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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lavenda, Robert H. Core concepts in cultural anthropology I Robert Lavenda, Emily
Schultz. - 4th ed. p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-07-353098-7 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-07-353098-0 (alk. paper) 1. Ethnology. 2. Ethnology-Bibliography. I. Schultz, Emily A.
(limily A n n ) , 1949- 11. Title. (;N.116.1,39 2010 106-- tk22 200805 1736
' I ' l l ( . 1111rr11r1. addresses listed in the text were accurate at tllr r i ~ ~ l i * 01 I ) I I ~ I ~ ~ ( . ; I I ~ I ) I I . 'I'll(. ~ I I C ~ I I S ~ O I I of .I Wc1) \irt. tlocs not indicate an endorsement by tbr i t i ~ t l l ~ ~ ~ - + 01. ML.(;I.,IW I {ill, ; ~ t ~ ( l Mc( ;r;~w-Hill t l ~ , r \ I I O I R I I . I ~ : I I I I ~ ~ the accuracy of the informatioil j r t c ~ r t i ~ r ~ l lllr\r \ i t ~ * k , .
To Jan Beattu
' Contents e
Preface ix
CHAPTER 1 Anthropology 1 1.1 An Anthropological Perspective 2 1.2 The Subfields of Anthropology 3 1.3 Is Anthropology a Science? Modernism,
Postmodernism, and Beyond 10 1.4 Reflexive Anthropology 1 1
CHAPTER 2 Culture 15 2.1 Culture Against Racism: The Early
Twentieth Century 16 2.2 The Evolution of Culture 19 2.3 Culture and Symbolism 21 2.4 Ethnocentrism and Cultural
Relativism 23 2.5 The Boundaries of Culture? 25 2.6 The Concept of Culture in a Global
World: Problems and Practices 27 2.7 Culture: Contemporary Discussion
and Debate 30 2.8 Culture: A Contemporary
Consensus 32
CHAPTER 3 Language 33 3.1 Studying Language: A Historical
Sketch 34 3.2 The Building Bloclzs of Language 3 7
vi C O N T E N T S
3.3 Languagc ;111cl (:iilture 39 3.4 Languagc a n d Society 41 3.5 Discourse 44 3.6 Language (:ontact and Change 47
CHAPTER 4 Culture and the Individual 51 4.1 From Individualism to Agency 52 4.2 Culture and Personality 54 4.3 Enculturation 56 4.4 The Self 59 4.5 Cognition and Cognitive
Anthropology 62 4.6 Cognitive Styles 63 4.7 Emotion 64
CHAPTER 5 + Expressive Culture: Religion, Worldview, and Art 67
5.1 Religion 68 5.2 Myth 71 5.3 Ritual 72 5.4 Magic and Witchcraft 7 5 5.5 Religious Practitioners 80 5.6 Change in Religious Systems 81 5.7 Art 83 5.8 The Anthropology of Media 86
CHAPTER 6 The Dimensions of Social Organization 89 6.1 What Is Social Organization? 90 6.2 Dimensions of Social Organization 92 6.3 Caste and Class 96 6.4 Race 100 6.5 Ethnicity 101 6.6 Gender 103 6.7 Sexuality 106
CHAPTER 7 + Political Anthropology 109 7.1 Power 110 7.2 Political Ecology and Political
Economy 212 7.3 Disputes and Dispute Resolution 114 7.4 Forms of Political Organization 2 16 7.5 Social Stratification 119 7.0 1 : o r 1 1 1 b of Political Activity 120
C O N T E N T S vii
7.7 Social Control and Law 123 7.8 Nationalism and Hegemony 125
CHAPTER 8 Economic Anthropology 131 8.1 The "Arts of Subsistence" 132 8.2 Subsistence Strategies 133 8.3 Explaining the Material Life Processes
of Society 13 6 8.4 Modes of Exchange 139 8.5 Production, Distribution,
and Consumption 141 8.6 Mode of Production 143 8.7 Peasants 144 8.8 Consumption 148
CHAPTER 9 + Relatedness: Kinship and Descent 153 9.1 Kinship Versus Biology 154 9.2 Descent 156 9.3 BilateralDescent 157 9.4 Unilineal Descent 159 9.5 Kinship Terminologies 163
CHAPTER 10 + Marriage and Family 167 10.1 What Is Marriage? 1 68 10.2 Whom to Marry and Where
to Live 169 10.3 How Many Spouses? 171 10.4 Marriage as Alliance 1 73 10.5Family 175
CHAPTER 11 Globalization and the Culture of Capitalism 179
11.1 The Cultural Legacy of Colonialism 180 11.2 Analyzing Sociocultural Change in the
Postcolonial World 183 11.3 Globalization 189 1 1.4 The Cultural Effects of Contact 192 11.5 Globalization, Citizenship, and Human
Rights 195
( : I I A I ~ ' I ~ I ~ I < 12 'I'licory in Cultural Anthropology 201 11. 1 A1lihr~ol~olot:y , I & Scir-11c-c. 202 12.2 Niireteenth-t 1etltur.y Apprr,itchcs 2 0 1
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ULTURE HAS L O N G BEEN the central concept in anthro- pology. At its most basic, culture is understood to refer to
learned sets of ideas and behaviors that are acquired 'by people
porary anthropologists continue to disagree about bow it should be defined. Major debates about the culture concept, however, can be connected to particular intellectual and social struggles in which anthropologists have been involved historically.
2.1 ~ u ~ t u t - e Against Racism: he rarIy ~wentieth Century Culture gained power as an anthropological concept in the early decades of the discipline, around the turn of the twentieth century, in a social and scholarly context in which the distinctiveness of dif- ferent social groups of people was widely attributed to race. Races were thoughc to be distinct biological subpopulations, or even subspecies, of humanity. Scholars and physicians usually assigned people to various racial categories on the basis of skin color, hair texture, or other visible physical traits. But these physical traits were thought to be inseparable from a number of other, often less visible traits that were also thought to distinguish one race from another- traits ranging from langi~age and dress and musical ability to moral- ity and intelligence. Many early physical anthropologists hoped that if they could succeed in accurately identifying the "races of Man," they would be able to specify which languages and customs origi- nated with, belonged to, or were otherwise appropriate for which races. Unfortunately, &s search for a scientific definition of race took place in a historical context in which ruling groups in the soci- eties from which the anthropologists came were already convinced of the reality of race and so used race-based distinctions to justify their own domination of darker-skinned peoples around the globe.
16
hrk t e w e , nose ghapc, stature, or the l i k e 4 1 a? compelled &a p e m a to speak or behave in .my pa tide^? WV.&I.&& ehe rBIPidiq ~& && pP1ejofi =add . k & ~ b & ~ ~ i c g $ S , .
am@h, ;*aa *: @n$$ &a*,&': &@ '!sf . the,dture concept in. exptaiming vasiation. across ahaman 4-l Becatisexhe capacirieS to creawand,km c$ture.belung*, . t h a M 1 e - Humam@es,.nothing~ prevents my .subgrohp from IearbgdiW? guages. or,beliefs.,dr practices origins& qdevdoped by~soni6 bnber
- , ~ c ~ [ w ~ l . , ~ ~ w i n g , ~ ~ s s . ~ i ~ ~ ~ g d ~ ~ i ~ , and '!racial7 bound- a*F<The c d t w e c o n c q t . p r & i ~ t j a explawtionfoc wby differ- e 3 b r i a i groups often livid 1 % ~ that were quite distinct fcom
on the human species as a whole, explaining variation both among and within populations of our species as the outcome of adaptations to particular natuial environments that were shaped by natural selac- tion on genes. But it was not until the late 196@, in the text of c o l ~ lapsing colonial empires and the civil rights movement in the U&ed States, that this orientation became standad in anthropology.
All ithis work aimed to demolish the concept of biological race for $ood, and yet at the beginniag of the twenty-first centmy, the concept of "race" has not diwappeared. The concept oh culture explains why t l s is so: People can invent cultural categorie~ based on superficial physical features of human beings, caU these catego- ries "races," and then use these categories as bdding blocks fm their social institutians, evm rf d categories correspond to no biologxal realizy. Thus, when a particular social order depehds an racial categorizations of the population in order to function in a particular way, racial categories can persist no matter how pow- erfully scientisB demonstrate that they hare rio ,basis in materid reality (see Chaptef 6). Ironically, racial categories that are con- demned for stigmatizing different segments of the human popula- tion may be reinforced when, for example, a g w e r m e n t asks its citizens to identlfy themselves by "race" in ordex re measure the extent to which compensatory government programs have or have not assisted the members of different "racial" groups to overcome past oppression. An ongoing challenge within anthropology haa been how to deny the reality of race as a biological concept with- out ignoring the continuing vigor of race as a cultural constructior in societies like that of the Unitad) States.
, 4
Rejecting racial thinking led the Boasians to stress the plas&itp of human biology under different environmental circumstmces::4f human beings could learn any language or culture to which. ekq were exposed, this must mean that they required cultwe i;n cab to survive and thrive. Along with many founders of the $md& synthesis in evollrtionary biology, such as Theodosius Dqb~h&p& and Ernst May5 anthropologists came to argue thatin&bm Lq& 8
of human evolution, natural selection on genes produced species (our own and those of our ancestors) whose members adapt and survive as biological organisms by learning the cultural practices of those among whom they live.
Compared even to our nearest primaterelatives, we human being* seem to be born remarkably free id specific "survival instincts,"' or biologkl programming that would secure food, shelter, and mates for us antematically. Instead, as Malinowski suggested, every human group apparently can invent (and m o e ) its own particular setsfif learned cultural traditions in order t o solve those problems. Thw, human beings must learii everything necessary to survive and thrive from older, experiencedmefnbers of their group.
Put another way, the may that a humm group adapts to the envi- ronmental challenges of a pxticular habitat does not depend only on human physiology (or the gcnes involved in the development of hanphys~ologicalresponses). For exampk, human beings attempt- ipg t o survive in cold climates are not obliged to wait u n d natural selection provides them with thick fur. Instead, they can rely on their cultural capacity to learn to control h e , make warm dothing from skins, invent ways of using cold-adaptedplants and animals for food, and so forth. Natural selection on g a e s d plays a role, but selectiatl would favor those whose gene& endowment allowed them to learn especially easily from those around them and who were curious and creative in devising cultural so1upi~ns for new adaptive challenges. Some anthcopdogists, known a s nlla~ral ilzheritance theorists, have used mathematical models borrowed from population biology to demonstrate how the capacity fm fcZtman culture could have arisefi as a result of natural selection on d t u r a l variation. Their work grew out of work by cuhwal ecol'igis~ like Julian Steward, active in the mid-twentieth century. S t e w d ccmscted changes in culture over time in particular sooietiesitv&anatlu!e of the societies' adaptations to their material enviromefib adaptations in which their culture and technology played central tdcs:,(see Chapter 8).
If people's d m d a&&4ti~ reshape the environments in which the.p live (and to whi& tihe$ must adapt), then people also alter the selection pressmes .&at 'they face. This process, called niche con- stmc8ion, remo&l:lsl& environment to which any population mu@
&st &r memberg of their groapa acquiae t h s h h&, ouch grouped together as instances of the "same" thing in another. This slippage between symbols and what they stand for makes possible complex human cultural systems, and it enables their remodeling or dismantling under novel conditions. Such slippage also means, however, that effoxt is constantly required to keep ~ m b o l i c systems systemic-that is, ordegly and coherent. Furthermore, nothing guar- antees that existing cultural systems will w t change over time, due either to internally generated d e v e l o ~ e n t s OF t o exposure to new phenomena introduced from outside.
2.4 ~ t h n o c e n t r i s m a n d ~ u E t u r a l ~ e l a t i v i s m Still, despite these factors, ethnographers were impressed early on by the high degree of cultural coherence and predictabilitv that thev - regularly encountered while doing field research in non-western , societies. This was impatant because it undermined the racist ste- reotypes about tribal or non-western peoples widespread in the early decades of the discipline. In particular, s u c b ~ e o p h s were reg- ularly portrayed as irrational "savages" w "barbmiane" leading lives that were, in the words of se~enteenthrcenwry philosopher Thomas Hobbes, "nasty, brutish, and short.'' Such ~ o ~ t r a y a l s of tribal peoples by Western observers were based on the wiversal human tendency to view one's own way af life as natural and as naturally better than other, different ways of life. Anthropologists call this attitude ethnocentrism-that is, using the pxactices of your own "people" as a yardstick to measure how well the customs of other, different peoples measure up. Inevitably, the ways in which "they" differ f r m "us" (no matter who "they" and "us" happen to be) are tmderstood, ethnocentrically, in rerms of what they lack. ,, -' Ethnocentric Europeans and North Americans believed that to be "civilized" and "cultured" meant to follow an orderly way (rf , , ' F '
i life graced by refinement and harmony. But e a l y anthropologistp 1 4 : ~ found that they could use 'the cdture concept to counter these e&- nocentric beliefs. They cauld show that all peaples were eqttdl~ " cultured" because every group's social practices were tharao- tenzed by order, harmony, and refinement. The partiodar &at @$ customs one followed depended on the group one was born, &bob
fmm whose members one leatned thosecustam', h d t a ? group% c~xoms mimight: & j&m ,m aq$omsj bm- @@&':@w aq~ally
Some anthropologists had always raised questions about just how sharply bounded, just how internally integrated, any particu- lar culture might be. Boas and his students, as noted previously, had documented much borrowing of cultural objects and practices by one supposedly distinct society from another, suggesting that boundaries between cultural traditions might be rather porous. But if society A borrowed a custom from society B, could rhat custom ever be made into an "authentic" part of the c u l m e of society A? And if it could be integrated, did that mean that the culture of society A was no longer "authentic"? And who would decide? Purthermore, even if a provisional correspondence could be established between a particular society and a particular set of cultural beliefs and practices, was it plausible to claim that every member of that society shared every aspect of its culture-the same beliefs, the same values, the same practices, the same points of view? What if members of the society in question disagreed, say, about how to petform a ritual? Could only one of the partles be correct, and must the others necessarily be wrong? And, again, who would decide?
Ethnographers often sought research settings that seemed to approximate the ideal of cultural uniformity-for example, remote villages or culturally distinct urban neighborhoods. Often they had to acknowledge rhat this setting was only one part of a larger sociocultural system, even if that larger system was not the focus of their research. This was particularly visible and problem- atic in the case of ethnographic work carried out during the colo- nial period: The wider imperial setting would be acknowledged briefly, but little or no reference to that setting would be made in the rest of the ethnography.
In recent years, many ant~ropologists have begun to question the validity of speaking as if a large and complex society could possess a single, uniform "cuiture." It has also become obvious that even within relatively small homogeneous societies, mem- bers may disagree with one another about what "their culture" actually is. Anfhropologists have become increasingly sensitive to the political issues involved in drawing boundaries around a society or a culture or in taking the views of one subgroup of a larger society as representative of "the culture" as a whole. This
or else risk persecution. Such practices are p e r k 8 obvious in those societies that wece once colonies but have simx beceme inde- pendent states. A common :expercience in :a& mw :q&~ was the disco%* that vefy little,zpirpc r ~ r n f t i m . & ; ~ . m l o & + trig ppo&ef, flai$$d tbg b e ~ 1 ~ b s w h ~ per@ of &+& kwsoa$esx- The d i g &@J@:&&Q ha,d i&eriqed , .~ & &&I$ g~T&-q&&&i+ l a u i n g h e a e p ~ 6 : O$ &Q&z~L. ill f d ~ vr:ws&ddiy t o of n , a t i o ~ d &Q bdS& g&&ddyfir&&f &lmj,a?' ~elem@@.;@f &&: a:.fiij&&l ~ & l ~ ~ , . l & & -
!r@mqL%s %h& @ &Jd,i,m hdBnd ii$ew., :@,&&&& s ~ a h . pr&OkR wDnBd
. I , # ... ' @&,'t@ & $ h ~ ~ &'Tip* .t$ &&&t&&@i&Jq-whws: @! @jV& &j wjbd ,M,w.~ &z* '&&wak PP<&ah~d pcrl&; f i z ~ c x ~ p l & & & wac&es ;&&&a &. c ~ i * b,y .& Having expelled one colonial they would see no advantage in being recolonized by onc of heir wichbors.
members never see ohe @&ex face-to-face but who nonetheless experience a sensc of feeIjag for onc another. In Anderson's
snd pra~tieek. . ,;,' !! 8 ' . ~
I J Discussion and ~ e b a t e What has been the outcome of all this discussion and debate about the cultwe concept? Some anChropologists assert that the concept of culture has been forever tainted by the older usage that assigned every society its own unique, iqternally harmonious set of behefs and practices. Because this use of the concept reflects an outmoded understanding of how soaeties and cultures relate to one another, they argue, and has permitted culture t o be falsely understood as a prison house of custom from which people could never escape, the term should be d~scarded entirely. They believe that it beats too many traces of the colonial circ~mstances under which it was developed and to which it proved so useful an intellectual tool in dividing and dominating colonized peoples.
But abandoning the one-society-one-culture model does not mean that the concept of culture needs to be discarded. Many of the anthropologists who reject that model prefer t o think of culture as the stun total of all the customs and practices that humans have ever produced. They point out that, with the increasing speed and density of communication and travel, nobody anywhere on the face of the ear6h is isolated from the major flows of information and activity present in our contemporary world. Fast food, rock music, and computers h'ave a worldwide appeal. Because we are a species that needs to learn how to survive and are wilhng t o learn new things from others, people everywhere now seem t o be involved in stitching together their own patchwork of beliefs and practices from both local traditions and the wide range of global culture locally available. Iri situations like this, many contemporary anthropolo- gists argue that what counts as anyone's culture is "up for gabs."
And yet those psocesses that turn culture into something individ- uals put together on their own are frequently countered by another process in wbch groups defend a uniform and closed view of their own cdture in the face of potential inundation by global culture. Thus, much like some early anthropologists, contemporary activists in movements of ethnic solidarity defend a monolithic, internally harmonious view of their own culture against "outside" forces claiming to know what is best for them. Such a defense, however, is not without its own paradoxes. For example, to present the image
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Key terms are defined on boldfaced page numbers.
Aboriginals, Australian, 69, 85 Abu-Lughod, 188 accommodation, 1 9 1 acculturation, 1 9 2 acephalous, 1 2 1 achieved status, 9 1 adaptation of resistance, 2 1 7 adjudicate, 125 adoption, 1 5 7 aesthetic, 83, 84 affinal relationships, 156 affinity, 1 6 4 Africa, 1 8 age grades, 95, 1 1 agency, 5 4 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 7 age set, 95 agnatic, 1 5 9 agriculture
extensive, 94, 1 3 4 intensive, 94, 135 mechanized industrial , 135
AIDS, 4 Alaska, 86 Algeria, 181, 184 alienation, 143,184 alternative modernities, 13
ambilocal, 1 7 1 anccstor cult, 70 Anderson, Benedict, 28, 32, 83, 127,
129 animism, 6 9 anthropological linguistics, 3 4 anthropology, 2
as international discipline, 9-10 apartheid, 29 applied anthropology, 8 arbitrariness, 3 7 archaeology, 7 art, 8 3
by appropriation, 84 by intention, 8 4
articulated style, 6 4 art world, 84-85 ascribed status, 9 1 authority, 99 avunculocal, 1 7 1 Azande, 78, 79
Balzhtin, Mikhail, 45-46 band, 117,120-21 barbarism, 132, 133, 204 h;~.;~c h u m a n 1 1 c . c . d < , 148. 107
basic personal~ty structure, 5 5 Baule, 8 3 behav~oral ecology, 149, 215 Benedict, Ruth, 54, 209 berdache, 1 0 6 Berdahl, Daphne, 232 bifurcat~on, 1 6 4 b ~ g man, 122 bilateral descent, 1 5 7 bilateral k ~ n d r e d , 157-158 b~local, 170-1 71 biolog~cal d e t e r m ~ n ~ s m , 204 bioscience, 224 biotechnology, 224 b ~ r t h , 155 blended fam~ly, 1 7 6 bloodwealth, 1 1 6 Boas, Franz, 17, 18, 26, 37, 39, 54,
5 7 , 1 3 3 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 8 body language, 36 bonobos, 2 2 bourgeo~s~e, 97, 98, 142 Brahm~ns, 96 B r a d , 101, 1 8 7 Breton, 49 br~colage, 210 bride servlce, 1 7 3 br~dewealth, 173, 1 7 7
I broccol~, 199, 200 1 bureaucracy, 99, 1 2 3 Cambodia, 198 Cameroon, 1 4 5 capitalism, 136, 138, 147, 1 8 7 cargo cults, 192, 194 Caribbean, 1 0 1 cash crops, 1 4 5 caste, 96, 98, 1 1 9 Castro, Fidel, 1 8 4 chiefdoms, 118, 120 child-rearing practices, 58 chimpanzees, 2 1 , 2 2 China, 184, 187, 188 Chornsk~, Noam, 3 9 , 3 8 , 3 9 , 4 4 , 2 1 0 Christianity, 6 9 citizenship, 1 9 6
flexible, 1 9 6
legal, 196 substantivc, I ')t,
civilization, 1 . i L , I i i, L[I:l civil law, 124 clan, 160, 1 6 1 class, 97-98, 10.1, I 44, 1 19 classes, 143 clientage, 9 8 code, 36 code-switching, 4 3 coercive power, 1 1 1 cognatic descent, 15 7 cognition, 6 1 cognitive capacitirs, 63 cognitive styles, 63 cold war, 4, 10, 3.4 I, 147, i 4 # , 1 : { . I ,
186, 188, 190, 219,121. collaborative ethnogri~pky, collaterality, 1 6 4 colonialism, 180, 194 colonial period, 2 6 colonial rule, 122 comadre, 9 9 commodity chain, 190 communicative conlpct ctice, 3% con~munitas, 75 compadrazgo, 9 8 compadre, 99 comparative, 3 complex societies, 1 1 9 configurations of entire C I I ~ ~ L I P I , 409 congregation, 74 conjugal family, 1 7 5 consanguineal kin, 1 5 6 consensus, 1 2 1 conspicuous consumption, 150-S 1 consumers, 1 4 3 consumption, 142, 1 4 8 contagious magic, 7 6 conversion, 8 1 core, 187, 189 corvee, 182 cosmopolitanism, 1 9 8 counterhegemonic, 128 courts, 124, 125 creole, 48 crime, 125
2 5 2 I N D E X I N D E X 2 5 3
criminal law, 1 2 4 cross cousins, 164, 165 Cuba, 184 cultural anthropology, 4 cultural configurations, 54 cultural determinism, 208 cultural ecologists, 20 cultural ecology, 1 1 2 , 2 1 4 , 149 cultural evolution, 1 3 3 cultural hybridization, 31,194,195, 199 cultural identities, 102 cultural imperialism, 182, 194 cultural inheritance theorists, 20, 215 cultural materialism, 21 6 cultural pluralism, 1 9 1 cultural relativism, 24 cultural rights, 125, 196-97 cultural universals, 1 7 culture, 4, 1 6 , 2 4
colonial, 28 evolution of, 1 9 global, 3 0 national, 28, 2 9
culture-and-persollality research, 55, 61, 64
culture inheritance theorists, 149 culture traits, 206 cybercommunication, 190 cyberculture, 189
dance, 85 Darwin, Charles, 204 dependence training, 60 dependency theory, 185 descent, 1 5 6
bilateral, 1 5 7 cognatic, 157 unilineal, 159
deterritorialization, 1 8 8 development, 185 development anthropology, 8 diachronic, 35 diaspora, 1 8 8 diffusion, 205 diglossia, 4 3 discourse, 4 4 , 4 5 distributed agency, 224
distribution, 142 divorce, 177, 178 Dobzhansky, Theodosius, 1 9 dogma, 70 domestication, 1 3 4 domestic groups, 1 3 3 domination, 1 2 8 double-voiced discourse, 45 Douglas, Mary, 211, 212 dowry, 174 Du Bois, W. E. B., 220 Durkheim, Emile, 93, 94, 141, 202,
2 0 3 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 2 0 8
ecological anthropology, 213, 149 economic anthropology, 1 1 3 econornic exchanges, redistributive,
118 economics, 2 economic theory, neoclassical, 137 economy, 1 3 7 ecosystems, 213-14 ecstatic religious experiences, 82 Ecuador, 152 egalitarian, 1 1 7 egalitarian societies, 94, 124 ego, 158 emic, 41, 62, 209 emotion, 64, 65 empires, 120 empirical, 203 enculturation, 5 7 endogamy, 9 6 , 1 7 0 Engels, Friedrich, 1 3 3 Errington, Shelly, 84 ethnic group, 102, 1 0 5 ethnicity, 1 0 1 ethnic psychoses, 5 9 ethnocentrism, 2 3 ethnocide, 103, 1 9 8 ethnography, 6 ethnolinguistics, 35 ethnology, 6 ethnomusicology, 85 ethnopragmatics, 46-47 ethnoscience, 41, 6 2 , 209 ethnoscmantii.\, 4 1
etic, 41, 6 2 , 2 0 9 Europe, 103, 190, 191, 1 9 8 , 2 2 3 Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 78, 79,120-121 evolution, 20 evolutionary, 3 exchange, modes of, 1 3 9 exogamy, 1 7 0 extended families, 1 7 6 extensive agriculture, 117, 134
fact, 203 family, 175 family by choice, 176 fast food, 151 feminism, 103-105 feminist approaches, 61 feuding, 115, 124 fictive kin, 99, 1 6 3 field dependent, 64 field independent, 64 fieldwork, 5 Firth, Raymond, 228 food producers, 134 foragers, 94, 134 forensic anthropologists, 3 formal economy, 1 4 6 formalists, 1 3 6 formalization, 1 2 3 Fortes, Meyer, 120, 121 Foucault, Michel, 106 French, 49 French revolution, 102 Freud, Sigmund, 57, 58, 61 Fried, Morton, 94, 11 7 functionalism, 92, 2 0 7
gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, 106, 176-177
Geertz, Clifford, 2 1 1 gender, 103, 104, 105
kinship criterion, 164 generation, 1 6 3 genocide, 18, 103,198,219 Germany, 1 9 8 C;illigan's Island, 86 j:IoI>;iI ;~ssc~nhl:ij;c~s, 148, 199-200 t ; ~ o ~ ~ , ~ l i r , ; ~ ~ i o ~ ~ , 1 5 I , I N c ) , 2.21
global style, 64 gods, 70, 7 1 grammar, 3 6 Gramsci, Antonio, 127, 128 Great Britain, 98 Greek, 34 Grimm, Jakob, 3 4 Guatemala, 199, 200 Guinea, 95 Gumperz, John, 42-43,45
Haraway, Donna, 220 headman, 122 hegemony, 128, 129 herders, 94 Herskovits, Melville, 113, 136, 192 heterogeneous assemblages, 224 heteroglossia, 45 hidden transcripts, 128-129 historical linguistics, 35 historical materialism, 216 historical particularism, 206 HIV, 2 1 Hobbes, Thomas, 23, 53, 11 1 Hobsbawm, Eric, 1 2 7 Hockett, Charles, 3 7 holistic, 2 human biology, 2 human rights, 125, 196, 197, 199, 219 Hurston, Zora Neale, 220 Hymes, Dell, 39, 39, 41, 4 2 , 4 3 , 4 5 hypergamy, 174
identity politics, 190, 194 ideology, 1 2 8 imagined community, 28, 1 2 7 imitative magic, 7 6 imperialism, 152 independence training, 60 India, 86, 98, 187, 194 Indiana Jones syndrome, 7 indigenization, 3 1 individualism, 52-53 Indonesia, 123, 187, 225 informal economy, 1 4 6 i ~ i f o r ~ i i : i ~ ~ ~ s , .5 i 1 1 i t i . 1 1 i o 1 1 , 0'7
2 5 4 I N D E X I N D E X 255
institutions, 92 intensive agriculture, 118, 135 internal colonialism, 182 International Monetary Fund, 1 8 6 international political economy, 186,
223 Internet, 189 interpretive anthropology. See
symbolic anthropology interpretivism, 219, 220 Inuit, 69 invention of tradition, 1 2 7 in vitro fertilization, 156, 162 Islam, 69 Islamic societies, 172 Israel, 162 Ivory Coast, 83, 95
Jews, killship system, 162 joint families, 176, 178 Jones, Sir William, 34 judgcs, 1 2 5 JuPhoansi, 31, 164
I<ant, Emmanuel, 198 Kardiner, Abraham, 55, 60 ICcnya, 1 1 3 kilt, 127 kindred, bilateral, 1.57 kinesics, 36 kinship, 1 5 4 k~nship groups, unilineal, 117 kinship terminologies, 1 6 3 Kluclthohn, Clyde, 52-53 ICnauft, Bruce, 232 Kpelle, 95 IZroeber, A. L., 208 Ksatriya, 9 7
labor, 142 language, 6 , 3 4
colonization and, 49 death, 50 family, 34 ideology, 48 revitalization, 5 0
languc, 36
Latin, 34 law, 1 2 4
civil, 124 codes, 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 criminal, 1 2 4 procedural, 124 substantive, 124
lawyers, 125 Leacock, Eleanor, 104 leveling mechanisms, 1 4 0 levirate, 174 LCvi-Strauss, Claude, 72, 209, 210 Liberia, 95 li~ninal period, 75 lineage, 11 8, 160, 1 6 1 linguistic anthropology, 6, 34
competence, 3 8 nationalism, 49 performance, 38
linguistics, 34 long-distance nationalism, 195
Maasai, 113 magic, 75, 76, 77 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 1 7 , 2 0 , 2 5 ,
37, 71-72, 75, 76, 77, 148, 150, 1 9 2 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 2 2 8 , 2 3 1 , 2 3 2
mana, 70 Mankelcar, Purnima, 86 marriage, 154, 156, 1 6 8
as alliance, 173 Marx, Karl, 97, 98, 133, 141, 142,
143, 144, 148, 214, 216,217, 2 1 8 , 2 2 0
material culture, 4 mating, 155, 169 matriarchy, 162 matrilineage, 159, 1 6 2 matrilineal, 1 5 9 matrilocal, 1 7 0 Mauss, Marcel, 1 4 1 Mayr, Ernst, 1 9 Mead, Margaret, 25, 57, 104,
1 9 2 , 2 0 9 means of production, 1 4 3 mcc1i;inic;ll solitl;l~,ity, 9 3 111rx~l1:lltizt.tl i t ~ d u z i t ~ ~ ~ l ,tKric.l~liui.t., I 45
media, 8 6 mediation, 124 mediator, 116 medical anthropology, 4 , 2 2 4 Melanesia, 192 Mende, 9 5 messianism, 82 Mexico, 1 8 4 migrant populations, 188 migrants, 188-189, 191, 198 millenarianism, 82
i Miller, Daniel, 151 modal personality, 56 mode of p r o d u c t i o ~ ~ , 1 4 3
articulating, 1 4 7 modernism, 1 0 modernity, 1 4 6 modernization theory, 183,185, 187 modes of exchange, 139 money, 136 monogamy, 1 7 1 monograph, 6 Morgan, Lewis Henry, 50, 132, 133,
134, 1 8 3 , 2 0 2 , 2 0 3 , 204 Morocco, 181 morphology, 3 8 multiculturalism, 191, 193 multilineal evolutionism, 214 multisited fieldwork, 12, 2 7 myths, 71, 7 2 , 2 1 0
narratives, 72 nation, 1 2 6 nationalism, 126, 1 8 3 nation-states, 102, 126, 191 nativism, 8 2 Nazis, 18, 198 negotiation, 1 1 6 neocolonialism, 1 8 1 neoliberalism, 1 8 6 neolocal, 1 7 0 neuroses, 5 7 New Age movements, 82 Ncw Guinea, 192 11c.w rc.l~oductive technologies,
15.5- I56 N I L .II..I!:II;I, 1 H'1
niche construction, 20 nonconjugal family, 175 nuclear family, 175 nurturance, 155, 1 5 7 Nyakyusa, 95
objective knowledge, 1 0 openness, 3 7 oracle, 70 organic solidarity, 93, 99 organ transplantation, 156 original affluent society, 1 3 9 origin myths, 7 1 orthodoxy, 70 orthopraxy, 74 Otavalans, 152 outcastes, 9 7
paleoanthropologists, 3 paralanguage, 36 parallel cousins, 164 parole, 36 participant-observation, 6, 1 2 pastoralists, african, 113 patrilineage, 159, 1 6 1 patrilineal, 159 patrilocal, 1 7 0 patron-client relationships. See
clientage peasant, 144-146 peasantariat, 146 penal code, 125 periphery, 187, 189 personality, 54 persuasive power, 1 1 2 phonemes, 3 7 phonetics, 3 8 phonology, 3 7 photographs, ethnographic, 232 physiology, 20 Piaget, Jean, 61 pidgin, 47, 48 plural marriage, 1 7 1 Polanyi, I<arl, 139, 140 politicxl ; ~ n i h r o l ~ o l o ~ i s t s , 1 1 1 , I I 0 poli~ic,;~l tx,olok;is~+, l ~ o s i M , I I . \ ~ S I , 2. I H ~ l l ~ l i l i ~ , l l i*, olok:v~ I I 3 * 2 17, J I K
2 5 6 I N D E X
political economy, 1 1 4 international, 1 8 6
politics, 11 1 polyandry, 1 7 2 polygamy, 1 7 1 polygynous family, 175, 176 polygyny, 171-172 polytheistic religions, 70 Poro society, 96 positivism, 10, 13, 21.8, 220 postcolonial world, 1 8 3 postmodern condition, 190 postmodernism, 10, 11, 13, 197,218,
222 potlatch, 1 4 0 power, 1 10, 1 1 1
coercive, 111 persuasive, 1 1 2
pragmatics, 46 prayer, 74 prehistory, 7 prestige, 1 1 9 priests, 80 1x:in1ary institutions, 5 5 prirnatologists, 3 prime movers, 1 19 procedural law, 1 2 4 production, '142 production for exchange, 145 production for use, 145 projective tests, 56, 63 proletarianization, 184 proletariat, 97, 98, 142, 146 protolanguage, 34 prototypes, 62, 6 3 psychic s n i t y of mankind, 205 psychologists, 5 5 psychoses, 5 7
race, 16, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 89, 100, 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 5
cultural categories, 19 ethnicity and, 102, 1 0 2
races, 205 Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 2 0 6 , 2 0 7
raiding, 115 Ranger, Terence, 1 2 7 rank societies, 9 4 reciprocity, 1 3 9
balanced, 140 generalized, 139 negative, 140
redistribution, 118, 1 4 0 reflexive anthropology, 11 relatedness, 1 5 4 relations of production, 1 4 3 relative age, 164 religion, 2, 68, 7 7 religious rituals, 73 reterritorialization, 188, 189 revitalization, 8 1 revivalism, 82 revolutionary movements, 184 rite of passage, 74 ritual, 72-73, 95, 212
court, 125 power, and, 73 religious, 7 3
role, 91, 92, 95, 99, 104, 158, 169 Rome, 198 Russia, 184 Rwanda, 198
sacrifice, 74 Sahlins, Marshall, 53, 139, 152 Samoa, 5 7 sanctions, 1 2 3 Sande society, 96 Sanskrit, 34 Sapir, Edward, 33, 39, 3 9 , 4 0 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 40 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 35, 3 6 , 3 7 ,
3 8 , 3 9 , 2 0 9 savagery, 1 3 2 , 2 0 4 scarcity, 1 3 7 schemas, 62, 62 science, 7 7 science studies, 224 scientific racism, 204-05 Scotland, 1 2 7 secondary institutions, 5 5 secret socictic-s, '15, ')O
self, 5 9 self-actualizing individuals, 60 self-awareness, 59 semantics, 38 semi-periphery, 1 8 7 September 11,2001, 190 Service, Elman, 1 1 7 sex, 1 0 5 sex of linking relative, 164 sexuality, 1 0 6 sexual practices, 106, 1 0 7 shamans, 58, 8 0 Sharp, Leslie, 156 Sherbro, 9 5 shifting cultivation, 134 Sierra Leone, 95 situated knowledge, 2 2 0 , 2 2 1 slash-and-burn cultivation, 1 3 4 slavery, 1 0 1 slaves, 1 1 9 Smith, Adam, 1 3 6 , 1 3 8 social
determinism, 208 dramas, 212 mobility, 9 6 organization, 92 race, 101 stratification, 119 structure, 9 1
society, 9 0 sociobiology, 149, 215 sociolinguistics, 4 2 , 4 3 sodalities, 9 5 sororate, 1 7 4 South Africa, 2 9 South Asia, 9 6 Soviet Union, 141, 184, 188 speech community, 4 1 Spencer, Herbert, 2 0 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 2 sperm banks, 1 5 6 state, 99, 110, 118, 120 status, 91, 1 5 8
achieved, 9 1 ascribed, 9 1
Steward, Julian, 20, 112,214 Strathern, Marilyn, 105 srr:~tifictl soc,ic-tics, 94, 98
I N D E X 2.57
structural functionalism, 207 structuralism. 209. 211 , , structurai violence, 6 6 subaltern, 183, 198 subjectivity, 6 5 subsistence strategies, 134 substantive law, 124 substantivists, 1 3 9 sumptuary privileges, 119 supernatural, 69 superorganic, 208 surpluses, 1 3 5 surrogate parenthood, 156 sushi, 194 swidden cultivation, 134 symbolic anthropology, 211 symbols, 2 2 synchronic, 35 syncretism, 81, 192 syntax, 3 8
Tanzania, 9 5 theory, 203 thick description, 213 third gender, 1 0 7 tradition, 146 transborder citizenship, 195 transborder state, 195-96 transhumance, 134 trauma, 6 6 tribe, 1 2 0 tribes, 117, 120, 121 Trobriand Islanders, 94, 207 Trobriand Islands, 7 5 , 2 0 6 , 2 3 2 , 233 Tsing, Anna, 225 4 Turner, Victor, 75, 2 1 1 two spirit, 1 0 7 Tylor, E. B., 69,202, 203
unilineal cultural evolutionism, 203 unilineal descent, 1 5 9 unilineal descent groups, 159 United Nations Declaration o n
Human Rights, 196 United States, 9, 18, 82, 100, 1 5 4 ,
1.56, 17.5, 176, I ')O I I I ( . I , ~ I I ~ , 1 .SO
2 5 8 I N D E X
utilitarian, 216 uxorilocal, 171
Veblen, Thorstein, 150, 151 verbal performance, 43 verbal repertoire, 42 violence, 198 virilocal, 170 virtual communities, 189 voodoo doll, 76
Wallerstein, Immanuel, 186, 187 warfare, 115, 116 Washburn, Sherwood, 1 8 wealth, 119 wealth exchange, 124
Weber, Max, 220 Welsch, Robert, 85 westernization, 182 White, Leslie, 214 Whorf, Benjamin, 33, 39, 40 Wicca, 78, 82 witch, 79 witchcraft, 77, 78-79 Wolf, Eric, 184 World Bank, 186 world system theory, 186, 187, 188 world trade center, 190 World War 11, 1 8 , 2 5 , 4 0 , 193 worldview, 68
Yugoslavia, 198
