theory instruction

MOTIVATION IN EDUCATION

Theory, Research, and Applications

THIRD EDITION

Dale H. Schunk The University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Paul R. Pintrich

Judith L. Meece The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

PEARSON ---Merrill Prentice Hall

e,,00<8 Upper Saddle River, New Jersey

Columbus, Ohio

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of Thorndike's principles, his theory has limited applicability to the complexllies of motivation in educauon because it ignores cognitive processes and the complexities of human motivation .

Classical Conditioning Pavlov's ( 192 7, 1928) classical conditioning theory is important in the field of learning and can be applied to motivation. Conditionmg mvolves presenting an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) to ehcit an unconditioned response (UCR). In a prototypical experiment, a hungry dog is placed in a harness. The dog salivates (UCR) when presented with meat powder (UCS) . Conditioning in- volves briefly presenting a neutral stimulus (e.g., a ticking metronome) before presenting the UCS. In the early trials, the ticking of the metronome produces no salivation. Eventually, the dog salivates in response to the ticking metronome. The metronome has become a conditioned stimulus (CS) that elicits a conditioned response (CR) similar to the original UCR (Figure 1.1). Repeated presentations of the CS alone cause extinction-the CR diminishes in intensity and disappears.

Receipt of reinforcement (the UCS) strengthens the CS-UCS connection. Through repeated pairings with the UCS, the CS acquires the motivational potential of the UCS to generate a re- sponse (CR) . Thus, neutral stimuli can acquire motivational properties by being paired with stim- uli possessing those properties. Although Pavlov believed that conditioning occurs with repeated CS-UCS pairings, research shows that conditioning is not automatic but depends on cognitive processes (Fuhrer & Baer, 1965). For conditioning to occur, the CS must inform individuals that the UCS is likely (Rescorla, 1972, 1987). The CS helps people form expectations about the time, place, quantity, quality, and so forth of the UCS . If people do not realize there is a CS-UCS link, conditioning will not occur. Even when a CS is predictive, it will not become conditioned if an- other CS is a better predictor. Expectations formed through conditioning apparently motivate in- dividuals to anticipate reinforcement.

In like fashion, emotional reactions can be conditioned to neutral stimuli by pairing them with UCSs. ln school, students may develop anxious reactions to teachers, classrooms, or build- ings when they are paired with aversive events (e .g., test failure) . Alleviating symptoms requires cou111erconditioni11g the anxiety-producing cues by pairing them with stimuli that elicit pleasant feelings . If the classroom becomes an anxiety-producing cue, the teacher needs to associate the classroom with pleasant events (e .g., praise, positive feedback).

Several trials

cs (Metronome)

ucs (Meat powder)

ucs (Meat powder)

cs (Metronome)

UCR (Salivation)

UCR (Salivation)

CR (Salivation)

. . --~

Pavlov'.s theory has many ideas of interest to education. The notion that learning should be · anied by pleasurable consequences is important, and teachers generally make their

ms pleasant. Conditioned emotional reactions are apparent in school ph nd test anx- iety. Because the theory ignores cognitive processes, however, it offers an incomplete account of behavior. It also represents a passive view of learning and motivation; if conditions are right, con- ditioning will occur regardless of what people do. In fact, research shows that conditioning is never automatic (Rescorla, 1987). Further, we show throughout this text that learners are men- tally active and they exert much control over their learning and motivation .

Operant Conditioning B. E Skinner's (1953) operant conditioning theory is an influential theory for motivation, especially in the field of education. This theory examines the external variables of which behavior is a func- tion. The basic conditioning model is:

Antecedent -+ Behavior -+ Consequence

In this ABC model, an antecedent stimulus sets the occasion for a behavioral response to be performed, which is followed by a consequence. The consequence is any stimulus or event that affects the future rate of responding or the probability that the response will be performed when the stimulus is present. Reinforcement increases the rate or likelihood of responding. A positive reinforcer is a stimulus that, when presented following a response, increases the future rate or likelihood of the response occurring in that situation. Positive reinforcement involves present- ing a positive reinforcer following a response. Students who work productively in class may be praised by the teacher. If students then are more likely to work productively or sustain their ef- forts at a high level, we conclude that praise is a positive reinforcer.

A negative reinforcer is a stimulus that, when removed following a response, increases the future rate or likelihood of the response occurring in that situation. Negative reinforcement in- volves removing a negative reinforcer contingent on a response. In the preceding example, stu- dents who work productively may be told by the teacher that they do not have to do any homework. If students then continue their productive work, we say that homework is a negative reinforcer and that its ·removal is negative reinforcement.

Punishment decreases the rate or likelihood of responding. Punishment may involve either removing a positive reinforcer or presenting a negative reinforcer following a response . In the pre- ceding example, suppose that the students are wasting time. The teacher may take away their free time or assign homework. If they then become less likely to waste time (i.e., more likely to work productively) , we say that they were punished for wasting time by having a positive reinforcer (free time) removed or a negative reinforcer (homework) presented . Reinforcement and punish- ment are exemplified in Table 1.4.

Once a response becomes established it can extinguish. Extinction refers to a lack of re- sponding produced by nonreinforcement of the response. Students who raise their hands in class but are never called on may stop raising their hands. Extinction depends on reinforcement his- tory. Extinction occurs quickly if few preceding responses have been reinforced. Responding without reinforcement is more durable with a longer reinforcement history.

Operant conditioning requires that we determine the effects of behavioral consequences. What functions as reinforcement and punishment may vary from person to person and moment to moment. Although most students are reinforced by praise much of the time, at times praise does not reinforce and may actually punish (e.g., when a student does not desire teacher attention) .

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Table 1.4 Remforcement and Punishment

Event Stimulus Response Consequence

Positive reinforcement (present positive reinforcer)

Teacher gives student work to complete

Student studies Teacher praises student for good work

Negative reinforcement (remove negative reinforcer)

Teacher gives student work to complete

Student studies Teacher says student does not have to finish work

Punishment (remove positive reinforcer)

Teacher gives student work to complete

Student wastes time Teacher takes away student's free time

Punishment (present negative reinforcer)

Teacher gives student work to complete

Student wastes time Teacher assigns homework

Even valued reinforcers can change and especially with development. A reinforcer applied too often can produce satiation and lead to decreased responding.

The Premack Principle, which states that the opportunity to engage in a more valued activ- ity reinforces engaging in a less valued activity, offers a systematic means for ordering reinforcers and predicting how consequences will function (Premack, 1962, 1971). Determining in advance which reinforcers are likely to be effective is critical in planning a program of behavior change (Timberlake & Farmer-Dougan, 1991). Value is defined as the amount of responding or time spent on the activity in the absence of explicit reinforcers. The Premack Principle predicts that (a) if the value of the second (contingent) event is higher than the value of the first (instrumental) event, the likelihood of occurrence of the first event will increase (the reward assumption), ano (b) if the value of the second (contingent) event is lower than that of the first (instrumental) event the likelihood of occurrence of the first event will decrease (the punishment assumption) . Fore;,.. ample, if during free time Jana often works at the computer rather than work on math, then th opportunity to work at the computer (the contingent event) will be an effective reinforcer fo working on math (the instrumental event).

Operant conditioning requires no new principles to account for motivation. Motivated be havior is increased or continued responding that is produced by effective contingencies of rt inforcement (Skinner, 1968). Internal processes that accompany responding (e.g., need· drives, cognitions, emotions) are not necessary to explain behavior. The causes of Jana'.s bt havior reside within her reinforcement history (what she has been reinforced for in the pas and the present environment (Skinner, 1953). Students display motivated behavior becau. they previously have been reinforced for it and because effective reinforcers for it are availab in their environments.

Operant conditioning includes many educational principles. The motivational importance reinforcement and punishment for schooling is apparent in such practices as praise, critic_!~ time-out, free time, rules, privileges, grades, and token/point systems. Some examples of pnn·

· · ' .L __ hnh~,nr.r<il thPnries aoolied to teaching and learning ~

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App ying Behavioral Theories in the Classroom 1. E115urc that students have the readiness to learn. Ms. Walker, a fourth-grade teacher, will teach

addition of fractions. Before she begins this, however, she checks whether her students can add whole numbers. Two students are still having problems adding whole numbers, so she spends extra time with them until they can add correctly.

Mr. Tamborina tells his fifth graders that after they learn how to divide they will be able to compute baseball players' batting averages. Midway through the school year he feels that they can divide well enough, so he teaches them how to figure batting averages (total number of hits divided by total number of times at bat).

2. Help students form associations between stimuli and responses. A third-grade teacher is teach- ing her students to put headings on papers. She has them write headings on papers in all subject areas-math, writing, spelling, and social studies. She wants them to learn that when they start working on a paper (stimulus) they are to put on a heading (response) .

An elementary teacher works with his students on multiplication facts by giving them brief review exercises each day. His goal is for them to associate the stimulus "9 x 7 =" with the correct response "63 ."

3. Associate learning and classroom activities with pleasing outcomes. A fourth-grade teacher de- cides to start cooking in the classroom each Friday to help her students with measure- ment. After the students have prepared the recipes with accurate measurements, they get to cook and eat what they have made.

Ms. Kincaid, a middle-school art teacher, has been working with her students on sculpture and glazing techniques. After they have completed several small projects, the students are able to create a large piece for their homes.

4. Rrinf orce desired behaviors and extinguish undesired ones. Mrs. Wazulski moves around the class- room and monitors students' seatwork. She comments on desirable aspects of their work (e.g., "That's good,Jim, you're working very well.") and shows students how to perform bet- ter ("That page is a bit sloppy, Mara. Look at the example here. Try to work it this way.") .

Jason pushes Sam out ofline. Mr. Christo spots this and immediately says, "Jason, we do not push people. You know that the penalty for pushing is no free time, so you lose your free time today." The next day, Jason does not misbehave in line. Mr. Christo says, "Jason, you can be line leader on the way back from lunch since you are doing such a great job of walking and not pushing."

5. Reinforce progress in learning and behavio1: Mr. Green has his high school English students keep a portfolio of their writing. Periodically, he sits down with students individually to review their work and point out the areas of improvement. As a result of these conferences they understand that they are making progress in writing.

Mr. Leland, an elementary music teacher, has a second-grade class that has been hav- ing difficulty learning six songs for the spring program. Mr. Leland makes a chart with the six songs listed . He tells his class that each time they learn a song, he will put a star on the chart. After they have earned six stars, they will have a popcorn party in class.

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6. Make participation at valued activities contingent on working on less-valued ones. Alfonso, a fifth- grade student, does not like to finish his reading assignments, but he loves to write sto- ries on the computer. Mr. Willet, his teacher, tells him that he may have extra time at the computer if he completes his reading work.

Ms. Sherrill, a high school drama teacher, tells her students that to perform in the sen- ior play they must be present at 15 of the 20 play practices.

Operant conditioning principles have practical usefulness, but the theory offers an incom- plete account of motivation. Operant conditioning does not distinguish motivation from learning but rather uses the same principles to explain all behavior. We stress in this text that although mo- tivation and learning are related , they are not synonymous with one another (Schunk, 1995). An- other issue is that reinforcement and punishment motivate students, but their effects are not automatic; rather, they depend upon students' beliefs. Students engage in activities that they be- lieve will be reinforced and avoid activities that they believe will be punished (Bandura, 1986). When reinforcement history conflicts with present beliefs, people are more likely to act based on their beliefs (Brewer, 1974). Research has identified many cognitive processes that motivate stu- dents (e.g., goals, social comparisons, attributions, expectancies for success). By ignoring these processes, operant conditioning cannot fully account for the complexity of human motivation.

Drive Theories

Behaviorism was not the only influential perspective on learning and motivation during the first half of the twentieth century. Drive theories emphasized the contribution of internal factors to be- havior. Drives are internal forces that seek to maintain homeostasis, or the optimal states of bod- ily mechanisms. When an organism experiences a need because of deprivation of an essential element (e.g., food, air, water), a drive is activated causing the organism to respond . Drive is re- duced and the need is satisfied when the element is obtained.

Drives possess intensity, direction, and persistence (Woodworth, 1918). Intensity refers to th extent that a drive activates behavior. Intensity varies from too low to activate behavior to tremely high. Direction denotes the object or goal of the drive. When a drive is triggered, it ac · vates behavior explicitly oriented toward satisfying the need; for example, a hunger drive lea persons to seek food rather than water. Persistence refers to the continuation of behavior until goal is obtained and the need is reduced.

Much research in the drive theory tradition was conducted using laboratory animals engag in simple behaviors. A typical experiment might vary conditions and measure the time it took hungry or thirsty animals to run mazes to obtain reinforcement. The concept of drive may exp simple behaviors by animals and humans, but it has been found wanting as an explanation, the complex behavior that characterizes much human motivation (Weiner, 1985b).

Systematic Behavior Theory In addition to drive, Hull (1943) postulated that habit strength and inhibition were impo behavior. Habit strength, or the strength of the stimulus-response association, increases~ · number of reinforced stimulus-response pairings. Inhibition refers to fatigue due to respond!Il

·'-- -~,,.,fnrrPment derived from not responding when one is fatigued. Whereas drive and1 · -- ;,.,1,;hition caused them to not respond . Effecti~e:

- ' . ·-~ .... oth . and inhib

JDELING PROCESSES

One of the primary contributions of social cogmllv ory is its explication of modeling processes. We discuss modeling and highlight its relevance to education.

Functions of Modeling

Modeling refers to behavioral, cognitive, and affective changes that result from observing one or more models (Bandura, 1969, 1989; Rosenthal & Bandura, 1978; Schunk, 1987). Modeling serves different functions : inhibition/disinhibition, response facilitation, and observational learning (Table 4 .1).

Inhibition/Disinhibition Observing a model can strengthen or weaken inhibitions. When models perform threatening or prohibited activities without negative consequences, observers may perform the behaviors them- selves. Models who are punished may inhibit observers' responding. Inhibitory and disinhibitory effects result from observers' beliefs that similar consequences are apt to occur should they act ac- cordingly. Inhibited and disinhibited behaviors have been learned previously by observers ; moti- vation makes them more or less likely.

In the example at the beginning of this chapter, students talking during independent prac- tice became disinhibited because Ms . Teasdale did not stop it. When Ms . Teasdale disciplined Kerry, talking among other class members ceased . Although the effects are not automatic, un- punished misbehavior can lead observers to start misbehaving themselves. Misbehavior stops when the teacher disciplines one student for misbehaving. Observers are likely to believe that they, too, will be disciplined if they continue to misbehave.

Response Facilitation Response facilitation occurs when modeled actions serve as social prompts for observers to be- have accordingly. In the example earlier, response facilitation occurs when Tim, Maria, and Robert go to the back of the classroom where they see the other students gathered . The congregation of children serves as a social prompt for these three students to join them. Response facilitation is a motivational phenomenon because the behaviors reflect actions students have learned . Unlike in- hibitory and disinhibitory effects, response facilitation behaviors are socially acceptable and not accompanied by potential restraints (Bandura, 1986).

Table 4.1 Functions of Modeling

Function Effect on Observers

lnhibition/disinhibition

Response facilitation

Observational learning

Creates expectations of similar consequences for modeled action

Social prompt causes similar behavior

New skills and behaviors are acquired

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Observational Learning Observational learning through modeling occurs when observers display new behaviors that prior to modeling had a zero probability of occurrence, even with motivational inducements in effect (Bandura, 1969; Rosenthal & Zimmerman, 1978). Observational learning expands the range and rate of learnmg over what could occur if each response had to be performed and rein- forced for it to be learned. The students in Ms. Teasdale's class displayed observational learning when they performed fraction skills after observing her modeled demonstration. Cognitive mod- eling incorporates modeled explanations and demonstrations with verbalizations of the model's thoughts and reasons for performing actions (Meichenbaum, 1977).

Observational learning comprises four subprocesses: attention, retention, production, and motivation (Table 4.2). Rather than discuss motivation separately, we show how it interacts With the other three subprocesses.

Observer attention is necessary for modeled acts to be perceived meaningfully. At any time there are countless cues to which one can attend. Distinctive features command attention (e.g.: size, shape, color, sound, unusual location). Teachers apply this principle when they use brightly colored materials and interactive computer displays.

Motivation affects observer attention through the perceived functional value of modeled acts. Actions judged by observers as important and likely to lead to valued outcomes command greater attention. Students attend to teachers because of anticipated negative consequences if they do not but also because teachers' actions are viewed as highly functional and students are expected t~ learn the modeled behaviors. In addition, students generally view teachers as competent, and people attend to models they believe are knowledgeable.

Retention includes coding and transforming modeled information for storage in memory and mentally rehearsing information. Observers store modeled displays in imaginal and verbal fonn. Imaginal coding is especially important for activities not easily described in words, such as mo- tor skills performed so rapidly that individual movements are part of a smooth, larger sequence (e.g., a tennis serve). Much cognitive skill learning relies upon verbal coding of procedures or strategies.

As with attention, motivational processes influence the activities that observers retain. M* eled actions that observers believe are important are more likely to be retained; those for which. observers see little value will not be learned. Retention activities clearly show the interaction of learning and motivation.

Production involves translating visual and symbolic conceptions of modeled events into be- havior. Problems in production arise because information is inadequately coded or because learn- ers experience difficulty translating coded information into behavior. Most complex skills are

Table 4.2 Processes of Observational Leaming

Process Activities

Attention Attending to distinctive features of modeled displays

Retention Coding and transforming modeled information for storage; rehearsing information

Production Translating visual and symbolic conceptions of modeled events into behavior

Motivation Performing valued activities and those with expected positive consequences

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learned through modeling, guided practice, and correct" approximation of a complex skill by observing models a and corrective feedback.

feedback. Learners may acquire an n refine their skills through practice

Individuals never demonstrate all the knowledge, skills, and behaviors they acquire through observation. Motivation to act results from direct, vicarious, and self-produced experiences. Peo- ple perform actions that previously have been successful for themselves or for models. They also perform activities they value and avoid those that are dissatisfying (Schunk, 1987). People forego money, prestige, and power when they judge the activities they must engage in to receive these rewards as unacceptable (e .g., questionable business practices). Classroom applications of mod- eling are given in Application 4 .1.

Applying Modeling in the Classroom 1. Use inhibition. Several students in Mrs. East's class were wasting time and not completing

their assignments. A few minutes before recess Mrs. East tapped on a student's desk and said, "James, if you do not finish your work you may not go to recess." James began to work more productively, as did several other students who also had not finished their work.

Mr. Taylor was checking to see if the band parade lines were straight. He was walk- ing along the first line and adjusting students who were not in line. The students in the other parade lines began to straighten themselves.

2. Use disinhibition. Mr. Markham was concerned because few students in his social studies class participated in discussions . One day while discussing a topic some students spoke up freely without his calling on them. Soon more students began to speak out during dis- cussions, and Mr. Markham complimented the class on their great participation.

Keri was a shy student in a third-grade class. One day Keri went up to two other girls and began talking with them. The teacher told Keri how much she liked seeing Keri in- teracting with others. Keri's social interactions increased over the next few days.

3. Use response facilitation. A physical education teacher asked the first three students who en- tered class to start running laps around the gym. As other students arrived, they auto- matically started running around the gym with the first three students.

Mr. Laird, a science teacher, brought several homemade robots to share with his class during a unit on mechanics. He had the robots operating at the back of the room when the students arrived. As the students entered, they all immediately went to the back of the room to watch the robots rather than going to their desks.

4 . Use observational learning. Ms. Hagaman, a first-grade teacher, used math manipulatives to show her students how to subtract. After explaining each problem, she had the students perform the same operations with the manipulatives at their desks.

Mr. Moore, a tennis coach, demonstrated different types of tennis swings several times. After demonstrating each type, he had his students practice the swing with their rackets.

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Characteristics of Effective Models

Modeling does not occur automatically when observer and model are paired. Observers must attend to models and be motivated to learn from them. In addition, theory and research have identified characteristics of models that are important influences on modeling: competence, per- ceived similarity, credibility, and enthusiasm.

Competence Perceived model competence aids observational learning because students are more likely to attend to and pattern their actions after models who perform successfully than those less com- petent (Schunk, 1987). Competent models also display skills correctly, which diminishes the likelihood that students will learn erroneously. This is not to suggest that models of superior com- petence to observers always make the best teachers. When adult models perform poorly, children may be swayed by status and try to learn anyway because they assume that the adults are not en- tirely at fault. Children are more likely to detect errors by peers than by teachers, especially if children are less familiar with the content demonstrated by teachers. Perceived superior compe- tence also may not positively affect motivation. Some students who observe teachers flawlessly demonstrate complex skills may believe that they never will become that competent.

For self-evaluative purposes, the best models may be students who are equal to or slightly more competent than observers. France-Kaatrude and Smith (1985) had first and fourth graderi perform a task. Children could compare their performances with a peer of higher, lower, or equa: competence. Children allowed to compare with similarly performing peers compared most ofter and demonstrated the greatest persistence. Younger children compared more often with simila1 peers than did older children.

In forming self-evaluations, children routinely compare their performances with those o their peers (Schunk, 1987). Social comparisons with peers whom children judge as similar ir ability can be highly motivating. When model age and competence conflict (e.g., same age bu lower competence), children are swayed more by competence information. This suggests tha teachers could use younger children to model skills, assuming that students believe the model are competent. Use of younger child models also could enhance observers' self-efficacy; observer may believe that if younger children can learn, they can too.

Observers often pattern their actions after those displayed by models of high status as define, by position, job responsibility, or social standing. In the example at the beginning of this chapte1 Michael is a high-status model, as shown by the class following his directions to line up properl: Patterning ones actions after high-status models is functional and should lead to improvement ~ long as the models are competent and are displaying behaviors in their areas of expertise. Stallj becomes problematic when people model behaviors that lie outside of their areas of expertisj (e.g., athletes advertising personal care products).

Perceived Similarity Similarity to models constitutes an important source of information and can be motiva · (Bandura, 1986). Similarity helps observers gauge behavioral appropriateness and form au.tea · expectations (i.e., beliefs about the consequences of actions) . The more alike observers are to mq els, the greater is the probability that similar actions by observers are socially appropriate and produce comparable results (Bandura, 1986; Schunk, 1995). Model attributes often predict the . tional value of behavior. Similarity is especially influential when observers have little inforrnan

about functional value; for example, unfamiliar tas those not immediately followed by consequences (Schunk, 1987).

Model similarity also affects observers' self-efficacy. Observing similar others succeed can raise observers' self-efficacy and motivate them to try the task if they believe that since others can succeed, they can as well. Observing others fail can lead people to believe they lack the compe- tence to succeed and dissuade them from attempting the task. Similarity is particularly important when students are uncertain about their performance capabilities, such as when they lack task fa- miliarity and have little information to use in judging self-efficacy or when they previously expe- rienced difficulties and possess self-doubts (Bandura, 1986; Schunk, 1995).

Research examining the effects of perceived similarity on students' achievement behaviors shows that children generally are not more inclined to model peers' behaviors rather than adults' (Schunk, 1987); however, model-observer similarity is a reliable cue for behavioral appropriateness. When children are unsure about what to do, they observe what peers are doing and act accordingly. Similarity in age is less important for learning of skills, rules, and novel responses than the perceived value of the learning. Competence is important. To the extent that peers are viewed as equally com- petent as adults, the behaviors of each are likely to be modeled. Children model adults when peers' competence is questioned. Peers often are more effective models when children hold self-doubts about their competence. In a learning situation, viewing a peer successfully perform a task may raise children's self-efficacy more than observing an adult (Schunk & Hanson, 1985). If the adult pos- sesses a high level of competence children may believe that they will never attain it.

An important distinction is between mastery models who perform faultlessly and coping models who initially demonstrate the typical fears and deficiencies of observers, but gradually improve their performances and gain confidence (Thelen, Fry, Fehrenbach,&: Frautschi, 1979). Coping models demonstrate how determined effort and positive thoughts overcome difficulties. Coping models may be especially beneficial with learners who previously encountered difficul- ties. To the extent that children view a coping model's initial difficulties but gradual progress as more similar to their typical performances than rapid mastery, observation of coping models might raise self-efficacy more than mastery models (Schunk&: Miller, 2002).

Schunk and Hanson (1985) compared the effects on achievement outcomes of peer mastery and coping models with those of adult (teacher) models and no models, as children were ac- quiring skills. Peer mastery models solved subtraction-with-regrouping problems correctly and verbalized statements reflecting high self-efficacy and ability, low task difficulty, and positive atti- tudes. Peer coping models initially made errors and verbalized negative statements, but then ver- balized coping statements (e.g., "I need to pay attention to what I'm doing.") and eventually verbalized positive statements and performed as well as mastery models.

Observing a peer model increased efficacy and achievement better than did observing a teacher model or not observing a model. Students who watched the teacher model outperformed students who watched no model. Observing models also enhanced motivation during problem solving. No differences were obtained between mastery and coping models. Children apparently believed that if the models could learn, they could too.

Schunk, Hanson, and Cox (1987) used a task (fractions) on which children had experienced few successes. The researchers found that observing multiple models---coping or mastery- promoted outcomes as well as observing a single coping model and better than observing a sin- gle mastery model. Children who observed single models judged themselves more similar in competence to coping than mastery models. Observation of multiple models exerted a strong vicarious influence on children's self-efficacy.

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Research also has addressed self-modeling, or cognitive and behavioral changes stemming from observing one's own performances (Dowrick, 1983; Hartley, Bray, & Kehle, 1998). Schunk and Hanson (1989b) videotaped children solving problems and showed them their tapes. Self-modeling students displayed higher self-efficacy and motivation than did children who had been videotaped but did not observe their tapes and those who had not been taped. Self-model tapes may highlight progress in skill acquisition, which enhances self-efficacy and motivation.

Research on similarity in gender supports the idea that similarity is beneficial when it pro- vides information on task appropriateness (Schunk, 1987). Seeing a same-sex child play With a toy provides the observer With sex-appropriateness information, which can have motivational ef- fects. When children are uncertain about the gender appropriateness of behavior, they may model same-sex peers because they have been rewarded for doing so and believe the models to be good examples of their sex role . Teachers who employ peer models of both sexes to portray classroom learning activities may help alter students' preconceived ideas on sex-role appropriateness (e.g., boys are good in math, girls are good in reading) .

Credibility Model credibility can affect observers' motivation to model actions . Models who act consistently with the behaviors they model are more likely to be judged by observers as credible and to be em- ulated than are models who display one action but behave differently (Bandura, 1986). Models who practice what they preach validate their claim that the behavior is appropriate and useful. In contrast, when models say one thing and do another, they are conveying to observers that a be- havior is fine for observers but not for them, and observers may wonder why.

In a classic study, Bryan and Walbek (1970) exposed elementary school children to an adult model who played a bowling game and won gift certificates, after which children played the game and won certificates. A collection box for certificates was placed on a table so that certificates won could be donated to poor children. While playing, the model preached either generosity ("Ifl win· any money today, I am going to give some to those poor children.") or selfishness ("If I win any money today, I am not going to give any to the poor children."), after which the model either dio.'. or did not donate some certificates. The model's actions motivated children better than did the model's verbalizations. Children exposed to a generous model were more likely to donate than those who observed a selfish model; children who heard exhortations for generosity were no more likely to donate than those who heard verbalized selfishness.

Enthusiasm Models who present their message enthusiastically enhance observers' learning and motivation3:1 processes (e.g., self-efficacy, attributions) better than less enthusiastic models (Perry, 1985). There are numerous real-life examples of model enthusiasm ranging from 1V personalities to moti:vil,: tional speakers. These models hope to motivate observers to act in ways they advocate .

Model enthusiasm might affect observers because people may pay better attention to entbu- siastic models, which should enhance learning. Enthusiasm also might motivate observers to: tain the skills and strategies being modeled. Enthusiastic models could promote observ uld perceptions of task value, especially if the models practice what they preach. ~nthusias_m c~dis- raise observers' self-efficacy because verbal persuasion is a source of efficacy mformauond ·f

"ucan-o;,i cussed in the next section). To the extent that an enthusiastic model conveys a yo - . ~ . . -'- •- - 1...roruPrC: thPif Self-efficacy and motivation for improving their skills should lU

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136 Chapter 4 • among the groups and worked with them on an individual basis. Within each group, as some students mastered the concept, she asked them to work with the others in the group to ensure that they also learned.

4 . Employ coping models with students who previously have experienced difficulties (perceived similar- ity). Mr. Ankler was working with some of his students with learning problems who were having difficulty adding fractions. Mr. Ankler showed them places where it was easy to make mistakes. He said, «when I was first learning to add fractions, sometimes I would do this. It's a mistake lots of people make, but you can learn some things to help you deal with this and remember the right way to work the problems. let's work on these together and I'll show you."

5. Have students serve as their own models and gauge progress (perceived similarity). Ms. Clayton fre- quently videotaped Jason, one of her remedial reading students, as he worked on a socia' studies assignment. Afterward, she and Jason would watch the tape together and com pan his work with that portrayed on earlier tapes. They then would talk about areas in whicl he had made progress. Jason experienced higher self-efficacy after watching the tapes anc realizing that he was learning in Ms. Clayton's class.

6. Use multiple models (perceived similarity). A seventh-grade teacher did a lot of creative wril ing with her students. After students worked on a writing assignment, she would pair ther to discuss and edit their work. She paired students differently throughout the writin process-pairing like abilities and then pairing differing abilities-so that various perspe, tives would be shared during their discussions. She also met with students individually 1 discuss their progress and provide feedback.

7. Ensure that models act consistent with behaviors they model (credibility) . Mr. Parks insisted th his students add columns of numbers without using calculators. Then one day when hew figuring an average for a chart they were making in class, Mr. Parks pulled out his calcul tor to add a column of numbers. Some students asked him why he was using a calculate He told them that once they had mastered the addition of a long column of numbers, th could start using calculators. later in the spring when the class had become proficient addition, he provided calculators for the class to use.

8. Show interest and enthusiasm in the content you are teaching and interact with students in an expresi manner (enthusiasm) . Ms. Ball, a kindergarten teacher, bubbled with enthusiasm for every tivity that was done in her classroom. She was always saying something like, "Oh, childr you are going to just love what we are going to do next. It is going to be so much fun!" WI interacting with the students, she would act out all the silly animals with them, laugh VI them, and shout, "Wow! You are all doing such a super job!" Her children were excited ab being in school and told their principal that they were the "smartest" class in the school.

Functions of Modeled Consequences

Modeled consequences inform and motivate observers (Schunk, 1995). Observers learn the f tional value of behaviors. Observing competent models perform successfully informs observers c sequence of actions they should use . Most social situations are structured so that the appropriatf

' ·-···- o .. ~h~"r"ino mncleled behavior.