Journal Hw9

21

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Tales from the Heart of Dixie Using White Privilege to Fight Racism

BECKY J. LIDDLE

Wearing baggy gray sweatpants and an old sweatshirt with large pockets, I re- r cently walked into a knitting supply store. An air filtration mask covered most _ of my face. I explained that I was looking for stocking stuffers, and the clerk politely took me to a separate room filled with small items that would have eas- ily fit into my many pockets. She showed me around a bit and left me alone there to browse.

This is a typical experience for me as a White woman. I wear a mask, sim- ilar to those worn by people who mow lawns, because of my disability, Multi- ple Chemical Sensitivity. Each day Iwalk into businesses wearing my mask, and on many occasions, I think how different my experiences in those businesses might be if I were a Black man instead of a White woman. Frankly, I wonder, if I were a Black man, would I have been mistaken for a robber and ~hot? ~ a disabled, White, lesbian professor in the Deep South-an Identity that sometimes gives me mental whiplash, alternating as it does between disad- vantaged and privileged group memberships. However, it is most often from my privileged status that I am able to combat racism.

Lacking certain privileges some of the time probably helps me to recognize those instances when Ido benefit from unearned privilege (Treitel, 2000). Thus, my being female, lesbian, and disabled may make my white privilege easier to recognize, because the notion of veiled discrimination or subtle advantage is not foreign to me. Akamatsu (1998) points out that those who have not experienced oppression may have a difficult time letting go of the myth of the level playing field. Ihave no illusions that we live in a meritocracy, and so Ihave perhaps found it easier than some to recognize my own privileges. Ido not see myself as unique or especially meritorious in my anti-racism work. I recognize that I fit the typ- ical pattern of Whites who fight racism, described by Treitel (2000): Ihave been aware of injustice since childhood, recognize myself as a member of an oppressed group, and have long been involved in social justice movements. Perhaps most importantly, Iview my work as an expression of my values (Treitel, 2000). Thus, Isee my use of my faculty position to work against racism not as an act of char- ity, but as an act of integrity, which is its own reward.

Kappen (2001) points out that both persuasion research and social-identity theory predict that members of an in-group (in this case, myself as a White per- son) will have more power to help other members of the in-group to recognize their own privilege. She indeed found that White speakers were more effective

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172 PART II ISSUES RELATED TO PRIVILEGE, OPPRESSION, AND DISCRIMINATION

in helping White listeners to recognize their own white privilege. Thus, in some instances, I, as aWhite counselor educator, may likely have more influence than my colleagues of color in helping White people understand the subtle acts of racism people of color experience every day.

STORY ONE

When I was first apartment hunting in Alabama (which the license plates still proclaim to be the "Heart of Dixie"), I asked my colleagues if they knew of any apartments for rent. Someone sent me to look at a delightful and remarkably inexpensive carriage-house apartment. I was about to take it, when the land- lady mentioned it had been vacant for several months. I expressed surprise be- cause it was such a nice place. She responded, "Yes, but I can't advertise it. If I did, the nigras would be over here in two shakes." Stunned, I started backing out, explaining that I don't rent from racists. Realizing she was losing her chance to rent the place, she hastened to explain, "It's not that. You see, it's fur- nished. You wouldn't want to sleep in a bed that had been slept in by a Black man, would you?" I said, "No, I wouldn't care, and no, I don't understand," and sped away. If not for a slip of her tongue, I would have rented a lovely apart- ment for far below the going rate, while my Black colleagues were paying far more for less desirable units.

My experience in almost renting the carriage house was a clear and overt example of white privilege, but later that same week I may have been the re- cipient of white privilege that was much more subtle when I visited a large property management agency to look at the "apartments available" board. The receptionist at the property management agency observed my search, asked me what I was looking for, and then told me about a duplex that had "just become available." She said it was a really nice place, and because they didn't want un- dergraduates trashing it, they were just telling people "like me" about it. I as- sumed she meant professionals or older adults. Since then, I have come to wonder whether she would have told me about the duplex ifI had been a young Black faculty member instead of a young White faculty member. I loved that place, but I will always wonder whether it was good luck that I found it, or white privilege. Discussions of such (unanswerable) questions demonstrate the sometimes elusive nature of privilege.

The cost of being Black in the housing market was again made clear to me by an African American doctoral student whose accent does not betray her eth- nicity on the phone. When she responded by phone to a house advertisement that did not list the rent, she was quoted one price, but when she showed up in person to see the house, the rent was suddenly $100 a month higher. Her £:.ice Jor that little bit of extra pigmentation amounts to $1,200 a year in disposable income, which over the course of several years would amount to a down pay- ~ on a house. This same student told me that while she was attending col- lege in another state, the Black fraternities and sororities circumvented another discriminatory housing practice by developing a cooperative system whereby

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ARTICLE 21 TALES FROM THE HEART OF DIXIE 173

Black women would seek apartments for Black men. Otherwise, apartments were nearly always "just taken" when the men arrived. In this case, Black men lacked the privilege to find housing for themselves because of prejudices held by apartment owners.

I also cite research to show that discrimination in housing is still rampant. For example, fair-housing audits continue to show high levels of discrimina- tion, with African American auditors routinely being told units are not avail- able, when in fact they are (Reed, 1991). Government audits in 76 cities showed rates of discrimination against Black auditors ranging from 10 percent to 90 percent in various cities, with the average being 46 percent. Therefore, in a typical locale, Black apartment hunters have perhaps half as many apartments to choose from as Whites do.

STORY TWO

Several years ago, I was in a group that was considering two job applicants: one Black, one White. A White colleague said that although both candidates were qualified, he "just felt more comfortable" with one of them (the White candi- date). I pointed out that if we make hiring decisions based on our comfort, we will likely perpetrate unintentional discrimination because we all tend to feel most comfortable with people who are similar to us in demographic character- istics such as race, gender, sexual orientation, and social class. Others agreed, and we ended up hiring the African American candidate. After the meeting, the only African American person present thanked me for my comment, saying that if I hadn't pointed out the issue, she would have had to. Unlike her, I had the unearned privilege of being able to make the point without seeming defensive. I still paid a small price because a few of the faculty saw me as a troublemaker, but my price was considerably less than hers would have been.

THE POWER OF ALLIES

Allies are sometimes more successful than targeted populations in changing at- titudes because of the allies' privilege as members of the dominant group (Kap- pen, 2001). When I give lectures on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) issues in counseling, psychology, social work, education, and religion classes and challenge the students' views, I am seen by homophobic students as biased and self-serving. In contrast, a heterosexual ally who challenges their views might create more cognitive dissonance for them. Homophobic students' reactions to the ally's pro-gay attitudes might go something like, "Hmm ... I respect and identify with her, yet we disagree on this issue"; or "I thought only queers and militants were for gay rights, yet my instructor who has a husband is gay-affirmative .... How confusing!" (See Liddle & Stowe, 2002.) The words of allies are perhaps more difficult for homophobic listeners to write off, thereby provoking prolonged thought and the opportunity for more in-depth

174 PART II ISSUES RELATED TO PRIVILEGE, OPPRESSION, AND DISCRIMINATION

analysis before the listeners accept or reject the information. For example, I be- lieve my most powerful and successful lecture on this topic was successful not so much because of my own contribution, but rather because of the hetero- sexual course instructor's later discussion of my presentation (see Liddle & Stowe, 2002). During the class discussion the week after my presentation, the students at first reported only anger and discomfort. However, by the end of the discussion, facilitated by the instructor who is a heterosexual ally to the LGBT community, there was evidence of substantive attitude change. Several students, who had initially reported outrage at being forced to listen to a gay-affirmative lecture that they felt was antithetical to their religious values, ended up saying things such as "I've completely changed my mind." It seemed that by having a safe place to explore their discomfort, and perhaps by seeing the instructor and other relatively gay-affirmative classmates as role models, these students were able to incorporate the information from my lecture in a way they could not have without the help of these allies.

Another advantage allies have in confronting prejudice is that they are more likely to witness some forms of prej udice than are members of the op- pressed group. As an out lesbian, I am seldom confronted by open hostility. Perhaps this is because most people tend to be polite about their prejudices, at least when they .are around people they know belong to those groups. However, people are not so circumspect when they are unaware that a mem- ber of that group is present. For example, a group of workers (one of whom was a closeted gay acquaintance) came to make a repair in my office. The workers were very polite to me, but I later heard from my gay acquaintance that the minute they were out of earshot, they started making derogatory re- marks about my sexual orientation. My friend did not dare speak out against this abuse for fear of arousing suspicion that he was gay. He did not share the privilege heterosexuals have-the ability to confront homophobia without fear of discrimination. Because it is legal to fire someone simply for being gay in 37 states, including Alabama (Human Rights Campaign, 2003), my gay friend might have lost his job if he had spoken up. If one of the straight men present had put a stop to the homophobic rhetoric, however, he would not have faced as great a risk.

CONCLUSION

Members of privileged groups can use their privilege to combat discrimina- tion and oppression in both their professional and private lives. The first step is recognizing that privilege and discrimination still exist in our society. The next is deciding to use one's privilege in the service of reducing those injus- tices. Finally, it takes courage and practice to talk about these issues with one's colleagues and friends. The fact that I face fewer consequences when I act as

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ce is that they are .embers of the op- by open hostility.

It their prejudices, ; to those groups. aware that a mem- :ers (one of whom in my office. The , gay acquaintance ing derogatory re- : speak out against : did not share the .iophobia without nply for being gay ;n, 2003), my gay ,f the straight men ver, he would not

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ARTICLE 21 TALES FROM THE HEART OF DIXIE 175

discriminated against, makes . me feel an obligation to s eak u , rather than . in for a mem er of that group to confront the problem. I have had the experience of being an a yand of benefiting from the efforts of allies to the LGBT community. Both experi- ences have consistently reinforced for me McIntosh's (1988) assertion that one of the most important privileges that dominant community members have is the privilege to confront prejudice without being seen as self-serving. Taking on the role of an ally-deciding in advance that I will not tacitly support in- justice with my silence-has helped me find the courage to speak up when op- portunities arise.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

G) You are spending time with two White friends. One friend tells a joke that you find racially offensive. Your other friend laughs .

a. What do you do? b. Is what you would actually do different from what you ideally

wish you would do? c. How are your feelings and your anticipated reactions influenced

by your own race? d. How do you think your own race will influence how you will

be seen by your friends? (i)Think of the last time you witnessed prejudice toward a group of which

you are not a member. Picture the entire interaction, including what happened afterward.

a. What was your role in this interaction? b. Did you respond constructively (in a way that would promote

non-defensive self-examination in the offender)? c. If not, what stopped you, and in retrospect what do you wish

you had done? d. What similar future situations are you likely to face, and what

t:I can you do to prepare to respond constructively?oWhen, in the last week, do you think you benefited from privilege (for example, heterosexual privilege, white privilege, cr male privilege) ?

4. Do you feel any obligation either to give up some unearned privilege or to use your privilege constructively? If so, what forms might your actions take?

5. When have you had to choose between personal comfort and personal integrity? Which did you choose, and what price did you pay for that choice?