social support is an important influence on grandparent caregivers’ sense of well-being and adjustment. Grandparents who feel that they have a social support network to turn to for emotional and physical assistance tend to show better adjustment and fewer problems (Williams, 2011).

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What Do You Think? Considering custodial grandparenting from a bioecological perspective, identify at least one factor at the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem levels that poses challenges to adults’ adjustment—that is, identify risk factors. Identify at least one factor at each contextual level that acts as a protective factor, aiding adults’ adjustment.

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Caring for Aging Parents

Although the image of the “sandwich generation”—midlife adults scrambling to meet the needs of both dependent children and frail elderly parents and thus sandwiched between the two generations (Riley & Bowen, 2005)—is popular, some experts argue that it is not very accurate (Grundy & Henretta, 2006). Rather than raise young children, most midlife parents have adult children. In Chapters 17 and 18, you will learn that most adults remain independent well into older adulthood. Only about one third of 55- to 69-year-old British and American women surveyed reported financial or everyday assistance to both their children and their parents’ generations, but one fifth reported helping neither (Grundy & Henretta, 2006). In 2012, only 15% of U.S. midlife adults reported providing financial support to a parent age 65 or older while raising a minor child or supporting a grown child (Parker & Patten, 2013). It seems that the task for most midlife adults is to support still partly dependent adult children and elderly parents who require some assistance; however, middle-aged adults are more likely to provide financial support to a grown child than to an elderly parent. For example, about one third (32%) of midlife adults with a parent over the age of 65 provided some financial support in the past year, as compared with 73% of midlife adults with a child over the age of 18 who provided some financial help in the last year (Parker & Patten, 2013). Although the popular “sandwich” metaphor may exaggerate the number of midlife adults who financially support two generations, most adults do provide emotional support and assistance to multiple generations.

Adults report a range of motivations for providing care to their aging parents, including obligation, reciprocity, and the quality of the relationship (Stuifbergen, Dykstra, Lanting, & van Delden, 2010). Overall, the perceived responsibility to care for aging parents tends to decline during adulthood. Young adults tend to take an idealistic view and perceive strong obligations whereas midlife adults adopt a more realistic perspective as they anticipate the need to provide care and better appreciate the responsibilities and sacrifices (Gans & Silverstein, 2006). The level of care that adult children provide aging parents is influenced by the parent–child relationship as well as family circumstances and ethnicity. In one large sample of middle-aged adults in the Netherlands, having few siblings, a widowed parent without a new partner, and a short geographical distance between the parent and child’s homes was positively associated with adult children’s provision of care and support to parents (Stuifbergen, van Delden, & Dykstra, 2008). African American and Hispanic adults at all income levels are more likely than European American non-Hispanic adults to provide aging parents with financial and caregiving assistance given the cultural value of familism, a duty to care for the family (Shuey & Hardy, 2003). Chinese, Japanese, and Korean women tend to provide care for their husband’s aging parents, who tend to live with them (Montgomery, Rowe, & Kosloski, 2007; Zhan, 2004). Similarly, intergenerational relations between older-age parents and their children remain close throughout life, with over 70% of older persons living with or next to a child (Knodel &

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Chayovan, 2009).

Generally speaking, parents and adult children who have a lifetime of close and positive relations tend to remain close and adult children tend to provide more assistance than do those whose family relations are less positive (Whitbeck & Hoyt, 1994). In middle age, many people take a close look at relationships with parents, appreciating their parents’ assistance and sacrifices over the years. Relationships between mothers and daughters, usually closer than other parent–child relationships, tend to become more intimate and complex as daughters enter middle age (Fingerman, 2000, 2001; Lefkowitz & Fingerman, 2003). Daughters, especially those who live in close proximity, are most likely to be caregivers (Pillemer & Suitor, 2014). Daughters’ multiple responsibilities to children and career often conflict with their ability to meet their aging mothers’ increasing demands for physical and emotional care and attention. Although parent–child ties influence caregiving, adults with weak parent–child relationships often provide care to parents out of a sense of duty (Silverstein, Conroy, Wang, Giarrusso, & Bengtson, 2002).

As adults’ caregiving responsibilities increase, such as when elderly parents require specialized care as is common in cases of dementia, they are more likely to experience conflicts among their many roles. Caregivers who experience role overload can feel overwhelmed by their obligations to parents, children, spouses, employers, and friends, which is associated with anxiety, exhaustion, and depression (Killian, Turner, & Cain, 2005; Savia, Almeida, Davey, & Zant, 2008). Adults of ethnic and cultural groups that emphasize familism and the duty to care for elders tend to experience more anxiety and depression with caregiving (Dilworth-Anderson, Goodwin, & Williams, 2004). As women are more likely than men to be expected to provide care, caregiving can interfere with women’s employment, causing losses in hours and earnings. In one large study of U.S. women, assuming the role of caregiver was associated with worsened economic well-being eight years later. Women who provided 20 hours a week of care were 25% more likely to live in poverty, 27% more likely to receive public assistance, and 46% more likely to receive Medicaid eight years later (Killian et al., 2005). Likewise, men and women who participated in the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe showed that giving informal care to one’s elderly parents was associated with significant costs in terms of employment opportunities and participation (Bolin, Lindgren, & Lundborg, 2008). Caregivers who face multiple career and child-rearing demands are more likely to feel role strain, depressive symptoms, a reduced sense of personal mastery and self-efficacy as well as engage in fewer outside activities (Mausbach et al., 2012; Wang, Shyu, Chen, & Yang, 2011). Similar to adults who experience role overload in managing family and career, social support and tangible assistance in the form of caregiving assistance aids in reducing distress.

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Thinking in Context 16.3 1. Consider a midlife parent, Bob. How might Bob’s relationship with his adult child be influenced by

parent–child interactions during childhood and adolescence? How might Bob’s experiences with his own parents, in childhood through young adulthood, influence his current relationship with his adult child? Finally, how might Bob’s interactions with his parents during childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood influence his current relationship with his parents?

2. What are the effects of divorce during the adult years? In your view, are young adults or midlife adults better poised to adapt to divorce? What contextual factors influence adaptation to divorce, and how might these factors change over the adult years?

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Careers In Middle Adulthood

Throughout adult life, work is usually the mainstay that structures people’s days, contributes to a sense of identity and self-esteem, and provides a number of benefits aside from income. Through work, people have opportunities to interact with others; to display generativity by creating products, items, and ideas by advising and mentoring others; and to contribute to the support of their families and communities. Young adults tend to gravitate toward jobs that emphasize extrinsic rewards such as high salaries and employee benefits whereas middle-aged employees tend to place greater importance on the intrinsic rewards of work, such as friendships with coworkers, job satisfaction, self-esteem, and feeling that one is making a difference (Sterns & Huyck, 2001). As described in the following section, job satisfaction is more closely associated with the pleasures of surmounting challenges, engaging in creative pursuits, being productive, and other intrinsic rewards of work than with high pay and other extrinsic rewards.

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Job Satisfaction

Job satisfaction tends to increase in middle adulthood—more so for professionals than blue-collar workers and men than women (Hochwarter, Ferris, Perrewé, Witt, & Kiewitz, 2001; Ng & Feldman, 2010). Blue-collar workers tend to have more highly structured jobs with fewer opportunities to control their activities than do white-collar workers, which may contribute to their relatively lower level of job satisfaction (Avolio & Sosik, 1999; Hu, Kaplan, & Dalal, 2010). As discussed in Chapter 13, women and minority members face special challenges and inequalities in the workplace, which increase with time and may influence job satisfaction.

First, women and minority members are less likely to occupy supervisory positions than are white men. One study of more than 1,300 adults in the United States found that over a 30- year career, white men were more likely to advance to managerial positions than were white women and black men, who in turn were more likely to advance than were black women (Maume, 2004). The highest and most prestigious positions in management are most likely to be held by white men. For example, women serve as CEOs of only about 5% of the top 1,000 companies in the United States (Pew Research Center, 2015). Career advancement is associated with increases in job satisfaction during middle adulthood, as midlife adults have more opportunities to participate in decision making, find workloads more manageable, and reduce their career aspirations to realistic levels given their accomplishments to date (Barnes-Farrell & Matthews, 2007). The glass ceiling that women and minority members face may translate into lower rates of job satisfaction, as fewer opportunities for career advancement contribute to a sense of inequality and dissatisfaction (Maume, 2004).

Paradoxically, however, women tend to show higher job satisfaction than men, or in some cases, similar levels of satisfaction to men (Donohue & Heywood, 2013; Zou, 2015). Research with European samples suggests that the gender-job satisfaction paradox is more apparent in countries where the job market is more challenging for women and nonexistent in countries that offer equal opportunities for women (Kaiser, 2007). Some suggest that the gender difference lies in work orientations and preferences for extrinsic versus intrinsic rewards. Specifically, for women job satisfaction is positively linked to both extrinsic and intrinsic rewards, but for men, job satisfaction tends to be positively linked to extrinsic rewards (Linz & Semykina, 2013). Women may find work intrinsically rewarding and derive satisfaction regardless of extrinsic rewards such as promotions and salaries; therefore, many experience job satisfaction in spite of the glass ceiling.

Samples of adults from China, Europe, Japan, Turkey, and the United States show that age is generally associated with increases in job satisfaction (Barnes-Farrell & Matthews, 2007). Some midlife adults, however, experience a rise in job burnout, a sense of mental exhaustion that accompanies long-term job stress, excessive workloads, and reduced feelings

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of control. Burnout is more frequent in professions that are interpersonally demanding and whose demands may exceed workers’ coping skills, such as in the helping professions of health care, human services, and teaching (Melamed, Shirom, Toker, Berliner, & Shapira, 2006; Wu, Zhu, Li, Wang, & Wang, 2008). Males who perform physically demanding work, such as laborers and construction workers, may find that the physical changes that occur over the course of middle adulthood make them less able to perform physically demanding work (Gilbert & Constantine, 2005). These workers are more likely to experience burnout and reduced job satisfaction.

Employee burnout is a serious problem in the workplace. Burnout is linked with impairments in attention and concentration abilities, depression, illnesses, poor job performance, workplace injuries, and high levels of employee absenteeism and turnover (Deligkaris, Panagopoulou, Montgomery, & Masoura, 2014; Shirom & Melamed, 2005). When workers receive social support, assistance in managing workloads and reducing stress, and opportunities to participate in creating an attractive workplace environment, they are less likely to experience job burnout (Warr, 2007). Middle-aged workers are sometimes the objects of age discrimination in the workplace, as discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 467)

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Planning for Retirement

Retirement planning is a process that often begins once the adult becomes aware that it is looming on the horizon (Kim & Moen, 2002); however, it should begin much earlier (Adams & Rau, 2011). Retirement planning is important because retirement represents a major life transition, and adults who plan ahead for the financial and lifestyle changes that accompany retirement tend to show better adjustment and greater life satisfaction (Hershey, Jacobs-Lawson, McArdle, & Hamagami, 2007; Jacobs-Lawson, Hershey, & Neukam, 2004).

In 1900, nearly 70% of men over the age of 65 were in the workforce; in 2014, about 18% of people over the age of 65 are in the workforce, with older men more likely to remain in the workforce than women (U.S. Bureau of Labor, 2015). Adults in most developed countries, including the United States and Canada, are eligible for government-sponsored retirement funds. In the United States, Social Security permits people to retire from work as early as age 62 (Chappell, Gee, McDonald, & Stones, 2003; Schultz & Shoven, 2008). An average worker today can look forward to approximately 15 years of retirement (Social Security Administration, 2015). Many may be retired for 20 or more years, or nearly one quarter of their lives.

Unfortunately, many U.S. adults are not financially prepared for retirement. It is estimated that workers should plan for retirement income of at least 70% to 80% of current pre- retirement income, yet about one third of middle-class households have no savings, including 19% of 55- to 64-year-old adults (Wells Fargo, 2014). In 2013, the median retirement account balance among all households ages 55 to 64 was only $14,500 (Wells Fargo, 2014). As of 2013, one study in 2008 found that only about half of adults reported planning for retirement, and one in four baby boomers might not ever be able to afford to stop working and retire (Korczyk, 2008). Adults with more positive beliefs about their ability to control aspects of aging are more likely to financially plan for retirement as compared with those with an intermittent, rather than a constant, awareness of the aging process are less likely to make such financial provisions (Heraty & McCarthy, 2015).

Most adults are aware that retirement planning entails preparing for changes in income, but planning for retirement should also include recognition of impending lifestyle changes and changes in the amount of free time available and how it will be used. Work activities encompass much of adults’ days, beginning in early adulthood. With retirement, most adults find that they need to determine how they will spend their time, often for the first time in their lives. With virtually unlimited possibilities, some adults may feel overwhelmed, at least temporarily; others are glad to devote themselves to endeavors they have “always wanted” to pursue, or to seek out entirely new activities and areas of interest. Some “give back” to the community or their pre-retirement careers by volunteering. Others

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may learn a new language, accomplish home renovations, or spend more time with family members. In contrast, retirees who do not plan how they will spend time may find themselves adrift. Just as financial planning is critical to a satisfactory retirement, planning an active life also contributes to postretirement adjustment and happiness (Noone, Stephens, & Alpass, 2009).

The two and one-half decades that span the middle adult years are a time of stability and change. Personality and many aspects of self remain consistent whereas midlife adults’ closest relationships change as children grow up and parents age. Most adults adapt to changes in career and family roles with little difficulty and show positive psychosocial adjustment over middle adulthood. In Chapters 17 and 18, we will see that the older adult years entail greater demands for adjustment.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Age Discrimination

As workers approach later midlife they are more likely to experience age discrimination in the workplace.

Joe Radle/Getty

As the baby boom generation has progressed through the lifespan, the sheer size of the cohort has influenced the contexts in which it is embedded, from the increase in elementary and secondary schools while boomers were children to the expansion of child care facilities to meet their needs for child care when they became parents. With their increased lifespan, better health, and later childbearing relative to prior generations, baby boomers are expected to spend more years in the workforce than did their parents and grandparents (Nyce, 2007)—and boomers are increasingly likely to experience age discrimination in the workplace. It is estimated that 84% of Americans over age 60 have experienced at least one instance of age discrimination (Palmore, Branch, & Harris, 2005). Examples of age discrimination include insulting jokes, disrespect, and patronizing behavior accompanying assumptions of frailty, mental incompetence, or health ailments (Palmore et al., 2005). Overall, the risk of experiencing age discrimination shows two peaks: as workers approach age 50 and as they near retirement (Roscigno, Mong, Byron, & Tester, 2007).

Older workers often encounter a mix of perceptions in the workplace. Workers over 50 are often valued for their experience, knowledge, work habits, respect for colleagues and authority, positive attitudes, commitment to quality, and ability to keep cool in crisis (Dennis & Thomas, 2007). However, older workers also encounter negative perceptions. They are sometimes stereotyped as inflexible, conservative, less engaged, less sharp, unwilling to adapt to technology, less assertive, complacent as well as having physical limitations and costing a company more for health insurance and related benefits (Gee, Pavalko, & Long, 2007).

Self-reported age discrimination is associated with tangible inequities including employment, income, and perceived status in the workplace (Mays, Cochran, & Baines, 2007). Age discrimination is stressful for adults, can undermine their sense of self, and harm psychological well-being (Jang, Chiriboga, & Small, 2008; Yuan, 2007). Perceived discrimination is associated with feelings of distress and more mental health problems. The effects of perceived discrimination and its influence on positive and negative affect vary with the person’s feelings of control. One study of over 1,500 middle-aged through older adults showed that perceived discrimination was more closely associated with negative affect when the person felt little control over the situation (Jang et al., 2008). In addition, perceived discrimination was more closely associated with declines in well-being in middle-aged adults and females than older adults and males. Strategies that adults use when confronted with discrimination include identifying positive personal attributes and focusing on valued self-conceptions (Shih, Young, & Bucher, 2013).

In 1967, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA), a formal acknowledgment of the existence of ageism in the workplace. The purpose of the ADEA is “to promote the employment of older persons based on ability rather than age, to prohibit arbitrary age discrimination in employment and to help employers and workers find ways to address problems arising from the impact of age on employment” (29 USC 621(b)). The original legislation protected employees between the ages of 40 and 65. In 1978, Congress passed an amendment to extend the age of the protected

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group from 65 to 70, and on January 1, 1987, the age cap was lifted completely (McCann, 2003). There is an exemption, however, for workers who are responsible for public safety, including firefighters, police officers, pilots, and others (Dennis & Thomas, 2007). These workers are required to retire at an earlier age, often by 55 or 60. Although the ADEA has existed for over three decades, age discrimination persists in and out of the workplace.

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What Do You Think? 1. What might be the psychological effects of experiencing age discrimination? 2. How might employers reduce age discrimination in the workplace?

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Apply Your Knowledge “I’m so exhausted,” said Marilyn. “I’m working so hard and juggling so much that I can’t keep up.” At 52, Marilyn held multiple roles but didn’t feel a sense of control or competence in any of them. Her job was a source of stress and disappointment. Passed up for managerial work, Marilyn remained at the lower rungs of the corporate ladder despite the many new young hires each year. Sometimes she feels out of touch at meetings as she no longer keeps up with the technology and slang. For example, in a marketing meeting she was embarrassed to ask the speaker for a definition of tweet.

Marilyn’s home life is filled with adjustments. After her youngest child moved out, Marilyn and her husband, Gene, began to feel that they no longer knew or cared deeply about each other; their connection was lost. Soon Gene moved out and began divorce proceedings. Many days, Marilyn found it hard to get out of bed and get dressed for work, feeling that the good years of her life are over and the few remaining decades will simply get worse.

Upon her daughter’s arrest for drug use and subsequent stay at a long-term substance abuse treatment facility, Marilyn took on responsibility as guardian for her 7-year-old grandson, Mikey. Marilyn was furious with her daughter’s irresponsibility and felt that both she and her daughter had failed as mothers. She loved Mikey dearly but felt ill equipped to care for a child while working full-time and managing her own sadness over the divorce and her daughter’s behavior. Mikey’s special needs for attention as he missed his mother often led to trouble at school.

Marilyn began to experience anxiety attacks on her way to work each morning. “I never know what the day will bring, and I didn’t expect my life to turn out this way,” she said to her best friend, Jalna. She and Jalna had been friends for 30 years and knew everything about each other. Marilyn didn’t get to see her often because the business of life got in the way, but her friendship with Jalna helped her cope with the many changes of her life.

1. Does Marilyn’s experience reflect normative midlife changes? In what ways is Marilyn’s experience typical of middle-aged adults? Which of her experiences are unique to her, reflecting development that is not normative?

2. Compare Marilyn’s experiences with marriage, divorce, and grandparenting to research findings in this area.

3. Discuss factors that may influence Marilyn’s adjustment to life changes. What contextual factors might ease her adjustment?

4. What changes can the typical midlife adult expect with regard to the sense of self, personality, career, marriage, family, and friends?

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Chapter Summary

16.1 Compare Erikson’s and Levinson’s perspectives of the psychosocial tasks of middle adulthood.

For Erik Erikson, the psychosocial task of middle adulthood is cultivating a sense of generativity. Adults fulfill generative needs through volunteering, teaching, and mentoring others in the workplace and community. Generativity is associated with well-being. Daniel Levinson proposed that the life structure refers to the overall organization of a person’s life. During the midlife transition, adults reexamine their life dream established in early adulthood, evaluate their success in achieving it, reevaluate their goals and their relations with their social context, and modify their life structures accordingly. 16.2 Analyze the theoretical and empirical support for the midlife crisis.

The most popular stereotype about middle age is the midlife crisis, a stressful time in the early to middle 40s when adults are thought to evaluate their lives. Successfully traversing the midlife crisis requires that adults modify their life structure, reevaluate their goals and their relations within their social context, and develop a sense of generativity. The midlife crisis is not universal and depends on individual factors and circumstances rather than age. 16.3 Evaluate the changes that occur in self-concept and identity during middle adulthood and their relation to well-being.

Self-concept becomes more complex and integrated into middle adulthood yet shows remarkable consistency. Midlife adults compare the lives they have achieved with their hoped-for possible selves and the degree of match between the two influences their life satisfaction. Revised possible selves permit middle-aged adults to show higher self-esteem than young adults. Over the middle adult years, many adults begin to integrate masculine and feminine aspects of themselves, becoming more androgynous. Androgyny provides adults with a greater repertoire of skills, which permits them to adapt to a variety of situations with greater ease than do those who are not androgynous. 16.4 Examine the stability of the Big 5 personality traits.

The many characteristics on which people differ can be categorized into five clusters of personality traits, collectively known as the Big 5 personality traits: openness, conscientiousness, extroversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism. The Big 5 personal factors are thought to reflect inherited predispositions that persist throughout life and predict career, family, and personal choices in adulthood. People show unique patterns of traits and individual differences in personality traits are highly stable, yet cross-sectional research suggests subtle changes, with agreeableness and

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conscientiousness increasing and neuroticism, extroversion, and openness declining into middle adulthood, suggesting that adults mellow out with age. 16.5 Discuss the changing nature of friendship in middle adulthood.

Midlife adults spend less time with friends than family, but friendships continue to be important sources of social support and are associated with well-being and self- esteem. Friendships improve with age. Midlife adults have fewer friends than do young adults but, unlike young adults, nearly all midlife friendships are described as close, and few to none are ambivalent or troubled. Similar to earlier periods in life, midlife friends share demographic similarities, experiences, and values that make them useful sources of advice for dealing with serious problems. 16.6 Discuss marital satisfaction, risks for divorce, and outcomes of divorce in midlife.

Many midlife couples cope with greater role strain than at any life stage. Marital satisfaction tends to increase over the middle adult years as child-rearing tasks and stress decline, family incomes rise, and spouses get better at understanding each other and have more time to spend with each other. By the 60s, most couples are happier. Divorce is challenging at all ages, but middle-aged persons show less of a decline in psychological well-being and overall better adaptation than do young adults. However, the breakup of a second marriage tends to be more stressful for adults and children than the demise of the first marriage. 16.7 Analyze family relationships in midlife, including the parent adult–child, grandparent, and midlife child–older adult parent relationship.

There is continuity in parent–child relationships throughout the lifespan. Parents and adult children tend to become closer as they mature. Grandparent involvement is associated with child well-being and adolescent adjustment. Most middle-aged adults have one or more living parents, and over the years, they provide increasing assistance to their aging parents. The level of care that adult children provide aging parents is influenced by the parent–child relationship as well as family circumstances and ethnicity. Midlife adults who care for aging parents may experience role overload. 16.8 Characterize job satisfaction during the midlife years.

Cross-culturally, job satisfaction tends to increase in middle adulthood, especially with career advancement but more so for professionals than blue-collar workers and men than women. The glass ceiling, lower rates of career advancement, that women and minority members face contribute to lower rates of job satisfaction. Some midlife adults experience a rise in job burnout, which is associated with cognitive and mental health impairments; reductions in productivity; and increases in injuries, absenteeism, and turnover. 16.9 Examine retirement planning and its effects on adjustment to retirement.

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Many U.S. adults are not financially prepared for retirement. Retirement planning entails not only planning for changes in income but also changes in lifestyle and how we spend our time. Retirement planning is associated with better adjustment and satisfaction.

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Key Terms

androgyny 453 Big 5 personality traits 454 generativity 448 life structure 449 midlife crisis 450 possible selves 452 seasons of life 449

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PART VIII Late Adulthood

Chapter 17 Physical and Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood 474 Chapter 18 Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood and the End of Life 504

In older adulthood the balance of gains and losses shifts. Physical losses increase; however, older adults’ functioning varies widely. They compensate for losses by modifying their behaviors and environment. The benefits of regular exercise in older adulthood include increases in strength, balance, and endurance as well as improved physiological function, better mental health, and higher quality of life. Although older adults show declines in fluid intelligence, they remain adaptive problem solvers throughout adulthood, performing best on everyday problems that are relevant to the contexts they experience in their daily lives. Motivated to engage in reminiscence and life review, older adults work to find continuity, come to terms with choices, and assign meaning to their lives.

Within the home context, marital satisfaction increases in older adulthood. Parent-child relationships shift as adult children provide increasing assistance to their elderly parents. With increases in leisure time, the peer context rises in salience in older adulthood. Friendships become more important, more fulfilling, and more activity based. Most elderly Friendships are old relationships, established much earlier in life. Retirement and the loss of the work context is an important transition for many older adults and success is influenced by a sense of control over the decision. Overall, the developmental changes older adults experience in physical and cognitive domains are offset by gains in socioemotional functioning and are influenced by the multiple interacting contexts in which they are embedded.

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Chapter 17 Physical and Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood

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Learning Objectives 17.1. Identify influences on life expectancy. 17.2. Explain the neurological developments that take place during older adulthood. 17.3. Discuss age-related changes in body systems including the sensory, cardiovascular, respiratory, and immune systems, and identify how older adults may compensate for changes. 17.4. Analyze the role of nutrition and exercise in aging. 17.5. Discuss older adults’ susceptibility and adaptation to chronic illness and injury. 17.6. Examine Alzheimer’s disease, and discuss its course, including risk and protective factors. 17.7. Distinguish among other common dementias, such as vascular dementia and Parkinson’s disease. 17.8. Compare patterns of change in working memory, long-term memory, problem solving capacities, and wisdom. 17.9. Identify influences on cognitive change

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Key Study Tools

Lives in Context Centenarians (p. 477) Connect Life Expectancy Lifespan Brain Development Brain Growth in Older Adulthood (p. 480) Explore Further Neurobiology of Aging Explore Further Disability and Disablement Video Case Aging and Physical Development Video Case Caring for Ill Older Adults Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Disclosing a Dementia Diagnosis (p. 493) Think Critically Family Risks of Dementia Think Critically Psychosocial Interventions Listen Treatment of Parkinson’s Disease Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Informed Consent in Older Adulthood (p. 499) Explore Further Memory Explore Further Intellectual Decline

“See you next week, Grandma!” Travis called out to his grandmother, Sylvia, as he headed toward his car. At 75 years of age, Sylvia lives alone in a condo located in a development designed for senior citizens. Thanks to a comfortable pension she inherited through her late husband’s retirement plan, she is able to afford regular help around the house, including a housekeeper who does house cleaning and laundry each week and an aide who stops by a couple of days a week to help Sylvia with tasks such as grocery shopping. Sylvia no longer drives at night because of her poor vision. As Sylvia explained, “Without my hearing aid, I’m no fun at the dinner table. Physically, I’m not as quick as I used to be, but I get along just fine. The days of 5K races are over for me.” Sylvia has noticed that she often forgets new information, like people’s names, so she works hard to remember names by repeating them. Overall, she feels that she is still good at making decisions. Her grandchildren—even the oldest, who recently graduated from medical school—turn to her for advice and tell her she is wise. In many ways, Sylvia is the picture of successful aging. Older adults display a range of functioning. Some, like Sylvia, remain free of physical and cognitive disabilities. All older adults experience declines in physical and cognitive areas and many experience chronic illnesses that pose demands for adaptation. In this chapter, we examine the physical and cognitive side of aging, including the challenges to physical and mental health that older adults face.

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BSIP/Newscom

As is the case with people in other ages in life, older adults vary in their health and functioning. Many remain free of serious physical and cognitive disabilities. All older adults experience declines in physical and cognitive areas, and many experience chronic illnesses that pose demands for adaptation. In this chapter, we examine the physical and cognitive side of aging, including the challenges to physical and mental health that older adults face.

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Life Expectancy

The human lifespan has increased dramatically over the past century. A baby born in 1900 in the United States could expect to live to about 47 years of age; in 1950, 68 years of age; and in 2000, about 77 years of age (Central Intelligence Agency, 2013; National Center for Health Statistics, 2011). In 2014, infants born in the United States can expect to live to age 80. Some adults live well beyond the expected lifespan to a very old age.

The increase in life expectancy can be attributed to the influence of contextual factors such as advances in health care, nutrition, and sanitation (Hinterlong, 2008). Perhaps the most notable contributor to increases in life expectancy is the reduction in infant mortality. Death during childbirth, a common hazard to women in the early 1900s, is rare in industrialized nations. Breakthroughs in medicine and increases in the availability of health care mean that fewer people die of common ailments such as flu, pneumonia, and heart disease. A greater understanding of the role of lifestyle factors such as smoking, exercise habits, and diet also contributes to advances in longevity (Danaei et al., 2010). Although cancer remains a leading cause of death, the cancer survival rate, defined as living five years after diagnosis, is higher than ever. By 2007, over two thirds of adults diagnosed with cancer in the United States and Canada were survivors, as compared with about one half in 1977 (DeSantis et al., 2014; Siegel, Ma, Zou, & Jemal, 2014).

Centenarians, individuals who live past 100 years, are becoming more common (see Lives in Context, p. 477). There were 37,000 centenarians recorded in the United States in 1990 and nearly 54,000 in 2010 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2010). The longest recorded human lifespan is 122 years (Whitney, 1997). The number of centenarians is expected to rise rapidly in the coming decades.

Life expectancy varies with contextual factors such as gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and nationality. For example, girls born in the United States today can expect to live about 5 years longer than boys (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012). In nearly all cultures, women live longer than men, although the gap is smaller in nonindustrialized countries where childbirth remains a serious threat to women’s health (Central Intelligence Agency, 2013). Over the past 50 years, the gender gap in life expectancy has shrunk in Western nations because of gains in medical technology and an increasing recognition of the effects of lifestyle on health (Dodson, 2007; Phillips, 2006). In addition to gender, ethnicity is associated with life expectancy. As we have discussed, ethnicity is linked closely with socioeconomic status in the United States. Ethnic differences in life expectancy are influenced by poverty, poor access to health care, high infant mortality, injuries, high stress, and violence—all factors that accompany low socioeconomic status.

There are large international differences in lifespan, influenced by the availability of social services such as health care and housing. Estimates of life expectancy for infants born in

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2014 varied among nations from a high of 89 in Monaco and 84 in Japan to a low of 49 in Chad (Central Intelligence Agency, 2013). In developing nations whose populations are more likely to be ravaged by poverty and war, most people can expect to live into their early 60s; in some countries, such as Afghanistan, Chad, and South Africa, life expectancy is only 50. Active life expectancy, defined as the number of years a person can expect to be healthy and physically and intellectually active, shows even more variation.

Advances in life expectancy have led gerontologists to categorize older adults into the young-old, old-old, and oldest-old. The young-old, ages 65 to 74, tend to be active, healthy, and financially and physically independent. Old-old adults (75 to 84) typically live independently but often experience some physical and mental impairment. The oldest-old, adults 85 years and older, are at highest risk for physical and mental health problems and often are unable to live independently, requiring physical and social support to carry out the tasks of daily life. Although these age categories are thought to predict physical health and dependency, some adults in their mid-60s show advanced signs of aging characteristic of the oldest-old, while others in their late 80s function similarly to old-old adults. Because of this, many developmental researchers categorize older adults not by chronological age but by functioning, using terms such as successful aging and impaired aging (Aldwin, Spiro, & Park, 2006; Baltes & Carstensen, 2003; Freund & Baltes, 2007).

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Thinking in Context 17.1 Consider longevity from a bioecological perspective. What factors may help extend the lifespan? Specifically, identify factors in the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem. Which variables do you think are most important? Why?

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Lives in Context

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Centenarians

Adults 90 years of age and older are the fastest growing population in Western countries. Centenarians, once an oddity, are increasingly common.

BSIP/Universal/Getty

It was once thought that it was impossible to live past 100 years of age; however, medical and technological advances have led to a rise in the prevalence of centenarians. In fact, adults 90 years of age and older are the fastest growing population in Western countries (Administration on Aging, 2014). Centenarians are becoming more common in industrialized nations around the world, including the Denmark, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and more (Santos-Lozano et al., 2015).

Throughout their lives, most centenarians tend to be healthier than their same-age peers, often delaying the onset of mortality-related diseases and disability until well into their 90s (Ailshire, Beltrán-Sánchez, & Crimmins, 2015; Sebastiani & Perls, 2012). Like all adults, most centenarians experience chronic age- related diseases, but nearly 25% reach age 100 with no chronic disease (Ash et al., 2015). For example, in one sample of Australian centenarians, 19% reported reaching age 100 without experiencing any of the following common diseases: osteoporosis, dementia, cardiovascular disease, respiratory illnesses, cancers, anxiety, and depression. An additional one third reported experiencing one or more of these ailments with an onset after age 80 (Richmond, Law, & KayLambkin, 2012). Moreover, centenarians seem to manage chronic illnesses more effectively than other older adults, with many not experiencing disability until well into their 90s (Sebastiani & Perls, 2012).

With regard to cognitive functioning, research suggests that centenarians fall into two distinct groups. About one half to two thirds appear to reach 100 without cognitive impairment (Ailshire et al., 2015; Corrada, Brookmeyer, Paganini-Hill, Berlau, & Kawas, 2010). Other data with Japanese centenarians showed that primary memory was influenced by advanced age; specifically, the ability to store information declines but the ability to process information is maintained (Inagaki et al., 2009). In contrast, about one third to one half of centenarians show a pattern of lower cognitive performance and dementia (Davey et al., 2013).

Longevity is influenced by both genes and lifestyle factors through epigenetics. (Recall from Chapter 2 that epigenetics is the interactive process by which external or environmental factors can “switch” genes on and off.) For example, families tend to show similarities in lifespan. A particular gene known as the APOE gene

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is associated with longevity and centenarians show different patterns of APOE activation that may be linked with their lower likelihood of disease and longer lifespan (Gentilini et al., 2013; Sebastiani & Perls, 2012; Shadyab & LaCroix, 2015). Lifestyle factors, such as nutrition, stress, and smoking, may show epigenetic effects on longevity by turning particular genes on and off (Govindaraju, Atzmon, & Barzilai, 2015).

Living a long life may sound appealing, but what most people really aspire to is a long, high-quality life. What factors contribute to quality of life for those who live to an advanced age? One thing that people can choose to pursue is an engaged lifestyle, characterized by positive psychosocial functioning, such as having good relationships with children and being involved with family, friends, and community. Optimism, not feeling lonely, perceiving a sense of control over health issues, and adaptability are all associated with high ratings of perceived health among centenarians (Tigani, Artemiadis, Alexopoulos, Chrousos, & Darviri, 2012). Life satisfaction predicts future happiness and influences how centenarians frame their subjective evaluations of their own health status (Bishop, Martin, MacDonald, & Poon, 2010). Centenarians tend to attribute their longevity to lifestyle choices; social relationships and support; and to their own attitudes about life, including optimism and adaptability (Freeman, Garcia, & Marston, 2013). In addition, personality traits such as emotional stability, extraversion, openness, and conscientiousness are associated with maintaining a high level of cognitive and adaptive functioning among centenarians (Martin, Baenziger, MacDonald, Siegler, & Poon, 2009).

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What Do You Think? 1. Identify some of the challenges and opportunities that come with the rapid increase of the

number of centenarians in our society. 2. Provide at least two reasons why you would like to live to become a centenarian and two reasons

why you would not want to become a centenarian.

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Physical Development In Late Adulthood

By late adulthood, biological aging affects all body structures and systems. Although senescence began in early adulthood, the changes are gradual. Most adults show little awareness of the changes until they are faced with clear evidence of aging in their appearance, such as a full head of silver hair; decreased athletic performance, such as difficulty carrying heavy groceries up a flight of stairs; or age-related ailments, such as cataracts or osteoporosis.

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Appearance

The skin loses collagen and elasticity throughout adulthood and becomes more dry as oil glands become less active (Quan & Fisher, 2015). Pigmented marks called age spots often appear on the hands and face. The skin also thins and loses the layer of fat underneath it, making blood vessels more visible, and older adults are more sensitive to cold (Farage, Miller, Elsner, & Maibach, 2013). Exposure to sunlight exacerbates these changes (Farage, Miller, Elsner, & Maibach, 2008; Flament, Bazin, & Piot, 2013). The nose and ears grow larger and broader in older adulthood. Hair whitens, and both men and women experience hair loss as hair follicles die, while thin downy hair begins to grow from the scalp follicles of men with hereditary baldness.

Aging also brings accelerated loss of bone density, which leads both men and women to lose height in older adulthood, with women showing greater losses (Hannan et al., 2012). The condition of reduced bone density is known as osteopenia, and more severe bone thinning is diagnosed as osteoporosis; calcium supplements and a program of regular weight-bearing exercise are recommended to prevent, and to some extent to treat, both conditions. Body shape changes in older adulthood as fat is redistributed and accumulates in the abdomen. Sarcopenia, the age-related loss of muscle mass and strength, continues with average losses of 10% to 20% by 60 to 70 years of age and 30% to 50% from age 70 to 80 (Buford et al., 2010). Physical activity, especially resistance exercise, can strengthen muscles and offset losses into the 90s (Caserotti, Aagaard, Larsen, & Puggaard, 2008; Peterson, Rhea, Sen, & Gordon, 2010; Serra-Rexach et al., 2011).

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Nervous System

As we age, the nervous system changes in predictable ways. Brain volume shrinks as dendrites contract and are lost, accompanied by a decrease in synapses and a loss of glial cells (Schuff et al., 2012). Many neural fibers lose their coating of myelin, and communication among neurons slows accordingly. Declines are especially marked in the prefrontal cortex, responsible for executive functioning and judgment (Lu et al., 2013). Myelin losses contribute to cognitive declines with aging (Kohama, Rosene, & Sherman, 2012; Peters & Kemper, 2012). However, brain volume shrinks, on average, less than half of 1% each year (Salthouse, 2011). Also, estimates of age-related changes in brain volume vary with measurement and across research studies. For example, some cross-sectional samples that compare adults of different ages at one time show greater age differences in brain volume than do longitudinal samples, which tend to show more continuous and gradual changes in brain volume that are less tied to age (Salthouse, 2011). A program of aerobic exercise has been shown to restore brain volume, especially in the hippocampus, a brain region closely involved with memory (see Figure 17.1).

The brain compensates for structural changes such as neuronal and myelin loss throughout older adulthood. Older adults compensate for cognitive declines by showing more brain activity and using different brain areas in solving problems than do younger adults (Turner & Spreng, 2012). Older adults often show brain activity that is spread out over a larger area, including both hemispheres, compensating for neural losses, as shown in Figure 17.2 (Daselaar & Cabeza, 2005; Reuter-Lorenz & Cappell, 2008). For example, in one study older adults compensated for lower levels of parietal and occipital activity with greater activity in the frontal lobes and performed better on a working memory task than did younger adults (Osorio, Fay, Pouthas, & Ballesteros, 2010).

Figure 17.1: Change in Hippocampal Volume With Aerobic Exercise

Source: Erickson et al. (2011).

Figure 17.2: Age Differences in Neural Activity During a Memory Task

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Source: Hedden and Gabrieli (2004).

Age-related brain changes are not always apparent in adults’ functioning. Many adults naturally compensate for losses through cognitive reserve, the ability to make flexible and efficient use of available brain resources that permits cognitive, efficiency, flexibility, and adaptability (Barulli & Stern, 2013; Nair, Sabbagh, Tucker, & Stern, 2014). Cognitive reserve is cultivated throughout life from experience and environmental factors. Educational and occupational attainment and engagement in leisure activities allows some adults to cope with age-related changes better than others and show more successful aging (Barulli & Stern, 2013; Scarmeas & Stern, 2003). For example, bilingualism is associated with cognitive benefits throughout life. Adults who have daily experiences in using two languages, such as determining when to use one and inhibit another, show enhanced cognitive control abilities, more mental flexibility as well as being better able to handle tasks involving switching, inhibition, and conflict monitoring (Barac & Bialystok, 2012; Grant, Dennis, & Li, 2014).

A particularly exciting finding is that neurogenesis—the process by which new neurons are developed—continues throughout life. New neurons are created in the hippocampus and striatum (a subcortical part of the brain responsible for coordinating motivation with body movement) throughout life but at a much slower rate than prenatally (Ernst et al., 2014; Shors, 2014). Most of these neurons die off, but some survive, especially if exposed to experiences that require learning (Shors, 2014). As with neurogenesis early in life (see Chapter 4), surviving neurons migrate to the parts of the brain where they will function and create synapses with other neurons (Braun & Jessberger, 2014). It is estimated that about 2% of neurons are renewed each year (Spalding et al., 2013). Neurogenesis plays a role in cognition and in stress and emotional responses, contributing to the maintenance of cognitive abilities and advances in psychosocial maturing in the adult years (Cameron & Glover, 2015; Ho, Hooker, Sahay, Holt, & Roffman, 2013). As described in Lifespan Brain Development (p. 480), brain growth can continue through older adulthood.

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Vision

As in middle adulthood (see Chapter 15), virtually all older adults have difficulty seeing objects up close. In later adulthood, the lens yellows and the vitreous clouds, less light reaches the retina, and it becomes more difficult to see in dim light and to adapt to dramatic changes in light, such as those that accompany night driving (Owsley, 2011). Many adults develop cataracts, a clouding of the lens resulting in blurred, foggy vision that makes driving hazardous and can lead to blindness (Kline & Li, 2005). Cataracts are the result of a combination of hereditary and environmental factors associated with oxidative damage, including illnesses such as diabetes and behaviors such as smoking (David, Nancy, & Ying-Bo, 2010; Tan et al., 2008). By age 80, more than half of adults have cataracts (American Academy of Ophthalmology, 2011), which can be corrected through a surgical procedure in which the lens is replaced with an artificial lens.

In addition to the lens, other parts of the eye show structural changes (see Figure 17.3). Cells in the retina and optical nerve are lost with aging (Owsley, 2011). Some older adults experience macular degeneration, a substantial loss of cells in the center area of the retina, the macula, causing blurring and eventual loss of central vision (Chakravarthy, Evans, & Rosenfeld, 2010). Hereditary and environmental factors, such as smoking and atherosclerosis, influence the onset of macular degeneration (Myers et al., 2014). A healthy diet, including green leafy vegetables high in vitamins A, C, and E, as well as carotenoids, such as carrots, may protect the retina and offset damage caused by free radicals (Rhone & Basu, 2008; Sin, Liu, & Lam, 2013). Laser surgery, medication, and corrective eyewear can sometimes restore some vision and treat the early stages of macular degeneration; however, macular degeneration is the leading cause of blindness (Chakravarthy et al., 2010; Jager, Mieler, & Miller, 2008).

Figure 17.3: Age-Related Changes in the Eye

Most of these changes in vision are gradual and often go unnoticed (Owsley, 2011). Substantial vision loss, however, can have a serious effect on adults’ daily lives as it

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interferes not only with driving but also with reading, watching television, and doing a variety of daily activities from cooking to banking. Not surprisingly, older adults with vision loss participate less than their peers in recreational and sports activities (Alma et al., 2011) and are likely to be depressed (Tabrett & Latham, 2010). In a sample of adults from 10 European countries, vision loss was associated with concentration difficulty; losing interest and enjoyment in activities; feeling fatigued, irritable, and tearful; having less hope for the future; and even wishing for death (Mojon-Azzi, Sousa-Poza, & Mojon, 2008).

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LifeSpan Brain Development

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Brain Growth in Older Adulthood

The brain remains plastic throughout life. Aerobic exercise can reverse volume loss in the hippocampus, responsible for memory.

Melanie Stetson Freeman/Christian Science

We have seen that children’s brains are responsive to the environment. Teaching children memory strategies improves their performance on memory tasks. Does training and practice have similar effects for older adults? Can older adults learn and improve their cognitive functioning? In short, yes.

Older adults who are trained on specific strategies show large and long-lasting improvement on the trained tasks, but the skills often are not transferred to new tasks (Lustig, Shah, Seidler, & Reuter-Lorenz, 2009). However, when older adults are instead taught multiple strategies and problem-solving approaches, they show more widespread effects that generalize to everyday tasks and last over time (Dunlosky, Kubat-Silman, & Hertzog, 2003). Participants in the Seattle Longitudinal Study trained on inductive reasoning and spatial orientation showed improved performance on tasks tapping those skills for up to seven years after receiving the intervention (Schaie & Willis, 1986).

Moreover, cognitive training does not simply influence older adults’ skills. It changes their brains. Expertise is associated with brain growth and changes in connectivity (Strenziok et al., 2014). Experts tend to have enlarged brain structures related to their type of expertise (Maguire et al., 2003). Cognitive training has consistently been associated with increases in volume in the brain structures thought to be critical to the trained task (Lustig et al., 2009).

Cognitive interventions are not the only way to improve functioning and increase brain volume in older adulthood. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have shown that aerobic exercise training improves cognitive function in older adults in many domains, with the largest improvement occurring on tests of executive function (Lang, Featherman, & Nesselroade, 1997). For example, one experiment examined 120 older adults without dementia and assigned one half (the treatment group) to a yearlong aerobic exercise program. The other half (the control group) participated in a program of nonaerobic stretching exercises (Erickson et al., 2011). Over a yearlong period, the older adults who received the aerobic exercise intervention showed a 2% growth in the size of the hippocampus whereas the control group showed a 1% decline consistent with the normative yearly decline in hippocampal volume. This is important because deterioration of the hippocampus has been linked to memory impairment in late adulthood (Raz et al., 2005). The aerobic exercise experiment demonstrated that the hippocampus, like other parts of the brain, remains modifiable throughout adulthood and that aerobic exercise may reverse volume loss (Erickson et al., 2011).

Likewise, other research has suggested that aerobic exercise training increases gray and white matter volume in the prefrontal context of older adults and enhances the functioning of key areas central to executive control (Colcombe et al., 2006; Rosano et al., 2010). In one study (shown in Figure 17.1), greater amounts of physical activity were associated with greater gray matter volume in several areas of the brain including the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus over a nine-year period and a reduced risk for cognitive impairment

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(Erickson et al., 2010).

Although the phrase “use it or lose it” is often used in reference to cognitive function, recent research suggest that the aging brain can do more than just retain its functions; plasticity means that it can also grow. Perhaps the phrase should be changed to “use it to improve it.”

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What Do You Think? Identify three things that an adult of any age can do to promote positive brain development and functioning in older adulthood.

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Hearing

As described in Chapter 15, age-related hearing loss (known as presbycusis) typically begins in middle adulthood. It increases in older adulthood, with cell losses in the inner ear and cortex (Gates & Mills, 2005). Older adults experience difficulty distinguishing high- frequency sounds, soft sounds of all frequencies, and complex tone patterns (Gordon- Salant, 2005). As in middle adulthood, men tend to suffer hearing loss earlier and to a greater extent than do women (Cruickshanks et al., 2010; Helzner et al., 2005). About two thirds of older adults experience hearing loss (Lin, Thorpe, Gordon-Salant, & Ferrucci, 2011), which can greatly diminish quality of life and poses health risks. The inability to hear car horns and other street sounds or to hear the telephone or doorbell is a risk to safety but also to self-esteem. Turning up the volume to hear a television or radio program and then being asked by others to turn down the volume can be frustrating to older adults and their loved ones. Difficulty hearing others’ speech can socially isolate older adults, reducing their social network, increasing feelings of loneliness and depression, and reducing life satisfaction (Gordon-Salant, 2005).

Many older adults compensate for their hearing loss by reducing background noise, when possible, and paying attention to nonverbal cues such as lip movements, facial expressions, and body language to optimize their ability to hear and participate in conversations. Hearing aids are widely available, but research suggests they are underused for several reasons: social attitudes that undervalue the importance of hearing; stigma associated with being seen wearing hearing aids; and their cost, which is typically not covered by health insurance (Laplante-Lévesque, Hickson, & Worrall, 2010). Quality of life for older adults can be improved with successful hearing loss management, which may include education about communication effectiveness, hearing aids, assistive listening devices, and cochlear implants for severe hearing loss. When hearing aids no longer provide benefit, cochlear implantation is the treatment of choice with excellent results even in octogenarians (Quaranta et al., 2015).

Presbycusis and other forms of hearing loss become more common in older adulthood. Hearing loss management, including examinations and communication with physicians, can improve quality of life in older adults who experience losses.

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Bruno Boissonnet/Science Source

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Cardiovascular, Respiratory, and Immune Systems

Most adults in their 60s become aware of changes in their cardiovascular and respiratory systems, such as feeling their heart pound and taking longer to catch their breath after running to catch a train. There is a physiological reason for this: With age, the heart experiences cell loss and becomes more rigid. The heart contains pacemaker cells that signal when to initiate a contraction; over time, these cells diminish significantly, by nearly one half, and the heart becomes less responsive to their signals (Mironov, 2009). The arteries stiffen, and the walls accumulate cholesterol and fat plaques, which reduce blood flow; this condition is known as atherosclerosis and is a cause of heart disease (Jani & Rajkumar, 2006; Wei, 2004). As discussed in Chapter 15, cardiovascular disease may be manifested as heart valve problems, arrhythmia, heart attack, and stroke. Heart disease becomes more common with age, as shown in Figure 17.4.

Just as the heart undergoes changes with age, changes in the respiratory system also reduce the flow of oxygen to the body. Specifically, the lungs gradually lose cells and elasticity over the adult years, substantially reducing the amount of oxygen that enters the system and is absorbed by the blood (Miller, Wood, & Smith, 2010). Older adults have more trouble breathing, feel more out of breath during physical exertion, and have a harder time catching their breath than younger adults. Experience and lifestyle influence cardiovascular and respiratory system changes. Smoking and exposure to environmental toxins increases damage to the cardiovascular and repertory systems while physical activity and good nutrition can compensate for decreases in cardiovascular and reparatory function (Stanner & Denny, 2009; Visioli & Hagen, 2007).

With age, the immune system becomes less efficient and adaptive (De la Fuente & Miquel, 2009; Kusnecov, Anisman, Fenn, Corona, & Godbout, 2013). Declines in immune function place older adults at higher risk of diseases such as flu and pneumonia, cancers, and autoimmune diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis (Gomez, Nomellini, Faunce, & Kovacs, 2008; Lindstrom & Robinson, 2010). Exposure to stress reduces immune function, and the effects increase with age: Older adults often show greater immune impairment in response to stress than younger adults (Graham, Christian, & Kiecolt- Glaser, 2006; Vitlic, Lord, & Phillips, 2014). The body’s T cells become less effective at protecting the body by attacking foreign substances and the immune system becomes more likely to malfunction and display an autoimmune response by turning against body tissues. There are, however, large individual differences in immune function. Some people retain strong immune functioning into older adulthood, but most experience at least some declines (Kusnecov et al., 2013). As we will see in next section, good nutrition and exercise enhances and protects immune functioning.

Figure 17.4: Lifetime Heart Disease Prevalence in the United States, 1999–2010

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Source: National Center for Health Statistics (2011).

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Thinking in Context 17.2 1. How might the physical changes that older adults experience in vision, hearing, and body systems

influence their daily activities? What are the practical implications of these developmental changes? 2. Older adults show many variations in patterns of physical change. Discuss influences on the timing and

scope of physical changes during older adulthood. What are sources of variation?

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Health and Disability In Late Adulthood

Older adults show a great deal of diversity in health status. As shown in Figure 17.5, even after age 75 only a portion of older adults report poor health. Over the past few decades, it has become increasingly common for older adults in industrialized nations to age well and delay disability and disease until the final months or years of life (Fries, Bruce, & Chakravarty, 2011). This tendency is referred to as compression of morbidity, and it is an important public health goal, as it means that older adults enjoy more vital years and less time suffering. Research with centenarians illustrates compression of morbidity: As mentioned earlier in this chapter, many centenarians have led healthy lives; if they develop serious diseases, it is usually not until well into their 90s (Ailshire et al., 2015; Andersen, Sebastiani, Dworkis, Feldman, & Perls, 2012; Sebastiani & Perls, 2012). Advances in medicine, improvement in the standard of living, and increased recognition of the importance of lifestyle contribute to compression of morbidity (Faria, 2015).

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Nutrition

As adults age, their nutritional needs change. Losses in muscle mass contribute to weight loss and a slowed metabolism. For this reason, older adults require fewer calories than younger adults, and their diets must be more nutrient dense to meet their nutritional needs with fewer calories (Baker, 2007). Their changing dietary needs mean that older adults are less likely to get all of their nutritional needs met through their diet and are therefore at risk for a nutritional deficiency. In fact, it is estimated that two thirds of older adults in many developed countries, including Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and the United States, are at risk for malnutrition (Kaiser et al., 2010; van Bokhorst-de van der Schueren et al., 2013). Malnutrition is associated with illness, functional disability, and mortality (Charlton et al., 2013; Payette, 2005).

Older adults typically experience a decline in the sense of taste and smell, which can influence diet for the worse as individuals seek satisfaction through added salt, sugar, and fat, or they may lose interest in eating altogether as favorite foods don’t taste like they used to. Older adults who live alone may be reluctant to shop, cook, and eat by themselves. Illness, lengthy hospitalizations, bereavement, depression, and social isolation also contribute to malnutrition (Brownie, 2006). Older adults’ nutritional needs are also influenced by medication. For example, daily use of aspirin, commonly prescribed to adults at risk of heart disease, depletes vitamin C and antibiotics interfere with the absorption of calcium, iron, and vitamin K (Meletis & Zabriskie, 2007). Vitamin deficiencies, such as in vitamin A and C, are associated with lowered resistance to infection and cancer (Amati et al., 2003).

Figure 17.5: Current Health Status Among Adults Aged 18 and Over in the United States, 2012

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Source: Adapted from Blackwell, Lucas, and Clarke (2012).

To counteract such problems, older adults can make an effort to choose nutritious foods, including fruits; whole grains; low-fat dairy products; leafy green vegetables; and healthy sources of protein, such as fish, nuts, beans, and chicken—foods that are nutrient dense— and limit salt, sugar, and fats. However, this is easier said than done given that many older adults have a lifelong pattern of less healthy food preferences and that healthy food choices are not readily available or affordable in all local areas.

Supplements for vitamins A, B6, B12, C, and E can fill in gaps in older adults’ diets and boost immunity. Specifically, antioxidant vitamins and trace elements (vitamins C, E, selenium, copper, and zinc) counteract potential damage caused by free radicals and promote an effective immune system response (Wintergerst, Maggini, & Hornig, 2007). Catechin, a polyphenol found in green tea, has an antioxidative effect and may protect against age-related declines in cognitive functions such as those associated with learning and memory, as well as progressive neurodegenerative disorders such as Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s diseases (Assuncao & Andrade, 2015; Song, Xu, Liu, & Feng, 2011). Research with aging rodents suggests that catechin protects the brain, especially spatial memory (Rodrigues et al., 2013).

Omega-3, an oil found in fish that is high in polyunsaturated fatty acids, promotes vascular health and is associated with reduced risk of cardiovascular disease (Lorente-Cebrián et al., 2013). Omega-3 is associated with reduced inflammation and degenerative diseases such as arthritis and potentially Alzheimer’s disease (Lorente-Cebrián et al., 2015). In one double- blind study, healthy older adults aged 50 to 75 showed increases in executive function and improvements in white matter integrity and gray matter volume, suggesting that omega-3 may have important implications for neurological health and functioning (Witte et al., 2014). Moreover, consumption of omega-3 appears to have an epigenetic effect on longevity through its action on telomeres, the caps covering the tips of DNA. Recall from Chapter 13 that telomeres shorten with every cell division until they reach a critical length, stopping cell division and preceding cell death. The consumption of omega-3 is associated with slowed and even reduced telomere shortening over five- to eight-year periods (Farzaneh-Far et al., 2010; Paul, 2011), suggesting that cell aging can be slowed and even extended. Improved nutrition holds the promise of protection against age-related cognitive changes, but more research is needed.

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Aging and Physical Development

Elsie and Margaret describe the physical changes that accompany aging and how they adapt to those changes. Note the variability in experiences.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Exercise

As in early and middle adulthood, exercise offers powerful health benefits to older adults. Individuals as old as 80 who begin a program of cardiovascular activity, such as walking, cycling, or aerobic dancing, show gains similar to those of much younger adults. Weight- bearing exercise begun as late as 90 years of age can improve blood flow to the muscles and increase muscle size (Rice & Cunningham, 2002). The physical benefits of regular exercise influence increases in strength, balance, posture, and endurance and permit older adults to carry out everyday activities such as grocery shopping, lifting grandchildren, reaching for objects, and opening jars and bottles (Peterson et al., 2010). Throughout the adult years, moderate physical activity is associated with improved physiological function, a decreased incidence of disease, and reduced incidence of disability (Chakravarty, Hubert, Lingala, & Fries, 2008; Radak, Chung, Koltai, Taylor, & Goto, 2008).

92-year-old Harriette Thompson completed the San Diego Rock ‘n’ Roll Marathon in May 2015 to become the oldest woman to finish a marathon.

Jerod Harris/Getty

Exercise is not only good for the body; it is also good for the mind. Just as earlier in life, exercise offers older adults stress relief, protects against depression, and is associated with higher quality of life (Windle, Hughes, Linck, Russell, & Woods, 2010). The increased blood flow to the brain that comes with exercise is protective. Older adults who are physically active show less neural and glial cell losses throughout their cortex and less cognitive decline than do those who are sedentary (Muscari et al., 2010; Nithianantharajah & Hannan, 2009). Perhaps more significant is that exercise in older adults is associated

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with increased hippocampal volume (recall that new neurons are created there; Niemann, Godde, & Voelcker-Rehage, 2014). In addition, adults who get regular cardiovascular exercise, such as brisk walks, show increased brain activity in areas that control attention and perform better on tasks measuring attention than do sedentary adults. They also demonstrate improved performance on tasks examining executive function, processing speed, memory, and other cognitive processes (Erickson et al., 2011; Hindin & Zelinski, 2012).

Unfortunately, similar to younger adults, most older adults are not active enough. Common barriers to physical activity reported by adults include fears of falling, neighborhood safety, bad weather, and chronic conditions (Belza et al., 2004). Many older adults believe that the best way to manage chronic illnesses such as arthritis is to rest and that exercise will make symptoms worse. Instead, exercise offers physical and mental benefits that slow the negative effects of aging. Older adults who exercise often report feeling more energetic, experience greater life enhancement, and have a more positive psychological outlook than sedentary elders (Ruppar & Schneider, 2007). In addition, older adults who identify themselves as physical exercisers and physically fit show greater levels of life satisfaction (Strachan, Brawley, Spink, & Glazebrook, 2010).

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Chronic Illness

Chronic illnesses become more common with age. Nearly all older adults suffer from one chronic illness or another, and many have multiple diagnoses (Administration on Aging, 2014). We have discussed cardiovascular disease, a serious chronic illness that many adults face. In the following sections, we discuss the two most common chronic illnesses: arthritis and diabetes.

Arthritis

One illness that goes hand in hand with aging is arthritis, a degenerative joint disease. There are more than 100 different types of arthritis; the most common is osteoarthritis, which affects joints that are injured by overuse, most commonly the hips, knees, lower back, and hands. The cartilage that protects the ends of bones where they meet at joints wears away, and joints become less flexible and swell. Those who suffer from osteoarthritis experience a loss of movement and a great deal of pain. Aging is the most prominent risk factor for osteoarthritis; it may first appear in middle adulthood, in the 40s and 50s, but becomes more common and worsens in severity during older adulthood (Aigner, Haag, Martin, & Buckwalter, 2007). About half of adults aged 65 or older report a diagnosis of arthritis, and it is likely that many more cases remain undiagnosed (National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 2010). Nearly all older adults show at least some signs of osteoarthritis, but there are great individual differences. People whose job or leisure activities rely on repetitive movements are most likely to experience osteoarthritis. Office workers who type every day, for example, might experience osteoarthritis in their hands. Runners might experience it in their knees. Obesity can place abnormal pressure on joints and result in osteoarthritis.

Osteoarthritis, a degenerative joint disease, often occurs in the hands, knees, and hips.

iStock/Signature

A second common type of arthritis, rheumatoid arthritis, is not age- or use-related. Rheumatoid arthritis is an autoimmune illness in which the connective tissues, the membranes that line the joints, become inflamed and stiff, thicken, and release enzymes

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that digest bone and cartilage, often causing the affected joint to lose its shape and alignment. Most people are diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis between ages 20 and 50 and the prevalence increases with age (Lindstrom & Robinson, 2010). Older adults with rheumatoid arthritis have lived with a painful chronic illness for many years and likely experience multiple physical disabilities.

Arthritis is classified as a chronic disease because it is managed, not cured. When inflammation flares, more rest is needed as well as pain relief. However, instead of uninterrupted rest, it is best to deal with an arthritis flare-up with some activities or exercises to help the muscles maintain flexibility, known as range of motion. People whose osteoarthritis is related to obesity may experience some relief with weight loss. In some cases, a synthetic material can be injected into a joint to provide more cushioning and improve movement, or a severely affected joint, such as the hip or knee, can be surgically replaced. Joint replacement surgery has become increasingly common in recent decades.

Because adults with arthritis live with chronic pain and reduced ability to engage in activities, they are often at risk for depression (Lin, 2008; Margaretten, Katz, Schmajuk, & Yelin, 2013). In one study, over one third of a Latino sample of adults with arthritis experienced depression (Withers, Moran, Nicassio, Weisman, & Karpouzas, 2015) Although arthritis-related stressors are the predominant factors affecting well-being for European American women with arthritis, well-being in African Americans with arthritis is also closely tied to broader life contextual stressors (McIlvane, Baker, & Mingo, 2008). African American patients with rheumatoid arthritis are less likely to receive medication and seek care from a specialist (Solomon et al., 2012). Low socioeconomic status is associated with greater arthritis-related symptoms, poorer well-being, and greater use of maladaptive coping strategies among African Americans, yet socioeconomic status does not predict depressive symptoms and coping among European Americans diagnosed with arthritis (McIlvane, 2007).

Diabetes

After each meal we eat, the body digests and breaks down food, releasing glucose into the blood. Insulin, a hormone released by the pancreas, maintains a steady concentration of glucose in the blood and excess glucose is absorbed by muscle and fat. Diabetes is a disease marked by high levels of blood glucose. Diabetes occurs when the body is unable to regulate the amount of glucose in the bloodstream because there either is not enough insulin produced (type 1 diabetes) or the body shows insulin resistance and becomes less sensitive to it, failing to respond to it (type 2 diabetes; American Diabetes Association, 2014). Symptoms of diabetes include fatigue, great thirst, blurred vision, frequent infections, and slow healing. When glucose levels become too low, hypoglycemia occurs with symptoms of confusion, nervousness, and fainting. Hyperglycemia is characterized by overly high glucose levels, also resulting in serious illness. Managing diabetes entails careful

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monitoring of the diet and often self-injection of insulin, which permits the body to process glucose, critical to body functioning (American Diabetes Association, 2014).

About one fourth of older adults over the age of 60 have diabetes (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2014), and it is the sixth leading cause of death among people age 65 and over (National Center for Health Statistics, 2015). Diabetes is influenced by heredity as well as lifestyle factors. African American, Mexican American, and Canadian Aboriginal people are diagnosed with diabetes at higher rates than European Americans because of genetic as well as contextual factors, such as the higher rates of obesity, poor health, and a sedentary lifestyle that accompanies poverty (American Diabetes Association, 2014; Best, Hayward, & Hidajat, 2005; Jeffreys et al., 2006). Diabetes has a genetic component, but lifestyle choices such as diet and exercise are important risk factors for diabetes (Scott et al., 2013). Being overweight at any point during life is associated with an increased risk of diabetes (Jeffreys et al., 2006).

People with diabetes are at risk for a variety of health problems. High levels of glucose in the bloodstream raise the risk of heart attack, stroke, circulation problems in the legs, blindness, and reduced kidney functions (DeFronzo & Abdul-Ghani, 2011). Diabetes has serious cognitive and neurological effects: brain aging, including declines in executive function, processing speed, memory, and motor function (Palta, Schneider, Biessels, Touradji, & Hill-Briggs, 2014). Over time, diabetes is associated with accelerated brain aging, including losses of gray matter, abnormalities in white matter, and a heightened risk of dementia and Alzheimer’s disease (Espeland et al., 2013; Roberts et al., 2014; Vagelatos & Eslick, 2013).

About one quarter of older adults suffer from diabetes with increased risks for health and cognitive problems. Managing diabetes entails careful monitoring of the diet and often self- injection of insulin to regulate levels of glucose in the body.

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canstock/Farina5000

Diabetes also influences psychosocial functioning. Depression is two to three times more common among people with diabetes compared to their peers and they are more likely to experience chronic depression with up to 80% of those treated for depression experiencing a relapse of depressive symptoms within a five-year period (Park, Katon, & Wolf, 2013; Roy & Lloyd, 2012). Depression may also be underreported as it has been estimated that as many as two thirds of diabetes patients who suffer from depression do not recognize it or seek treatment (Katon, 2008). Diabetes patients’ health as depressed patients are less likely to follow dietary restrictions, comply with medication, and monitor blood glucose, which are associated with worse outcomes, including increased risk of mortality (Park et al., 2013; van Dooren et al., 2013).

Maintaining a healthy weight through diet and exercise is a powerful way of preventing diabetes. After diagnosis, weight control is still beneficial, and individuals can successfully manage the disease by adopting a diet that carefully controls the amount of sugar entering the bloodstream as well as engaging in regular exercise (American Diabetes Association, 2014; Mavros et al., 2013). Frequent blood testing permits the individual to monitor his or her glucose levels and take insulin when needed to lower levels of glucose in the blood. Coping with diabetes requires a great deal of self-monitoring and self-care, but appropriate self-treatment enables adults to manage this chronic illness and live an active life.

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Injuries

Although injury-related fatalities are high in adolescence and emerging adulthood (58.6 deaths per 100,000), deaths from unintentional injuries account for 61.5 deaths per 100,000 in 65-year-old adults, and a striking 361.9 in adults aged 85 and older—about six times the rate in emerging adulthood (see Figure 17.6; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015). Such injuries arise from a variety of causes, including motor vehicle accidents and falls.

Figure 17.6: Fatal Injury Rate by Age in the United States, 2013

Motor Vehicle Accidents

Driving represents autonomy. Many older adults drive as long as they are able to because driving provides a sense of control and freedom. As the baby boom generation ages, older adults are more likely to keep their driver’s licenses, make up a larger proportion of the driving population, and drive more miles than ever before. The proportion of the 70-and- older drivers increased by one third between 1997 and 2012, as have the typical miles traveled (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, 2015). Older drivers have shown a decline in nonfatal and fatal accidents over the last two decades, but there remain predictable age- related increases in accidents in older adulthood. Per mile traveled, crash rates and fatal crash rates also start increasing when the driver reaches age 70 (see Figure 17.7).

Compared with younger drivers, senior drivers are more likely to be involved in collisions in intersections, when merging into traffic, and switching lanes (Cicchino & McCartt, 2015). Although they drive more slowly and carefully than young adults, older adults are more likely to miss traffic signs, make inappropriate turns, fail to yield the right of way, and show slower reaction time—all risks to safe driving. Declines in vision account for much of the decline in older adults’ driving performance (Owsley, McGwin, Jackson, Kallies, & Clark, 2007). They are likely to have difficulty with night vision and reading the dashboard. Changes in working memory and attention also account for some of the problems in older adults’ driving competence. Many older adults appear to adapt to these changes and self-regulate their driving by reducing the number of trips and places they

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drive each week and reducing mileage, decreasing their risk for motor vehicle accidents (Festa, Ott, Manning, Davis, & Heindel, 2013; Sandlin, McGwin, & Owsley, 2014). Many older adults voluntarily reduce their driving as they notice changes in their vision and reaction time (see Figure 17.8).

Figure 17.7: Rate of Vehicle Accidents per Million Miles Traveled in the United States, by Driver Age, 2015

Source: Insurance Institute for Highway Safety (2015).

Falls

One out of three U.S. adults over the age of 65 and one half of those over the age of 80 fall each year (Hosseini & Hosseini, 2008). Many aspects of aging, such as changes in vision, hearing, motor skills, and cognition, increase the risk of falls among older adults (Dhital, Pey, & Stanford, 2010). For example, neurological and muscular changes mean that older adults are less able to regulate body sway, which increases their risk of falling on stairs (Lee & Chou, 2007). Similar age-related deficits in neuromuscular control make it more difficult for older adults to navigate and avoid obstacles, contributing to the large numbers of obstacle-related falls in the elderly population (Weerdesteyn, Nienhuis, Geurts, & Duysens, 2007). Declines in cognition, especially executive functioning and processing speed, also increase the risk of falls (Herman, Mirelman, Giladi, Schweiger, & Hausdorff, 2010; Welmerink, Longstreth, Lyles, & Fitzpatrick, 2010).

Falls are a serious hazard for older adults because the natural loss of bone and high prevalence of osteoporosis increase the risk of bone fractures; falls in older adults result in fractures about 10% to 15% of the time (Berry & Miller, 2008; Hosseini & Hosseini, 2008). Older individuals are hospitalized for fall-related injuries five times more often than they are for injuries resulting from other causes. One of the most dangerous injuries to older adults is a fractured hip, and 95% of hip fractures are the result of falls (Hosseini & Hosseini, 2008). Hip fractures immobilize an older adult, are painful, and take a great deal of time to heal. Following hip fracture, many elderly adults lose the capacity for

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independent living, and up to 25% die as a result of complications within a year after the fall, such as infection (Panula et al., 2011).

Figure 17.8: Older Adult Drivers Who Tend to Avoid Driving Under Specific Conditions by Gender, 2015

Source: CDC (2015).

After experiencing a fall, at least half of older adults report fear of falling (Visschedijk, Achterberg, van Balen, & Hertogh, 2010). Adults who fear falling tend to become more cautious, avoiding activities that pose a risk of falling. Avoiding activities reduces the risk of injury, but it also limits opportunities for physical activities that support physical health, retention of mobility, psychological well-being, and social connections (Visschedijk et al., 2010). There are a variety of ways to prevent falls and help older adults become more confident about their mobility. Addressing and treating risks such as poor vision and implementing environmental modifications such as slippery floors or adding handrails can prevent falls and increase older adults’ autonomy. Exercise programs such as tai chi and strength and agility exercises can improve older adults’ strength, balance, and confidence (Kaniewski, Stevens, Parker, & Lee, 2015).

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Thinking in Context 17.3 1. Identify older adults’ most important health needs. What resources do they need to maintain their health,

prevent chronic illnesses, and treat already-existing illnesses? 2. What are potential barriers to older adults’ meeting these needs? How might contextual influences

support or challenge older adults in meeting their needs? What recommendations do you make given this analysis?

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Mental Health In Late Adulthood

Normative age-related changes in brain structures influence aspects of cognition, such as processing speed, but do not prevent older adults from engaging in everyday activities. Some older adults, however, experience high rates of cell death and severe brain deterioration that characterize dementia. Dementia refers to a progressive deterioration in mental abilities due to changes in the brain that influence higher cortical functions such as thinking, memory, comprehension, and emotional control, and are reflected in impaired thought and behavior, interfering with the older adult’s capacity to engage in everyday activities (McKhann et al., 2011; World Health Organization, 2012). Given that dementia can take many forms, with similar and different neurological features, the most recent version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM–5) has replaced the term dementia with neurocognitive disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Throughout our discussion, we will use the more commonly used term: dementia.

In 2013, there were 44.4 million people with dementia worldwide. This number is predicted to increase to an estimated 75.6 million in 2030, and 135.5 million in 2050 (Alzheimer’s Disease International, 2015). Much of the increase will be in developing countries, as shown in Figure 17.9. Worldwide, currently 62% of people with dementia live in developing countries; by 2050, this will rise to 71%. The fastest growth in the elderly population is taking place in China, India, and their south Asian and western Pacific neighbors (Alzheimer’s Disease International, 2015).

The most common cause of dementia is Alzheimer’s disease, followed by vascular dementia. Dementia, even in its very early stages, is associated with higher rates of mortality (Andersen, Lolk, Martinussen, & Kragh-Sørensen, 2010). Most forms of dementia are progressive and irreversible. Dementias were once classified as cortical or subcortical, referring to the degree to which the disease entailed the deterioration of the cerebral cortex. Today, researchers know that brain degeneration is not neatly localized into the cortical or subcortical areas. However, the cortical-subcortical distinction describes the difference between dementias without motor features (e.g., Alzheimer’s disease) and those that are characterized by motor and gait abnormalities, such as Parkinson’s disease (Chertkow, 2008; Nation, Salmon, & Bondi, 2014). The most common forms of dementia are discussed in the following sections.

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Alzheimer’s Disease

Alzheimer’s disease is a progressive neurodegenerative disorder. It progresses from general cognitive decline, to include personality and behavior changes, motor complications, severe dementia, and death (Bradley-Whitman & Lovell, 2013; Finder, 2011). The risk of Alzheimer’s disease grows exponentially with age, doubling approximately every five to six years in most Western countries (see Figure 17.10; Ziegler-Graham, Brookmeyer, Johnson, & Arrighi, 2008). Currently, 5.3 million Americans, including one in nine people over the age of 65, have Alzheimer’s disease (Alzheimer’s Association, 2015). Of those with Alzheimer’s disease, an estimated 4% are under age 65, 15% are 65 to 74, 43% are 75 to 84, and 38% are 85 or older.

Figure 17.9: Projected Growth in Dementia Prevalence: Low-Income vs. High- Income Countries, 2013–2050 (projected)

Source: Alzheimer’s Disease International (2015).

Figure 17.10: Projected Prevalence of Alzheimer’s Disease in the U.S. Population, 2010–2015 (projected)

Source: Alzheimer’s Association (2015).

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Alzheimer’s disease is characterized by widespread brain deterioration and the presence of amyloid plaques and neurofibrillary tangles in the cerebral cortex (Braskie et al., 2010). Beta-amyloid is a protein present in the tissue that surrounds neurons in the healthy brain. Alzheimer’s patients experience inflammation that causes the beta-amyloid to accumulate and join with clumps of dead neurons and glial cells, forming large masses called amyloid plaques (Finder, 2011; Perl, 2010). It is thought that amyloid plaques disrupt the structure and function of cell membranes (Yang, Askarova, & Lee, 2010) and contribute to the formation of neurofibrillary tangles, twisted bundles of threads of a protein called tau that occur when neurons collapse (Blurton-Jones & LaFerla, 2006; Perl, 2010). Even healthy brains have some tangles, but in cases of Alzheimer’s there is inflammation and a proliferation of plaques and tangles, as well as a progressive loss of neurons that interfere with brain functioning (Vasto et al., 2008). Alzheimer’s disease is associated with altered neurogenesis in the hippocampus, impairing the generation and development of new neurons (Grote & Hannan, 2007; Mu & Gage, 2011). As neurons die, brain functioning declines.

Diagnosis of Alzheimer’s Disease

Because the characteristic beta-amyloid plaques can only be assessed in a postmortem examination of brain tissue, Alzheimer’s disease is diagnosed in living patients through exclusion: by ruling out all other causes of dementia (Rektorova, Rusina, Hort, & Matej, 2009). Symptoms, a medical history, a comprehensive set of neurological and cognitive tests, and conversations with the adult and family members can provide useful information about a person’s level of functioning (Guarch, Marcos, Salamero, Gastó, & Blesa, 2008). Brain imaging can help physicians rule out other, potentially treatable, causes of dementia, such as a tumor or stoke (Hort, O’Brien, et al., 2010).

Advances in brain imaging techniques may offer opportunities in the future to diagnose Alzheimer’s by studying changes in brain volume and activity. Research with animals has suggested that modified magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans can capture images of plaques and tangles (Marcus, 2008). Other research points to the search for biomarkers, genetic or biological traces, of the disease (Castro-Chavira, Fernandez, Nicolini, Diaz- Cintra, & Prado-Alcala, 2015; Fletcher et al., 2013). For example, cerebrospinal fluid concentrations of beta-amyloid may serve as biomarkers for Alzheimer’s (Smach et al., 2009). These biomarkers are used in clinically diagnosing Alzheimer’s disease in Europe; however, countries vary in the cutoff values used to diagnose Alzheimer’s (Hort, Bartos, Pirttilä, & Scheltens, 2010). Searching for biomarkers is not part of a routine diagnosis in North America; researchers have concluded that such markers have promise but have not yet determined how to use them to diagnose individuals (Harvard Mental Health Letter, 2010; Rosén, Hansson, Blennow, & Zetterberg, 2013).

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Progression of Alzheimer’s Disease

Alzheimer’s disease progresses through several predictable steps. Specific patterns of cognitive and memory loss are common in Alzheimer’s dementia. The earliest symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease are memory problems, likely because the neurological disruptions that comprise Alzheimer’s disease usually begin in the hippocampus, which is influential in memory (Grote & Hannan, 2007). First, the older adult experiences impairments in episodic memory that are usually attributed to absentmindedness (Bäckman, 2008). The person may forget the names of new people, recent events, appointments, and tasks such as taking a teakettle off of the stove or turning off the iron. Deficits in episodic memory are soon accompanied by impairments in attentional control, which, to an outside observer, may appear as further absentmindedness and inattention, being “lost” in one’s own world (Storandt, 2008). Early Alzheimer’s disease can be hard to distinguish from normal aging— or at least popular views and stereotypes of aging.

Alzheimer’s disease entails a wasting of the brain, as illustrated by the decreased size in the diseased brain (top) as compared with the healthy brain (middle). Alzheimer’s disease is characterized by the presence of plaques (bottom) that damage neurons and disrupt functioning.

Wikimedia

Over time, the cognitive impairments broaden to include severe problems with concentration and short-term memory. Older adults may set the TV remote control down

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and, a moment later, be unable to find it. The person may ask the same question repeatedly, forgetting that an answer has just been given moments earlier. Alzheimer’s patients show severe impairment in delayed recall, even when cues are offered and memory demands are reduced to recognition rather than recall (Salmon & Bondi, 2009), As short- term memory problems increase, the Alzheimer’s patient is frequently confused (Carson, Vanderhorst, & Koenig, 2015). The older adult’s vocabulary becomes more limited as he or she is likely to forget or mix up words. Speech becomes more long-winded and tangential. Personality changes are common. People who are naturally suspicious may become more so, deciding that they are not simply forgetting the location of items but that others are deceiving them (Verkaik, Nuyen, Schellevis, & Francke, 2007).

Depression and depressive symptoms occur in up to 50% of Alzheimer’s patients (Chi, Yu, Tan, & Tan, 2014; Starkstein, Jorge, Mizrahi, & Robinson, 2005). Depression is particularly harmful to Alzheimer’s patients as it is associated with greater cognitive and behavioral impairment, disability in activities of daily living, and a faster cognitive decline (Spalletta et al., 2012; Starkstein, Mizrahi, & Power, 2008; Van der Mussele et al., 2013). Depression can be treated with a combination of medication, counseling, and behavioral changes. A predictable routine filled with activities that are enjoyed can provide structure to aid adults who are sometimes confused about their surroundings. In addition to antidepressants, some patients’ symptoms improve with the use of anti-dementia medication (Chi et al., 2014). Cognitive therapies, such as training the patient to be aware of his or her surroundings and memory training, can be effective, suggesting that perhaps increasing feelings of cognitive control can reduce depressive symptoms. In turn, a reduction in depressive symptoms is associated with improvements in cognitive function and activities of daily living (Doraiswamy et al., 2003; Lyketsos et al., 2003).

As memory and cognitive deficits increase, Alzheimer’s patients become unable to care for themselves. They may forget to eat; to dress themselves properly for the weather; or how to get back inside their home after stepping outside—for example, to pick up the mail. Their communication skills deteriorate, and they sometimes become unpredictably angry or paranoid (Carson et al., 2015). Some adults may show unpredictable aggressive outbursts (Agronin, 2014). Others may become more withdrawn. Over time, the brain will fail to process information, no longer recognize objects and familiar people. Alzheimer’s patients eventually become unable to recognize loved ones not because they have forgotten them but because the part of the brain that recognizes people has deteriorated. A woman may insist on seeing her daughter and not realize that the woman in front of her is her daughter.

In the final stages of the disease, Alzheimer’s patients lose the ability to comprehend and produce speech, to control bodily functions, and to respond to stimuli (Carson et al., 2015). They show heightened vulnerability to infections and illnesses that often lead to death. Eventually brain functions deteriorate to the point where organs fail and life cannot be sustained. The average patient progresses to the final stage of Alzheimer’s disease over the course of about 10 years, with a typical range of 7 to 15 years (Rektorova et al., 2009).

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Risk Factors for Alzheimer’s Disease

A person’s risk for developing Alzheimer’s disease varies with gender, age, and ethnicity. Women are at greater risk than men, perhaps because of their greater lifespans (Kirbach & Mintzer, 2008). In the United States, African Americans and Hispanic older adults are disproportionately more likely to have Alzheimer’s disease and other dementias than their European American counterparts (Alzheimer’s Association, 2015).

Alzheimer’s disease has genetic influences and often runs in families (Bettens, Sleegers, & Van Broeckhoven, 2013; Lambert et al., 2011). Several chromosomes are implicated, including the 21st chromosome. Individuals with Down syndrome, trisomy 21, are at high risk to develop Alzheimer’s disease as many show plaques and tangles in their brains as early as age 40 (Lemere, 2013).

The same factors that contribute to cardiovascular risk, such as high blood pressure and obesity, also heighten the risk for Alzheimer’s disease (Knopman & Roberts, 2010). Vascular damage in the brain might lead to degeneration of neurons and the accumulation of plaques and tangles (Stampfer, 2006). People who consume a “Mediterranean diet” rich in fish and unsaturated fats such as olive oil, as well as moderate consumption of red wine, are less likely to be diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease (Sofi, Macchi, Abbate, Gensini, & Casini, 2010). Although vitamins such as vitamin B and E and folate were once thought to reduce the incidence of Alzheimer’s, research is mixed (Daviglus et al., 2010; Douaud et al., 2013), and some researchers caution that there are no known nutritional recommendations for preventing Alzheimer’s disease (von Arnim, Gola, & Biesalski, 2010).

Education acts as an important protective factor against Alzheimer’s disease. The process of learning promotes neural activity and increases connections among neurons, thickening the cortex and boosting cognitive reserve (Liu et al., 2012; Sattler, Toro, Schönknecht, & Schröder, 2012). Cognitive reserves can protect patients from the handicapping effects of brain atrophy and synaptic loss (Stern, 2012). It is not simply education that buffers against losses. People who remain socially and physically active show a lower risk of Alzheimer’s as well because such activities stimulate the brain and increase synaptic connections (Lange- Asschenfeldt & Kojda, 2008; Rolland, Abellan van Kan, & Vellas, 2008). Exercise is thought to have an important protective effect in promoting well-being and enhancing a sense of self (Cedervall, Torres, & Åberg, 2015; Frederiksen, Sobol, Beyer, Hasselbalch, & Waldemar, 2014).

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In the final stages of Alzheimer’s disease the patient loses the ability to comprehend and produce speech, to control bodily functions, and to respond to stimuli.

Reuters/Nacho Doce

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Vascular Dementia

Vascular dementia, also known as multi-infarct dementia, is the second most common form of dementia and loss of mental ability in older adulthood, worldwide (Jiwa, Garrard, & Hainsworth, 2010). Vascular dementia is caused by strokes, or blockages of blood vessels in the brain (Iadecola, 2013). Typically these strokes are very small and unnoticeable to the victim and those around him or her. With each small stroke, brain cells die, and an immediate loss of mental functioning occurs. For example, over the last few months, Joan had been feeling more scattered. Her daughter noticed that she had some memory lapses such as failing to pay bills and leaving the stove on. One day Joan woke from her nap to find that her arm felt heavy and weak. She called to her daughter, who noticed that Joan’s speech was slurred and that she seemed especially confused. A visit to the hospital confirmed that Joan had suffered a small stroke. The doctor noted that Joan likely suffered several small strokes over the past few months and that the deficits slowly accumulated. It was only after the most recent stroke that Joan noticed the changes.

Whereas individuals with Alzheimer’s disease show slow and steady decrements in mental abilities, those with vascular dementia, like Joan, tend to show sudden, but often mild, losses with each stroke (Korczyn, Vakhapova, & Grinberg, 2012; Raz, Rodrigue, Kennedy, & Acker, 2007). As time passes, individuals tend to show improvement because the brain’s plasticity leads other neurons to take on functions of those that were lost. Additional strokes usually follow, however, and with each stroke, brain matter is lost and it becomes harder for the remaining neurons to compensate for losses (Troncoso et al., 2008). As vascular dementia worsens, the symptoms are similar to those of Alzheimer’s disease (Korczyn et al., 2012). However, vascular dementia is neurologically different from Alzheimer’s disease. Postmortem analyses of the brains of people with vascular dementia show substantial deterioration of areas of the brain and disruptions in white matter (Iadecola, 2013) but not the widespread abundance of plaques and tangles that accompany Alzheimer’s disease (Salmon & Bondi, 2009).

Like many disorders, vascular dementia is influenced by both genetic and environmental factors (Schmidt, Freudenberger, Seiler, & Schmidt, 2012). Genetics may influence factors that are known to be linked with vascular dementia, such as obesity and cardiovascular disease. Obesity and overweight in middle-aged adults are strongly associated with an increased risk of vascular dementia (Knopman & Roberts, 2010; Whitmer, 2007). People who are at risk for cardiovascular disease, with high blood pressure and diabetes, for example, are also at risk for vascular dementia because both illnesses are associated with blockages of blood vessels. Cardiovascular disease significantly increases the risk of vascular dementia (Sharp, Aarsland, Day, Sønnesyn, & Ballard, 2011). Men are more likely to suffer early vascular dementia, in their 60s, than are women, because of their heightened vulnerability to cardiovascular disease. Behavioral influences on vascular dementia such as

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heavy alcohol use, smoking, inactivity, stress, and poor diet are more prevalent in men (Andel et al., 2012; Seshadri & Wolf, 2007).

There are also cross-cultural differences in the prevalence of vascular dementia, likely influenced by cultural and socioeconomic factors such as diet and activity patterns. In Europe and North America, vascular dementia is responsible for about 20% of dementia cases (Kalaria et al., 2008; Plassman et al., 2007), but it is the most common form of dementia in Asia (Jhoo et al., 2008; Kalaria et al., 2008). In recent decades, however, the prevalence of vascular dementia in Japan has shifted to the second most common cause of dementia, behind Alzheimer’s (Catindig, Venketasubramanian, Ikram, & Chen, 2012). The shift may be attributable to changes in lifestyle, such as diet and accompanying declines in hypertension, that reduce the risk of vascular dementia. Alternatively, increased life expectancy and Westernization of lifestyle, including diet, might have contributed the increased prevalence of Alzheimer’s disease, thereby making vascular dementia the second most common form of dementia (Rizzi, Rosset, & Roriz-Cruz, 2014).

Factors that prevent cardiovascular disease, such as physical activity, also prevent and slow the progression of vascular dementia (Aarsland, Sardahaee, Anderssen, & Ballard, 2010; Verdelho et al., 2012). Thus, prevention and management of vascular risks may be the best weapon in a fight against age-related cognitive decline (Chertkow, 2008; Raz et al., 2007). In addition, when symptoms of stroke arise, such as sudden vision loss, weakening or numbness in parts of the body, or problems producing or understanding speech, anti- clotting drugs can prevent the blood from clotting and forming additional strokes.

Vascular dementia shows a sudden stepwise progression. With each small stroke neurons die and individuals may suddenly lose functions, ranging from cognition to, in this

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woman’s case, motor ability, requiring her to use a cane.

Gary Friedman/L.A. Times/Getty

The sensitive subject of informing a patient that he or she has a dementia diagnosis is discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 493).

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Parkinson’s Disease

Some dementias first damage the subcortical parts of the brain, areas below the cortex. These dementias are characterized by a progressive loss of motor control. Because the damage occurs first in the subcortical areas of the brain, mental abilities, which are controlled by the cortex, are not initially affected. As the disease progresses and brain deterioration spreads to include the cortex, thought and memory deficits appear (Toulouse & Sullivan, 2008). The most common cause of subcortical dementia is Parkinson’s disease.

Parkinson’s disease is a brain disorder that occurs when neurons in a part of the brain called the substantia nigra die or become impaired. Neurons in this part of the brain produce the neurotransmitter dopamine, which enables coordinated function of the body’s muscles and smooth movement. Parkinson’s symptoms appear when at least 50% of the nerve cells in the substantia nigra are damaged (National Parkinson Foundation, 2008). Parkinson’s disease includes motor and cognitive symptoms. Motor symptoms occur first and include tremors, slowness of movement, difficulty initiating movement, rigidity, difficulty with balance, and a shuffling walk (Maetzler, Liepelt, & Berg, 2009). Typically these symptoms occur in one part of the body and slowly spread to the extremities on the same side of the body before appearing on the opposite side of the body (Truong & Wolters, 2009). Because the stiffness and rigidity are first located in one part of the body, individuals may assume that it is ordinary stiffness, perhaps the result of too much activity or simply because of aging. As the disease progresses, individuals have difficulties with balance and controlling their body movements. Neurons continue to degenerate; brain functioning declines; cognitive and speech abilities deteriorate; dementia; and, finally, death occurs (Maetzler et al., 2009).

Boxer Muhammad Ali and actor Michael J. Fox, both diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease, pretend to spar before giving their testimony before the U.S. Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Health and Human Services advocating that more funding be directed to finding a cure for the disease.

Mark Wilson/Getty

Similar to Alzheimer’s disease, among Parkinson’s patients, those with larger cognitive

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reserves and more synaptic connections among neurons show a slower progression of neurological changes before dementia appears. People diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease at advanced ages tend to develop dementia earlier into their disease than do younger people, likely because of age-related differences in cognitive capacities and neural reserves (Grossman, Bergmann, & Parker, 2006). Multiple studies support a genetic component to Parkinson’s (Nalls et al., 2014; Wirdefeldt, Adami, Cole, Trichopoulos, & Mandel, 2011); however, there are some consistent findings regarding environmental and lifestyle influences (Wirdefeldt et al., 2011), suggesting that Parkinson’s might be influenced by the complex gene-environment interactions characteristic of epigenetics (Cannon & Greenamyre, 2013; Feng, Jankovic, & Wu, 2014). Parkinson’s disease shows no gender, ethnic, social, economic, or geographic boundaries (National Parkinson Foundation, 2008). In the United States, it is estimated that 60,000 new cases are diagnosed each year, joining the 1.5 million Americans who currently have Parkinson’s disease. While the condition usually develops after the age of 65, 15% of those diagnosed are under 50 (National Parkinson Foundation, 2008).

Diagnosing Parkinson’s disease is difficult because, like Alzheimer’s disease, there is no test that confirms the presence of the disease. Incorrect diagnoses are common, potentially delaying treatment to Parkinson’s patients (Rizzo et al., 2015). It is diagnosed by exclusion, by a thorough examination to rule out other possible causes. Parkinson’s symptoms can be treated. Most medications either replace or mimic dopamine, which temporarily improves the motor symptoms of the disease; anti-inflammatory medications may also help reduce neurodegeneration (Brichta, Greengard, & Flajolet, 2013; Phani, Loike, & Przedborski, 2012). Medication can temporarily reduce symptoms and perhaps slow its path, but Parkinson’s disease is not curable.

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Disclosing a Dementia Diagnosis The recognition of patients’ autonomy, their right to understand and make decisions about their treatment, is a cornerstone of modern physician–patient relations. There is wide agreement that offering clear, honest information about diagnosis can improve psychological adjustment and reduce distress, providing it is done appropriately (Keightley & Mitchell, 2004). For these reasons, most ethical guidelines strongly promote disclosure of a diagnosis of dementia to the affected individual (Fisk, Beattie, Donnelly, Byszewski, & Molnar, 2007). However, the practice of nondisclosure persists in the field of dementia. It is estimated that 50% of Alzheimer’s patients are not told about their diagnosis (Alzheimer’s Association, 2015). People with dementia are given euphemisms (“memory loss”) more often than family members (Woods & Pratt, 2005). Family members often prefer the person not to be told despite agreeing they would want to know if they were in that situation (Monaghan & Begley, 2004). The defense for withholding information is based on the duty of doctors to do no harm because the lack of certainty about the diagnosis, lack of treatment or cure, cognitive decline leading to poor retention of diagnostic information, and the possibility that receiving such a diagnosis may cause or worsen an existing depression.

However, the majority of people without cognitive impairment as well as those referred to memory clinics say that they wish to know of a diagnosis of dementia (Hort, O’Brien, et al., 2010; Iliffe et al., 2009; van den Dungen et al., 2014). Learning of a diagnosis of dementia may give people with dementia and their families time to adjust and, for people with dementia, to discuss their management and care preferences and engage in advanced decision making regarding care. Disclosure has actually been found to decrease anxiety and depression in patients and caregivers (Hort, O’Brien, et al., 2010).

It is often assumed that cognitive decline is accompanied by increasing unawareness (Woods & Pratt, 2005). However, it is becoming increasingly clear that making assessments of awareness may not be at all straightforward. For example, some people with dementia who are described as unaware by those around them may demonstrate greater levels of awareness in different contexts. In recognition of this, it may be helpful to consider disclosure of a dementia diagnosis as a process and modify disclosure practices and descriptions to the patients’ level of understanding, adopting an individualized patient-centered approach that maintains the individual’s personal integrity (Fisk et al., 2007).

The process of disclosure begins when cognitive impairment is first suspected and evolves over time as information is obtained. Whenever possible and appropriate, this process should involve not only the affected individual but also their family and/or other current or potential future care providers (Mastwyk, Ames, Ellis, Chiu, & Dow, 2014). Some recommend that additional time and follow-ups in order to employ a progressive disclosure process to address issues including the following: discussions of diagnostic uncertainty, treatment options, future plans, financial planning, assigning power of attorney, wills and “living wills,” driving privileges and the need to eventually stop driving, available support services, and potential research participation.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, should older adults diagnosed with dementia be informed of their diagnosis? 2. Discuss the characteristics and qualities of dementia that influence your decision of whether to

inform a patient.

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Caring For Ill Older Adults

Elsie, a certified nurse’s assistant, discusses her experiences working with older adults.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Reversible Dementia

Not all dementias represent progressive and irreversible brain damage. Symptoms of dementia sometimes are caused by psychological and behavioral factors that can be reversed. For example, older adults who are socially isolated and lonely can show declines in mental functioning that reverse with the provision of social support (Fisher, Yury, & Buchanan, 2006). The challenge is that reversible dementias are often unrecognized and untreated. In one review of medical records, it was determined that 7% of the dementia cases had reversible causes (Muangpaisan, Petcharat, & Srinonprasert, 2012). Another review of over 340 medical records over a 10-year period revealed that of the 193 patients with dementia, 37 (19%) were reversible (Bello & Schultz, 2011).

Other common causes of reversible dementia are poor nutrition and dehydration (Muangpaisan et al., 2012; Panza, Solfrizzi, & Capurso, 2004; Srikanth & Nagaraja, 2005). As we have discussed, older adults require fewer calories than do younger adults, but nutritional demands remain or increase. In addition, older adults may eat less than younger adults because of depression and simply a loss of appetite that occurs with some medications. As a result, older adults are at risk for malnutrition and vitamin deficiencies, which are associated with declines in mental abilities and increases in psychological distress including depression and anxiety (Baker, 2007). Specifically, vitamin B12 deficiencies can mirror dementia symptoms, yet correcting for this deficiency restores older adults’ functioning (Ringman & Varpetian, 2009).

Prescription and nonprescription drugs and drug interactions can also contribute to symptoms of dementia. Many medications impair nutrition by reducing the body’s ability to absorb vitamins. Some painkillers, corticosteroid drugs, and other medications can cause confusion and erratic behavior similar to dementia (Bansal & Parle, 2014; Fisher et al., 2006). Older adults may be more easily overmedicated than younger adults because of their slower metabolism. Physical illnesses themselves can sometimes cause dementia symptoms such as memory loss and agitation, which go away as the illness is treated.

Symptoms of depression and anxiety in older adults, such as attention deficit, forgetfulness, disorientation, and other cognitive difficulties, are often mistaken for dementia (Engmann, 2011). If anxiety or depressive symptoms are misdiagnosed as dementia, the older adult may be prescribed medications that can increase dementia-like symptoms such as fatigue and slowed mental reactions to stimuli and events. Treating anxiety and depression with combinations of antianxiety and antidepressant medications as well as therapy reduces the cognitive symptoms commonly mistaken for dementia (Davies & Thorn, 2002).

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Thinking in Context 17.4 1. Describe some of the differences between the various forms of dementia. What behaviors characterize

each? Identify currently known causes of each. 2. What would you suggest to someone who wishes to reduce his or her risk for dementia? What lifestyle

factors would you suggest?

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Cognitive Development In Late Adulthood

We have seen that sensory capacities, such as vision and hearing, decline with age. Sensory impairments mean that some information is never attended to and never makes it into the cognitive system. Thus, in most cases, older adults are never aware that they have missed it. Reductions in sensory capacities are associated with impaired cognition (Anstey, Hofer, & Luszcz, 2003; Wingfield, Tun, & McCoy, 2005). For example, in one study, 11% of the individual differences in young adults’ scores on cognitive measures were associated with sensory impairment. Among older adults, sensory impairment accounted for 31% of the individual differences in cognitive scores (Lindenberger & Baltes, 1997). Reduced sensory capacities are associated with age-related declines in cognition (Baldwin & Ash, 2011). Reductions in sensory capacities mean that older adults take in information more slowly. Changes in memory capacities influence how information is processed and retained. The extent to which older adults show memory declines varies with the type of memory.

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Working Memory

Working memory underlies performance on a range of tasks, including problem solving, decision making, language comprehension, abstract reasoning, and complex learning (Darowski, Helder, Zacks, Hasher, & Hambrick, 2008; McCabe, Roediger, McDaniel, Balota, & Hambrick, 2010). Age-related declines in working memory span from young through older adulthood and are supported by cross-sectional and longitudinal research (Emery, Hale, & Myerson, 2008). Problems with working memory vary with the number of tasks and task demands. The greater the number of tasks and demands, the worse the performance (Kessels, Meulenbroek, Fernandez, & Olde Rikkert, 2010; Voelcker-Rehage, Stronge, & Alberts, 2006). For example, consider an experiment that requires adults to attend and respond to two tasks at once, such as tapping a computer screen on two alternating targets whose sizes vary systematically at same time as generating a list of random numbers, spoken at two-second intervals. With age, most adults find simultaneously performing a motor and cognitive task such as this more difficult than either task along. In studies such as these, practice in the motor task makes it more automatic, reducing the demands on working memory and thereby reducing (but not eliminating) age-related deficits in cognitive performance (Voelcker-Rehage & Alberts, 2007).

Reduced sensory capacity also contributes to older adults’ difficulty with working memory (Baldwin & Ash, 2011; Nettelbeck & Burns, 2010). Sensory impairments mean that information is taken in more slowly, and some information is never attended to, and never makes it into the cognitive system and thus, to working memory (Anstey et al., 2003; Wingfield et al., 2005). In addition to sensory deficits, explanations of age-related variation in working memory have focused on the role of processing speed, executive function, and especially inhibition (Bisiacchi, Borella, Bergamaschi, Carretti, & Mondini, 2008; Emery et al., 2008).

Inhibition and Working Memory

Multitasking is difficult for all adults, but it becomes more challenging in older adulthood. Managing and coordinating multiple tasks by switching attention among two sets of stimuli is associated with greater disruptions in working memory in older adults as compared with younger adults (Clapp, Rubens, Sabharwal, & Gazzaley, 2011). If, however, older adults have the opportunity to slow down to a pace with which they feel comfortable, they can show performance on working memory tasks similar to that of younger adults (Verhaeghen, Steitz, Sliwinski, & Cerella, 2003).

Older adults’ poor performance in attention-demanding tasks may be attributable to a decrease in the efficiency of inhibitory mechanisms. With age, older adults become more

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susceptible to distraction; are less likely to discard distracting information from working memory; and, in turn, show declines in performance on working memory tasks (Darowski et al., 2008; Van Gerven, Van Boxtel, Meijer, Willems, & Jolles, 2007). Older adults are less likely to inhibit irrelevant items and more likely to retrieve them, especially in tasks that require a high memory load and include the presence of distracters (Gazzaley, Sheridan, Cooney, & D’Esposito, 2007; Rowe, Hasher, & Turcotte, 2010). On the other hand, age- related decline is less apparent in cognitive tasks that are more passive and less attentionally demanding, such as digit recall and visual pattern recall tasks (Bisiacchi et al., 2008).

Proactive interference occurs when information that has previously been remembered interferes with memory for new information (Bowles & Salthouse, 2003). Older adults are more susceptible to interference effects even when original learning is equated with that of young adults (Jacoby, Wahlheim, Rhodes, Daniels, & Rogers, 2010). Working memory span tasks present repeated trials of material to be remembered, recalled, and then forgotten. Frequently the old material interferes with older adults’ ability to store new material. Thus, the role of inhibition in explaining age differences in working memory depends on task characteristics and demands (Gazzaley et al., 2007; Van Gerven et al., 2007). Simple recognition tasks show few age-related declines, but when working memory maintenance systems are taxed, older adults do not perform as well as young and middle- aged adults.

Emotion and Working Memory

Age differences in working memory are usually assessed by tasks that require older and younger adults to complete various tasks in a laboratory setting. Although standard lab tasks often show age-related declines in working memory, there are instances in which older adults show similar capacities as younger adults. Older adults score better on measures of complex thinking when the task evokes positive feelings than when the task is designed to evoke neutral or negative feelings (Carpenter, Peters, Västfjäll, & Isen, 2013). For example, one study examined age differences in working memory for emotional versus visual information. Findings demonstrate that, despite an age-related deficit for the latter, working memory for emotion was unimpaired (Mikels, Larkin, Reuter-Lorenz, & Cartensen, 2005). While young adults were better able to recall neutral words than were older adults, there were no age differences in recall of emotional words, such as peace, joy, love, or smile (Mammarella, Borella, Carretti, Leonardi, & Fairfield, 2013).

Older adults show a significant information processing bias toward positive versus negative information whereas younger adults show the opposite pattern (Reed, Chan, & Mikels, 2014). This positivity effect in older adults’ memories may be due to their greater focus on emotion regulation; older adults may also use cognitive control mechanisms that enhance positive and diminish negative information (Mather & Carstensen, 2005). Affect is an important motivator of cognition (Reed & Carstensen, 2012). Affect characterizes most

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real-life decisions, suggesting that older adults are likely able to focus their attention and cognitive capacities on the task at hand, if it has real-world emotional relevance, such as decisions about health care, financial, and living situations (Samanez-Larkin, Robertson, Mikels, Carstensen, & Gotlib, 2009).

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Long-Term Memory

Age-related changes in working memory contribute to changes in long-term memory. As cognitive processing slows, most adults show difficulties with recall. For example, while watching a television show, an older adult may retain fewer details than a young adult. However, the various types of long-term memory show different patterns of change. Semantic memory, memory for factual material, shows little age-related decline, while episodic memory, autobiographical memory, and memory for experiences tend to deteriorate with age (St-Laurent, Abdi, Burianová, & Grady, 2011).

Autobiographical memory shows predictable patterns of deterioration. When older adults are asked to discuss a personal memory or experience that comes to mind in response to cue words, such as the words surprise or song, experiences during adolescence and early adulthood are especially common. In addition, when asked to create a timeline illustrating memorable events in their lives, older adults tend to remember events early in their lives, from adolescence through early adulthood; they also remember recent events better than midlife events (Rubin, 2000; Schroots, van Dijkum, & Assink, 2004). In addition, they are more likely to remember happy events that occurred between ages 10 and 30 than those that occurred any other time in life (Berntsen & Rubin, 2002).

Why does long-term memory follow this pattern? Perhaps we process events differently while we construct our identities, leading to lasting memories from adolescence and early adulthood. Poor recall of events from middle adulthood may be the result of proactive interference, as old memories may interfere with our recall of newer memories. Similarities among events may make it difficult to distinguish them. Throughout life, memory is malleable, and we often revise our memories in light of new experiences. However, it also appears that older adults recall fewer details from recent events (within the past five years), and different types of details, than do younger adults, suggesting that older and younger adults differ in what stimuli they attend to and select for processing (Gaesser, Sacchetti, Addis, & Schacter, 2010; Piolino et al., 2006, 2010).

Contextual factors play a role in the rate of cognitive change. Similar to findings of cohort differences in intelligence scores, there are generational differences in overall cognitive performance that are maintained throughout life with younger cohorts showing better performance on a range of cognitive measures and less steep age-related declines (Gerstorf, Ram, Hoppmann, Willis, & Schaie, 2011). Possible factors underlying cohort differences include secular trends in educational systems, disease prevalence, years of education, and quality of education (see Figure 17.12).

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Age-Related Changes in Language

Sensory and cognitive changes influence older adults’ capacities for language. Age-related hearing loss and reductions in attention and processing speed mean that following rapid speech and understanding speech when there is background noise require more effort with age (Stine-Morrow, Shake, & Noh, 2010). Hearing loss can impair neural processing of language (Peelle, Troiani, Grossman, & Wingfield, 2011). Language comprehension itself, the ability to understand spoken or written language and retrieve the meaning of words, shows little to no change with age. In fact, older adults maintain or improve their knowledge of words and word meanings (Shafto & Tyler, 2014).

Language production, however, shows a different pattern of age-related change. Picture naming studies show that older adults name objects less accurately and more slowly than do young adults, suggesting a difficulty with language production (Feyereisen, Demaeght, & Samson, 1998; Stine-Morrow et al., 2010). In conversations, older adults produce more ambiguous references and more filled pauses (e.g., saying um or er) and reformulate their words more than young adults do (Horton, Spieler, & Shriberg, 2010), suggesting that older adults have difficulty retrieving the appropriate words when speaking. They use more unclear references and speak more slowly, taking time to retrieve words. A particularly frustrating problem that becomes more common with age is the inability to produce a well- known word, known as the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon (Schwartz & Frazier, 2005). Although people of all ages suffer such word-finding failures, older adults experience more tip-of-the-tongue errors than do younger adults (Mortensen, Meyer, & Humphreys, 2006; Shafto, Stamatakis, Tam, & Tyler, 2010).

Figure 17.12: Age and Cohort Differences in Cognitive Aging

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Source: Gerstorf et al. (2011).

Difficulties in retrieving words and producing language may diminish older adults’ success in communicating and weaken their and others’ views of their own language competence. Negative self-appraisals promote withdrawal from social interaction. Yet similar to managing other cognitive declines, older adults often compensate for losses. They may take more time in speaking and simplify their sentences and grammar in order to devote their cognitive resources to retrieving words and producing speech that others can comprehend.

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Problem Solving and Wisdom

Cognitive changes in older adulthood are also reflected in problem-solving skills. Specifically, these studies have shown that problem-solving performance is influenced by cognitive functioning, including processing speed, episodic memory, executive functioning, and verbal ability, many of which decline in older adulthood (Burton, Strauss, Hultsch, & Hunter, 2006). Laboratory studies of problem solving that rely on traditional hypothetical problems show declines with age, likely because of memory changes that make it difficult for older adults to retain and manipulate the information needed to solve the problem (Sinnott, 2003). Yet when decisions tap into relevant experience or knowledge, older adults tend to be as effective at making decisions as younger adults (Denney, Pearce, & Palmer, 1982).

Despite laboratory findings of decline, examinations of problem-solving skills in everyday settings show that people remain efficient decision makers throughout adulthood. For example, older adults tend to show adaptive problem solving in response to health-related decisions and make decisions about whether they require medical attention and seeking medical care more quickly than younger adults (Artistico, Orom, Cervone, Krauss, & Houston, 2010; Löckenhoff & Carstensen, 2007; Thornton & Dumke, 2005). In one study, the quality of reasoning behind 60- to 74-year-old and 75- to 85-year-old older adults’ decisions did not differ from that of college students, but older adults processed the problems more slowly (Ratcliff, Thapar, & McKoon, 2006). Generally speaking, adults perform better on everyday problems that are relevant to the contexts they experience in their daily lives (Artistico et al., 2010). Specifically, older adults outperformed young and middle-aged adults on problems set in older adult contexts, such as medical care, suggesting that age-related declines observed in laboratory settings may not be observed in everyday life. In addition, older adults are more likely to act efficiently and decisively in solving problems that they feel are under their control (Thornton & Dumke, 2005). Research suggests that older adults are better at matching their strategies to their goals than are young adults, perhaps because past experience and crystallized knowledge provides an extensive base for making real-life decisions and aligning goals with decisions (Hoppmann & Blanchard-Fields, 2010). Finally, older adults are more likely than younger people to report that they turn to spouses, children, and friends for input in making decisions (Strough, Patrick, & Swenson, 2003).

Related to everyday problem solving, it is commonly thought that older adults become wiser with age. Wisdom refers to “expertise in the conduct and meanings of life,” characterized by emotional maturity and the ability to show insight and apply it to problems (Baltes & Kunzmann, 2003; Staudinger, Kessler, & Dörner, 2006). The belief that age brings wisdom is reflected in many societies’ respect for older adults as society elders and leaders. Research, on the other hand, shows variability in the extent to which

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older adults display wisdom. In typical studies examining wisdom, adults aged 20 to 89 respond to hypothetical situations reflecting uncertain events, such as what to do if a friend is contemplating suicide (Staudinger, Dörner, & Mickler, 2005). Researchers rate each response for the degree to which it illustrates several components of wisdom: knowledge about fundamental concerns of life, such as human nature; strategies for applying that knowledge to making life decisions; ability to consider multiple contextual demands; and awareness and management of ambiguity in that many problems have many solutions but none that are perfect. A small number of adults at all ages scored high in wisdom; they had experience in dealing with human problems, such as that which occurs in human service careers or in leadership roles (Staudinger & Baltes, 1996; Staudinger et al., 2006). When both age and experience were taken into account, older adults were indeed more likely to show wisdom than were younger adults. In another study, however, only college-educated older adults scored higher on measures of wisdom than did college students, suggesting that wisdom does not necessarily come with age but rather with the opportunity and motivation to pursue its development (Ardelt, 2010). Wisdom is rare, but it is found at all ages. However, older adults are more likely to be among the very wise.

Older adults are more likely to display insight into the meanings of life and to apply it to problems—to be wise.

Liu Guangming/Xinhua Press/Corbis

Life experience, particularly facing and managing adversity, contributes to the development of wisdom. One study of people who came of age during the Great Depression of the 1930s found that, 40 years later, older adults who had experienced and overcome economic adversity demonstrated higher levels of wisdom than their peers (Ardelt, 1998). Experience, particularly expertise in solving the problems of everyday life, is associated with wisdom

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(Baltes & Staudinger, 2000). Those who are wise are reflective; they show advanced cognition and emotional regulation skills. These qualities contribute to the development of wisdom, but they also are associated with better physical health, higher levels of education, openness to experience, positive social relationships, and overall psychological well-being, all of which aid adults in tackling the problems of everyday life (Kramer, 2003).

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Ethical and Policy Applications of LifeSpan Development

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Informed Consent in Older Adulthood A cornerstone of modern medicine is the recognition of patients’ rights to provide informed consent to participate in research or treatment—in other words, to make decisions about whether to participate in research studies and medical procedures. Informed consent requires that the patient have knowledge and the ability to understand information about any proposed procedures, understand that participation is voluntary, and be able to make a reasoned decision of whether to engage. Many conditions common to older adults, such as dementia, slowly rob older adults of their capacities to engage in the reasoning and decision making that is essential to providing informed consent.

Basic cognitive capacities, as indicated by awareness of the date, year, and surroundings, are associated with older adults’ ability to participate in decisions about whether to engage in medical decision making (Purohit & Kalairajah, 2010). In one sample of older adults in residential living facilities, the best predictors of the incapacity to provide informed consent were cognitive impairments, impairments in activities of daily living, and dementia diagnosis (Black et al., 2008). That said, only about one third of the older adults were able to meet requirements to provide informed consent (Black et al., 2008). Adults in residential facilities, however, are more likely to be ill or suffer from dementia than other older adults.

A study of older adults’ abilities to consent to medical procedures showed that cognitive scores were positively related to the length of physicians’ visits and length of consent discussions: Physicians spent less time discussing procedures with patients who had lower cognitive scores, presumably because these patients had less involvement in decision making (Sugarman et al., 2007). As cognitive impairment increased, patients engaged less in conversations between the physician and the patient’s companion, from whom the physician was soliciting consent. When patients spoke, they primarily agreed with and approved of what was said. Although at first this might seem to signal consent, for persons with dementia, such an interpretation should be made with caution. Because affirming statements may simply be a means of engagement rather than a deliberate cognitive act, it is difficult to assess the patient’s actual preference. Communicating with patients and soliciting consent is best practiced as a process rather than a one-time event (Purohit & Kalairajah, 2010). Multiple exposures to information aid ill older adults’ capacities to comprehend and reason with it.

An important alternative to consent is soliciting geriatric assent, which balances the process of engaging patients in decision making with protecting them from harm. Geriatric assent takes into account older adults’ remaining capacity for autonomous decision making. Physicians identify the patient’s long-standing values and preferences, assess plans of care in light of the patient’s values and preferences, and protect patients’ remaining autonomy. Many patients with dementia can still express their values and preferences, even when they remain irreversibly below thresholds of decision-making autonomy. Geriatric assent does not encourage incompetent persons to make decisions that are beyond their capacity, thereby placing them in harm’s way, but instead permits older adults to have a say in their care—as long as they are able (Molinari, McCullough, Coverdale, & Workman, 2006).

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What Do You Think? 1. What factors (noncognitive or otherwise) do you think contribute to older adults’ capacities to

make medical decisions? 2. Under what conditions should an older adult’s competence be evaluated?

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Cognitive Changes

We have seen that cognition changes in several ways with development. Aspects of cognition that rely on fluid intelligence decline in older adulthood, but those that rely on crystallized intelligence, accumulated knowledge, and experience remain the same or improve. A decline in processing speed, influenced by neurological changes (discussed in Chapter 14), also influences fluid intelligence and older adults’ ability to take in, process, and retain information (Finkel, Reynolds, McArdle, & Pedersen, 2007; Fry & Hale, 1996). Therefore, aspects of cognition that rely on fluid intelligence decline in older adulthood, but those that rely on crystallized intelligence, accumulated knowledge, and experience remain the same or improve. Cognitive abilities tend to remain stable, relative to peers, over the lifespan. For example, high intelligence early in life (e.g., at age 11) is protective of intelligence in old age (through age 87; Gow, Corley, Starr, & Deary, 2012). However, with advancing age comes greater diversity in cognitive ability. Centenarians show greater variations in cognitive performance than do older adults aged 85 to 90 (Miller, Mitchell et al., 2010; Paúl, Ribeiro, & Santos, 2010). Differences in experience and lifestyle can account for many differences in cognitive change over adulthood.

Cross-sectional research shows that education, measured by years of formal schooling or by literacy levels on reading tests, is a strong and consistent predictor of cognitive performance and problem-solving tasks in old age (Kavé, Eyal, Shorek, & Cohen-Mansfield, 2008). In fact, findings from the Georgia Centenarian Study suggest that education accounted for the largest proportion of cognitive differences among the centenarians studied (Davey et al., 2010). Recall that cross-sectional and longitudinal studies often yield different results. Similar to research on cognitive change in older adulthood, the influence of education on cognitive change varies depending on whether the study is cross-sectional or longitudinal (Van Dijk, Van Gerven, Van Boxtel, Van Der Elst, & Jolles, 2008). Longitudinal research studies with older adults from Australia, Germany, and the United States, spanning 7 to 13 years in length with testing occurring at three to six time points, do not find a relationship between education and cognitive decline at older age (Anstey et al., 2003; Van Dijk et al., 2008). Although the effects of education are debated, it is generally recognized that throughout life, cognitive engagement, through mentally stimulating career, educational, and leisure activities, predicts the maintenance of mental abilities (Bielak, 2010; Schaie, 2013).

Physical health is a consistent predictor of cognitive performance and impairment across the lifespan (Blondell, Hammersley-Mather, & Veerman, 2014; Wang, Luo, Barnes, Sano, & Yaffe, 2014). Health conditions such as cardiovascular disease, osteoporosis, and arthritis are associated with cognitive declines (Baltes & Carstensen, 2003; Okonkwo et al., 2010). Longitudinal studies also suggest that poor mental health is associated with declines in processing speed, long-term memory, and problem solving (Lönnqvist, 2010; Margrett et

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al., 2010). It is difficult to disentangle the direction of effects of health and cognitive decline, however, because people who score higher on cognitive measures are more likely to engage in health promoting behaviors. Physical health and cognitive functioning intersect when it comes to the question of obtaining informed consent from elderly patients requiring various medical treatments, as discussed in Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development (p. 499).

Interventions that train older adults and encourage them to use cognitive skills can preserve and even reverse some age-related cognitive declines. One study of participants in the Seattle Longitudinal Study examined the effects of cognitive training on cognitive development in older adulthood (Schaie, 2013). Older adults were administered 51 hours’ worth of training sessions and then tested on two mental ability tests. Two thirds of adults showed gains in performance, and 40% of those who showed cognitive decline prior to the study returned to their level of functioning 14 years earlier. Training improved strategy use and performance on verbal memory, working memory, and short-term memory tasks. Most promising is that 7 years later, older adults who had received training scored higher on mental ability tests than their peers. Other research suggests that training improves measures of processing speed and fluid intelligence and these improves were retained over an eight-month period (Borella, Carretti, Riboldi, & De Beni, 2010). Older adults’ improvement with intervention is often similar to that of younger adults with gains in working memory task, sustained attention, and memory complaints no different from young adults (Brehmer, Westerberg, & Bäckman, 2012).

Although older adults experience cognitive declines, there is a great deal of variability in everyday functioning. It is possible to retain and improve cognitive skills in older adulthood. The challenge is to encourage older adults to seek the experiences that will help them retain their mental abilities. Older adults who maintain a high cognitive functioning tend to engage in selective optimization with compensation: They compensate for declines in cognitive reserve or energy by narrowing their goals and selecting activities that will permit them to maximize their strengths and existing capacities (Baltes & Carstensen, 2003). In all, healthy older adults retain the capacity to engage in efficient controlled processing of information.

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Thinking in Context 17.5 1. An important theme of lifespan development is that development is characterized by gains and losses.

How might the cognitive changes that older adults experience illustrate this? 2. What factors might make older adults better decision makers than young adults? Worse? 3. Consider the lifespan development principle that domains of development interact. Identify examples of

how specific cognitive changes might influence other areas of development, such as emotional and social development. How might the reverse be true?

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Apply Your Knowledge “Do you really think she can go back home?” Elliot asked his sister, Judith. “I don’t know. The next fall might be much more serious,” Judith replied. “I want to go home. I’ll be fine,” insisted their mother, Ruth. Hospitalized over the past two days, 85-year-old Ruth is impatient and ready to go home. Like many other older adults, she no longer drives because her vision is poor. She often finds herself not hungry so sometimes skips meals. Despite her poor eating habits, Ruth has felt that she manages her diabetes well and keeps her blood glucose levels in a healthy range. Osteoarthritis, however, makes Ruth’s daily routine more challenging. She has difficulty opening pill bottles, reading newspapers, and sometimes working doorknobs. Ruth has adapted to these challenges by purchasing tools and gadgets, such as non-childproof pill bottles and nonslip grips for doorknobs. Ruth’s children worry about their mother’s ability to manage her daily life, and more importantly, they fear that she will injure herself in a fall or accident.

1. What developmental changes make it more difficult for older adults to live independently? 2. In your view, is Ruth capable of independent living? Why or why not? If not, what supports can

help her live as independently as possible? 3. How do her illnesses complicate Ruth’s ability to live independently? 4. Ruth’s children worry about injuries. Is their worry founded? Discuss factors that influence injuries

in older adulthood as well as the possible consequences of injuries.

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Chapter Summary

17.1 Identify influences on life expectancy.

Life expectancy has increased over the last century but varies with contextual factors such as gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and culture. 17.2 Explain the neurological developments that take place during older adulthood.

The loss of neurons increases from middle adulthood through older adulthood. Dendritic loss contributes to declines in synapses and an overall loss of brain volume, especially in the prefrontal cortex. Reductions in myelination contribute to slower communication among neurons. 17.3 Discuss age-related changes in body systems including the sensory, cardiovascular, respiratory, and immune systems, and identify how older adults may compensate for changes.

Structural changes in the eye make it difficult to see in dim light and to adapt to dramatic changes in light. Vision may be impaired by the presence of cataracts and macular degeneration. Hearing loss from presbycusis increases from middle into older adulthood. Older adults compensate for sensory losses by modifying their behaviors and environment as well as through surgery and medication. With age, changes in the cardiovascular and respiratory systems reduce the flow of oxygen to the body. The immune system becomes less efficient and adaptive and more likely to malfunction. Older adults are at higher risk of illnesses, cancers, and autoimmune diseases. 17.4 Analyze the role of nutrition and exercise in aging.

Older adults are the largest demographic group at risk for a nutritional deficiency. Nutrition is an important influence on immunity and overall health. The physical benefits of regular exercise in older adulthood include increases in strength, balance, posture, and endurance. Moderate physical activity is associated with improved physiological function, less disease and disability, better mental health and higher quality of life. 17.5 Discuss older adults’ susceptibility and adaptation to chronic illness and injury.

Nearly all older adults show signs of osteoarthritis. It is more common among people whose job or leisure activities rely on repetitive movements. Obesity can place abnormal pressure on joints and result in osteoarthritis. Type 2 diabetes is a disease marked by high levels of blood glucose resulting from insulin resistance and the body becoming less sensitive to insulin. Diabetes raises the risk of heart attack, stroke, blindness, and more. Injury-related fatalities rise dramatically in older adulthood. In older adulthood, brittle bones means that falls result in fractures, especially hip fractures, which immobilize an older adult, are painful and take a great deal of time

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to heal. 17.6 Examine Alzheimer’s disease, and discuss its course, including risk and protective factors.

Alzheimer’s disease is characterized by widespread brain deterioration and the presence of beta-amyloid plaques and neurofibrillary tangles in the cerebral cortex. Alzheimer’s disease progresses through several predicable steps, proceeding from memory problems, which broaden to severe cognitive and communication problems, personality changes, and ultimately the inability to respond to stimuli. A person’s risk for developing Alzheimer’s disease increases with age and varies with gender and ethnicity. Genetic factors influence susceptibility to Alzheimer’s disease. Education is associated with a lower risk for Alzheimer’s disease, as is social and physically activity. 17.7 Distinguish among other common dementias, such as vascular dementia and Parkinson’s disease.

Vascular dementia is caused by a series of strokes, each followed by an immediate loss of mental functioning. As the losses accumulate, dementia increases and the symptoms become very similar to those of Alzheimer’s disease. Parkinson’s disease occurs when neurons in the substantia nigra die or become impaired and are unable to produce dopamine. Parkinson’s disease includes motor and muscle symptoms, such as tremors, slowness of movement, difficulty initiating movement, rigidity, difficulty with balance, and a shuffling walk. Dementia emerges in the late stages of Parkinson’s disease. 17.8 Compare patterns of change in working memory, long-term memory, problem- solving capacities, and wisdom.

Declines in working memory are influenced by reduced sensory capacity and reduced processing speed. The various types of long-term memory show different patterns of change. People remain adaptive problem solvers throughout adulthood. Adults perform best on everyday problems that are relevant to the contexts they experience in their daily lives. With age, adults are more likely to report turning to spouses, children, and friends for input in making decisions. Wisdom does not necessarily come with age but rather with the opportunity and motivation to pursue its development. Experience, particularly expertise in solving the problems of everyday life, is associated with wisdom. 17.9 Identify influences on cognitive change.

Older adults with higher levels of education, engaging careers, and leisure activities tend to retain their mental abilities. Many physical and mental conditions are associated with cognitive decline including declines in processing speed, long-term memory, and problem solving. Interventions that train older adults and encourage them to use cognitive skills can preserve and even reverse some age-related cognitive declines. Older adults who maintain a high cognitive functioning tend to engage in

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selective optimization with compensation. They compensate for declines in cognitive reserve or energy by narrowing their goals and selecting activities that will permit them to maximize their strengths and existing capacities.

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Key Terms

Alzheimer’s disease 483 amyloid plaques 489 cataracts 478 centenarians 476 cognitive reserve 478 compression of morbidity 482 dementia 477 diabetes 479 macular degeneration 480 neurofibrillary tangles 489 oldest-old 476 old-old 476 osteoarthritis 485 Parkinson’s disease 488 proactive interference 495 sarcopenia 478 vascular dementia 488 wisdom 498 young-old 476

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Chapter 18 Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood and the End of Life

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Learning Objectives 18.1. Compare the roles of self-concept, reminiscence, and life review in developing a sense of ego integrity. 18.2. Discuss patterns of stability and change in personality traits over the adult years. 18.3. Explain the contributions of religion and social support to older adults’ well-being. 18.4. Analyze four theories that account for changes in social interaction over the adult years. 18.5. Identify social contexts in which older adults live and their influence on development. 18.6. Explain the role of relationships with friends and siblings in older adulthood. 18.7. Compare the effects of marriage, divorce, and cohabitation on older adults’ functioning. 18.8. Discuss features of relationships between older adults and adult children and grandchildren. 18.9. Identify types of elder maltreatment and characteristics of victims. 18.10. Analyze influences on the timing of retirement and adaptation. 18.11. Examine the dying process and cultural views surrounding death. 18.12. Define the concept of death with dignity, and identify ways of supporting death with dignity. 18.13. Discuss the grieving process. 18.14. Identify effects of widowhood in older adulthood.

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Key Study Tools

Watch What Is a Life Well Lived? Think Critically Life Review Explore Further Personality Theories Watch Social Support Think Critically Religion, Interests, and Self-Esteem Explore Further Disengagement Theory Video Case Multigenerational Family Explore Further Family Relationships Explore Further Marital Status Video Case Grandparenthood Connect Elder Abuse Prevention Lives in Context Feminization of Poverty and the Older Woman (p. 522) Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development Social Security (p. 523) Listen Income Inequality in Retirement Cultural Influences on Development Cultural Rituals Surrounding Death (p. 529) Watch Cultural Views of Death Explore Further Death, Dying, and Hospice Explore Further Types of Grief Explore Further Widows and Widowers

“Hold the end, and swing it gently in time with your sister,” 72-year-old Jennifer instructed her grandson as he grasped the end of the jump rope. She watched as he and his sister swung the rope and a third grandchild hopped in between them, beginning a game of jump rope. “When I was little I could jump double Dutch. Do you know what that is?” Jennifer asks her grandchildren. Jennifer thinks back in time, closes her eyes, and smiles before she begins her explanation.

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AP/John Stillwell

Figure 18.1: Challenges of Aging as Expected and Experienced by Older Adults

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Source: Pew Research Center (2009b).

The “terrible twos” of toddlerhood, adolescent angst, and the midlife crisis are periods of development that are accompanied by stereotypes—beliefs about commonalities shared by members of a given age group. Older adulthood is no different. Ageist attitudes abound in popular culture. Stereotypes of older adults include the belief that they are lonely; lack close friends and family; have a higher rate of mood disorders; and are rigid, unable to cope with age-related declines, one-dimensional, sick, dependent, and cognitive and psychologically impaired. Common stereotypes about elders’ cognitive functioning and mental health are misguided. As shown in Figure 18.1, older adults experience fewer challenges of aging than young and middle-age adults expect.

In this chapter, we examine the socioemotional transitions of older adulthood, including changes in how elders view themselves, changes in the contexts in which they live, their evolving relationships, and changes in work habits. Again, it will be apparent that the reality of life in late adulthood does not conform to many of the stereotypes or commonly held views about older adults.

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Older Adults and the Sense of Self

With life experience, older adults’ self-conceptions become more complex and stable than at any other period of life (Labouvie-Vief & Diehl, 1999). A more multifaceted and comprehensive sense of self enables older adults to accept their weaknesses and compensate by focusing on their strengths. Older adults tend to express more positive than negative self-evaluations well into old age (Meier, Orth, Denissen, & Kühnel, 2011; Rice & Pasupathi, 2010). For example, in one study, both old (70 to 84) and very old (85 to 103) adults rated themselves more positively than negatively with regard to a variety of domains including hobbies, interests, family, health, and personality, and these positive self- evaluations predicted psychological well-being (Freund & Smith, 1999). Older adults tend to compartmentalize their self-concept more so than younger and middle-age adults by categorizing the positive and negative aspects of self as separate roles whereas younger and middle-age adults tend to integrate them into one (Ready, Carvalho, & Åkerstedt, 2012). Over time, the older adults reframe their sense of self by revising their possible selves in light of experience and emphasizing goals related to the sense of self, relationships, and health (Smith & Freund, 2002).

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Subjective Age

Throughout life, age is an important self-defining aspect. Whereas children, adolescents, and emerging adults tend to perceive themselves as older than their chronological age, adults older than 25 tend to have younger subjective ages, and the discrepancy between subjective and chronological age increases over the adult years (see Figure 18.2; Bergland, Nicolaisen, & Thorsen, 2014; Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). Longitudinal samples suggest that older adults on average feel about 13 years younger than their chronological age (Kleinspehn-Ammerlahn, Kotter-Gruhn, & Smith, 2008). Cross-cultural research in 18 countries found that the difference in subjective and chronological age is seen across cultures (Barak, 2009). People at different ages also have different ideas of when old age begins, as shown in Figure 18.3.

Why do older adults feel younger than their years? One reason may have to do with self- categorization of being old (Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012); categorizing oneself as a member of one’s age group influences how individuals think about themselves, their competencies, and their future (Weiss & Lang, 2012). Given the negative stereotypes associated with aging, adults may employ strategies to avoid the negative consequences of identification with their age group, such as denying or hiding their age by excluding themselves from the “old age” category; at the same time, they may actually endorse negative stereotypes about their own age group (Heckhausen & Brim, 1997). Adults who do not identify with their age peers may not consider themselves as being as old as their peers, a self-related adaptation that might protect one’s self-image from the perceived negative consequences of advanced chronological age (Heckhausen & Krueger, 1993).

Figure 18.2: Subjective Age Across the Lifespan

Source: Rubin and Berntsen (2006).

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Age stereotypes influence health and well-being, including the risk for cardiovascular disease, engagement in health behaviors, life satisfaction, and longevity (Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012; Mock & Eibach, 2011). Subjective age is associated with performance. In one longitudinal study, older adults who reported feeling younger relative to their peers tended to show better performance and slower declines in recall tasks over a 10-year period (Stephan, Caudroit, Jaconelli, & Terracciano, 2014).

Subjective age can be influenced by contextual variables. For example, one study examined older adults’ subjective age and found that older adults reported feeling older after taking a memory test but not after a vocabulary test (Hughes, Geraci, & De Forrest, 2013). Recall that age-related declines are seen in tasks tapping fluid intelligence, such as a working memory test, but not tasks tapping crystalized intelligence, such as vocabulary. More importantly, simply expecting to take a memory test was associated with feeling subjectively older, suggesting that perception of abilities in various domains can influence perceived age (Hughes et al., 2013). Another study induced a younger subjective age in older adults: Those who received positive feedback after a measure of handgrip performance showed a decrease in subjective age relative to their peers (Stephan, Chalabaev, Kotter-Grühn, & Jaconelli, 2013). Collectively, these findings suggest that the old adage, “You’re only as old as you feel,” is partially true as one’s perception of age is dynamically associated with health, well-being, and cognitive performance.

Figure 18.3: When Does Old Age Begin?

Source: Pew Research Center (2009b).

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Reminiscence and Life Review

After living a long life, older adults tend to reminisce and review their past experiences and achievements. They often tell stories and discuss their thoughts about people and events they have experienced. Reminiscence, the vocal or silent recall of events in a person’s life, serves a variety of functions (Bohlmeijer, Roemer, Cuijpers, & Smit, 2007). Older adults who engage in knowledge-based reminiscence recall problems that they have encountered and problem-solving strategies they have used. Recalling past experience and acquired knowledge and sharing it with young people is rewarding, life enriching, and positively associated with well-being (O’Rourke, Cappeliez, & Claxton, 2011; Westerhof, Bohlmeijer, & Webster, 2010). Reminiscence can also help adults in managing life transitions, such as retirement or widowhood, and provide a sense of personal continuity, preserving a sense of self despite these changes (Fry, 1995; Parker, 1995). However, when adults focus and ruminate bitterly over difficult events, they sustain and even increase negative emotions, and show poor adjustment (Cully, LaVoie, & Gfeller, 2001).

Related to reminiscence, but more comprehensive, is life review, reflecting on past experiences and contemplating the meaning of those experiences and their role in shaping one’s life (Butler, 1963). Life review permits greater self-understanding and helps older adults assign meaning to their lives (Butler, 1974; Erikson, 1982). Specifically, life review can help elders adapt to and accept the triumphs and disappointments of their lives, become more tolerant and accepting of others, become free of the feeling that time is running out, and enhance emotional integration and life satisfaction.

Individual and group interventions can encourage and aid older adults in reminiscence and life review (Davis & Degges-White, 2008). Reminiscence is fostered by encouraging autobiographical storytelling in order to teach others, remember positive events, and enhance positive feelings. Life review interventions, often conducted by therapists and case workers at community mental health centers and senior centers, tend to focus on helping older adults to evaluate life events and integrate positive and negative life events into a coherent life story (Webster, Bohlmeijer, & Westerhof, 2010). Social support may facilitate the life review process in elders, as interaction with others can help to point out blind spots and self-serving biases that arise in the process of autobiographical reconstruction (Keyes & Reitzes, 2007). Close family members and friends can provide feedback and guidance that enhances the life review process (Keyes & Reitzes, 2007). Encouraging adults to engage in reminiscence and life review is associated with increases in a sense of purpose in life, mastery, and positive mental health including the reduction of depressive symptoms, well- being, and social integration (Pinquart & Forstmeier, 2012; Westerhof & Bohlmeijer, 2014).

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Reminiscence, reviewing life stories and events, is rewarding for many older adults and can aid in life review, a task of older adulthood.

iStock/Signature

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Ego Integrity

Life review, reflecting on the cumulative choices that compose the story of the individual’s life, is integral to developing a sense of ego integrity vs. despair, the last stage in Erikson’s (1950, 1982) psychosocial theory. Older adults who are successful in establishing a sense of ego integrity are able to find a sense of coherence in life experiences and ultimately conclude that that their lives are meaningful and valuable (Whiting & Bradley, 2007). Adults who achieve ego integrity are able to see their lives within a larger global and historical context and recognize that their own experiences, while important, are only a very small part of the big picture. Viewing one’s life within the context of humanity can make death less fearsome, more a part of life, and simply the next step in one’s path (Vaillant, 1994, 2004).

According to Erikson, the alternative to developing a sense of integrity is despair, the tragedy experienced if the retrospective look at one’s life is evaluated as meaningless and disappointing, emphasizing faults, mistakes, and what could have been (Whiting & Bradley, 2007). The despairing older adult may ruminate over lost chances and feel overwhelmed with bitterness and defeat, becoming contemptuous toward others in order to mask self-contempt. As might be expected, elders who do not develop a sense of ego integrity are more likely to experience a poor sense of well-being and depression (Dezutter, Toussaint, & Leijssen, 2014).

How does one attain ego integrity? A sense of ego integrity relies on cognitive development, such as complexity and maturity in moral judgment and thinking style, tolerance for ambiguity, and dialectical reasoning (Hearn et al., 2011). The ability to realize that there are multiple solutions to problems and recognize that one’s life path may have taken many different courses is integral to developing a sense of ego identity. Ego integrity is also predicted by social factors, including social support, generativity, and good family relationships (James & Zarrett, 2006; Sheldon & Kasser, 2001). Similar to the development of identity and generativity, ego integrity is influenced by interactions with others. When older adults relay their experiences, tell family stories from their lives, and provide advice, they have opportunities to engage in the self-evaluation that can lead to ego integrity.

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Thinking in Context 18.1 1. Why do older adults tend to have a younger subjective age? Does a young subjective age serve an adaptive

purpose? Why or why not? 2. How might a family member or friend help an older adult with the process of coming to a sense of ego

integrity?

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Well-Being In Older Adulthood

Despite the various challenges that come with aging, most older adults maintain a positive view of themselves throughout older adulthood (Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; Mroczek & Kolarz, 1998), and satisfaction with life tends to increase from midlife into old age (Darbonne, Uchino, & Ong, 2012). Adults’ sense of well-being typically increases into the 70s along with corresponding decreases in negative affect and sense of well-being in older adults has increased with each cohort (Carstensen et al., 2010; Jeste & Oswald, 2015). Well-being is influenced by individual factors, such as personality and religiosity, as well as social support.

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Personality

As in other life periods, the Big 5 personality traits largely remain stable into late adulthood such that older adults’ scores relative to peers remain stable over their lifetimes. For example, adults who scored high in extroversion relative to their peers at age 30 tend to continue to score high relative to their peers in older adulthood (Graham & Lachman, 2012). At the group level, there is a great deal of stability in personality; however, when we consider the individual, we see that there are individual differences in the pattern and magnitude of change (Graham & Lachman, 2012). Not all individuals follow the normative increase in conscientiousness scores with age, for example. Some people change more than others, and some change in ways that are contrary to general population trends (McAdams & Olson, 2010).

The stereotype of older adults becoming rigid and set in their ways is untrue. Personality traits shift subtly over the life course. Agreeableness tends to increase with age (McCrae, 2002; McCrae & Costa, 2006). For example, a longitudinal study that examined adults aged 60 through their 80s found that over one third of the sample scored highest on agreeableness in their 80s (Weiss et al., 2005). However, extroversion and openness to experience decline with age from 30 to 90, with the most pronounced drops after the mid- 50s (Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Mroczek, Spiro, & Griffin, 2006; Srivastava, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2003). Conscientiousness increases from emerging to mid-adulthood, peaks between 50 and 70 and then declines. These findings are also supported by cross- cultural research with adults from 50 countries (McCrae, Terracciano, & The Personality Profiles of Cultures Project, 2005).

Individuals’ patterns of Big 5 personality traits predict physical and cognitive functioning. For example, conscientiousness is associated with health and longevity as well as better performance on cognitive tasks (Bogg & Roberts, 2013; Goodwin & Friedman, 2006; Mõttus, Luciano, Starr, Pollard, & Deary, 2013). Personality is also associated with cognitive performance (Baker & Bichsel, 2006). Neuroticism, on the other hand, is associated with worse average cognitive functioning and a steeper rate of decline over a seven-year period (Chapman et al., 2012; Luchetti, Terracciano, Stephan, & Sutin, 2015).

Big 5 personality traits show complex associations with well-being—specifically, well-being correlates with higher levels of extroversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness and with lower levels of neuroticism. Moreover, this relationship may be bidirectional. A study of 16,000 Australian adults’ traits predicted changes in well-being, yet changes in well-being in turn influenced traits; individuals who were initially extroverted, agreeable, conscientious, and emotionally stable subsequently increased in well-being and in turn became even more agreeable, conscientious, emotionally stable, and introverted (Soto, 2015). Overall, it seems that in their later years individuals become happier (more agreeable

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and less neurotic), more self-contented and self-centered (less extroverted and open), more laid back and satisfied with what they have, and less preoccupied with productivity (less conscientious; Marsh, Nagengast, & Morin, 2012). These personality changes aid older adults in developing a sense of acceptance, which they view as important to their well-being (Ryff, 1991) and needed to attain the Eriksonian goal of ego integrity.

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Religiosity

Nearly three quarters of U.S. adults report being “absolutely certain” of the existence of God or a similar spiritual entity (Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life, 2008). British samples suggest that over a 20-year period most older adults show stability in their views of the importance of religion, with nearly all indicating that religion is very important to them (Coleman, Ivani-Chalian, & Robinson, 2004), and people tend to consider religion more important as they age (see Figures 18.4a and 18.4b; Argue, Johnson, & White, 1999; Wink & Dillon, 2002).

Religiosity, or religious involvement, can take the form of behaviors (attendance at religious services), or attitudes and orientation, such as religious affiliation and private religious practices (such as prayer; George, Ellison, & Larson, 2002). In North America, low socioeconomic ethnic minority groups, such as African American, Hispanic, Native American, and Canadian Aboriginal elders, show the highest rates of religious participation. For example, African American older adults tend to report higher levels of private religious practice and daily spiritual experiences, as well as perceptions of God as holding a great deal of control over the world, than do their European American counterparts (Krause, 2005; Lee & Sharpe, 2007); 79% report that religion is very important in their lives, as compared with 56% of the U.S. population overall (Pew Research Center, 2009b). For many older adults, the church is a place of worship that enables them to find meaning in their lives. For African American older adults, the church often provides tangible support in the form of social connections, health interventions, and activities that improve welfare. In one study, African American respondents identified God as both their primary source of social support and their personal consultant for health-related matters whereas European American respondents identified more of a variety of secular sources of help from family, friends, professionals, and clergy (Lee & Sharpe, 2007). Throughout adulthood, women show higher rates of religiosity and religious participation than men (Levin & Taylor, 1994; Simpson, Cloud, Newman, & Fuqua, 2008).

Religiosity is associated with positive socioemotional functioning, For example, a strong sense of religiosity can buffer stress in the face of disadvantages; helps older adults to find meaning in life; and is associated with higher self-esteem, slower declines in physical functioning, and lower rates of depression (Keyes & Reitzes, 2007; Park et al., 2008; Ronneberg, Miller, Dugan, & Porell, 2014). Religiosity, specifically the perception of God- mediated control, is associated with a higher sense of self-worth, greater life satisfaction, optimism, and lower levels of death anxiety in older adults (Krause, 2005; Reed & Neville, 2014).

Figure 18.4a: Importance of Religion by Age Groups

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Source: Newport (2006).

Figure 18.4b: Importance of Religion by Gender and Age Groups

Source: Newport (2006).

Religious attendance may facilitate mental health through social means, by increasing an older adults’ connections with other people in the community. Church attendance is associated with larger social networks, more frequent contact, and greater perceived support (Keyes & Reitzes, 2007; Lee & Sharpe, 2007). One study of nearly 1,200 older adults found that most perceived increases in the amount of emotional support they gave and received over a seven-year period and experienced greater satisfaction, especially African American elders (Hayward & Krause, 2013).

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Social Support

Older adults’ physical and psychological health can benefit from social interaction and a sense of support from significant others. Spouses and children are primary sources of support, as are siblings and other relatives. Assistance and support send the message that older adults are valued and helps them to feel a sense of belonging and see their place in the wider social order. Social support from family and friends is associated with life satisfaction and protects elders from the negative effects of stress, promotes longevity, and enhances well-being (McLaughlin, Adams, Vagenas, & Dobson, 2011; Nguyen, Chatters, Taylor, & Mouzon, 2015).

Sometimes it is not the actual level of social support that matters but rather the level that the person perceives he or she is receiving. Low levels of perceived social support are associated with higher rates of cardiovascular disease, cancer, infectious diseases, and mortality (Brummett et al., 2000; Ikeda et al., 2013; Rutledge et al., 2001; Uchino, 2006). People who perceive social support are more likely to engage in health maintenance behaviors such as exercising, eating right, and not smoking, and they are more likely to adhere to medical regimens (DiiMatteo, 2004; Taylor, 2011). Social support is thought to influence health and longevity by enhancing positive feelings and a sense of control as well as buffering the negative effects of stress (Baltes & Baltes, 1986; Cohen & Wills, 1985; Uchino, 2006).

Family, neighbors, and friends often provide tangible assistance, such as help with shopping or meal preparation. As discussed in Chapters 15 and 17, successful aging entails selective optimization with compensation. An older adult might choose to focus attention and effort on writing a mystery novel or volunteering at a local child care center—asserting control over and optimizing an activity that interests her and is within her scope of capabilities— while accepting assistance in day-to-day activities that she finds difficult, such as maintaining a tidy house and yard. For the older adult, accepting such assistance often means evaluating and sometimes modifying their feelings of competence, values, and sense of control. For example, allowing a nephew to come and do a thorough housecleaning and mow the lawn once a month might mean that he does not do these jobs the way Aunt Kathy would have done them herself, but it means the tasks get done without Aunt Kathy injuring her arthritic back and shoulders. At the same time, psychological outcomes and well-being may be influenced more by the perception of having others to turn to rather than the actual amount of help provided (Taylor & Lynch, 2004).

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Social support from family and friends promotes well-being and longevity.

Andrew Stawicki/Toronto Star/Getty

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Aging and the Social World

Social support is important for well-being. However, social interaction tends to decline in older adulthood as social networks become smaller (Antonucci, Akiyama, & Takahashi, 2004; Shaw, Krause, Liang, & Bennett, 2007). Several perspectives account for changes in social interaction and elders’ psychological functioning.

Disengagement, Activity, and Continuity Theories

According to disengagement theory, older adults disengage from society as they anticipate death. At the same time, society disengages from them (Cumming & Henry, 1961). Older adults withdraw and relinquish valued social roles, reduce their social interaction, and turn inward, spending more time thinking and reflecting. Society pulls away, reducing employment obligations and social responsibilities as they are transferred to younger people. According to disengagement theory, elders’ withdrawal and society’s simultaneous disengagement serve to allow older adults to advance into very old age and minimize the disruptive nature of their deaths to society. In this way, they benefit both the older person and society.

In the years since disengagement theory was proposed, however, it has become apparent that most older individuals prefer to remain engaged and that they benefit from social engagement (Johnson & Mutchler, 2014). Any amount of social activity is more beneficial than a lack of involvement (Glass, Mendes De Leon, Bassuk, & Berkman, 2006; Hinterlong, Morrow-Howell, & Rozario, 2007). Many people continue rewarding aspects of their work after retirement or adopt new roles in their communities. Most older adults retain the same leisure activities from worker to retiree and many develop new hobbies (Scherger, Nazroo, & Higgs, 2011). Some have argued that disengagement does not reflect healthy development but rather a lack of opportunities for social engagement (Lang, Featherman, & Nesselroade, 1997).

In contrast to disengagement theory, activity theory posits that declines in social interaction are not a result of elders’ desires but are instead a function of social barriers to engagement. Adults attempt to remain active despite losses. When they lose roles due to retirement or disability, they attempt to replace lost roles in an effort to stay active and busy.

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Rather than disengage, sucessful older adults remain active participants in their world. Successful elders retain a sense that they are the same person they have always been despite physical, cognitive, emotional, and social changes.

Dave Reginek/Getty

Volunteer work, for example, can replace career roles and protect against decline in health and psychological well-being (Hao, 2008; Morrow-Howell, Hinterlong, Rozario, & Tang, 2003). A 13-year longitudinal study following more than 2,700 elders aged 65 and older found that civic engagement in social and productive activities reduced mortality as much as did physical fitness (Glass et al., 2006).

Yet it is not simply the quantity of activity and social relationship that influences health and well-being but the quality (Pushkar et al., 2010). The more active elders are in roles they value—such as spouse, parent, friend, and volunteer—the more likely they are to report high levels of well-being and life satisfaction and to live longer, healthier lives (Adams, Leibbrandt, & Moon, 2011; Cherry et al., 2013; Litwin, 2003).

From the perspective of continuity theory, successful aging entails not simply remaining active but maintaining a sense of consistency in self across their past into the future. Successful elders retain a sense that they are the same person they have always been despite physical, cognitive, emotional, and social changes. This entails acknowledging and minimizing losses, integrating them with their sense of self, and optimizing their strengths to construct a life path that maintains their sense of remaining the same person over time. Older adults tend to seek routine: familiar people, familiar activities, and familiar settings. Most of older adults’ friends are old friends. Engaging in familiar activities with familiar people preserves a sense of self and offers comfort, social support, self-esteem, mastery, and identity (Pushkar et al., 2010).

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

With advancing age, people become increasingly aware that they have little time left to live. This awareness causes them to shift their goals and priorities and accounts for continuity

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and change in social relationships. According to socioemotional selectivity theory, older adults become increasingly motivated to derive emotional meaning from life and thereby cultivate emotionally close relationships and disengage from more peripheral social ties (Carstensen, Fung, & Charles, 2003; Carstensen et al., 2010).

As perceived time left diminishes, people tend to discard peripheral relationships and focus on important ones, such as those with close family members and friends (English & Carstensen, 2014). In support of this, older adults have fewer relationships in comparison with young adults, and age is related to steeper declines in social relationships, but their relationships are particularly close, supportive, and reciprocal (Huxhold, Fiori, & Windsor, 2013; Li, Fok, & Fung, 2011). Older adults place more emphasis on the emotional quality of their social relationships and interactions. As compared with young adults, older adults tend to perceive their social network as eliciting less negative emotion and more positive emotion (English & Carstensen, 2014). Despite an overall decline in the number of relationships, this process of strengthening and pruning relationships is associated with positive well-being; it allows older adults to focus their limited time and energy on relationships that are most beneficial while avoiding those that are inconsequential or detrimental, thereby maximizing their emotional well-being. In this sense, social selectivity is an emotional regulation strategy (Sims, Hogan, & Carstensen, 2015).

According to socioemotional selectivity theory, the functions of social interactions change with age and psychological and cognitive development. Specifically, the information sharing function of friendship becomes less salient. For example, young adults often turn to friends for information, but older adults often have accumulated decades of knowledge. Instead, it is the emotion-regulating function of social relationships that become more important during older adulthood (Carstensen & Mikels, 2005).

Generally, at all ages we look to friends to affirm our sense of identity and uniqueness, we choose friends who make us feel good, and we avoid those who evoke negative feelings. According to socioemotional selectivity theory, the emotional correlates of friendship— feeling good and avoiding feeling bad—become more important over the lifespan. As we age, older adults tend to narrow their circle of friends. They are less likely to approach new people for friendship; thus, they reduce the likelihood of rejection and negative feelings. As physical frailty and psychological changes pose more challenges for adaptation, older adults tend to place a greater emphasis on having positive interactions with others, reducing negative interactions, and avoiding stress. Interacting with a handful of carefully chosen relatives and close friends increases the chances that older adults will have positive interactions. Therefore, smaller social networks are associated with greater life satisfaction in older adults than younger adults (Lang & Fingerman, 2004).

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Thinking in Context 18.2 1. Identify three commonly held stereotypes or misbeliefs about well-being in adulthood. Explain research

findings in these areas. 2. In what ways do personality and social relationships show both stability and change in older adulthood? 3. Considering bioecological theory, which perspective on adults’ changing social world— disengagement,

activity, continuous, or socioemotional selectivity theory—best incorporates a contextual perspective? Why?

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Late Adulthood and Social Contexts

Social contexts are important influences on development, such as changes in physical, cognitive, and social functioning as well as adaptive functioning. The immediate contexts that influence older adults are neighborhoods and the elder’s living environment, whether that is the home, a residential community, or a nursing home.

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Neighborhoods

The neighborhoods and communities in which older adults reside (part of Bronfenbrenner’s exosystem) influence their adaptation through the provision of physical and social resources. City, suburb, and rural communities offer different opportunities and challenges. Most older adults live in suburban communities. After retirement, they remain in the homes they have lived in for decades.

Older adults who live in the suburbs tend to be healthier and wealthier and show higher rates of life satisfaction than those who live in cities (Dandy & Bollman, 2008; DeNavas- Walt & Proctor, 2014). Research with older adults in the Netherlands, however, shows that when socioeconomic status is controlled, urban elders live longer than suburban. This finding suggests that low income may be responsible for urban elders’ higher rates of mortality (van Hooijdonk, Droomers, Deerenberg, Mackenbach, & Kunst, 2008). A wide range of health conditions among older adults are clustered in the poorest neighborhoods. For example, Canadian older adults who live in poor neighborhoods are more likely than those in affluent neighborhoods to experience arthritis, diabetes, hypertension, heart disease, depression, and stroke (Menec, Shooshtari, Nowicki, & Fournier, 2010). Moreover, the effects of neighborhood poverty and disadvantage accumulate over a lifetime, with significant implications for functional decline and mortality (Clarke et al., 2014). However, urban elders have better access to transportation and health and social services than do suburban and rural elders, enhancing their opportunities for social participation (Andonian & MacRae, 2011). Older adults in more accessible and safe neighborhood contexts, including walking-friendly sidewalks and the availability of public transportation, are more likely to retain a higher degree mobility and social activity than those in less accessible contexts (Clarke & Gallagher, 2013; Friedman, Parikh, Giunta, Fahs, & Gallo, 2012).

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Although urban-dwelling older adults are generally poorer and less healthy than those living in suburbs, the urban environment offers better access to transportation, health services, and social participation.

iStock/Signature

One fourth of U.S. and one third of Canadian older adults live in rural areas where they tend to be more disadvantaged in terms of health, wealth, and availability of services, and they are less likely to live near their children (DeNavas-Walt & Proctor, 2014). Older adults who live in rural areas tend to share values and lifestyles with their neighbors and interact more with them than their urban and suburban counterparts (Shaw, 2005). Close relationships with friends and neighbors, composed of frequent interaction and high levels of social support, can make up for less interaction with far away family members.

Life satisfaction in all older adults, urban and rural, is associated with living in neighborhoods with many seniors who interact with each other. The family becomes less important as a source of support when older adults have friends who provide support (Bowling & Gabriel, 2004).

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Residing at Home

Most older adults live in or near the home they have lived in most of their lives. When elders are healthy and not physically impaired, living in their own home permits them the greatest degree of control over their lives, such as choosing what and when to eat. Because of divorce, widowing, or never marrying, about one third of North American older adults live alone (see Figure 18.5), and nearly one half of women over the age of 75 live alone (Administration on Aging, 2014). Older adults who live alone are more likely to live in poverty.

As health declines, living alone poses physical and psychological risks, including social isolation and loneliness. Declines in health and widowhood often prompt older adults to relocate, but about 95% of North Americans remain in their old neighborhoods (Chappell, Gee, McDonald, & Stones, 2003). Despite the challenges, remaining in a lifelong home strengthens elders’ feelings of continuity with the past, aids their sense of identity, as well as maintains connections with the community, an important source of support (Atchley, 1999). When older adults choose to move to new communities, it is often to be closer to children or to relocate to a warm climate.

African American elders are especially likely to remain in their lifelong neighborhoods and to live in poverty, but they also tend to rely on informal support systems for care, a helper network that includes spouses, children, siblings, friends, neighbors, and church members (Rasheed & Rasheed, 2003). This helper network is the basis for informal caregiving for those older persons who find themselves unable to maintain complete self-care due to illness or physical infirmities. It provides older adults with instrumental assistance, such as help in grocery shopping, transportation, and meal preparation, and expressive assistance, including emotional support, giving advice, encouragement, companionship, and prayer (Rasheed & Rasheed, 2003). Frequently, health care and transportation services are provided informally by friends and relatives in order to allow the older individual to live out his or her life within the context of home and community. As coresidents living with kin, older adults may provide child care, shared housing, or financial assistance to younger family members in need of aid, continuing to contribute to their families (see Figure 18.6). Elder grandparents, particularly African American grandmothers, are important agents of socialization, maintaining the role of matriarch and kinkeeper (Barer, 2001).

Figure 18.5: Percentage of Adults Who Live Alone in the United States, 1900–2008

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Source: Pew Research Center (2010).

Figure 18.6: Older Adults Residing in Multigenerational Households in the United States, by Gender, 1900–2008

Source: Pew Research Center (2010).

Obligations to care for elders are not unique to African and African American cultures. Adult children of a wide variety of races and ethnicities often feel a strong responsibility to care for aging parents and grandparents (Gans & Silverstein, 2006; Gonzales, 2007). Extended families consisting of grandparents, adult children, and grandchildren are common. Most middle-aged men and women in North America perceive an obligation to assist parents, especially when the parents have serious economic and housing needs (Postigo & Honrubia, 2010). However, when it comes to coresidence (an older family member giving up his or her own home and moving in with younger family members), an adjustment in attitude is often at issue. The older person may have concerns about not wanting to be a burden, losing autonomy, or losing privacy; younger family members may have similar concerns about an older family member disrupting the household. Unlike the multigenerational living arrangements that were common a century ago, today the typical household in the United States and other industrialized nations consists of just the nuclear family. Attitudes about coresidence are based on family obligation norms, beliefs about repaying older adults for past help, perceived relationship quality, other demands on the younger adult’s resources, the older person’s resources, and family members’ sense of moral

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responsibilities to assist (Coleman & Ganong, 2008).

Residential communities offer safe housing that accommodates older adults’ changing needs as well as social support and activities that permit them to remain active and engaged.

Nathan Benn/Ottochrome/Corbis

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Multigenerational Family

Margaret has recently moved into her daughter Sonia’s busy multigenerational household. Watch as Margaret and Sonia describe the household and transition.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Residential Communities

There are a variety of different types of residential communities for older adults, ranging from single houses, to small collections of condominiums, to large apartment complexes. Homes in residential communities are designed to meet older adults’ physical and social needs and may include such features as grab bars in bathrooms, single level homes, and intercoms for emergency assistance. Some homes are designed for low-income elderly and are subsidized by the government. Most communities, however, are private. Older adults purchase a home in the community and entry to a community complete with recreational facilities for socializing with other elders and obtaining assistance. Other elders live in congregate housing, which permits them to live independently but provides more comprehensive support, including common areas such as a dining room, recreational facilities, meals and additional supervision and assistance with disabilities. Some older adults opt for “continuing care” communities that are designed to meet their changing needs wherein they begin with independent housing, and when needed, transfer to congregate housing, and finally nursing home care.

Residential communities hold many benefits for older adults. Environments that meet elders’ changing physical abilities can help offset declines in mobility and aid elders’ attempts to remain active (Fonda, Clipp, & Maddox, 2002; Jenkins, Pienta, & Horgas, 2002). Living in a community of older adults supports social activities, the formation of friendships, and provision of assistance to others, which increase a sense of competence and leadership (Ball et al., 2000; Lawrence & Schigelone, 2002).

How well elders adjust to the move from independent living to life in a residential community varies. Older adults show better adaptation to living in residential communities when they share similar backgrounds and values, have frequent contact and communication with like-minded elders, and feel socially integrated into the community. Conversely, those who perceive a lack of social support and feel disconnected from the community are at risk for depression (Adams, Sanders, & Auth, 2004). Overall, older adults who reside in residential communities tend to show higher levels of perceived autonomy, sense of security, and quality of life as compared with elders living independently in the neighborhood (van Bilsen, Hamers, Groot, & Spreeuwenberg, 2008). Although elders in residential settings did not differ from those in regular homes with regard to their sense of well-being or feelings of loneliness, those in residential communities participate more frequently in social activities.

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Nursing Homes

Contrary to popular belief, only a small number of older adults reside in nursing homes. Nursing homes offer the greatest amount of care, 24 hours a day and seven days a week but also are most restrictive of elders’ autonomy. Most older people prefer to avoid living in nursing homes, if possible (Rabiner, 1996). Family members often experience guilt and anguish when they see no other choice but nursing home placement for their loved one because of the constraining circumstances, particularly the lack of privacy (e.g., shared rooms and baths) and the rigidity of daily life routines (Kane, 2001; Kelley-Gillespie & Farley, 2007). Nursing homes tend to be hospital-like settings in which elders often have limited opportunities to control their schedule or interact with others and their contact with peers generally is determined by staff. Constraints on autonomy can lead to loneliness, feelings of helplessness, and depression (Anderberg & Berglund, 2010). Among older adults who are not mentally impaired, those in nursing homes tend to show higher rates of depression and anxiety than their peers in the community (Gueldner et al., 2001; Salguero, Martínez-García, Molinero, & Márquez, 2011).

Similar to other periods of life, a sense of control and social interaction with others is important to the well-being of elders who reside in nursing homes. Several factors are thought to be most influential in determining the quality of life of older adults: freedom of choice and involvement in decision making, recognition of individuality, right to privacy, continuation of normal social roles, a stimulating environment with age appropriate opportunities and activities, and a sense of connectedness between home, neighborhood, and community (Atchley, 1999). Well-being is enhanced in nursing homes that are designed to foster a sense of control over day-to-day experiences and social life. Encouraging social interaction in communal spaces, allowing residents to furnish and deinstitutionalize their spaces with some belongings, and modifying their environments to meet their changing needs while retaining as much autonomy as possible can help residents adapt to nursing home living.

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Thinking in Context 18.3 1. Elders’ sense of self and overall well-being is influenced by a variety of factors within the individual as

well as by contextual factors. How might the social contexts in which elders reside influence their psychosocial development?

2. In what ways might contexts such as neighborhood, community, and residence influence older adults’ developmental status?

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Relationships In Late Adulthood

Social and emotional connections with family and friends are essential for well-being and are important influences on adaptation and happiness. Aging places new constraints on social relationships, but most elders find that social relationships continue to be a source of support, social interaction, and fun.

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Friendships

In older adulthood, friendships become more important and more fulfilling, partly due to the declines in family and work responsibilities. With more time to devote to leisure activities, friendships become more centered on activities, such as playing golf or card games, and older adults report having more fun with their friends than do younger adults (Larson, Mannell, & Zuzanek, 1986).

Recall from socioemotional selectivity theory that older adults tend to have fewer friends but more meaningful relationships than younger adults (Fingerman & Charles, 2010). Friends become fewer in number, but elders form new friendships throughout their lives. Older adults retain relationships with old friends who live far away, but their closest friends tend to live nearby. Similar to earlier in life, elders tend to choose friends who share similarities in age, race, ethnicity, and values. With increasing age and the death of friends, elders are more likely to report having friends of different generations (Johnson & Troll, 1994). In older adulthood, women’s friendships continue to be more intimate than men’s and they have more acquaintances with whom they spend time in contexts such as book clubs (Felmlee & Muraco, 2009). Men retain a few close friends, but they tend to rely on their wives for intimate and warm communication (Adams, Blieszner, & De Vries, 2000).

Older adult friends tend to provide more emotional support than instrumental support. They give and receive more affection than they offer aid with day-to-day tasks (Ikkink & van Tilburg, 1998). Older adults describe close friendships as entailing mutual interests, a sense of belonging, and opportunities to share feelings (Field, 1999). Giving and receiving support from friends is an important influence on older adults’ well-being and is associated with a lower risk of depression (Bishop, 2008; Thomas, 2010). Conversely, lack of social contact and friendship is adversely related to physical health. For example, among older adults who suffered a hip fracture, those who had no social contact with friends within two weeks prior to the injury were five times more likely to die over the two subsequent years than did those who had daily contact with friends during the two weeks prior to the fracture (Mortimore et al., 2008). Friendships are also crucial in helping to manage age- related losses in health as well as bereavement at the death of a loved one.

Friendships improve in old age. They become more emotionally fulfilling, centered on

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activities, and an important source of social support.

Carlos Osorio/Toronto Star/Getty

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Sibling Relationships

The majority of older adults have a sibling, most live within 100 miles of each other, and most communicate regularly (Connidis, 1989). Older adults often report the desire to live near their siblings. Most older adults feel close to their siblings and consider them to be close friends, even if they do not live near each other and do not visit regularly (van Volkom, 2006). Unlike friends, siblings are not chosen, and usually siblings are the only living people who have known an adult over his or her entire life. The history of personal and family experiences that adult siblings share contributes to a powerful bond. Siblings grow closer with the experience of family events, hardships, and age-related issues (Myers & Kennedy-Lightsey, 2014). Typically, siblings can be relied upon like the closest of friends. The closeness that siblings share includes sharing experiences, trust, concern for the other, and enjoyment of the sibling relationship. Sisters tend to be closest, followed by cross-sex siblings (White & Riedmann, 1992). Closeness of siblings is influenced by gender roles that promote greater acceptance and expressiveness among women than men (van Volkom, 2006).

In addition to emotional support, siblings provide tangible support and are considered important sources of help in times of crisis. Older adults who have never married or who have no children rely more on siblings for support than do those who have been married or have children (Connidis, 1989). Widowed adults show increased reliance on siblings. Close relationships with siblings influence well-being. Elders with a living sibling tend to have higher morale and a positive outlook than those who do not, perhaps because elder siblings share past experiences and reminisce (Brubaker, 1990; van Volkom, 2006). As discussed in the first section of this chapter, reminiscing is associated with higher self-esteem, fewer cases of depression, and better adjustment (Bohlmeijer et al., 2007; Coleman, 1986).

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Marriage and Cohabitation

Intimate partnerships are important in late adulthood, whether in the form of a decades- long marriage, a second marriage after divorce or widowhood, or a cohabiting relationship.

Marital Satisfaction

Lifestyle changes over the course of the adult years contribute to a rise in marital satisfaction from middle adulthood to peak in late adulthood (Ko, Berg, Butner, Uchino, & Smith, 2007; Levenson, Carstensen, & Gottman, 1993). Older adult marriages are characterized by greater satisfaction, less negativity, and a higher frequency of positive marital interactions than in other developmental periods (Carstensen, Graff, Levenson, & Gottman, 1996; Story et al., 2007).

Older spouses tend to perceive more positive characteristics and fewer negative characteristics in their partners than do younger spouses (Henry, Berg, Smith, & Florsheim, 2007). As compared with middle-aged adults, older adults show greater positive sentiment override—that is, they appraise their spouse’s behavior as more positive than do outside observers (Story et al., 2007). In other words, elders tend to view their spouses through rose-colored glasses. In turn, marital satisfaction influences positive sentiment override. Those who are most satisfied in their marriages have the rosiest of glasses, viewing their spouse’s behavior most positively as compared with outsiders.

Age-related differences in the salience of positive and negative interpersonal behavior may be due to changes in emotional regulation (Labouvie-Vief & Medler, 2002). Older adults exhibit more emotional control and mood stability compared to middle-aged and young adults (Henry et al., 2007) and emotional regulation predicts satisfaction (Bloch, Haase, & Levenson, 2014).

Older adults describe their relationships as having less conflict and higher levels of pleasure and report greater positive affect in marital interaction than do younger adults (Carstensen et al., 1996, 2003; Waldinger & Schulz, 2010). Older couples show fewer disagreements and tend to discuss disagreements with more respect and humor and resolve arguments more quickly and constructively with less resulting anger and resentment than younger couples do (Hatch & Bulcroft, 2004). The quality of the marital relationship predicts happiness over the years (Proulx, Helms, & Buehler, 2007).

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Most older adults are very satisfied in their marriages. A lifetime of shared experiences, such as raising families, navigating crises, and building memories together, brings couples closer.

Jupiterimages/Polka Dot/Thinkstock

As discussed in Chapters 13 and 15, people tend to select mates who are similar to them. Over the years, spouses tend to become more similar to each other in personality (Caspi, Herbener, & Ozer, 1992), cognitive functioning (Gruber-Baldini, Schaie, & Willis, 1995), and markers of aging (Ko et al., 2007). Spouses show similarity in their general well-being, including rates of depression; physical activity; and health, including risks chronic diseases, such as high blood pressure (Bookwala & Jacobs, 2004; Pettee et al., 2006; Townsend, Miller, & Guo, 2001). Marital satisfaction is associated with physical and mental health, a longer life, and life satisfaction (Carr, 2012; Liu & Waite, 2014; Manzoli, Villari, Pirone, & Boccia, 2007). Couples who share similarities tend to report greater martial satisfaction (Gonzaga, Campos, & Bradbury, 2007).

A variety of factors contribute to the rise in marital satisfaction over the adult years. The goals emphasized by couples change over the life course. In young adulthood, personal growth is a primary concern; this changes in middle adulthood to instrumental goals, such as raising children, and in late adulthood to companionship goals (Lee, Zarit, Rovine, Birditt, & Fingerman, 2011). With grown children and the onset of retirement, adults are no longer faced with the challenges of balancing child-rearing and career. Many women perceive greater fairness in their relationships and greater equity in household tasks, as retired men often take on a greater role in completing household tasks than at earlier periods (Kulik, 2002). Retirement provides the opportunity for couples to spend more time together, which many older women report enhances feelings of closeness with their

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husbands (Vinick & Ekerdt, 1991). A lifetime of shared experiences, such as raising families, navigating crises, and building memories together, brings couples closer (Huston, 2000).

Cohabitation

Cohabitation is increasingly common among older adults. Cohabitation among adults over age 50 more than doubled from 1.2 million in 2000 to 2.75 million adults representing 8% of persons over age 50 (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2012; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012).

Cohabitation is associated with more positive outcomes in older adulthood as compared with younger adulthood. Compared with younger couples, older adults who cohabit tend to be in relationships of longer duration; are more likely to have experienced the dissolution of a marriage; and tend to report fewer marriage plans, viewing the relationship as an alternative to marriage (King & Scott, 2005). Older adults may be less interested in marriage because they are past the age of childbearing. They also may be more interested in protecting the wealth they have accrued over their lifetime than they are in pooling economic resources.

Cohabitors over the age of 50 tend to report higher-quality relationships than younger cohabitors, perceiving more fairness, more time spent alone with their partner, fewer disagreements, a lower likelihood of arguing heatedly or violently than younger cohabitors, and a lower likelihood of reporting thinking their relationship might be in trouble or that they will eventually separate (King & Scott, 2005). In addition, older cohabitors report higher levels of happiness than younger cohabitors or single elders.

Older adult cohabitors do not differ from marrieds in their reports of emotional satisfaction, pleasure, openness, time spent together, criticism, and demands (Brown & Kawamura, 2010). Among older adults, cohabitation shows similar health benefits to marriage, and this finding holds true in a variety of cultures. For example, one study of Italian men showed that, similar to marriage, cohabitation was associated with reduced mortality as compared with single men who live alone (Scafato et al., 2008). A longitudinal study of over 2,500 Danish older men showed that cohabitation and marriage were both associated with reduced rates of disability over a nearly five-year period whereas, similar to findings on marriage, women did not experience similar benefits of cohabitation as compared with men (Juul Nilsson, Lund, & Avlund, 2008).

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The nature of sexual expression often changes in older adulthood, but most older adults remain interested in, and satisfied by, sexual activity.

Reuters/Lucy Nicholson

Sexuality

Media images of sexuality have traditionally portrayed only attractive young people, shaping and reinforcing societal misconceptions that sexuality disappears in older people (Bauer, McAuliffe, & Nay, 2007). Even researchers who study sexuality often overlook the views and experiences of elders by focusing on those under the age of 60 (Gott, 2005; Smith, Rissel, Richters, Grulich, & de Visser, 2003). Many assume that sexuality is irrelevant to older people, reflecting the stereotype that aging is a feared negative event marked by rapid physical and cognitive decline (Nelson, 2005). As the population of older adults increases and healthy aging becomes more common, widespread advertising of medications for sexual performance (e.g., to treat erectile dysfunction) may shift assumptions toward the view that older adults desire but are physically unable to have, sex. However, adults remain interested and capable of sexual activity well into older adulthood (see Chapter 17).

Sexuality continues and remains important well into old age and, just as in middle age, good sex in the past predicts good sex in the future. For example, five decades of research has consistently shown that older people generally maintain sexual interest and remain sexually capable well into their 80s and often 90s (DeLamater & Koepsel, 2015; Gott & Hinchliff, 2003). Research in Asia, Australia, Europe, and the United States confirms that sexual interest and activity is still viewed as important to many older people (Bauer et al., 2007; Hyde et al., 2010; Minichiello, Plummer, & Loxton, 2004; Palacios-Ceña et al., 2012). One study of older adults who have a sexual partner found that all rated sex as “important” and over one third as “very important” in their lives (Gott & Hinchliff, 2003).

The frequency of sexual activity declines with age, but sexual satisfaction often remains unchanged (Minichiello et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 2011). In one study, 54% of men and 21% of women aged 70 to 80 reported having sexual intercourse within the past year,

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and nearly one quarter of those men and women had intercourse more than once a week (Nicolosi et al., 2006). One third of a sample of 75- to 85-year-old men reported having at least one sexual encounter within the past year (Hyde et al., 2010). Likewise, a 30-year longitudinal study of nearly 2,800 Australian men, 40% of those aged 75 to 79, but only 11% of those aged 90 to 95, had had sex in the past year (Doskoch, 2011). Reasons for lack of sexual activity include physical problems, lack of interest, partner’s lack of interest, partner’s physical problems, and the loss of a partner (Palacios-Ceña et al., 2012).

The nature of sexual expression shifts with age, encompassing an array of behaviors (e.g., self-stimulation, noncoital activity with partners) as well as sexual activity in both long-term and new relationships (Hodson & Skeen, 1994; McAuliffe, Bauer, & Nay, 2007). Because of the hormonal changes that accompany menopause (see Chapter 15), women may experience lack of vaginal lubrication and therefore find intercourse uncomfortable (DeLamater & Koepsel, 2015). With increasing age, males’ erections tend to take longer to achieve, are less frequent, and are more difficult to sustain; however, these normative changes should not be mistaken for erectile dysfunction (Araujo, Mohr, & McKinlay, 2004; Tan, 2011). Many factors may diminish sexual response and satisfaction, such as cigarette smoking, heavy drinking, obesity, poor health, and attitudes toward sexuality and aging (DeLamater, 2012). Many illnesses encountered in advancing age, including arthritis, heart disease, diabetes, Parkinson’s disease, stroke, cancer, and depression, can negatively affect an individual’s interest or participation in sexual activity (Syme, Klonoff, Macera, & Brodine, 2013; Taylor & Gosney, 2011). Likewise, prescription drugs, over-the-counter medications, and herbal supplements may have side effects that can alter or impair sexual function.

Sexual activity is a correlate of good health, as those who report good health are more likely to be sexually active (DeLamater & Koepsel, 2015; Holden, Collins, Handelsman, Jolley, & Pitts, 2014). However, just as during other phases of life, there is a bidirectional relationship: Sexual activity is likely to enhance health by reducing stress and improving well-being (Brody, 2010).

Divorce and Remarriage

As we have seen, marital satisfaction generally increases with age; couples over the age of 65 are less likely to divorce than are younger couples. Less than 1% of all divorces comprise elders. However, divorces are becoming more common because the new generation of older adults tends to be more accepting of divorce than prior generations and is more likely to have divorced and remarried, a risk factor for divorce. Similar to younger people, older adults report divorcing because of poor communication, emotional detachment, and few shared interests (Weingarten, 1988; Wu & Schimmele, 2007).

Elders in long-term marriages find it more difficult to adjust to divorce than do younger

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adults. Many find it difficult to separate and feel a sense of failure after spending their lives in a relationship. Divorce poses financial challenges for couples because accumulated assets must be divided and financial security in retirement is at risk. Women face greater financial and emotional difficulties than men as they are more likely to remain single throughout the remainder of their lives (McDonald & Robb, 2004).

Social support is important for well-being throughout adulthood but is especially important in adjusting to divorce. Yet divorce changes relationships with family and friends and can reduce support and pose great challenges to adjustment. Research with U.K. elders 70 years or older, however, found that divorce itself was not related to a decline in support from adult children over a 12-year period (Glaser, Stuchbury, Tomassini, & Askham, 2008). Similarly, samples of U.S. adults show that adult children of divorced parents are just as likely as adult children of widowed parents to give care and money to their mothers but are less likely to care for their fathers after divorce (Lin, 2008). The findings suggest that divorced fathers are likely the population most in need of formal support in old age.

Rates of remarriage decline in older adulthood. Still, a substantial number of adults, particularly older men, remarry after divorce (Huyck & Gutmann, 2006). Single women, whether by divorce or widowhood, are less likely to marry than men, but women are more likely to marry after divorce than widowhood. When elders remarry, their unions tend to be more stable than those of younger people. The gains in maturity and perspective may contribute to a more realistic concept of marriage and support the longevity of late life marriages (Kemp & Kemp, 2002).

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Grandparenthood

What is it like being a grandparent? Margaret and Elsie explain the joys and challenges of being a grandparent and how it differs from parenthood.

Watch the video at edge.sagepub.com/kuther

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Relationships With Adult Children and Grandchildren

Most North American older adults are parents, usually of middle-aged adults. The nature of the relationship and exchange of help changes over time, from predominantly parent-to- child assistance in childhood through early adulthood, to increasing assistance provided by adult children to their elderly parents. Adult child-to-parent assistance most often takes the form of emotional support and companionship, which helps elders cope with and compensate for losses such as disabilities and widowhood. Most older adults and their adult children keep in touch even when they are separated by great distance. Overall, adult daughters tend to be closer and more involved with parents than sons, speaking with and visiting more often than sons. In contrast with emotional support, fewer older adults receive instrumental assistance from adult children. Instead, many older adults, especially high socioeconomic elders, continue to assist their adult children, primarily with financial assistance (Grundy & Henretta, 2006).

Family relations may take many forms. Some parents and adult children live nearby, engage in frequent contact, and endorse family obligation norms. Support is provided either primarily from parent to adult child or adult to parent. Other families provide support at a distance where they do not live nearby, engage in frequent contact, endorse fewer family obligation norms, and provide mainly financial support—often from parents to children. Other family relationships are autonomous: not living nearby, engaging in little contact, little endorsement of family obligation norms, and few support exchanges. Each of these types of family relations are found in most European nations and likely the United States (Dykstra & Fokkema, 2010).

About one half of older adults in Western nations have an adult grandchild (AARP, 2002). Grandchildren and great-grandchildren increase elders’ opportunities for emotional support. The quality of the grandparent relationship is influenced by the degree of involvement in the grandchild’s life. A history of close and frequent contact, positive experiences, and affectionate ties predicts good adult child–grandparent relationships (Sheehan & Petrovic, 2008). One study of adult grandchildren in young and middle adulthood found that most adults reported that their relationships with their grandparents are close and enduring (Hodgson, 1992). Several factors were related to the strength of the grandchild–grandparent bonds: age, geographical proximity, the child–parent relationship, and the parent–grandparent relationship. Over time, contact with grandchildren tends to decline as young and middle-aged grandchildren take on time-consuming family and work roles and sometimes move far away. Regardless of distance and contact, affection between grandchildren and grandparents remains strong (Silverstein & Marenco, 2001; Thiele & Whelan, 2008).

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Elder Maltreatment

Most older adults maintain positive and healthy relationships with the people around them, including friends, relatives, and caregivers. In recent years, however, the media has drawn the public’s attention to the problem of elder maltreatment—acts or omissions that cause harm to the older person and occur within the context of a trusting relationship (Johannesen & LoGiudice, 2013). Reports of the prevalence of elder maltreatment vary with how maltreatment is defined.

Elder maltreatment appears in several forms. Many elders fall victim to more than one form of maltreatment (Choi & Nater, 2000), which may include the following.

Physical abuse: Intentionally inflicting physical harm or discomfort through cutting, burning, and other acts of physical force Sexual abuse: Inflicting unwanted sexual contact Psychological abuse: Intentionally inflicting emotional harm through verbal assaults, humiliation, intimidation, or withdrawal of affection Financial abuse: Exploiting the elder’s financial resources by theft or unauthorized use (e.g., withdrawing funds from savings, selling an elder’s jewelry or other possessions, charging purchases to the elder’s credit card) Physical neglect: Providing inadequate care and failing to meet an elder’s basic needs for food, medication, physical comfort, and health care; leaving an elder with special needs unattended

Elder abuse appears in all cultures. Overall about 6% to 10% of elders in industrialized countries, including Australia, Canada, China, Germany, India, Ireland, Israel, the Netherlands, Taiwan, the United Kingdom, and others, report experiencing abuse within the last month (Cooper, Selwood, & Livingston, 2008; Lowenstein & Doron, 2008; Melchiorre, Penhale, & Lamura, 2014; Podnieks, Anetzberger, Wilson, Teaster, & Wangmo, 2010). About 5% of U.S. older adults report emotional abuse, 2% physical, and 1% sexual abuse each year (Acierno et al., 2010). It is estimated that about 5% of older adults experience neglect by a caregiver and 5% experience financial abuse by a family member each year.

Similar to child abuse, elder maltreatment is underreported, and prevalence rates are likely higher than reported. Victims of maltreatment are more likely to be advanced in age and suffer from physical and mental illness, frailty, and impairments with activities of daily living (Choi & Nater, 2000; Laumann, Leitsch, & Waite, 2008). Women and minorities are more likely to be victimized, as are those who experience a lack of social support or social isolation (Choi & Nater, 2000; Johannesen & LoGiudice, 2013; Sooryanarayana, Choo, & Hairi, 2013).

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Figure 18.7: Labor Force Participation Rates in 1992, 2002, 2012, and Projected 2022, by Age

Source: Drake (2014).

Around the world, most cases of elder maltreatment are likely to be from caregivers, most often spouses or children, who lack social support, experience psychological problems, and feel overwhelmed with the task of care giving (Choi & Nater, 2000; Dong & Simon, 2008). Within nursing homes, institutional factors such as overcrowding and understaffing contribute to caregiver stress and can increase the likelihood of elder maltreatment (Nerenberg, 2008; Thobaben, 2008; Wilber & McNeilly, 2001). Reducing the stressful working conditions for nursing home employees and increasing oversight can reduce the risk of maltreatment in institutional settings.

Providing elders and caregivers with greater social support and a feeling that they have others to turn to reduces risk of abuse, perhaps because of reduced reliance on caregivers (Dong & Simon, 2008; Lee, 2008). To the extent that elder abuse is an outgrowth of caregiver stress and burnout, aiding caregivers can lessen the likelihood of abuse. Social workers and family counselors can aid caregivers in learning how to cope with anger and manage strong emotions. Respite services such as in-home assistance or elder day care can provide physical assistance, which can reduce the stress of caregiving. The rates of elder abuse can also be reduced through education that helps vulnerable elders understand and identify maltreatment and know where to get help (Campbell Reay & Browne, 2008; Nerenberg, 2008).

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Thinking in Context 18.4 1. What aspects of social relationships (e.g., friendships as well as relationships with siblings and children)

are continuous over the lifespan? In what ways do these relationships change? 2. Relationships with spouses are particularly enduring and influential on adjustment and functioning. How

do marital relationships form and change over the adult years? What can spouses expect in older adulthood?

3. Many older adults are single, living alone after divorce or widowhood. What challenges to adjustment does each raise? How are males and females’ experience of divorce similar and different?

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Retirement

In most Western countries, older adults are able to work longer than ever before because of improved health and the revocation of mandatory retirement ages for most occupations (with exceptions for jobs that entail responsibility for the safety of others, such as air traffic controllers, pilots, and police officers). Despite these changes, increases in life expectancy and declines in the age of retirement mean that over the past century the period of retirement has lengthened in all Western nations. However, as indicated in Figure 18.7, not all adults retire, and it is projected that adults will increasingly postpone retirement (Drake, 2014).

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Deciding to Retire

As discussed in Chapter 16, retirement is a process that begins long before the last day of employment. Typically it begins with imagining the possibility of retirement, what it might be like. Adults then assess their abilities and their resources, determine when is the best time to let go of the work role, and put plans into action (Feldman & Beehr, 2011). The decision of when to retire is influenced by job conditions, health, finances, and personal preferences. Workers tend to retire early from jobs that are stressful or hazardous and tend to delay retirement from jobs that are highly stimulating, in pleasant environments, and are a source of identity and self-esteem (AARP, 2008). Workers in professional occupations and those who are self-employed tend to stay in their jobs longer as compared with those in blue-collar or clerical positions. Women tend to retire earlier than men, often to care for an aging relative or spouse (Kim & Moen, 2001). Women in poverty, however, especially African American women, tend to work well into old age because they lack the financial resources to make retirement possible (see Lives in Context, above; Lee & Shaw, 2008; Verma, 2003).

Financial resources often are the determining factor with regard to whether and when an older adult retires. The creation of Social Security was designed to aid elders in affording retirement (see Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development, p. 523). However, changing economics influence older adults’ abilities to retire as personal retirement investments such as IRAs and 401(k) plans may lose value unexpectedly. In 2012, about 4 in 10 of all U.S. adults expressed concern over whether they will have enough income and assets of retirement, including 43% of 45- to 54-year-olds, 35% of 55- to 64-year-olds, and 28% of adults over age 65 (Morin & Fry, 2012). At the same time, many adults (39% of those 45 to 59 and 60 and older) report thinking about financial planning for retirement only sometimes, if at all (U.S. Federal Reserve, 2014). Furthermore, 23% of 45- to 59-year-old adults and 15% of adults age 60 and older report that they have no retirement savings.

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Lives in Context

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Feminization of Poverty and the Older Woman

Elderly women are twice as likely to live in poverty than men, and the rate of poverty increases with age.

PhotoFusion/Univesral/Getty

Over the past 35 years, the poverty rate among adults aged 65 and older has dropped more than one half, from about 25% in 1970 to about 10% in 2013 (Beedon & Wu, 2005; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2014b). However, the picture is less rosy for older women, particularly older women of color, than it is for older men. Elderly women are nearly twice as likely to be poor as elderly men, and the risk of poverty increases as women age. About 12% of women over the age of 65 were poor in 2011. For African American and Hispanic women over the age of 65, rates are much higher, with 21% of African American women and 20% of Hispanic women living in poverty (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013).

Older women have fewer sources of retirement income and receive about three quarters that of men (about $15,000 and $22,000 respectively; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2014a). The Census Bureau’s poverty threshold for one person in 2014 was $11,770 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015). In other words, the median annual income for older women is just about $4,000 above the U.S. definition of poverty.

The factors that most influence whether older women will become or stay poor during the retirement years are marital status (divorced, widowed, or never married are negatives), employment (having a job is a plus), and health (good health is a major benefit; Lee & Shaw, 2008). Because of longer life expectancy for women, they are more likely to experience the loss of their spouse, live alone in old age, and become financially vulnerable. Women who reach age 65 today are likely to live another 22 years, about three years longer than men the same age (Social Security Administration, 2015a). Most women over 65 will spend some years alone. For women of all racial and ethnic groups, marital disruption, including widowhood, results in a substantial decline in household income and assets; however, the relative loss is greater for African American and Hispanic widows than for non-Hispanic European American widows (Angel, Jiménez, & Angel, 2007).

Women have different work history patterns from men. Interrupting their careers to take care of children often reduces women’s opportunities to accumulate Social Security and other retirement benefits and reduces economic well-being (Beedon & Wu, 2005; Verma, 2003; Wakabayashi & Donato, 2006). For example, average Social Security benefits for women are about $13,000 per year as compared with about $17,000 for men (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2014a). Education, especially postsecondary education, has important effects on women’s social and economic status during their preretirement years. After controlling for demographic characteristics and employment-related variables, both European American and African American women with postsecondary education were better off economically and relied less on public assistance income during their retirement (Zhan & Pandey, 2002).

Perhaps most striking is that poverty increases radically in older adulthood for all women. While poverty in old age among African American women tends to reflect continuous economic disadvantages in their earlier years, nearly two thirds of European American women who are poor in old age were not poor in the earlier

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years (Lee & Shaw, 2008). During their “golden years,” many women find themselves living in poverty for the first time in their lives.

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What Do You Think? 1. What solutions would you propose to reduce the age, gender, and ethnic gaps in poverty? For

example, do you advocate changes in social policy, stronger incentives for employer retirement programs, or strategies motivating individual women to better plan for their old age?

2. What advice might you give to young or middle-aged woman who expresses concern about economic stability in her later years?

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Ethical and Policy Applications of Lifespan Development

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Social Security

President Franklin D. Roosevelt signing the Social Security Act in 1935.

Underwood Archives/Getty

The Great Depression of the 1930s triggered a crisis in America’s economic life. It was against this backdrop that the Social Security Act emerged, signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1935. The act created a social insurance program designed to pay retired workers aged 65 or older a continuing income. The original act provided only retirement benefits—and only to the worker. The 1939 amendments added two new categories of benefits: payments to the spouse and minor children of a retired worker (called dependents benefits) and survivors benefits paid to the family in the event of the premature death of the worker (Social Security Administration, 2007). Amendments in the 1950s and 1960s provided disabled workers and their dependents to qualify for benefits, as well as the passage of Medicare, health coverage to Social Security beneficiaries. In 1977, responsibility for Medicare moved to the newly created Health Care Financing Administration. About one in three Social Security beneficiaries is not a retiree (Shelton, 2007; Social Security Administration, 2008).

Social Security, also known as Old Age and Survivors Insurance and Disability Insurance (OASIDI), is funded by taxes paid by workers; the funds are invested in interest-bearing U.S. securities. Social Security provides older Americans with a dependable monthly income, with automatic increases tied to increases in the cost of living. Social Security has reduced poverty rates for older Americans by more than two thirds, from 35% in 1959 to less than 9% in 2012 (Dattalo, 2007; Shelton, 2013).

More than 90% of U.S. retirees now receive Social Security benefit payments each month (Social Security Administration, 2014). Social Security was never intended as a sole form of income, however. Instead, it was conceived as a supplement to income from a retirement plan, pension, and savings. However, in 2014 one half of married couples and three quarters of single adults were getting at least half of their income from Social Security; for one quarter and one half, respectively Social Security was virtually their only income (Social Security Administration, 2014). Moreover, Social Security provides critical income to older women and minorities, who are more likely than married and nonminority elders to rely on Social Security for 90% of more of their income (Social Security Administration, 2015b, 2015c).

Social Security is a pay-as-you-go retirement system. The Social Security taxes paid by today’s workers and their employers are used to pay the benefits for today’s retirees and other beneficiaries. There is considerable debate over whether Social Security trust funds are solvent for the long term. The main reason for Social Security’s long-range financing problem is demographics. We are living longer and healthier lives than ever before. In addition, more than 80 million baby boomers started retiring in 2008. By 2050, when the surviving baby boomers will be over the age of 85, the population of older adults aged 65 and over is projected to be 83.7 million, about twice as many older Americans as in 2012 there are today (Ortman, Velkoff, & Hogan, 2014). At the same time, the number of workers paying into Social Security per beneficiary will drop from 2.8 in 2014 to about 2.1 in 2034 (Social Security Administration, 2008). These

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demographic changes will strain Social Security financing.

Proposed strategies to make Social Security solvent over the long term include increasing payroll taxes, decreasing benefits, and privatizing Social Security. One option that began to be phased in in the early 2000s is to increase the retirement age for full Social Security benefits. Under current law, an increase will be phased in over 23 years, reaching age 67 in 2022. Another option is to raise Social Security taxes so that all future benefits could be paid. For example, some advocate raising the income cap above which high- income earners are exempt from Social Security payroll contributions. Critics argue that payroll taxes are already very high, having been raised 20 times since the program began and that eventually Social Security taxes would have to be raised by about 50% to pay for all benefits owed. In short, there are no easy answers.

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What Do You Think? Taking a bioecological perspective, how does Social Security influence individuals? Consider the macrosystem, exosystem, mesosystem, and microsystem.

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Transition to Retirement and Adjustment

The transition to retirement begins years before leaving the workforce and continues well into retirement. Retirement is commonly thought of as a stressful experience. As we have discussed in prior chapters, the roles that adults embody influence their sense of identity, self-esteem, and overall adjustment. For most adults, the role of worker becomes an integral part of their identity (Kim & Moen, 2002). Giving up the role as worker and earner is often assumed to be stressful and associated with physical and psychological declines. However, research suggests, as with most aspects of development, the retirement transition is more complex than previously thought.

Theorists pose that the transition to retirement is a process that follows a predictable set of steps (Atchley, 1974, 1975). Prior to retirement, feelings of well-being and life satisfaction may decline as people worry and anticipate the loss of the work role. After the retirement event, retirees may experience a short honeymoon phase marked by vacations and new interests or a rest-and-relaxation phase of brief respite from the obligations of work. As retirees become accustomed to the reality of everyday life in retirement, these positive feelings may change to disenchantment. Over time, the elder develops a realistic view of the social and economic opportunities and constraints of retirement and a period of reorientation occurs in which the person attempts to replace the lost work role with new activities or become stressed if they cannot (Richardson & Kilty, 1991). Finally, stability occurs once the retirees accommodate and adjust to retirement. Therefore, it was long theorized that retirement is followed by a temporary increase in well-being and life satisfaction, followed by a marked decline, and then a smaller increase that occurs once individuals adjust to the transition (Atchley, 1993). Instead, there appear to be at least two subgroups of retirees (Pinquart & Schindler, 2007; Shultz, Morton, & Weckerle, 1998; Wang, 2007). The majority show an increase in life satisfaction and adjust well to their post retirement life whereas some show more poor adjustment and poor life satisfaction following retirement (Reitzes & Mutran, 2004).

Declines in well-being and life satisfaction may occur when the retirement transition causes an important role loss of worker that must be replaced by other social roles over time (Pinquart & Schindler, 2007; Richardson & Kilty, 1991). Work-related roles often become an important part of one’s identity and source of self-esteem. The loss of a role central to an adult’s identity may be especially stressful, contributing to increases in anxiety, depression, and poor well-being during the retirement transition (Kim & Moen, 2002). A review of multiple studies showed that a significant minority of retirees (estimates ranged from 10% to over 30%) reported some problems in retirement or a decline in well-being after retirement (Szinovacz, 2003). Nevertheless, on average, retirees—even those who show declines in well-being—are satisfied with their lives over time.

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On the other hand, retirees with other role involvements, or those who are retiring from an unpleasant job, may be less troubled by, and even pleased with, the loss of those work roles (Adams, Prescher, Beehr, & Lepisto, 2002). For individuals who find their job stressful or burdensome, retiring could be a very positive experience, a relief from ongoing strains and conflicts, energizing and fulfilling (Fehr, 2012). Also, for individuals who would like to participate more heavily in the roles of family member and community member, retirement is an opportunity for them to enjoy the rewards and responsibilities tied to those roles. Continuity in other social roles and the ability to adapt to role changes leads to few changes in life satisfaction after retirement (Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). In addition, retirement satisfaction tends to increase for most older adults over the first half dozen years after retirement (Gall, Evans, & Howard, 1997; Wang, 2007).

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Influences on Retirement Adjustment

Adjustment to retirement is influenced by a complex web of influences, including characteristics of the individual, his or her social relationships, and the job (Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011). Workers in high stress, demanding jobs, or those that provide little satisfaction tend to show positive adaptation to retirement (AARP, 2008; Adams et al., 2002). Retirement often comes as a relief. Those who are in highly satisfying, low stress, pleasant jobs tend to experience more challenges in adaptation. Generally speaking, the greater the intrinsic value of the older worker’s job, the lower the levels of retirement satisfaction (van Solinge & Henkens, 2008).

The characteristics of the retirement transition also matter. Increasingly, adults are taking the route of a gradual retirement, slowly decreasing their involvement and working part time, rather than an abrupt retirement (Calvo, Haverstick, & Sass, 2009). Workers often view the idea of gradual retirement as a more attractive alternative than a “cold turkey,” or abrupt, retirement. In a study of Australians, those who retired abruptly were more likely to rate their health as having deteriorated and more likely to report better adjustment to retirement (De Vaus, Wells, Kendig, & Quine, 2007). About 50% of older adults expect to work part-time during retirement; 29% of elders who work in retirement do so for enjoyment and 22% for income (AARP, 2008). Those who say work is an important component of their self-esteem and identity are more likely to work after retirement than are those who say it is less important or not important.

However, the length of the transition, whether abrupt or gradual, matters less in determining happiness after retirement than the worker’s sense of control over the transition—whether the retirement is chosen or forced (Calvo et al., 2009; De Vaus et al., 2007; Quine, Wells, de Vaus, & Kendig, 2007). Having a sense of control over the decision to retire, timing, and manner of leaving work has an important positive impact on psychological and social well-being that lasts throughout the retirement transition.

Positive adjustment to retirement is associated with engagement in satisfying relationships and leisure activities (Butrica & Schaner, 2005; Morrow-Howell et al., 2003). Among married retirees, relationship satisfaction aids the transition to retirement and the increased time together can enhance marital satisfaction. Volunteer work offers elders opportunities to share their experience, mentor others, and develop and sustain social relationships, enhancing well-being (Tang, 2008; Windsor, Anstey, & Rodgers, 2008).

Volunteer work, however, often does not begin with retirement but instead is an activity that individuals take up earlier in life during their working years and preretirement engagement in volunteer work has a beneficial effect on adjustment to retirement (Hao, 2008; Wahrendorf & Siegrist, 2010). Older adults with more education are more likely to volunteer in all types of settings (religious, educational, political, senior center, etc.) and

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tend to devote more hours to volunteer work than adults with less education. Income, however, is found to make little difference in the extent to which elders engage in volunteer work (Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Nonwork identities such as the volunteer role may thus provide stability and support as individuals enter retirement and act as a bridge between a pre- and postretirement lifestyle (Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Maintaining multiple roles in old age, through volunteering, promotes well-being (Butler & Eckart, 2007).

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Thinking in Context 18.5 1. Identify individual and contextual influences on the decision to retire and adjustment to retirement. 2. In what ways might the characteristics of jobs; individuals’ education and experience; and other

microsystem, macrosystem, and exosystem factors influence retirement decisions and subsequent adjustment?

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Death and Bereavement in Older Adulthood

Lying in bed, 88-year-old Margaret wakes and takes in her surroundings. Her daughter and granddaughter are in the room, one reading and the other texting on her phone. Margaret is fortunate to have a private room in her nursing home, where she has been living since she suffered a stroke. Life here is better than she expected. The nurses are responsive, especially the kind night nurse who tells Margaret’s daughter that she will check in often and does. The only thing Margaret doesn’t like is that the nurses pressure her to socialize in the lounge each day. She’d rather sleep than be pushed out in her wheelchair to play games and watch television with the other elders. Her daughter urges her to eat, but the stroke impaired Margaret’s ability to swallow so that eating is a chore, and she finds that she isn’t very hungry anymore. Still, she’ll happily eat a little bit of ice cream each afternoon. Margaret feels lucky to have family who live nearby and visit very often. Margaret’s children notice a change in their mother. She seems less sharp and each day seems a little bit more confused. She’s often too tired to talk and drifts in and out of sleep.

With time, Margaret sleeps nearly all of the time. In addition to her stroke-related impairments, she has congestive heart failure, which is not responding to treatment. A few days before her 89th birthday, the doctors tell Margaret’s daughter that the time is near. Margaret’s children and grandchildren gather in her room, waiting. They talk about old times and everyday life. Margaret is largely unconscious, but now and then she calls out, moans, or talks to herself, reaching her arms out in front of her. As time goes on, her breathing becomes more labored and heavy with occasional gasps. Margaret’s children watch carefully and wait, attempting to talk with one another and retain a sense of normalcy. Finally, the room is quiet. Margaret’s children know that she is gone. After 88 years and surrounded by family, Margaret has died.

Death is unavoidable. It comes hand in hand with life and is the end state of the Lifespan.

What is death? Simply put, death is the absence of life. Dying is the transition from being alive to being dead. However, defining death is much more complex than this.

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The Dying Process

There are predictable changes, with variations, that occur in the dying person hours and days before death. As death is imminent, the person sleeps most of the time, may be disoriented and less able to see, and may experience visual and auditory hallucinations. The dying person shows irregular breathing, produces less urine, and may have cool hands and an overly warm trunk (Gavrin & Chapman, 1995). As the older adult is closer to death, he or she will lose interest and the ability to eat, drink, and talk. Breathing will be difficult, and the older adult may experience dry mouth and difficulty swallowing. Fluids may accumulate in the abdomen and extremities, leading to bloating. Psychological symptoms such as anxiety, depression, confusion, the inability to recognize family members, and dementia are common (Field & Cassel, 1997).

There is great variability in the dying trajectory, or rate of decline in functioning, people show prior to death (Glaser & Strauss, 1968). Dying trajectories vary by duration and descent. Some people show normal functioning and a steep decline representing a sudden death without warning or knowledge of illness, such as heart attack or accident. A second trajectory illustrates the person who typically has advance warning of a terminal illness and experiences steady losses of function. Some people show a third trajectory marked by steady declines broken by sharp drops in functioning, the final leading to a loss of life functions and death (Teno, Weitzen, Fennell, & Mor, 2001). The second and third trajectories, which imply knowledge of impending death, make it possible for older adults to cope and come to terms with their own death.

Death is universal, yet talking about death is often discouraged. Elisabeth Kübler-Ross was one of the first researchers to examine the controversial topic of the process of dying. Most people experience extreme emotional responses. After conducting more than 200 interviews with terminally ill people, Kübler-Ross categorized people’s reactions into five types or ways

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in which people deal with death: denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance, as shown in Table 18.1 (Kübler-Ross, 1969). Kübler-Ross was the first to identify commonly experienced emotional reactions in dying people. However, research suggests that the emotional reactions experienced by dying people do not progress through a sequence of stages, and not everyone experiences each emotion (Corr, Nabe, & Corr, 2009). The dying person has a myriad of emotions and must be allowed to experience and express them in order to come to terms with his or her own grief; complete unfinished business with loved ones; and to, ultimately, accept death (Corr et al., 2009).

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Death With Dignity

As compared with prior generations, today in developed countries death is removed from everyday life. A century ago, death most often occurred at home. People witnessed death, and it was part of everyday life. Today most deaths occur in hospital and nursing homes, removed from the everyday world; only about one in five older adults dies at home (Span, 2012). People no longer have contact with death in everyday settings (DeSpelder & Strickland, 2002). Less exposure and experience with death has led it to become more mysterious and feared. Death anxiety refers to fear and discomfort that centers around death and the process of dying. Older adults experience lower levels of death anxiety than younger and middle-aged adults (Maxfield, Pyszczynski, Greenberg, Pepin, & Davis, 2012; Thorson & Powell, 2000). Fear of dying declines in older adulthood; however, many older adults remain afraid of the circumstances of dying, as they wish to die with dignity (Cicirelli, 2008). The Yautepec of Mexico refer to death as a beautiful process when it is a good death, one with dignity (Wilches-Gutiérrez, Arenas-Monreal, Paulo-Maya, Peláez- Ballestas, & Idrovo, 2012).

Dying with dignity refers to ending life in a way that is true to one’s preferences, controlling one’s end-of-life care. Therefore, dying with dignity requires planning so that the individual’s wishes are known ahead of time. Dying patients usually are not able to express their wishes and, therefore, often are unable to participate in decisions about their own end-of-life care, such as pain management, life prolonging treatment, and memorial services. All of the persons involved—spouses, children, family members, friends, and health care workers—are likely to have different views regarding end-of-life care and postmortem decisions. Advance directives and health proxies, such as those in Table 18.2,

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are an important way that the dying can ensure that their preferences are known and respected. Determining and communicating one’s final wishes in order to construct advance directives can ease the process for the dying person and his or her family. Advance directives permit patients to take control over their health care, their deaths, and what happens to their bodies and possessions after death. Advance directives foster patients’ autonomy and help them to retain a sense of dignity as they die. More than half of older adults have written some form of advance directive (see Figure 18.8), and they are typically the ones to initiate conversations with family members about end-of-life issues (see Figure 18.9).

Figure 18.8: Percentage of Adults Who Have Written Down Their Wishes for End-of-Life Medical Treatment

Source: Pew Research Center (2009a).

Figure 18.9: Communication About End-of-Life Issues

Source: Pew Research Center (2009a).

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Although death occurs most often in hospitals and nursing homes, most dying people express the desire to die at home with family and friends. Dying persons have needs that set them apart from other patients; hospital settings often are not equipped to meet these needs. Rather than medical treatment, dying patients require palliative care, focusing on controlling pain and related symptoms. Hospice is an approach to end-of-life care that emphasizes dying patients’ needs for pain management, psychological, spiritual, and social support as well as death with dignity (Ganzini et al., 2001; Russo, 2008). Hospice services are enlisted after the physician and patient believe that the illness is terminal and that no treatment or cure is possible.

Hospice services may be provided on an inpatient basis, at a formal hospice site that provides all care to patients, but they are frequently provided on an outpatient basis in a patient’s home. Outpatient hospice service is becoming more common because it is cost effective and enables the patient to remain in the familiar surroundings of his or her home. Home hospice care is associated with increased satisfaction by patients and families (Candy, Holman, Leurent, Davis, & Jones, 2011) Regardless of inpatient or outpatient, the patient care team includes physicians, nurses, social workers, and counselors who act as spiritual and bereavement counselors. Patients who receive hospice care at home receive frequent visits from members of the patient care team. The social workers and counselors help the patient and caregivers cope with the loss.

Hospice services permit dying patients to remain in their home, comfortable, and feel a sense of control in the death process. Counseling services help families assist the dying person, cope with their own needs, and strengthen connections with the dying person. Hospice services permit death with dignity that honors a loved one’s wishes.

John Moore/Getty

The philosophy of the hospice approach does not emphasize prolonging life but rather prolonging quality of life. The purpose is to make the person comfortable but not to delay death. Medical care is aimed at controlling pain and helping the dying person function as well as possible. The medical team seeks to reduce pain and fear and aid the patient in fulfilling his or her desires. Competence is maintained as long as possible, and social impoverishment is minimized. Counseling services help the patient’s loved ones adjust and cope with their needs, strengthening relationship ties. The patients are encouraged to feel a

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sense of control in the death process. In this way, hospices meet the dying patients’ needs for palliative care, social support, and personal control (Kastenbaum, 1999). Hospice often includes follow-up services to help loved ones after the patient’s death. Although death is never an easy process, families can take comfort in knowing that their loved one’s wishes were honored and he or she died with dignity.

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Bereavement

The death of a loved one begins a complex transition known as bereavement, the process of coping with the sense of loss that follows death. Mourning and grief are aspects of bereavement. Mourning refers to culturally patterned ritualistic ways of displaying and expressing bereavement, including special clothing, food, prayers, and gatherings. Mourning rituals such as the Jewish custom of sitting shiva, ceasing usual activity, and instead mourning and receiving visitors at home for a week provides a sense of structure to help the bereaved manage the first days and weeks of bereavement. The process of coping with the loss of a loved one, however, is personal, complicated, and lengthy. Grief refers to the affective response to bereavement and includes an array of emotions such as hurt, anger, guilt, confusion, and other feelings. One of the first steps in the bereavement process is to organize a funeral or other ritual to mark the occasion of the loved one’s death; such customs are different in various cultures around the world, as discussed in Cultural Influences on Development (p. 529).

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Grief Process

Grief is an active coping process in which the grieving person must confront the loss and come to terms with its effects on the physical world, interpersonal interactions, and his or her sense of self (Ivancovich & Wong, 2008; Worden, 1991). There are no clearly marked stages to grief, and there is no one way to grieve. Instead, grieving is an individual experience (Mallon, 2008). The person in grief must acknowledge his or her emotions, make sense of them, and learn to manage them. Most important, and most difficult, the grieving person must adjust to life without the deceased. He or she must adapt to the loss by establishing new patterns of behavior and redefining relationships with family and friends in light of the loss (Attig, 1996; Worden, 1991). The grieving person must construct a new sense of self that takes into account the loss of the deceased and how that loss has changed everyday life.

It was once believed that effective grieving entailed loosening emotional ties to the deceased, permitting the grieving person to “work through” the death (Worden, 1991). During a period of mourning, the survivor would sever attachments to the deceased and become ready for new relationships and attachments. Instead, in recent decades, theorists have come to view the bereaved continued attachment to the deceased as normative and potentially adaptive in providing a sense of continuity despite loss (Stroebe, Schut, & Boerner, 2010). Attachment is illustrated in several behaviors common among the bereaved, such as feeling that the deceased is watching over them, keeping the deceased’s possessions, and talking about the deceased to keep his or her memory alive. Successful adaptation entails moving toward abstract manifestations of attachment, such as thoughts and memories, and away from concrete manifestations such as possessions (Field, Gal-Oz, & Bonanno, 2003). The deceased remains in mind, however. Grieving appears to involve learning to live with loss rather than getting over loss.

A similar view is posed by the dual-process model of stress and coping, which emphasizes two sets of losses that occur with bereavement (Stroebe et al., 2010). The first is emotional and concerns the grief that comes with losing an attachment figure. The second set of losses are the life changes that accompany the death, such as moving homes, experiencing social isolation, and reframing one’s identity from married, for example, to single. Grieving persons may focus on the emotional losses or the life changes at any given time. Healthy adjustment is promoted by alternating focus between the two types. When the person is able, he or she confronts the emotional losses, yet at other times the person may set that task aside to instead consider the secondary consequences of the loss, the life changes (Stroebe, Schut, & Stroebe, 2005). In this way, the grieving person adaptively copes as he or she is able, gradually moving forward. Grieving is influenced by the relationship between the person and the deceased. Death of a spouse is a common type of loss in late life, yet it is experienced by most people as a profound personal loss. Spouses grieve a great deal and

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many grieve a very long time, with some grieving several years or more (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007).

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Cultural Influences on Development

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Cultural Rituals Surrounding Death

The Cremation Ceremony held in Bali, Indonesia, is a ritual performed to send the deceased to the next life. The body is placed in a wood coffin inside a temple-like structure made of paper and wood. The structure and body are burned to release the deceased’s spirit and enable reincarnation.

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Every culture has its own set of rituals surrounding death that shape how individuals perceive and make sense of death (Penson, 2004). Many cultures within the South Pacific do not differentiate death as a separate category of functioning. For example, Melanesians use the term mate to refer to the very old, the very sick, and the dead; all other living people are referred to as toa (Counts & Counts, 1985). Other South Pacific cultures explain that the life force leaves the body during sleep and illness; therefore, people experience forms of death over the course of the lifetime before experiencing a final death (Counts & Counts, 1985). The Kwanga of Papua New Guinea believe that most deaths are the result of magic and witchcraft (Brison, 1995). The social meaning of death is conveyed in a culture’s funeral rituals, the degree to which death topics are taboo, the language used to describe death, the belief in an afterlife, and the treatment of the dying (Whitbourne, 2007). Culture thereby shapes the understandings people construct of death.

There is great variability in cultural views of the meaning of death and the rituals or other behaviors that express grief (Rosenblatt, 2008). Perhaps the most well-known death rituals were practiced by the ancient Egyptians. They believed that the body must be preserved through mummification in order to permanently house the spirit of the deceased in his or her new eternal life. The mummies were surrounded by valued objects and possessions and buried in elaborate tombs. Family members would regularly visit, bringing food and necessities to sustain them in the afterlife. Egyptian mummies are the most well known, but mummies have been found in other parts of the world such as the Andes mountains of Peru (Whitbourne, 2007).

In South Korea today, a small minority of people still choose to employ the services of a mudang (Korean “shaman”) to conduct a lengthy ritual known as Ogu Kut, in which the mudang summons the deceased spirit into the ritual space; expresses the latter’s feelings of unhappiness through song, dance, and the spoken word; and encourages the bereaved to express their own grievances within symbolic psychodrama. Once the

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emotional ties between the bereaved and the deceased have been loosened, prayers for protection are offered to various deities, and the mudang guides the spirit toward the Buddhist paradise. Finally, the deceased spirit’s earthly possessions are cremated, and the bereaved are left better able to move on in their lives (Mills, 2012).

Death rituals vary among religions. Among Hindus, a good death is a holy death, one that is welcomed by the dying person, who rests on the ground and is surrounded by family and friends chanting prayers (Dennis, 2008). Buddhists believe that the dying person’s task is to gain insight. Death is not an end, as the individual will be reincarnated in the hopes of reaching nirvana, an ultimate, perfect state of enlightenment. Among Jews, the dying person remains part of the community and is never left alone before or immediately after death. Christians generally believe that death is the entry to an eternity in heaven or hell and thereby is an event to be welcomed (generally) or feared (rarely). In Islam, death is united with life, because it is believed that the achievements and concerns of this life are fleeting and everyone should be mindful and ready for death. Muslim death rituals, such as saying prayers and washing the body, aid in the dying person’s transition to the afterlife.

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What Do You Think? 1. In your view, what purpose do death rituals hold? 2. Given the ethnic and religious diversity in the United States, many people have opportunities

to learn about different cultural and religious approaches to coping with death. What, if any, customs have you observed?

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Widowhood

About one third of U.S. older adults are widows, having lost their spouse. Women live longer than men and are less likely to remarry: 35% of women over the age of 65, as compared with 11% of men (Administration on Aging, 2014). Losing a spouse begins one of the most stressful transitions in life. Widows have lost the person closest to them, a source of companionship, support, status, and income. Widowhood poses a challenge of renegotiating a sense of identity in light of the loss of the role of spouse, often the most long-lasting intimate role held in life (Lund & Caserta, 2001; Lund, Caserta, Dimond, & Gray, 1986). The identity development task posed by the loss of a spouse is to construct a sense of self that is separate from the spouse (Cheek, 2010). As in earlier periods of life, women who have a myriad of roles apart from spouse tend to fare better in adjusting to the death of a spouse than do women who have few roles, predominantly centered around their husbands. After becoming a widow or widower, most older adults live alone, often in the same home. Those who relocate often do so for financial reasons, and they tend to move closer to children and grandchildren yet retain a separate residence.

Widowhood poses personal and social challenges to men and women. Perhaps the greatest challenge to adjustment is loneliness (Kowalski & Bondmass, 2008; Pinquart, 2003). Personal characteristics influence how elders manage the transition to widowhood. Those who are outgoing, have high self-esteem, and have a higher sense of perceived self-efficacy in managing tasks of daily living tend to fare better (Carr, 2004a; McCrae & Costa, 1988; Moore & Stratton, 2002). Maintaining close relationships with family and friends gives widows a sense of continuity, which aids in adjusting to the death of a spouse. The Changing Lives of Older Couples, a prospective study of 1,532 married individuals, suggests that close social relationships may remain stable in the course of normal aging, but widowhood brings both losses and gains in social support: It marks the loss of a confidant but increases in support from children, friends, and relatives (Ha, 2010). Older adults maintain and even increase their social participation following spousal loss (Donnelly & Hinterlong, 2010; Isherwood, King, & Luszcz, 2012). In one sample of elders in the Netherlands, contact and support of widowed adults increased after widowhood, especially among children and sibling relationships, then started to decrease about 2.5 years after widowhood (Guiaux, van Tilburg, & van Groenou, 2007; Rosnick, Small, & Burton, 2010). Another study showed stability in the level of social support received over the two years after losing their spouse (Powers, Bisconti, & Bergeman, 2014). A prospective study of over 1,500 married individuals aged 65 and older found that spousal loss increased older adults’ dependence on their children six months after the loss (Ha, Carr, Utz, & Nesse, 2006).

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The greatest challenge to widowhood, more common among women, is loneliness, followed by financial concerns.

Daniela White/Moment Mobile/Getty

Compared to widowers, widows are more dependent on their children for financial and/or legal advice yet provide more emotional and instrumental support to their children. However, these gender differences are contingent on educational attainment. Education decreases widows’ dependence on children for financial and legal advice yet increases widowers’ provision of emotional support to their children. Positive support from children was associated with fewer depressive symptoms six months after the loss (Ha, 2010).

Bereavement is associated with increased levels of depression, anxiety, and stress as well as more poor performance on cognitive tests measuring attention, processing speed, and memory (Rosnick et al., 2010; Ward, Mathias, & Hitchings, 2007). The prevalence of anxiety and depression is especially elevated in the first year after the loss of a spouse, with about 22% meeting the diagnostic criteria for major depression (Onrust & Cuijpers, 2006). Social interaction aids in reducing depressive symptoms. Specifically, widowed adults who help others by providing instrumental support show an associated decline in depressive symptoms for 6 months to 18 months following spousal loss (Brown, Brown, House, & Smith, 2008). Men and women typically return to pre-widowhood levels of depression within 24 months of being widowed (Sasson & Umberson, 2014). Depression declines with time (Powers et al., 2014)

Widowhood also poses risks to physical health. The increased likelihood for a recently widowed person to die, often called the “widowhood effect,” is one of the best documented

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examples of the relationship between social relations and health (Elwert & Christakis, 2008). The widowhood effect has been found among men and women of all ages throughout the world. Widowhood increases survivors’ risk of dying from almost all causes (Subramanian, Elwert, & Christakis, 2008). Recent analyses put the excess mortality of widowhood (compared with marriage) among the elderly between 40% and 50% in the first six months (Moon, Kondo, Glymour, & Subramanian, 2011). However, the cause of death matters. The mortality rate for widowed adults following spouses’ death from Alzheimer’s disease or Parkinson’s disease is lower, suggesting that anticipatory grief—that is, the ability of caregivers to prepare adequately for the death of their spouse—may provide a buffer from the widowhood effect (Elwert & Christakis, 2008). This suggests that it may be the predictability of the death rather than the duration of the spouse’s terminal illness that shields the survivor from some of the adverse consequences of bereavement.

Losing a spouse poses risks to mental and physical health for both men and women, but men tend to show more health problems and higher rates of mortality (Bennett, Hughes, & Smith, 2005; Pinquart, 2003). In addition, around the world, widowers are at higher risk of suicide (Erlangsen, Jeune, Bille-Brahe, & Vaupel, 2004). Widowers tend to show less social engagement (Isherwood et al., 2012). Men often rely on their spouses for maintaining relationships with friends and family, managing household tasks, and getting assistance in coping with stress and managing emotions—and tend to have difficulty asking for assistance (Lund & Caserta, 2001). Widowers are more likely to remarry than are widows, partly because there are far more single elderly women than men but also because men have fewer social outlets and sources of support than women (Carr, 2004b).

The degree to which a spouse adapts to widowhood is influenced by a variety of factors, such as the circumstances surrounding the spouse’s death (McNamara & Rosenwax, 2010). Death of a spouse following a long illness such as cancer or Alzheimer’s disease can evoke complex emotional responses because such illnesses involve drastic physical and mental deterioration and entail intense demands for caregiving (Rossi Ferrario, Cardillo, Vicario, Balzarini, & Zotti, 2004). In such cases, in addition to loss, the spouse may feel relief from watching a partner slip away and from the pressures of caregiving (Bonanno, Wortman, & Nesse, 2004). The complex intermingling of sorrow and relief may be confusing, and the widowed spouse may feel guilty. Working through the emotional issues entailed by bereavement is a complex and lengthy process that is influenced by the context of the death, the relationship between the dead and the bereaved, and other factors (Mallon, 2008). There is no one way to grieve.

There are many developments in older adulthood. Many reflect continuities from earlier periods in life. Others represent changes in response to changing social and contextual circumstances. Advances in socioemotional development and a more complex sense of self that accompanies the reminiscence and reflection common in older adulthood help elders understand their lives and prepare for death. An elder’s death challenges their loved ones to cope with the loss. With time and support, the bereaved come to accept the loss, and many

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retain a sense of attachment to their loved one.

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Thinking in Context 18.6 1. Some theorists and therapists explain that people should endeavor for a “good death.” Consider the dying

process, including death with dignity. In your view, what might encompass a good death? 2. Views of death and the rituals and customs to mark death offer rich examples of cultural and contextual

difference. Discuss and provide examples. 3. Bereavement poses important challenges to adjustment. Discuss the mental and physical health risks that

the bereaved face. Identify factors that may help bereaved persons successfully navigate this transition.

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http://edge.sagepub.com/kuther

Apply Your Knowledge On their 50th wedding anniversary, Mike and Carol celebrated with a big party, with family and friends. Their four children and 13 grandchildren attended. Nearly all of the grandchildren were married, with children of their own—some teenagers. In addition, a few very close friends attended, some from the neighborhood and a few lifelong friends they met when they were very young. “How fortunate we are,” Mike remarked in a toast. His friend called out, “We hear that another congratulations is in order—you’ve just retired!” Carol replied, “Yes. It will be so nice to have him home with me.” “Mom, don’t you think he’ll get underfoot?” “We’ll see.”

1. In what ways is Mike and Carol’s social world similar to and different from those of most older adults?

2. What can the couple expect with Mike’s retirement? How might it affect their marriage? What can Carol expect with regard to Mike’s adjustment to retirement? How can the couple aid this adjustment?

3. What can the couple expect in the coming years? What developmental challenges will they face in their twilight?

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Chapter Summary

18.1 Compare the roles of self-concept, reminiscence, and life review in developing a sense of ego integrity.

Self-conceptions are more multifaceted, complex, and stable in old age than at other periods of life. Most older adults maintain a positive view of themselves by accepting their weaknesses and compensating by focusing on their strengths. Reminiscence and life review help adults find continuity in their lives, come to term with choices, and assign meaning to their lives. Erikson posed that the task of older adulthood is to develop a sense of ego integrity, the sense that life has been well lived and the ability to see one’s life within a larger global and historical context. 18.2 Discuss patterns of stability and change in personality traits over the adult years.

As in other life periods, the Big 5 personality traits largely remain stable into late adulthood; however, several subtle age-related shifts occur cross-culturally. Agreeableness and conscientiousness tend to increase with age, and extroversion, openness, and neuroticism decline with age. Age-related declines in each of these traits are evident for most people, but older adults’ scores relative to peers remain stable. 18.3 Explain the contributions of religion and social support to older adults’ well- being.

Most adults become more religious as they age. The religious congregation often is a place that permits them to find meaning in their lives and can be a means of support in the form of social connections, health interventions, and activities that improve welfare. Religiosity buffers stress and is associated with higher self-esteem, fewer risky behaviors, lower rates of depression, and fewer declines in physical functioning and activities of daily living. Social support, especially interaction with significant others, protects elders from the negative effects of stress and promotes longevity, enhances well-being, and may facilitate the life review process. 18.4 Analyze four theories that account for changes in social interaction over the adult years.

Although disengagement theory posits that older adults and society mutually disengage, activity theorists explain that declines in social interaction with age are the result of social barriers to engagement. According to continuity theory, successful aging entails maintaining a sense of consistency in self despite age-related changes. Finally, socioemotional selectivity theory explains that older adults become increasingly motivated to derive emotional meaning from life and thereby strengthen and prune relationships to maximize their emotional well-being. 18.5 Identify social contexts in which older adults live and their influence on

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development.

Most older adults remain in the homes they have lived in for decades. There are a variety of different types of residential communities for older adults, ranging from single houses, to small collections of condominiums, to large apartment complexes. Only a small number of older adults reside in nursing homes, which offer the greatest amount of care, but also the greatest restriction of elders’ autonomy. Factors that influence the quality of living environments for older adults include freedom of choice, involvement in decision making, right to privacy, stimulating environment, age appropriate opportunities and activities, and sense of connectedness. 18.6 Explain the role of relationships with friends and siblings in older adulthood.

In older adulthood, friendships become more important and more fulfilling; more activity occurs due to increased time for leisure activities. Most elderly friendships are old relationships, established much earlier in life. Similar to other times in life, elders tend to choose friends who share similarities, and women’s friendships tend to be more intimate than men’s. Most older adults feel close to their siblings and see them as close friends, even if they do not live near each other and do not see them regularly. In addition to emotional support, siblings tend to provide tangible support and are considered important sources of help in times of crisis. 18.7 Compare the effects of marriage, divorce, and cohabitation on older adults’ functioning.

Marital satisfaction increases in older adulthood. Married couples are at increased risk for the same chronic diseases and experience similarity in their general well-being. The quality of the marital relationship predicts happiness and physical and mental health over the years. Elderly couples are less likely to divorce than younger couples, but those who do tend to experience more adjustment difficulties. Rates of remarriage decline in older adulthood, but when elders remarry, their unions tend to be more stable than those of younger people. Older adult cohabiters do not differ from marrieds in their reports of emotional satisfaction, pleasure, openness, time spent together, criticism, and demands. 18.8 Discuss features of relationships between older adults and adult children and grandchildren.

The nature of the relationship and the exchange of help between elderly parents and their adult children changes from predominantly parent to child assistance in childhood through early adulthood to increasing assistance provided by adult children to their elderly parents. Child to parent assistance most often takes the form of emotional support. Fewer older adults receive instrumental assistance from adult children; instead, many older adults, especially high socioeconomic elders, continue to assist their adult children, primarily with financial assistance.

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Grandchildren and great-grandchildren increase elders’ opportunities for emotional support. Regardless of distance and contact, affection between grandchildren and grandparents remains strong. 18.9 Identify types of elder maltreatment and characteristics of victims.

Elder maltreatment appears in several forms, and many elders fall victim to more than one form of maltreatment: physical abuse, sexual abuse, psychological abuse, financial abuse, or physical neglect. Maltreated elders are more likely to be dependent on their caregivers. Advanced age, physical and mental illness, frailty, and impairments with activities of daily living are associated with increased vulnerability to maltreatment. Women and minorities are more likely to be victimized by maltreatment, as are those who experience a lack of social support or social isolation. 18.10 Identify influences on the timing of retirement and adaptation.

The period of retirement has lengthened in all Western nations. The decision of when to retire is influenced by job conditions, health, finances, and personal preferences. Financial resources often are the determining factor with regard to whether and when an older adult retires. Workers in high stress, demanding jobs, or those that provide little satisfaction tend to show positive adaptation to retirement. Research suggests the worker’s sense of control influences the transition to retirement. Continuity in other social roles and the ability to adapt to role changes leads to few changes in life satisfaction after retirement. Engagement in leisure activities and volunteer work increases retirement satisfaction. 18.11 Examine the dying process and cultural views surrounding death.

Predictable changes occur in the dying person days and hours before death, but there is great variability in the dying trajectory. Every culture has its own set of rituals surrounding death that shape how individuals perceive and make sense of death. The social meaning of death is conveyed in a culture’s funeral rituals, the degree to which death topics are taboo, the language used to describe death, the belief in an afterlife, and the treatment of the dying. Death rituals also vary among religions. 18.12 Define the concept of death with dignity, and identify ways of supporting death with dignity.

Dying with dignity refers to ending life in a way that is true to one’s preferences and controlling one’s end-of-life care. Dying patients usually are not able to express their wishes and, therefore, often are unable to participate in decisions about their own end-of-life care, such as pain management, life prolonging treatment, and memorial services. Advance directives foster patients’ autonomy, that their preferences are known and respected, and help them to retain a sense of dignity as they die. Hospice is an approach to end-of-life care that emphasizes dying patients’ needs for pain management as well as psychological, spiritual, and social support. 18.13 Discuss the grieving process.

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Grieving is an active coping process in which the grieving person must come to terms with the loss and its effects on the physical world, interpersonal interactions, and his or her sense of self. Most importantly, the grieving person must adjust to life without the deceased by establishing new patterns of behavior and redefining relationships with family and friends in light of the loss. According to the dual-process model of stress and coping, bereaved must adjust to two sets of losses: the loss of an attachment figure and the life changes that accompany that loss. 18.14 Identify effects of widowhood in older adulthood.

About one third of U.S. older adults are widows, with women more likely to be widowed. Bereavement poses risks to physical and mental health and is associated with increased mortality. Women who have a myriad of roles apart from spouse tend to fare better in adjusting to the death of a spouse. Maintaining close relationships with family and friends gives widows a sense of continuity, which aids in adjusting to the death of a spouse. Men tend to experience more difficulty adjusting to the loss of a spouse and they are more likely to remarry.

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Key Terms

activity theory 511 advance directives 527 bereavement 516 continuity theory 520 disengagement theory 511 dying with dignity 527 ego integrity vs. despair 508 grief 526 hospice 527 life review 507 mourning 528 reminiscence 507 socioemotional selectivity theory 512

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Glossary

accommodation – In Piaget’s theory, the process by which schemas are modified or new schemas created to include with experiences.

achievement test – An assessment that measures mastery in an academic subject.

activity theory – The view that older adults want to remain active and that declines in social interaction are not a result of elders’ desires but are a function of social barriers to engagement.

actual self – An adolescent’s personal characteristics.

adolescent egocentrism – A characteristic of adolescents thinking in which adolescents show preoccupation with themselves and have difficulty separating others’ perspectives from their own.

advance directive – A document or order that allows patients to make decisions about their health care, death, and what happens to their bodies and possessions after death.

age of viability – The age at which the fetus may survive if born prematurely; begins about 22 weeks after conception.

aggressive-rejected – A child who is rejected by peers because of hostile, antagonistic, and confrontational behavior.

alcohol dependence – a maladaptive pattern of alcohol use that leads to clinically significant impairment or distress, as indicated by tolerance, withdrawal, and inability to reduce drinking; aalso known as alcohol use disorder;

allele – A variation of a gene that can produce differences in a characteristics. Some characteristics do not vary while others have multiple alleles.

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Alzheimer’s disease – A neurodegenerative disorder characterized by dementia, the deterioration of memory and personality, and marked by the presence of presence of amyloid plaques and neurofibrillary tangles in the cerebral cortex.

amniocentesis – A prenatal diagnostic procedure in which a small sample of the amniotic fluid is extracted from the mother’s uterus and subject to genetic analysis.

amygdala – A brain structure that is part of the limbic system and plays a role in emotion, especially fear and anger.

amyloid plaque – Found in the brains of patients with Alzheimer’s disease, deposits of beta-amyloid accumulate along with clumps of dead neurons and glial cells.

androgyny – The gender identity of those who score high on both masculine and feminine characteristics.

anencephaly – A neural tube defect that results in the failure of all or part of the brain to develop, resulting in death prior or shortly after birth.

animism – The belief that inanimate objects are alive and have feelings and intentions.

anorexia nervosa – An eating disorder characterized by compulsive starvation and extreme weight loss and accompanied by a distorted body image.

Apgar scale – A quick overall assessment of a baby’s immediate health at birth, including appearance, pulse, grimace, activity, and respiration.

appearance–reality distinction – The ability to distinguish between what something appears to be from what it really is.

applied developmental science – A field that studies lifespan interactions between individuals and the contexts in which they live and applies research findings to real-world settings, such as to influence social policy and create interventions.

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assimilation – In Piaget’s theory, the process by which new experiences are interpreted and integrated into preexisting schemas.

associative play – Social interaction in which children engage in separate activities alongside each other but interact by exchanging toys and talking about each other’s activities.

asthma – A chronic disease of the respiratory system in which inflammation narrows the airways, causing wheezing, coughing, and difficulty breathing.

attachment – A lasting emotional tie between two individuals who strive to maintain closeness and act to ensure that the relationship continues.

attention – The ability to direct one’s awareness.

attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) – A condition characterized by persistent difficulties with attention and/or impulsivity that interfere with performance and behavior in school and daily life.

authoritarian parenting style – An approach to child-rearing that emphasizes high behavioral control and low levels of warmth and autonomy granting.

authoritative parenting style – An approach to child-rearing in which parents are warm and sensitive to children’s needs, grant appropriate autonomy, and exert firm control.

autobiographical memory – The recollection of a personally meaningful event that took place at a specific time and place in one’s past.

autonomy versus shame and doubt – In Erikson’s theory, the psychosocial crisis of toddlerhood in which toddlers must establish of the sense that they can make choices and guide their actions and bodies.

babbling – An infant’s repetition of syllables such as “ba-ba-ba-ba” and “ma-ma-ma,” which begins at about 6 months of age.

basic emotion –

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Emotions that are universal in humans, appear early in life, and are thought to have a long evolutional history, such as happiness, interest, surprise, fear, anger, sadness, and disgust.

behavioral genetics – The field of study that examines how genes and environment combine to influence the diversity of human traits, abilities, and behaviors.

behaviorism – A theoretical approach that studies how observable behavior is controlled by the physical and social environment through conditioning.

bereavement – The process of coping with the sense of loss that follows death.

biculturalism – The practice of adopting values and practices from two cultures.

Big 5 personality traits – Five clusters of personality traits that reflect an inhborn predisposition that is stable throughout life. The. The five traits are: openness, conscientiousness, extroversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism.

binge drinking – Heavy episodic drinking; consuming five or more alcoholic beverages in one sitting for men and four drinks in one sitting for women.

bioecological systems theory – A theory introduced by Bronfenbrenner that emphasizes the role of context in development, positing that contexts are organized into a series of systems in which individuals are embedded and that interact with one another and the person to influence development.

blastocyst – A thin-walled, fluid-filled sphere containing an inner mass of cells from which the embryo will develop; is implanted into the uterine wall during the germinal period.

body image – The perception of, and attitudes towards one’s physical appearance.

body mass index (BMI) – A measure of body fat based on weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared (k/m2).

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Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) – The most common neurobehavioral assessment administered to newborns that is administered a few days after birth to assess neurological functioning, including the strength of 20 inborn reflexes, responsiveness to the physical and social environment, and changes in state.

Broca’s area – The region in the brain that controls the ability to use language for expression; damage to the area inhibits fluent speech.

bulimia nervosa – An eating disorder characterized by recurrent episodes of binge eating and subsequent purging usually by induced vomiting and the use of laxatives.

Bully-victim – A child who attacks or inflicts harm on others and who is also attacked or harmed by others; the child is both bully and victim.

caloric restriction – The practice of restricting caloric intake for the purpose of slowing aging.

canalization – The tendency for a trait that is biologically programmed to be restricted to only a few outcomes.

canonical babbling – A type of babbling with well-formed syllables that sounds like language.

care orientation – Gilligan’s feminine mode of moral reasoning, characterized by a desire to maintain relationships and a responsibility to avoid hurting others.

carrier – An individual who is heterozygous for a particular trait, in which a recessive gene is not expressed in the phenotype yet may be passed on to the carrier’s offspring.

cataract – A clouding of the lens of the eye, resulting in blurred, foggy vision and can lead to blindness.

categorical self – A classification of the self based on broad ways in which people differ, such as sex, age, and physical characteristics, which children use to guide their behavior.

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categorization – An adaptive mental process in which objects are grouped into conceptual categorize, allowing for organized storage of information in memory, efficient retrieval of that information, and the capacity to respond with familiarity to new stimuli from a common class.

centenarian – An individual who lives past 100 years.

central executive – In information processing, the part of our mental system that directs the flow of information and regulates cognitive activities such as attention, action, and problem solving.

centration – The tendency to focus on one part of a stimulus, situation, or idea and exclude all others; a characteristic of preoperational thought.

cephalocaudal development – The principle that growth proceeds from the head downward; the head and upper regions of the body develop before the lower regions.

cerebellum – Part of the brain at the back of the skull that is responsible for body movements, balance, and coordination.

cesarean section – Also known as a C-section; a surgical procedure that removes the fetus from the uterus through the abdomen.

child sexual abuse – Any erotic activity concerning a child.

chorionic villus sampling (CVS) – Prenatal diagnostic test that is conducted on cells sampled from the chorion to detects chromosomal abnormalities.

chromosome – One of 46 rodlike molecules that contain 23 pairs of DNA found in every body cell and collectively contain all of the genes.

chronosystem – In bioecological systems theory, refers to how the people and contexts change over time.

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circular reaction – In Piaget’s theory, the repetition of an action and its response in which infants try to repeat a newly discovered event caused by their own motor activity.

circumcision – The oldest known planned surgery that involves the removal of the foreskin of the penis.

classical conditioning – A form of learning in which an environmental stimulus becomes associated with stimuli that elicit reflex responses.

classification – The ability to organize things into groups based on similar characteristics.

clique – A tightly knit peer group of about three to eight close friends who share similarities such as demographics and attitudes.

cognitive development – Maturation of mental processes and tools individuals use to obtain knowledge, think, and solve problems.

cognitive reserve – The ability to make flexible and efficient use of available brain resources that permits cognitive efficiency, flexibility, and adaptability; it is cultivated throughout life from experience and environmental factors.

cognitive-affective complexity – A form of mature thinking that involves emotional awareness, the ability to integrate and regulate intense emotions, and the recognition and appreciation of individual experience.

cognitive-developmental theory – A perspective posited by Piaget that views individuals as active explorers of their world, learning by interacting with the world around them and describes cognitive development as progressing through stages.

cohabitation – An arrangement in which a committed, unmarried, couple lives together in the same home.

cohort – A generation of people born at the same time, influenced by the same historical and

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cultural conditions.

compression of morbidity – The tendency for older adults in industrialized nations to age well and delay disability and disease until the final months or years of life.

concrete operational stage of reasoning – Piaget’s third stage of reasoning, from about 6 to 11, in which thought becomes logical and is applied to direct tangible experiences but not to abstract problems.

conservation – The principle that a physical quantity, such as number, mass, or volume, remains the same even when its appearance changes.

context – Unique conditions in which a person develops, including aspects of the physical and social environment such as family, neighborhood, culture, and historical time period.

continuity theory – The perspective that older adults strive to maintain continuity and consistency in self across the past and into the future; successful elders retain a sense that they are the same person they have always been despite physical, cognitive, emotional, and social changes.

continuous development – The view that development consists of gradual cumulative changes in existing skills and capacities.

conventional moral reasoning – The second level of Kohlberg’s theory in which moral decisions are based on conforming to social rules.

cooing – An infants’ repetition of , such as “ahhhh,” “ohhh,” and “eeee” that begins between 2 and 3 months of age months.

cooperative play – Social interaction in which children play together, working together toward a common goal.

core knowledge perspective – A framework explaining that infants are born with several innate knowledge systems or core domains of thought that enable early rapid learning and adaptation.

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corpus callosum – A thick band of neurve fibers that connects the left and right hemispheres of the brain, allowing communication.

correlational research – A research design that measures relationships among participants’ measured characteristics, behaviors, and development.

cortex – The outer layer of the brain containing the greatest numbers of neurons and accounting for thought and intelligence.

crossing-over – A process during meiosis in which chromosome pairs align and DNA segments cross over (moving from one member of the pair to the other), creating unique combinations of genes.

cross-sectional research– A developmental research design that compares people of different ages at a single point in time to infer age differences.

crowd – A large, loose group of individuals based on perceived characteristics, interests, stereotypes, and reputation.

crystallized intelligence – Intellectual ability that reflects accumulated knowledge acquired through experience and learning.

culture – A set of customs, knowledge, attitudes, and values shared by a group of people and learned through interactions with group members.

cyberbullying – Bullying, or repeated acts intended to hurt a victim, carried via electronic means such as text messaging, posting in chat rooms and discussion boards, and creating websites and blogs.

deferred imitation – Imitating the behavior of an absent model.

delayed phase preference – Change in hormone levels cause adolescents’ preferred sleep patterns to shift such that they tend to remain awake late at night, and are groggy early in the morning.

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dementia – A progressive deterioration in mental abilities due to changes in the brain that influence higher cortical functions such as thinking, memory, comprehension, and emotional control and are reflected in impaired thought and behavior, interfering with the older adult’s ability to engage in everyday activities.

dependent variable – The behavior under study in an experiment; it is expected to be affected by changes in the independent variable.

diabetes – A disease marked by high levels of blood glucose that occurs when the body is unable to regulate the amount of glucose in the bloodstream because there is not enough insulin produced (type 1 diabetes) or the body shows insulin resistance and becomes less sensitive to it, failing to respond to it (type 2 diabetes). Symptoms include fatigue, great thirst, blurred vision, frequent infections, and slow healing.

difficult temperament – A temperament characterized by irregularity in biological rhythms, slow adaptation to change, and a tendency for intense negative reactions.

discipline – The methods a parent uses to teach and socialize children.

discontinuous development – The view that growth entails abrupt transformations in abilities and capacities in which new ways of interacting with the world emerge.

disengagement theory – A perspective that declines in social interaction in older age are due to mutual withdrawal between older adults and society as they anticipate death.

disorganized–disoriented attachment – An attachment pattern in which infants show inconsistent contradictory responses to a to a caregiver’s departure and return.

dizygotic (DZ) twin – Also known as a fraternal twin; occurs when two ova are released and each is fertilized by a different sperm; the resulting offspring share 50% of the genetic material.

DNA – Deoxyribonucleic acid; the chemical structure, shaped like a twisted ladder, that contains all of the genes.

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dominant–recessive inheritance – A form of genetic inheritance in which the phenotype reflects only the dominant allele of a heterozygous pair.

Down syndrome – Also known as trisomy 21;a condition in which a third, extra chromosome appears at the 21st site. Down syndrome is associated with distinctive physical characteristics accompanied by developmental disability.

dual language learning – Also known as two-way immersion; an approach in which children are taught and develop skills in two languages.

dualistic thinking – Polar reasoning in which knowledge and accounts of phenomena are viewed as absolute facts, either right or wrong with no in-between.

dual-process model – A model of the brain consisting of two systems, one emotional and the other rational, that develop on different timeframes, accounting for typical adolescent behavior.

dying with dignity – Ending one’s life in a way that is true to one’s preferences and controlling end-of-life care.

dynamic systems theory – A framework describing motor skills as resulting from ongoing interactions among physical, cognitive, and socioemotional influences and environmental supports in which previously mastered skills are combined to provide more complex and effective ways of exploring and controlling the environment.

dyslexia – Learning disability characterized by unusual difficulty reading.

easy temperament – A temperament characterized by regularity in biological rhythms, the tendency to adapt easily to new experiences, and a general cheerfulness.

ectoderm – The outer layer of the embryonic disk, which will develop into the skin, nails, hair, teeth, sensory organs, and the nervous system.

ego integrity vs. despair – The final stage in Erikson’s psychosocial theory, in which older adults find a sense of

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coherence in life experiences and conclude that their lives are meaningful and valuable.

egocentrism – Piaget’s term for children’s inability to take another person’s point of view or perspective and to assume that others share the same feelings, knowledge, and physical view of the world.

embryo – Prenatal organism between about 2 and 8 weeks after conception; a period of major structural development.

embryonic disk – A mass of cells that differentiates into three layers that will develop into the embryo.

emerging adulthood – An extended transition to adulthood that takes place from ages 18 to 25, in which a young person is no longer an adolescent yet has not assumed the roles that comprise adulthood.

emotional display rule – Unstated cultural guidelines for acceptable emotions and emotional expression that are communicated to children via parents’ emotional behavior, expressions, and socialization.

emotional regulation – The ability to adjust and control our emotional state to influence how and when emotions are expressed.

empathy – The capacity to understand another person’s emotions and concerns enced by many genes.

endoderm – The inner layer of an embryonic disk, which will develop into the digestive system, liver, lungs, pancreas, salivary glands, and respiratory system.

epigenetic framework – A perspective stating that development results from reciprocal interactions between genetics and the environment such that the expression of genetic inheritance is influenced by environmental forces.

episodic memory – Memory for every day experiences.

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epistemic cognition – The ways in which an individual understands how he or she arrived at ideas, beliefs, and conclusions.

estrogen – The primary female sex hormone responsible for development and regulation of the female reproductive system and secondary sex characteristics.

ethnic identity – A sense of membership to an ethnic group and viewing the the attitudes and practicese associated with that group as an enduring part of the self.

ethological theory – A perspective that emphasizes the evolutionary basis of behavior and its adaptive value in ensuring survival of a species.

ethological theory – Bowlby’s view characterizes the attachment between infant and parent as an adaptive behavior that evolved because it promotes survival.

evolutionary developmental theory – A perspective that applies principles of evolution and scientific knowledge about the interactive influence of genetic and environmental mechanisms to understand the adaptive value of developmental changes that are experienced with age.

executive function – The set of cognitive operations that support planning, decision-making, and goal setting abilities, such as the ability to control attention, coordinate information in working memory, and inhibit impulses.

exosystem – In bioecological systems theory, social settings in which an individual does not participate but have an indirect influence on development.

expansion – Adult responses to children’s speech that elaborate and enrich its complexity.

experience-dependent brain development – Brain growth and development in response specific learning experiences.

experience-expectant brain development – Brain growth and development that is dependent on basic environmental experiences, such as visual and auditory stimulation, in order to develop normally.

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experimental research – A research design that permits inferences about cause and effect by exerting control, systematically manipulating a variable, and studying the effects on measured variables.

expertise – An elaborate and integrated knowledge base that underlies extraordinary proficiency in given area.

failure to thrive – A term indicating insufficient weight gain or inappropriate weight loss such that the weight is 20% below the norm for height.

familism – The cultural belief that family members should support one another; that the family should take precedence over individuals and the community.

fast mapping – A process by which children learn new words after only a brief encounter, connecting it with their own mental categories.

fetal alcohol spectrum disorders – The continuum of physical, mental, and behavioral outcomes caused by prenatal exposure to alcohol.

fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) – The most severe form of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder accompanying heavy prenatal exposure to alcohol, including a distinct pattern of facial characteristics, growth deficiencies, and deficits in intellectual development.

fetus – The prenatal organism from about the ninth week of pregnancy to delivery; a period of rapid growth and maturation of body structures.

fine motor development – The ability to control small movements of the fingers such as reaching and grasping.

fine motor skill – Physical abilities that small muscle coordination of the hands and fingers, such as buttoning a shirt or drawing pictures.

fluid intelligence – Intellectual ability that reflects basic information processing skills, including working memory, processing speed, and the ability to detect relations among stimuli and draw

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inferences. Underlies learning, is not influenced by culture, and reflects brain functioning.

Flynn effect – The rise in IQ scores that over generations in many nations.

formal operational reasoning – Piaget’s fourth stage of cognitive development, characterized by abstract, logical, and systematic thinking.

free radical – A highly reactive, corrosive substance that forms when a cell is exposed to oxygen. Through chemical reactions, free radicals destroy DNA, proteins, and other cellular materials.

gamete – A reproductive cell; sperm in males and ovum in females.

gender constancy – A child’s understanding of the biological permanence of gender and that it does not change regardless of appearance, activities, or attitudes.

gender identity – One’s image of oneself as masculine or feminine, embodying the roles and behaviors that society associates with males and females.

gender role – The activities, attitudes, skills, and characteristics that are considered appropriate for males or females.

gender schema theory – An approach to gender typing that emphasizes information processing and environmental influences that influence the development of gender-related beliefs, which then guide children’s behaviors and attitudes.

gender stability – In Kohlberg’s view, young children’s recognition that gender does not change over time, though it is not yet understood as a biological construct but rather based on external traits and behaviors.

gender typing – The process in which young children acquire the characteristics and attitudes that are considered appropriate for males or females.

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gene – The basic unit of heredity; a small section of a chromosome that contains the string of chemicals (DNA) that provide instructions for the cell to manufacture proteins.

gene–environment correlation – The idea that many of an individual’s traits are supported by his or her genes and environment; there are three types of correlations: passive, reactive, and active.

generativity – The seventh stage in Erikson’s theory in which adults seek to move beyond a concern for their own personal goals and welfare in order to guide future generations and give back to society.

genetic counseling – A medical specialty that helps prospective parents determine the probability that their children will inherit genetic defects and chromosomal abnormalities.

genome – The set of DNA, genetic instructions, used to construct a living organism.

genomic imprinting – The instance when the expression of a gene is determined by whether it is inherited from the mother or father.

genotype – An individual’s collection of genes that contain instructions for all physical and psychological characteristics, including hair, eye color, personality, health, and behavior.

glial cell – A type of brain cell that nourishes neurons and provides structure to the brain.

gonad – A sex gland; ovary in females and testis in males.

goodness of fit – The compatibility between a child’s temperament and his or her environment, especially the parent’s temperament and child-rearing methods; the greater the degree of match, the more favorable the child’s adjustment.

grammar – The rules of language.

grief –

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The affective response to bereavement that includes distress and an intense array of emotions such as hurt, anger, and guilt.

gross motor development – The ability to control large movements of the body, such as walking and jumping.

gross motor skill – Physical abilities that involve large muscles such as walking.

growth hormone – A hormone that influences the development of nearly all parts of the body.

growth norm – The expectation for typical gains and variations in height and weight for children based on their chronological age and ethnic background.

guided participation – Also known as apprenticeship in thinking; the process by which people learn from others who guide them, providing a scaffold to help them accomplish more than the child could do alone.

habituation – The gradual decline in the intensity, frequency, or duration of a response when repeatedly exposed to a stimulus; indicates learning.

hardiness – Personal qualities, including a sense of control, orientation towards personal growth, and commitment to life choices, that influences adults’ ability to adapt to changes and life circumstances.

heritability – The statistic that indicates the extent to which variation of a certain trait can be traced to genes.

heterozygous – Refers to a chromosomal pair consisting of two different alleles.

holophrase – A one-word expression used to convey a complete thought.

homozygous – Refers to a chromosomal pair consisting of two identical alleles.

hormone – A chemical that is produced and secreted into the bloodstream to affect and influence

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physiological functions.

hormone replacement therapy – Compensating for reductions in hormones, such as in menopause, by taking hormones.

hospice – An approach to end-of-life care that emphasizes a dying patient’s need for pain management, psychological, spiritual, and social support as well as death with dignity.

hypothalamus-pituitary-gondal axis (HPG) – The collective effects of the hypothalamus, pituitary gland, and gonads behaving in cooperation in regulating the hormones that drive puberty.

hypothesis – A proposed explanation for a phenomenon that can be tested.

hypothetical–deductive reasoning – The ability to consider propositions, probabilities, generate and systematically test hypotheses, and draw conclusions.

identity – A coherent organized sense of self that includes values, attitudes, and goals to which one is committed.

identity achievement – The identity state in which after undergoing a period of exploration a person commits to self-chosen values and goals.

identity diffusion – The identity state in which an individual has not undergone exploration nor committed to self-chosen values and goals.

identity foreclosure – The identity state in which an individual has not undergone exploration but has committed to values and goals chosen by an authority figure.

identity moratorium – The identity state in which an individual is exploring but has not yet committed to values and goals.

identity status – The degree to which individuals have explored possible selves and whether they have

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committed to specific beliefs and goals, assessed by administering interview and survey measures, and categorized into four identity statuses.

imaginary audience – A manifestation of adolescent egocentrism in which assume that they are the focus of others’ attention.

immersion– A strategy in which all instruction occurs in the majority language; children learn a second language, such as English, and course content simultaneously.

implantation – The process by which the blastocyst becomes attached to the uterine wall, completed by about 10 days after fertilization.

in vitro fertilization – Fertilization, the creation of zygotes, that takes place outside of a woman’s body by mixing sperm with ova that have been surgically removed from the woman’s body.

inclusion – The approach in which children with learning disabilities learn alongside other children in the regular classroom for all or part of the day, accompanied by additional educational support of a teacher or paraprofessional who is specially trained to meet their needs.

incomplete dominance – A genetic inheritance pattern in which both genes are expressed in the phenotype.

independent variable – The factor proposed to change the behavior under study in an experiment; it is systematically manipulated during an experiment.

indifferent gonad – A gonad in an embryo that has not yet differentiated into testes or ovaries.

inductive discipline – Strategy to control children’s behavior that relies on reasoning and discussion.

industry over inferiority – Erikson’s fourth stage in which children attempt new skills, developing feelings of competence in their success or feeling inferior or incompetent.

infant-directed speech – Also known as “motherese”; uses shorter words and sentences, higher and more

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varied pitch, repetitions, a slower rate, and longer pauses.

infantile amnesia – A phenomenon in which most children and adults are unable to recall events that happened before age 3.

information processing theory – A perspective that uses a computer analogy to describe how the mind receives information and manipulates, stores, recalls, and uses it to solve problems.

informed consent – A participant’s informed (knowledge of the scope of the research and potential harm and benefits of participating), rational, and voluntary agreement to participate in a study.

initiative versus guilt – Erikson’s third psychosocial stage in which young children develop a sense of purposefulness, trying new skills and activities, and take pride in their accomplishments, as well as feel guilt if they are unsuccessful.

insecure–avoidant attachment – An attachment pattern in which an infant avoids connecting with the caregiver, showing no distress when separated from a caregiver and does not seem to care about the caregiver’s return.

insecure-resistant attachment – An attachment pattern in which an infant shows anxiety and uncertainty, showing great distress at separation from the caregiver and simultaneously seeks and avoids contact upon the caregiver’s return.

instrumental aggression – Behavior that hurts someone else in order to achieve a goal such as gaining a possession.

intellectual disability – characterized by deficits in cognitive functioning and age-appropriate adaptive behavior, such as social, communication, and self-care skills that begin before 18 years of age; formerly known as mental retardation.

intelligence – An individual’s ability to adapt to the world.

intelligence test (IQ test) – A test designed to measure the aptitude to learn at school, intellectual aptitude.

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intermodal perception – The process of combining information from more than one sensory system such as visual and auditory senses.

internal working model – A set of expectations about one’s worthiness of love and the availability of attachment figures during times of distress.

intimacy versus isolation – Erikson’s sixth psychosocial stage in which individuals demonstrate the capacity to feel closeness and bond with another individual to make a permanent commitment to a romantic partner.

intimate violence – Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse within a romantic relationship.

irreversibility – A characteristic of preoperational thought in which a child does not understand that an action can be reversed and a thing restored to its original state.

isometric muscle strength – Subtle contractions in which the length of the muscle does not change, is maintained through adulthood.

justice orientation – A male mode of moral reasoning proposed by Gilligan that emphasizes the abstract principles of fairness and individualism.

kwashiorkor – A malnutritive disease in children caused by deprivation of protein and calories and characterized by lethargy and the bloating and swelling of the stomach.

language acquisition device (LAD) – In Chomsky’s theory, an innate facilitator of language that allows infants to quickly and efficiently analyze everyday speech and determine its rules, regardless of their native language.

lanugo – A fine, down-like hair that covers the fetus’s body.

lateralization – The process by which the two hemispheres of the brain become specialized to carry out different functions.

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learning disability – A diagnosis for a child who demonstrates great difficulty in aspects of learning such as reading or mathematics, and shows achievement behind that expected given the child’s IQ.

life review – The reflection on past experiences and one’s life, permitting greater self- understanding and the assignment of meaning to their lives.

life structure – In Levenson’s theory, a person’s overall organization of his or her life, particularly dreams, goals, and relationships with significant others as well as institutions, such as marriage, family, and vocation.

lifespan human development – An approach to studying human development that examines ways in which individuals grow, change, and stay the same throughout their lives, from conception to death.

limbic system – A collection of brain structures responsible for emotion.

longitudinal research – A developmental study in which one group of participants is studied repeatedly to infer age changes.

long-term memory – The component of the information processing system that is an unlimited store that holds information indefinitely, until it is retrieved to manipulate working memory.

low birth weight – Classifies infants who weigh less than 2,500 grams (5.5 pounds) at birth.

macrosystem – In bioecological systems theory, the sociohistorical context—cultural values, laws, and cultural values—in which the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem are embedded, posing indirect influences on individuals.

macular degeneration – A substantial loss of cells in the center area of the retina (the macula), causing blurring and eventual loss of central vision; its onset is influenced by heredity and environmental factors.

mainstreaming –

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The approach in which children with disabilities are educated in the regular classroom with their nondisabled peers.

mandated reporter – A professional who is legally obligated to report suspected child maltreatment to law enforcement.

marasmus – A wasting disease in which the body’s fat and muscle are depleted; growth stops, the body wastes away, taking on a hollow appearance.

meiosis – The process by which a gamete is formed, containing one-half of the cell’s chromosomes producing creating ova and sperm with 23 single, unpaired chromosomes.

memory strategy – Deliberate cognitive activities that make an individual more likely to remember information.

metacognition – The ability to think about thinking; knowledge of how the mind works.

menarche – A girl’s first menstrual period.

menopause – The end or menstruation and a woman’s reproductive capacity.

mental representation – An internal depiction of an object; thinking of an object using mental pictures.

mesoderm – The middle layer of the embryonic disk; develops into the muscles, skeleton, circulatory system, and internal organs.

mesosystem – In bioecological systems theory, the relations and interactions among microsystems.

metamemory – An aspect of metacognition that refers to the understanding of memory and how to use strategies to enhance memory.

microsystem – In bioecological systems theory, the innermost level of context, which includes an

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individual’s immediate physical and social environment.

midlife crisis – A period of self-doubt and stress attributed to entering midlife once thought to contribute to a major reorganization of personality in midlife. Now thought to occur in a small minority of adults and to be related to history more than age.

mitosis – The process of cell duplication in which DNA is replicated and the resulting cell is genetically identical to the original.

monozygotic (mz) twin – Also known as an identical twin; occurs when the zygote splits apart early in development. The resulting offspring share 100% of their genetic material.

morality of constraint – The first stage of Piaget’s theory of morality in which children are aware of rules and see them as absolute and unalterable.

morality of cooperation – Also known as autonomous morality; the second stage of Piaget’s approach to moral development in which chidren’s understanding of rules becomes more flexible as they begin to value fairness and equality and account for factors like act, intent, and situation.

mourning – The ceremonies and rituals a culture prescribes for expressing bereavement.

multiple intelligence theory – Gardner’s proposition that human intelligence is composed of a varied set of abilities.

mutation – A sudden permanent change in the structure of genes.

myelination – The process in which neurons are coated in a fatty substance, myelin, which contributes to faster neural communication.

naming explosion – Also known as a vocabulary spurt; a period of rapid vocabulary learning that begins about 16 to 18 months of age.

naturalistic observation – A research method in which a researcher views and records an individual’s behavior

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in natural, real-world settings.

nature–nurture issue – A debate within the field of human development regarding whether development is caused by nature (genetics or heredity) or nurture (the physical and social environment).

neonate – A newborn.

neural tube – Forms during the third week after conception when the endoderm folds and will develop into the central nervous system (brain and spinal cord).

neurofibrillary tangle – A twisted bundle of threads of a protein called tau that occur in the brain when neurons collapse; found in individuals with Alzheimer’s disease.

neurogenesis – The production of new neurons.

neuron – A nerve cell that stores and transmits information; billions of neurons comprise the brain.

niche-picking – An active gene-environment correlation in which individuals seek out experiences and environments that complement their genetic tendencies.

noninvasive prenatal testing (NIPT) – A prenatal diagnostic which samples cell-free fetal DNA from the mother’s blood for chromosomal abnormalities.

no-nonsense parenting – A child-rearing approach that emphasizes high or strict parental control as well as warmth and affection.

obesity – In children, defined as having a body mass index at or above the 95th percentile for height and age.

object permanence – The understanding that objects continue to exist outside of sight.

observational learning –

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Learning that occurs by watching and imitating models, as posited by social learning theory.

oldest-old – Adults aged 85 and older, who are most likely to depend on others or physical and social support to complete daily tasks.

old-old – Adults aged 75 to 84, who typically live independently but often experience some physical and mental impairment.

open-ended interview – A research method in which a researcher asks a participant questions using a flexible, conversational style and may vary the order of questions, probe, and ask follow-up questions based on the participant’s responses.

operant conditioning – A form of learning in which behavior increases or decreases based on environmental consequences.

osteoarthritis – The most common type of arthritis; it affects joints that are injured by overuse, most commonly the hips, knees, lower back, and hands, in which the cartilage protecting the ends of the bones where they meet at the joints wears away, and joints become less flexible and swell.

osteoporosis – a condition characterized by severe loss of bone mass, leading to increased risk of fractures.

overextension – A vocabulary error in which the infant applies a word too broadly to a wider class of objects than appropriate.

overregularization – Grammatical mistakes that children make because they apply grammatical rules too stringently to words that are exceptions.

ovum – The female reproductive cell or egg cell.

parallel play – A type of social interaction in which children play with similar materials near each other but do not interact or try to influence each other.

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parental monitoring – Parents’ awareness of their children’s activities, whereabouts, and companions.

parenting style – Enduring sets of child-rearing behaviors a parent uses across situations to form a child-rearing climate.

Parkinson’s disease – A chronic progressive brain disorder caused by deterioration of neurons in the substantia nigra; characterized by muscle rigidity, tremors, and sometimes dementia.

peer acceptance – Likeability or the degree to which a child is viewed as a worthy social partner by his or her peers.

peer victimization – Also known as bullying; an ongoing interaction in which a child becomes a frequent target of physical, verbal, or social harm by another child or children.

perceived popularity – The peer ratings of an adolescent’s social status, his or her social dominance, influence, and prestige in the peer group.

perception – The mental processing of sensory information, which is interpreted as sight, sound, and smell, for example.

perimenopause – Transition to menopause in which the production of reproductive hormones declines and symptoms associated with menopause first appear, such as hot flashes.

permissive parenting style – A child-rearing approach characterized by high levels of warmth and low levels of control or discipline.

personal fable – A manifestation of adolescent egocentrism in which adolescents believe their thoughts, feelings, and experiences are more special and unique than anyone else’s, as well as the sense that they are invulnerable.

phenotype – The observable physical or behavioral characteristics of a person, eye, hair color, or height.

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phenylketonuria (PKU) – A recessive disorder that prevents the body from producing an enzyme that breaks down phenylalanine (an amino acid) from proteins, that, without treatment, leads to buildup that damages the central nervous system.

phonics – An approach to reading instruction that emphasizes teaching children to sound out words and connect sounds to written symbols.

physical development – Body maturation, including body size, proportion, appearance, health, and perceptual abilities.

placenta – The principal organ of exchange between the mother and the developing organism, enabling the exchange of nutrients, oxygen, and wastes via the umbilical cord.

plasticity – A characteristic of development refers to malleability, or openness to change in response to experience.

plasticity – The ability to change organization and function in response to experiences throughout the lifespan, especially the brain.

polygenic inheritance – Occurs when a trait is a function of the interaction of many genes, such as with height, intelligence, and temperament.

popular – A child who receives many positive ratings from peers indicating that he or she is accepted and valued by peers.

possible self – Future-oriented representations of self-concept into the future; who an individual might become, both hoped for and feared, that guides and motivates choices and behaviors.

postconventional moral reasoning – Kohlberg’s third level of moral reasoning emphasizing autonomous decision-making based on principles such as valuing human dignity.

postformal reasoning – A stage of cognitive development proposed to follow Piaget’s formal operational

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stage. Thinking and problem solving is restructured in adulthood to integrate abstract reasoning with practical considerations, recognizing that most problems have multiple causes and solutions, some solutions are better than others, and all problems involve uncertainty.

postpartum depression – Moderate to severe depression occurring in a woman after giving birth, usually within the first 3 months after delivery.

post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) – An anxiety disorder that occurs as a delayed reaction to experiencing a traumatic event and includes flashbacks, nightmares, and feelings of helplessness.

pragmatic thought – In Labouvie-Vief’s theory, a type of thinking where logic is used as a tool to address everyday problems and contradictions are viewed as part of life.

pragmatics – The practical application of language for everyday communication.

preconventional reasoning – Kohlberg’s first level of reasoning in which young children’s behavior is governed by punishment and gaining rewards.

preoperational reasoning – Piaget’s second stage of cognitive development, between about age 2 and 6, characterized by advances in symbolic thought, but thought is not yet logical.

presbycusis – Age-related hearing loss, first to the high frequency sounds, gradually spreading.

presbyopia – An age-related condition in which the lens becomes less able to adjust its focus on objects at a close range.

preterm – A birth that occurs 35 or fewer weeks after conception.

primary circular reaction – In Piaget’s theory, repeating an action that produced a chance event involving the infant’s body.

primary sex characteristic – The reproductive organs; in females, this includes the ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus,

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and vagina and in males, this includes the penis, testes, scrotum, seminal vesicles, and prostate gland.

private speech – Self-directed speech that children use to guide their behavior.

Project Head Start – Early childhood intervention program education program funded by the US federal government that provides low-income children with nutritional, health, and educational services, as well as helps parent become involved in their children’s development.

prosocial behavior – Actions that are oriented toward others for the pure sake of helping, without a reward.

protective factor – Variable that is thought to reduce the poor outcomes associated with adverse circumstances.

proximodistal development – The principle that growth and development proceed from the center of the body outward.

psychoanalytic theory – A perspective introduced by Freud that development and behavior is stagelike and influenced by inner drives, memories, and conflicts of which an individual is unaware and cannot control.

puberty – The biological transition to adulthood, in which hormones cause the body to physically mature and permit sexual reproduction.

punishment – In operant conditioning, the process in which a behavior is followed by an aversive or unpleasant outcome that decreases the likelihood of a response.

questionnaire – A research method in which researchers use a survey or set of questions to collect data from large samples of people.

random assignment – A method of assigning participants that ensures each participant has an equal chance of being assigned to the experimental group or control group.

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range of reaction – The concept that a genetic trait may be expressed in a wide range of phenotypes dependent on environmental opportunities and constraints.

reactive aggression – An impulsive, hostile response to provocation or a blocked goal.

recall memory – Remembering a stimulus that is not present.

recast – When an adult repeats a child’s sentence back to him or her in a new grammatical form, helping the child to acquire grammatical rules more quickly.

reciprocal determinism – A perspective positing that individuals and the environment interact and influence each other.

recognition memory – The ability to identify a previously encountered stimulus.

reflective judgment – Mature type of reasoning that synthesizes contradictions among perspectives.

reflex – An involuntary and automatic response to a stimulus.

rehearsal – A mnemonic strategy that involves systematically repeating information to retain it in working memory.

reinforcement – In operant conditioning, the process by which a behavior is followed by a desirable outcome increases the likelihood of a response.

relational aggression – Harming someone through nonphysical acts aimed at harming a person’s connections with others, such as by exclusion and rumor spreading.

relativistic thinking – Type of reasoning in which knowledge is viewed as subjective and dependent on the situation.

reminiscence – The process of telling stories from one’s past, to oneself or others.

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resilience – The ability to adapt to serious adversity.

reversibility – The understanding that an object that has been physically altered can be returned to its original state or a process can be done and undone.

role overload – High levels of stress resulting from balancing the demands of multiple conflicting roles.

rough-and-tumble play – Social interaction involving chasing and play fighting with no intent to harm.

sarcopenia – The age-related loss of muscle mass and strength.

scaffolding – Temporary support that permits a child to bridge the gap between his or her current competence level and the task at hand.

schema – A mental representation, such as concepts, ideas, and ways of interacting with the world.

scientific method – The process of forming and answering questions using systematic observations and gathering information.

script – Description of what occurs in a certain situation and used as guide to understand and organize daily experiences.

seasons of life – A set of life phases that Levinson concluded adults progress through in which life structures are constructed, tested, and modified, based on experiences and opportunities.

secondary circular reaction – In Piaget’s theory, repeating an action that produced a chance event that triggers a response in the external environment.

secondary sex characteristic – Physical traits that indicates sexual maturity but are not directly related to fertility,

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such as breast development and the growth of body hair.

secular trend – The change from one generation to the next in an aspect of development, such as body size or in the timing of puberty.

secure attachment – The attachment pattern in which an infant uses the caregiver as a secure base from which to explore, seeks contact during reunions, and is easily comforted by the caregiver.

secure base – The use of a caregiver as a foundation from which to explore and return to for emotional support.

selective attention – The ability to focus on relevant stimuli and ignore others.

selective optimization with compensation – an approach by which people maintain high levels of functioning by narrowing their goals, selecting personally valued attributes to optimize, and compensating for losses.

self-concept – The set of attributes, abilities, and characteristics that a person uses to describe and define him-or herself.

self-conscious emotion – Emotions that requires cognitive development and an awareness of self, such as empathy, embarrassment, shame, and guilt.

self-esteem – The general emotional evaluation of one’s own worth.

self-harm – Deliberate and voluntary physical personal injury that is not life-threatening and is without any conscious suicidal intent.

self-recognition – The ability to identify the self, typically measured as mirror recognition.

self-regulation – The ability to control one’s impulses and appropriately direct behavior.

senescence – A pattern of gradual age-related declines in physical functioning.

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sensation – The physical response of sensory receptors when a stimulus is detected (e.g., activity of the sensory receptors in the eye in response to light); awareness of stimuli in the senses.

sensory memory – The first step in the information processing system in which stimuli are stored for a brief moment in its original form to enable it to be processed.

separation protest – Also known as separation anxiety; occurs when infants respond to the departure of a caregiver with fear, distress, and crying.

sequential research design – A developmental design in which multiple groups of participants of different ages are followed over time, combining cross-sectional and longitudinal research.

seriation – A type of classification that involves ordering objects in a series according to a physical dimension such as height, weight, or color.

sexual identity – An individual’s sense of self regarding sexuality, including the awareness and comfort regarding personal sexual attitudes, interests, and behaviors, which develops through a period of exploration and commitment.

sexual orientation – A term that refers to whether someone is sexually attracted to others of the same sex, opposite sex, or both.

slow-to-warm-up temperament – A temperament characterized by mild irregularity in biological rhythms, slow adaptation to change, mildly negative mood.

small for date – Describes an infant who is full term but who has significantly lower weight than expected for the gestational age.

social clock – A timetable based on social norms for age-related life events events events such as occupational entry, marriage, parenthood, and retirement.

social comparison – The tendency to compare and judge one’s abilities, achievements, and behaviors in

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relation to others.

social learning theory – An approach that emphasizes the role of modeling and observational learning over people’s behavior in addition to reinforcement and punishment.

social promotion – The practice of promoting children to the next grade even though they did not meet academic standards out of the belief that it will foster self-esteem.

social referencing – Seeking information from caregivers about how to interpret unfamiliar or ambiguous events by observing their emotional expressions and reactions.

social smile – A smile that emerges between 6 and 10 weeks in response to seeing familiar people.

sociocultural theory – Vygotsky’s perspective that individuals acquire culturally relevant ways of thinking through social interactions with members of their culture.

sociodramatic play – Make-believe play in which children act out roles and themes.

socioemotional development – Maturation of social and emotional functioning, which includes changes in personality, emotions, personal perceptions, social skills, and interpersonal relationships.

socioemotional selectivity theory – The perspective that as the emotional regulation function of social interaction becomes increasingly important to older adults, they prefer to interact with familiar social partners, accounting for the narrowing of the social network with age.

spermarche – A boy’s first ejaculation of sperm.

spina bifida – A neural tube that results in spinal nerves growing outside of the vertebrae, often resulting in paralysis and developmental disability.

stem cell – An undifferentiated master cell with the capacity to generate into any type of specialized cell in the body.

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Strange Situation – A structured laboratory procedure that measures the security o attachment by observing infants’ reactions to being separated from the caregiver in an unfamiliar environment.

stranger wariness – Also known as stranger anxiety; an infant’s expression of fear of unfamiliar people.

structured interview – A research method in which each participant is asked the same set of questions in the same way.

structured observation – An observational measure in which an individual’s behavior is viewed and recorded in a controlled environment; a situation created by the experimenter.

stunted growth – Inadequate growth as measured by low height and weight for age, typically caused by severe malnutrition.

sympathy – Concern or sorrow for another person.

synapse – The intersection or gap between the axon of one neuron and the dendrites of other neurons; the gap that neurotransmitters must cross.

synaptic pruning – The process by which synapses, neural connections, that are seldom used, disappear.

synaptogenesis – The process in which neurons form synapses and increase connections between neurons.

telegraphic speech – Two-word utterances produced by toddlers that communicates only the essential words.

telomere – A type of DNA that caps both ends of chromosomes and shortens with each cell division. Eventually telomeres shorten past a critical length and the cell to stop duplicating.

temperament –

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Characteristic differences among individuals in emotional reactivity, self-regulation, and activity that influences reactions to the environment and are stable, and appear early in life.

teratogen – An environmental factor that causes damage to prenatal development.

teratology – The study of abnormalities in prenatal development.

tertiary circular reaction – In Piaget’s theory, repeating an action to explore and experiment in order to see the results and learn about the world.

testosterone – The primary male sex hormone responsible for development and regulation of the male reproductive system and secondary sex characteristics.

theory – An organized set of observations to describe, explain, and predict a phenomenon.

theory of mind – Children’s awareness of their own and other people’s mental processes and realization that other people do not share their thoughts.

time out – A discipline technique in which a child is removed from a situation for a period of time.

transitive inference – A classification skill in which a child can infer the relationship between two objects by understanding each object’s relationship to a third object.

triarchic theory of intelligence – Sternberg’s theory positing three independent forms of intelligence: analytical, creative, and applied.

trust versus mistrust – The first psychosocial crisis in Erikson’s theory in which infants must develop a basic sense of trust of the world as a safe place where their basic needs will be met.

ultrasound – Prenatal diagnostic procedure in which high-frequency sound waves are directed at the mother’s abdomen to provide clear images of the womb projected on to a video

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monitor.

underextension – A vocabulary error in which the infant applies a word too narrowly to a single object rather than the more appropriate, wider class of objects.

uninvolved parenting style – A child-rearing style characterized by low levels of warmth and acceptance coupled with little control or discipline.

universal grammar – In Chomsky’s theory, rules that apply to all human languages.

vaccination – The administration of a small dose of inactive virus into the body to stimulate the production of antibodies to guard against a disease.

vascular dementia – Neurocognitive disorder in which sporadic and progressive losses occur, caused by small blockages of blood vessels in the brain.

vernix caseosa – Greasy material that protects the fetal skin from abrasions, chapping, and hardening that can occur from exposure to amniotic fluid.

video deficit effect – A finding that infants and toddlers perform more poorly on tasks demonstrated on video than those demonstrated live.

violation-of-expectation method – A method in which infants are shown events that appear to violate physical laws. Increased attention to the unexpected event suggests that the infant is surprised and therefore has an understanding and expectations of the physical world.

wear and tear theory of aging – An early theory of aging stating that aging is the result of the body wearing out from use.

Wernicke’s area – The region of the brain that is responsible for language comprehension; damage to this area impairs the ability to understand others’ speech and sometimes the ability to speak coherently.

whole-language approach –

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An approach to reading instruction that emphasizes meaning, not phonics. Children are exposed to reading materials without instruction and emphasis is on meaning- making.

wisdom – Expertise in the conduct and meanings of life, characterized by emotional maturity and the ability to show insight and apply it to problems.

withdrawn-rejected – A child who is rejected by peers because of a repeated pattern of passive, timid, withdrawn, or anxious behavior.

working memory – The component of the information processing system that holds and processes information that is being manipulated, encoded, or retrieved and is responsible for maintaining and processing information used in cognitive tasks.

young-old – Older adults aged 65 to 74, who tend to be active, healthy, and financially and physically independent.

zone of proximal development – Vygotsky’s term for the tasks that children cannot do alone but can exercise with the aid of more skilled partners.

zygote – A fertilized ovum.

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