Manifesto

DOI: 10.1002/ace.20426

R E S E A R C H A R T I C L E

Black women at the intersection of race and poverty in urban communities: Partnerships for transformation

Michelle A. Johnson

College of Education and Professional Studies, University of Central Oklahoma, Edmond, Oklahoma, USA

Correspondence Michelle A. Johnson, College of Education and Professional Studies, University of Cen- tral Oklahoma, 100 North University Drive, Box 120, Edmond, OK 73034, USA. Email: [email protected]

Abstract This article examines the intersection of race and poverty on the lives of Black women living in urban communities. Historical systemic racism continues to leave many marginalized communities on the periph- ery and struggling to maneuver in a society that lim- its access to empowerment to move out of poverty. To transform the lives of those living in poor urban com- munities, dismantling systemic racism where race and poverty intersect must be included in policymakers’ priorities. This work begins with partnerships forged between public policy makers, adult educators, literacy education and training programs, welfare programs, and employment programs and employers.

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement began in 2013 as a social media hashtag in response to the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of Trayvon Mar- tin, an unarmed Black teenager (Black Lives Matter, n.d.). BLM has since evolved from an online movement to a globally networked organization, focused on combating the sys- temic racism and police violence which plague Black communities. Local chapters of BLM are empowered to effect systemic, societal, and political change and uplift and advance Black communities, as detailed on their website (n.d.). Patrisse Cullors, one of the found- ing members, expressed BLM is just the beginning:

There is so much more to our organization — and movement — than just telling the global community that our lives matter. We will never abandon our fight for racial justice and our struggle for liberation. (Black Lives Matter, n.d.)

The racial inequality and injustices suffered by Black females living in poverty have drawn society’s attention. Black women have been marginalized and historically excluded from public policies aimed at alleviating poverty. Given the continued racial inequality and injustices experienced by Black women living in poverty, this is an area of opportunity for BLM to incorporate into its racial justice work. As Patrisse Cullors stated:

New Dir Adult Cont Educ. 2021;2021:67–78. © 2021 Wiley Periodicals LLC. 67wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ace

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Going beyond mattering requires vision and innovation. We are looking for- ward to pouring our resources, our labor, and our love into a world that centers thriving Black lives, through everything from policy to art and cultural spaces. We will invest in ourselves so that our achievements are renowned. (Black Lives Matter, n.d.)

Public policies and social welfare programs are designed to diminish the effects of poverty and provide a safety net for individuals struggling to survive in marginalized urban com- munities. Social welfare programs address issues such as food insecurities, unemploy- ment, lack of education and training, the need for childcare, and housing assistance (Marx, 2020). Yet, these needs are tightly interwoven and compound the challenges individuals encounter when trying to empower themselves and escape poverty. The changes made to social welfare policies and programs have been inadequate to lift families out of poverty. Some researchers suggest that by making policies and programs stricter, the number of families living in poverty has increased instead of decreasing as planned (McKernan & Rat- cliffe, 2006).

To transform the lives of those living in poor urban communities, dismantling systemic racism where race and poverty intersect must be included in policymakers’ priorities. This work begins when partnerships are forged between public policy makers, adult educa- tors, education and trainings programs, welfare programs, and employment programs and employers. To understand how community partnerships and advocates may bring about systemic change, this article draws upon literature on social welfare programs, policies, and practices aimed at supporting people in poverty. It also highlights how the intersec- tion of race, gender, and poverty in urban communities impacts Black people’s lives, many of whom reside in urban communities.

THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL WELFARE PROGRAMS

Over the course of the 20th century, the notion of poverty and social welfare pol- icy have evolved over time. As the United States and its economy developed through- out the 1900s, so did the introduction and expansion of social welfare programs to alleviate widespread poverty. Moving from a rural agricultural to an industrial econ- omy changed the nation’s population concentration from rural to predominantly urban. Urban areas are defined as densely populated commercial and residential lands with residents who hold nonagricultural jobs (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). The influx of peo- ple from rural to urban communities led to the concentration of the population, giv- ing rise to poverty in urban areas and the need for public assistance programs (Hansan, 2011).

Prior to the Civil War, poverty was viewed as a personal misfortune or failure and not society’s problem (Wilson & Aponte, 1985). However, this sentiment changed after the war, and social reforms to alleviate poverty emerged as a public concern. According to Wilson and Aponte (1985),

In the face of massive unemployment, poor working conditions, inadequate wages, and inferior housing, preindustrial conceptions of poverty eroded and efforts to combat these problems evolved into major social reform. They included the regulation of working hours, working conditions, and the employ- ment of children. Laws were passed pertaining to public health and housing, as well. (p. 232)

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By the 1960s, an official measurement of poverty in the United States was developed by Mollie Orshansky, a staff economist at the Social Security Administration (Fisher, 1992). She determined the threshold for poverty should be measured by taking the cost of food needed for a basic diet multiplied by three (Fisher, 1992). The resulting dollar amount was considered the minimum amount needed to meet a family’s basic needs. The U.S. Depart- ment of Health and Human Services (HHS) (2020) reported the poverty guideline for a fam- ily of four as $26,200 or less annually. A four-person family is often recognized as the family structure containing a parent (male and/or female) and children. Baker (2019) noted this description of the traditional family of four at one time dominated the discourse associated with the family archetype and was grounded in 1950s nostalgia. Baker went on to suggest that more recently the “census bureau indicates a majority of the American households now identify outside the traditional family archetype” (p. 213).

Although men and women both experience poverty, Bleiweis et al. (2020) reported women experience poverty at higher rates than men. They also noted women are dispro- portionately affected by poverty due to marital and parental status, gender wage gap, dis- abilities, and domestic violence issues in this nation. Thus, throughout history, the fed- eral government and individual states have explored policy solutions to eradicate female poverty. The following section provides a brief historical overview of these policies.

Historical overview of social welfare policies

In the early 1900s, after many White men lost their lives in the Civil War, there was a growing concern across the nation for the White widows left caring for their children (Leff, 1973). Leff further indicated that the plight of these impoverished White families became the object of public sympathy and may have led to the emergence of the coun- try’s first state-financed social welfare programs—programs designed and implemented to help citizens meet their basic needs. Social welfare includes programs geared toward assisting poor, unemployed, and marginalized individuals in society. In 1911, the state of Illinois implemented the first state welfare program known as the Mother’s Aid Law (Leff, 1973).

The Great Depression of the 1930s collapsed local and state economies and their corol- lary state-funded social welfare programs (Hansan, 2011). To help alleviate the states’ bur- den of providing public relief, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration created the Social Security Act of 1935. This legislation was the first federal intervention to help states provide public assistance to families in need. This act authorized three cash assis- tance grant programs: (a) pension program, (b) unemployment insurance, and (c) Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) which provided funding to states to aid impoverished families (Hansan, 2011). Gordon and Batlan (2011) explained impoverished families to be single- parent households composed of the mother caring for her children.

The ADC remained relatively unchanged for 60 years and provided the basic structure for future federal and state welfare policies and programs. In 1961, the program’s name was changed to Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) to reflect the benefits given to children’s caretakers (Gordon & Batlan, 2011). The program mainly operated unnoticed by the public until the mid-1970s when presidential candidate Ronald Reagan brought attention to the myth of the welfare queen. Once elected, Reagan and his administration worked to pass provisions to the program that restricted eligibility and reduced benefits for recipients (O’Connor, 1998). The program would undergo a major overhaul and reform in 1996 by the Clinton administration. Clinton signed into law the Personal Responsibil- ity and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PWORA) of 1996. Under PWORA, AFDC was

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renamed to Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) and was designed to reduce welfare dependency.

THE MEASUREMENT OF DESERVINGNESS: RACE, GENDER, AND POVERTY IN URBAN COMMUNITIES

While it seemed that F. D. Roosevelt created social welfare policies and programs to support all women and their families financially, it would become evident that they were meant to support White families. ADC was designed to provide cash assistance to widows with dependent children. However, the families receiving benefits became increasingly non- White and the father/husband was alive but absent (Congressional Research Service, 2020). In addition, the policy was written to exclude workers in specific industries, such as the domestic and agricultural sectors. Johnson (2008) noted these sectors primarily employed Black women, and through policy interpretation, these women were denied access to ben- efits. By denying Black women access to assistance, the perception of who is “deserving” and poverty being seen as a “White problem” persisted until the mid-1960s (Gilens, 1999).

As the face of poverty grew darker, Gilens (1999) noted that public perception shifted from the “deserving” White poor to the “undeserving” Black poor. When women of color began tapping into these programs, as Alfred (2007) noted, the programs and benefits became controversial. The once overwhelming national support for welfare assistance began to sharply decline as the public perceived program benefits were only for Black peo- ple. By framing these programs as Black programs, the media and politicians linked race and welfare and established the parameters of deservingness, leading to the racialization of welfare (Gilens, 1999).

Waktins-Hayes and Kovalsky (2016) suggested the “deserving” poor are those who are not working through no fault of their own and have a legitimate claim to receive social welfare benefits. In contrast, those who are perceived as “undeserving” are seen as mak- ing poor life choices or violating mainstream norms which dictate work, family life, and personal responsibility. Consequentially, the public perception of “deservingness” has dra- matically impacted public sentiment and influenced the context surrounding social wel- fare policy. However, the notion of deservingness often casts a shadow over the real issue, poverty.

THE RACIALIZATION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF URBAN POVERTY

The racialization of welfare and the negative impact of welfare reform on the lives of Black people, particularly Black women, has limited their economic growth and made them more reliant on the welfare system (Banks, 2019). Because of the media’s propensity to distort Black women’s association with social welfare programs, society often imagines poor peo- ple living in urban areas to be young, single Black women with children (Gilens, 2003). It also has led to the widespread belief that Black Americans make up the largest percent of those receiving welfare benefits. However, in 2016, of the total number of those receiv- ing welfare benefits, 39.8% are Black and 38.8% are White (Low Income Housing Authority, 2016).

Black women represent 22.3% of the total number of women living in poverty and expe- rience higher rates of poverty than their Black male counterparts (Bleiweis et al., 2020). Additionally, Gaines (2008) reported that Black women are at least twice more likely to live in poverty than White women. For women of color, research suggest the effects of

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sexism and racism in society and institutional practices lead to a higher incidence of poverty (Bleiweis et al., 2020; Gaines, 2008). Gender is not the only characteristic that accounts for poverty among young Black women. The other characteristics of poverty may include but are not limited to (a) family structure, (b) lower education attainment, (c) low- wage work or earnings, and (d) the lack of work and family supports.

Family structure

According to the 2018 US Census, out of the total number of female-householder fami- lies there were an estimated 31.7% Black female-householder families living in poverty. Creamer and Mohanty (2019) noted a female-householder family is defined by the cen- sus as “two or more related people living together, with one of them as the householder” (para. 6). Although the census reported that poverty rates have decreased for this fam- ily type, they remained the largest percentage of all family types living in poverty. The high incidence of poverty for Black female householders reflects the complex interactions between culture, politics, economics, race, and gender (Brewer, 1998).

Educational attainment

Black women’s level of educational attainment has risen slowly over time; however, despite the increase, it still sits critically lower than those of White women (Guerra, 2013; National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). Black women are reported to make up over 50% of the Black people who graduate from college (Katz, 2020). However, Assari (2018) noted Black families find it more difficult to leverage their education to escape poverty due to the existing structural racism in society. The economic gain of obtaining an education for Black women may not always translate into high-wage work.

Low-wage work

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2020) reported that Black women are mostly employed full-time and hold the lowest paying jobs in the service, health, and education sectors. Black women make up approximately 10% of the low-wage workforce, and earn, on aver- age, $21,700 per year (Miller, 2020). This translates to Black women being paid 62 cents for every dollar earned by a White, non-Hispanic male. Hartmann et al. (2014) suggested paying all working women a wage comparable to that of men to reduce poverty rates.

Work and family supports

The challenges of low-wage work are reflected in the lack of work–family supports, such as quality childcare, paid time off from work, affordable housing, and food security, which frame the experiences of Black women living in poverty. In 2020, the Bureau of Labor Statis- tics (BLS) reported Black women have a higher labor force participation rates than their male counterparts, work non-daytime schedules, and lack access to paid leave. Due to the lack of access to paid leave, Black women have an increased need for childcare. However, Schochet (2019) noted Black mothers most often cite the high cost of childcare as a signifi- cant barrier to obtaining and maintaining work.

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Black women may be more likely to face unemployment and have fewer financial resources, while the high cost of housing has increased the gap of homeownership between Black and White families (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2020). The cost of housing is driven by the costs of renting or owing a home relative to one’s income. Thus, as the Harvard report (2020) noted, two thirds of low-income Black fami- lies are concentrated in areas of high poverty.

Families living in areas of high poverty may also be considered as living in “food deserts,” meaning they live more than a mile from a supermarket and experience food insecurities (Silva, 2020). These families also lack access to fresh and nutritious foods which is partially responsible for the food insecurities that affect more than 35 million households across America (Food Research & Action Center, 2021; USDA, 2009). Of the 35 million households, Silva (2020) reported that 19.1% of those experiencing food insecurities are Black house- holds. Without access to the necessary work and family supports, equity in employment and pay, and resources to support working families, these factors increase the likelihood a Black woman living in an urban area will experience poverty. To help women overcome poverty, community partnerships between public assistance programs and adult educa- tion are key.

TRANSFORMING POVERTY IN URBAN COMMUNITIES THROUGH EDUCATION AND PARTNERSHIPS

Federal policies focused on workforce training, adult literacy, and adult education pro- grams, along with local community partners, have played a pivotal role in transforming poverty in urban communities. In particular, The Adult Education and Family Literacy Act of 1998 was designed to help adults who need access to basic skills such as reading, writing, math, and ESL services. Adult education and training programs integrate basic education and the required workplace skills needed for participants to secure higher paying jobs that would help them transition from welfare programs to economic self-sufficiency (Hamilton & Gueron, 2002).

The Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA), signed into law in 2014, was designed to help job seekers and employers. For job seekers, the policy established a work- force system that helps them access employment, education, skills training, and support services to succeed in the labor market. Under this program, employers are often partnered with local adult education and literacy programs in their communities to aid in the recruit- ment of potential employees. These programs provide support services and employment- based learning activities which enable employers to hire and retain a skilled workforce (Bird et al., 2014).

TRANSFORMATION THROUGH COMMUNITY PARTNERSHIPS

While current legislation on adult education and social welfare policy are important, the community partnerships that support family literacy may have the greatest impact on the lives of Black women living in poverty. Research has consistently maintained that educa- tion and learning experience barriers play a significant role in inhibiting the economic growth and development of low-income women (Alfred & Martin, 2007). Therefore, com- munity partnerships between social welfare, adult education, and literacy programs are an invaluable part of lifting the oppression and aiding in the economic development of Black women.

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To alleviate the effects of poverty, partnerships must be grounded in shared responsi- bilities and reciprocal processes in which federal, state, and local agencies come together to actively support low-income Black women and their families. These organizations are designed to provide services in different ways across the nation. Each state is responsible for designing and implementing programs in ways which best meet the needs of their citi- zens. As an example, Texas ranks as the second largest state in the nation based on its size (land mass) and population. With its distinctive geographic and demographic characteris- tics, the state government works to develop policies, provide family and work supports, and ensure access to educational programming to support low-income families. The follow- ing sections will discuss some of the national organizations and community partnerships around the state of Texas aimed at addressing poverty in urban communities.

NATIONAL PARTNERSHIPS FOR TRANSFORMING POVERTY

Central to community partnerships is the support received from national organizations such as Goodwill Industries and the Dollar General Literacy Foundation (DGLF). These national organizations serve communities across the nation. Goodwill Industries, founded in 1902, was built on the philosophy of a “hand up, not a hand out” (Goodwill Central Texas, n.d.). Goodwill donation centers and stores may be found locally in 182 cities around the United States. The organization works to offer educational and job training services that align with their core mission to transform generations by empowering them through edu- cation, career, and work training. It is dedicated to collaborating with community-based organizations and partners to remove the barriers inhibiting people from obtaining jobs.

The Goodwill Central Texas’ annual report highlights for 2019 noted that due to a suc- cessful revenue year, it would be increasing the size of its organization to meet the increas- ing needs of Austin as its community grows. It reported the following statistics related to workforce training and education: (a) 284 people trained in the Goodwill Career and Tech- nical Academy, (b) 169 people graduated from the Goodwill Excel Center, and (c) 3226 central Texans found jobs (Goodwill Central Texas, 2020). Goodwill Central Texas worked to break the cycle of poverty for families by helping individuals find sustainable careers through education, training, and work.

The DGLF is another national organization that collaborates with local community- based organizations and partners to help people obtain jobs. The foundation focuses on supporting initiatives designed to improve the literacy and education of adults. It was established in 1993 to honor its functionally illiterate founder. Through its grants program, the foundation offers money to qualifying organizations in the 44 states with Dollar Gen- eral stores. The organization has awarded over $186 million and helped more than 12 mil- lion individuals since its founding (Dollar General Literacy Foundation, 2021).

In 2019, the Dollar General Serving Others Report (2020) noted that the DGLF awarded roughly $13.8 million in grants to 1800 organizations which served more than 1.2 million individuals (Dollar General, 2020). The grants were awarded to nonprofit organizations, schools, and libraries which helped individuals of all ages learn to read, prepare for the high school equivalency exam, or learn English (Dollar General, 2020). DGLF offers two grants focused on increasing the literacy and skills of adults and families. The Adult Liter- acy Grant awards funding to provide direct services in Adult Basic Education, General Edu- cational Development (GED) or high school equivalency preparation, or English language acquisition. The Family Literacy Grant provides funding to local nonprofit organizations who support families in the areas of adult education instruction, children’s education, and Parent and Child Together (PACT) learning programs.

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While the essence of family literacy is recognizing parents as the first teachers for their children, literacy skills are not only vital for adults but for adults as teachers of their children (OCTAE, 2007). Without the necessary literacy skills to function in society, adults struggle to find and retain employment, navigate city bus schedules, understand instructions on how to administer medication, make decisions on purchasing nutritional foods, and are unable to help their children with homework (OCTAE, 2007). By improving the literacy skills of adults, we can begin to address one of the conditions of poverty but do not confront the endemic racism that serves as a constant barrier to overcoming poverty among those of urban communities.

SELECTED STATE AND LOCAL PARTNERSHIPS IN TEXAS

The Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) reported that of Texans participating in PIAAC, 28% performed at or below level 1. Adults at this level are considered functionally illiterate. Literacy Texas (2021) stated that literacy programs in Texas only serve 3.6% of the 3.8 million adults in need of services. The low rate of adults accessing services places greater importance on local community partnerships working collaboratively to minimize poverty in urban areas of Texas.

As an example, in 2019, Mayor Sylvester Turner established the Mayor’s Office of Adult Literacy (MOAL) in Houston, Texas. This program aimed to (a) promote adult literacy advocacy and awareness, (b) engage literacy providers and learners in determining needs, (c) facilitate access to literacy programs, and (d) support capacity building and improve learner outcomes (Mayor’s Office for Adult Literacy, 2021). The overarching goal of MOAL is to work with literacy providers who offer services to adult learners. The adult literacy providers include a list of local nonprofits, churches, public libraries, and community col- leges. These providers help adults gain basic, digital, health, and financial literacy skills. In addition, some provide workforce training, workplace literacy, high school equivalency test preparation, and English as a Second Language services. This is only one example of the many statewide literacy coalitions that work to connect people and resources in a com- munity to improve the literacy skills of individuals living in poverty. The examples in the following sections are examples of MOAL partnerships with community organizations.

A literacy coalition’s success relies on the ability of smaller partners within the coali- tion to reach the community members (National Coalition for Literacy, 2021). One of the smaller partners within the MOAL coalition is 8 Million Stories (8MS), a nonprofit organi- zation that was founded in 2017 that works to support young adults and break the cycle of poverty. It offers job readiness programs and adult basic literacy, high school equivalency, and workforce preparation classes.

Churches within local communities throughout history have worked to combat poverty and transform communities by empowering adults through education. New Faith Church’s community development program, called A Mind to Work, is a chartered nonprofit that was incorporated in 2018. Its stated purpose is “to support, enhance and empower the south- west Houston community to improve their economic and social well-being through a wide range of educational and cultural programs” (A Mind to Work, 2021).

Public libraries are another example of long-standing organizations working to empower adults in Texas. One example is the Harris County Public Library adult literacy services, staffed by volunteers who meet with participants one-on-one at the branch libraries. The volunteers are trained and provided with teaching resources to help adults improve their reading and writing skills.

Community colleges are another crucial part in the promotion and delivery of adult literacy services within their communities. Williams and Colby (1991) suggested that

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community colleges provide the best fit for meeting the long-term literacy needs of adult learners. Houston Community College (HCC) is a part of the Houston Literacy Consortium which is composed of many nonprofit agencies that deliver adult education and literacy services for HCC. It also acts as a fiscal agent for the Consortium to provide direct services to adults on their selected college campuses (Houston Community College, n.d.). The fund- ing for the Adult Education and Literacy programs is provided, in part, by the Workforce Solutions System which is part of the Texas Workforce Commission.

However, as well-intentioned as most federal policies and programs may be, Black women are most often overlooked as these same initiatives and programs are reported to only provide a band aid approach (Ricks, 2014). Low literacy skills dramatically impact the lives of Black women as they earn less money, struggle to pay off debt, often work low- wage and multiple jobs, or may be forced to rely on welfare benefits (Silvestrini, 2021). The community partnerships, local communities, and federal agencies that promote literacy and fight poverty are invaluable in helping to meet the needs of low-income, urban Black women.

PROMOTING ECONOMIC JUSTICE IN URBAN COMMUNITIES

Poverty is a complex, multi-layered issue, even though throughout history it has been pre- sented and perceived simply as a personal failure. While the public perception of BLM may not provide a clear link to racial inequities in literacy education, it does draw attention to the racial inequities and racist policies that create poverty in urban areas. Unless we engage in the critical actions needed to foster community partnerships, “We will continue to per- petuate a society in which citizens continue to be blamed for the economic conditions of the nation without regard for other sociopolitical structures that influence their deci- sions, actions, and behaviors” (Alfred, 2007, p. 310). By ignoring the role of race, poverty, and economic justice in the lives of Black women, we are ignoring a large segment of the US population.

Adult education and community partnerships play a critical role in transforming peo- ple’s lives and their communities by breaking the cycle of poverty. Community part- ners and adult education must invest in providing more comprehensive access to dig- ital services and the other family supports needed to empower community mem- bers. By providing resources and access to high speed internet, computers, and digi- tal skills training, low-income adults will be able to better access educational oppor- tunities and participate in professional development activities (National Literacy Coali- tion, 2021). Digital inclusion may provide pathways for low-income adults to obtain and maintain family sustaining employment. In addition, by ensuring equal and con- sistent access to quality childcare, affordable housing, and nutritious food, communi- ties will be better able to fight the effects of systemic racism and poverty. It is within this context of community partnerships and by placing value on the economic devel- opment of Black women that we may ultimately reduce the effects of poverty in urban communities.

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A U T H O R B I O G R A P H Y

Michelle A. Johnson is an assistant professor in the Adult and Higher Education pro- gram at the University of Central Oklahoma. Her research interests include social wel- fare programs and poverty, diversity and inclusion, and women. Her teaching centers on

78 BLACK WOMEN AT THE INTERSECTION OF RACE

the intersections of adult education, diversity and inclusion, and talent development in the workplace.

How to cite this article: Johnson, M. A. (2021). Black women at the intersection of race and poverty in urban communities: Partnerships for transformation. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 2021, 67–78. https://doi.org/10.1002/ace.20426

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