Paper needed with a plagiarism report if possible

JAME PORTER BARRETT AND

THE VIRGINIA INDUSTRIAL

SCHOOL FOR COLORED GIRLS:

COMMUNITY RESPONSE TO THE

NEEDS OF AFRICAN AMERICAN

CHILDREN

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a social ethos evolved among African American women that led to internal child welfare reform in legally segregated African American communities. This article describes the nature of these child welfare developments and provides a historical example using the Virginia Industrial School for Colored Girls. Prevailing themes derived from the historical account are discussed in a contemporary context.

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins, Ph.D., is Acting Dean, Boston University School of Social

Work, Boston, MA.

0009-4061/95/010143-19 $1.50 © Child Welfare League of America 143

144 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV. #1 • January-February

V irginia will not forget that she is indebted to the colored women of the Commonwealth for the Industrial Home School. [Davis 1920:362]

Historically, African American child welfare services have evolved as a response to exclusion, differential treatment, segre- gation, and other forms of racial oppression [Billingsley & Giovannoni 1972; Smith 1991; Stehno 1988]. Internal social re- form and selective services for African American children have resulted from mutual aid-oriented responses on the part of Afri- can American churches and voluntary associations, and benevo- lence originating from interracial cooperation, the work of Caucasian philanthropists, and governmental sponsorship. The Virginia Industrial School for Colored Girls, founded in 1915, was initially maintained by the Virginia Federation of Colored Women's Clubs through organized interracial cooperation. Exist- ihg today as the Barrett Learning Center, this institution re- sponded to dependent and delinquent African American girls and exemplifies the fulfillment of one of the national directives of the National Association of Colored Women. Using guiding principles from educational theory and from the Child Welfare Department of the Russell Sage Foundation (forerunner of the Child Welfare League of America), the Virginia Industrial School, under the leadership of Janie Porter Barrett, provided "convincing reform efforts" by means of a humanistic living and learning environment and preparation for transition to the com- munity [Davis 1920:358].

Child Welfare Work and the African American Comriiunity

Between 1877 and 1900, the status of African Americans was being socially redefined [Ogbu 1978]. In general, conditions for impoverished African American children in the South were de- plorable. Emancipation resulted in the problem of who would

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 145

care for dependent African American children. African American children were excluded from any meaningful and structured govenunental care aside from the in-home services offered to former slave families by a few pre-Civil War private orphanages [Billingsley & Giovannoni 1972: 27-33], the orphanages estab- lished by the short-lived Freedman's Bureau, and almshouses. Mutual aid organizations and voluntary associations or self-help efforts became the dominant mode of care for dependent African American children immediately after emancipation and beyond [Billingsley & Giovannoni 1972]. African American status was based on separation laws and customs between 1900 and 1930 [Ogbu 1978], and the existing governmental child welfare system was not adequately responding to the needs of African American children.

The child-saving activities of the mid-nineteenth through the early twentieth centuries led to the establishment of industrial schools and other institutions primarily for the care of poor Cau- casian immigrant children who were dependent, abused, ne- glected, or delinquent. For the most part, African American children were not the focus of this early crusade for children. Although the juvenile court system was established as early as 1899, the practice of putting African American children in jail persisted in many communities well into the twentieth century. In 1976 in Virginia, for example, 75 years after the practice was prohibited by state law, a large number of children under age 15 were still being jailed, generating community concern [Child Jailings Decline .. . 1976]. As segregation customs and laws per- sisted, young dependent African American children were either jailed or sent to reform schools even when not delinquent be- cause communities were slow to respond to the need for homefinding and family foster care services for African Ameri- can children.

During the early decades of the twentieth century, voluntary associations founded by African American women began to con- front the urunet needs of African American children and youths.

146 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV. #1 • January-February

Kindergartens, day nurseries, and schools for dependent and delinquent African American children were developed in re- sponse to the racial uplift mandates emanating from the philoso- phy of the National Association of Colored Women. Founded in 1896, this association represented African American clubwomen from coast to coast in about 40 states. Its organizational philoso- phy was promulgated by the first president, Mary Church Ter- rell, whose words [1899: 346] are typical of the clubwomen's collective moral authority in the African American community:

As an Association, let us devote ourselves enthusiasti- cally, conscientiously, to the children . . . Through the children of today, we must build the foundation of the next generation upon such a rock of integrity, morality, and strength, both of body and mind, that the floods of proscription, prejudice, and persecution may descend upon it in torrents, and yet it will not be moved. We hear a great deal about the race problem, and how to solve it . . . but the real solution of the race problem, both so far as we, who are oppressed and those who oppress us are concerned, lies in the children.

The perceived internal social reform duties of African Amer- ican clubwomen to the race are best chronicled and understood through their autobiographical and other personal and biograph- ical accounts. Community perceptions, as expressed in anecdotal accounts in the African American news media, are also useful. For the most part, child welfare services that developed through the clubwomen's movement were residual in nature and were replaced by institutionalized social welfare arrangements after the Great Depression. After the Progressive Era, the broader crusade for children, as noted by Chambers [1963], expanded into other family welfare areas, and the new focus was on devel- oping noninstitutionally based services. These changes undoubt- edly had some impact on services for African American children.

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 147

Some private services for the children persisted until the 1940s, but were discontinued because of inadequate funding and likely also because of increased govert\mental alternatives for the Afri- can American community after World War II [Axinn & Levin 1982]. Others persisted as privately supported institutions and still others were subsumed under state auspices.

For example, in Kansas City, Missouri, the Colored Big Sister Home for Girls, founded by Fredericka Douglass Sprague Perry in 1934, existed as a state-contracted private institution through the 1940s. Perry, together with the Colored Big Sister Association, began the first homefinding services for African American chil- dren in Kansas City, Missouri, because standard home placement services by the local Community Charities Chest Committee were not available to African American children. Instead, depen- dent young girls released from the local orphanage at age 12 were sent to the state institution for delinquents until the age of 17. Homefinding efforts eventually culminated in the establish- ment of a residential care facility. The Big Sister Home helped these young girls move into the community by affording access to schools, training in homemaking skills, and employment placements in private homes [Peebles-Wilkins 1989:40].

Another example of institution-building involved the found- ing by Carrie Steele of an orphanage in Georgia to care for infants and children she found abandoned in the Atlanta Terminal Rail- road Station where she worked as a maid. The Carrie Steele Orphan Home was constructed and chartered as a nonprofit institution in 1888 after a successful community fund-raising effort by Steele. She had previously been caring for these children in her own home at night and watching them play in the terminal by day. In 1923, the Home became a United Way-supported agency and exists today as the Carrie Steele-Pitts Home, serving about one hundred neglected, abused, abandoned, or orphaned children of all races, from six to 18 years of age [Carrie Steele- Pitts, Inc. 1988]. The Virginia Federation of Club Women turned the Virgirua Industrial School over to the state in 1920; today it

148 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV. #1 • January-February

continues to operate as the Barrett Learning Center in Hanover County, Virginia, a public agency for juvenile delinquents of all races. Table 1 presents a chronological development of the Vir- girüa Industrial School.

Barrett's Home School

Internal child welfare reform and services by African American clubwomen, like settlement house services provided by Lillian Wald and Jane Addams, reflected the personality traits of the founders [Kogut 1972]. Such was the case with the Virginia In- dustrial School for Colored Girls with its flowering, landscaped campus. Anne Firor Scott [1992: 90], noting that the Virgirüa Industrial School became a model school that other states tried to emulate, described a visible atmosphere of trust and hope attrib- utable to Barrett's personality. In addition to her unique skills in facilitating a growth-promoting milieu at her home school, Barrett's skill in developing and maintaining interracial group support also contributed to the amount of financial and material resources available and the level of broad-based commurûty en- dorsement for the school. Barrett's successful approach to delin- quent African American girls was likely the result of a combination of her ability to effectively incorporate consultation from Hastings Hart of the Russell Sage Foundation and child welfare practices later promoted by C. C. Carstens, first director of the Child Welfare League of America.

Janie Porter Barrett was born in Athens, Georgia. She was reared as a family member in the Skinner home, where her mother was employed as a housekeeper and seamstress. Edu- cated in mathematics and literature in this Caucasian family, she was exposed to persons of privilege and refinement and grew up with a lifestyle atypical of the African American community. Her mother later seht her to Hampton Institute in Virginia, where she was trained as an elementary school teacher. At Hampton, Bar- rett [1926: 361] was inculcated with patriotic, altruistic values.

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 149

TABLE 1 Chronological Development of the Virginia Industrial Schooi

Date Historical Development

1911 January 1913

May 1913 January 1915 November 1915 1916 1919 1920

1927 1940 1950 1965 1970s

Fund-ratstng began 147 acre farm site purchased for Virginia Industrial Home

School for Colored Girls First board meeting First two girls admitted Barrett appointed superintendent First cottage built Second cottage and school building added Placed under state control, renamed Virginia Industrial School

for Colored Girls Superintendent's residence built Barrett retires as superintendent Renamed Janie Porter Barrett School for Girls School is racially integrated Renamed Barrett Learning Center

Source: Compiled from the cited primary source data in the Peabody Collection, Leader (1916); Hampton University and the Virginia Welfare Bulletin (1956).

and a sense of duty to her race, learning lessons "in love of race, love of fellow-men, and love of country." Her worldview led to the development of an industrial home school based on a philos- ophy of social and human development lodged in educational programming.

The Industrial Home for [Wayward] Colored Girls opened its doors in Hanover County near Richmond in 1915 on a 147-acre site purchased by the Virginia Federation of Colored Women's Clubs, an orgaruzation founded by Barrett, its first president, between 1907 and 1908 [Peebles-Wilkins 1987]. At the time the school was founded, it was estimated that about 500 young Afri- can American girls needed supervised care, training, and rehabil- itation. The farmland with a farmhouse had been purchased in 1914, but the federation had been gradually raising money since 1911 and anticipated paying for the land in full after five years [Aery 1915]. Urged on, however, by the sentencing of an eight-

150 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV, #1 • January-February

year-old African American girl to six months in jail, "every woman gave until she could feel it" [Barrett 1926: 356]. Having raised $5,300, the federation paid for the land, chartered the school, and designated the farmhouse as Federation Cottage after the clubwomen's organization. Barrett's encounter with the judge to get custody of the eight-year-old girl gives us a glimpse of differential perceptions and the handling of dependent Afri- can American girls by the Virgirtia juvenile justice system.

Prior to establishing the Industrial Home, Barrett had al- ready established a Child Welfare Department at the Locust Street Settlement. In addition to guidance for young mothers and helping children through adolescence, a committee from the Child Welfare Department had been successfully removing underage African American children from jail to alternative placements [Daniel 1931: 57-58]. A Negro reform school had been founded by the Virginia African American community as early as 1897 [Ludlow 1904], but putting African American children in jail and the lack of differential planning for depen- dent African American children persisted. Barrett read about the sentencing of the eight-year-old child in the newspaper and immediately appealed to the judge in Newport News, Virginia, to send the child to the Weaver Orphan Home in Hampton, Virginia, where Barrett was living. The judge, view- ing the child as a criminal who was in court because African American women needed to look after their children, only reluctantly released the child into Barrett's care. Thus, Barrett [1926: 355-356] was able to "save Virginia the disgrace of mak- ing a baby like this serve a sentence."

A juvenile court was established in Newport News shortly after Barrett's encounter, but this rather dramatic example of the need for a more specialized facility for dependent African Amer- ican children served to raise the consciousness of both the Afri- can American and Caucasian middle-class communities. The federation quickly recognized that the support of men and women of both races was necessary to fully realize its goals.

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 151

Some state support was necessary to supplement private fund-raising, but the Virginia state governmental system had a practice of not allowing any women—Caucasian or African American—to receive and manage funds. For the facility to be considered for a state financial appropriation, a board consisting of Caucasian women and businessmen was recommended. Bar- rett, however, recognized that continued and active participation by the African American community was essential to ensure the success of the girls and the home school. (For example, some of the private fund-raising was associated with donors who had been cultivated by Hampton Institute). Although organizing an interracial board in segregated Virginia was discouraged, after much persistence and with a great deal of effort, Barrett was able to organize such a board, comprising both men and women from the North and South, to obtain a small state supplement [Aery 1915: 604]. The school opened in spite of "vigorous protests" from the local Caucasian community, with Barrett stating, "Beg them to give us a chance—to try us. If the school proves objec- tionable, I promise to move it" [Daniel 1931: 59]. To ensure the success of her home school, she took on the position of superin- tendent. Board members, along with federation club members, played key roles in supporting Barrett as superintendent, raising funds, visiting similar schools in the North, enlisting community endorsement, and helping to identify homes where girls could be placed when ready for the community.

Although sources do not afford a great many details on the child welfare consultation provided to the Industrial School, the operations of the school itself shed light on the influences of the Child Welfare Department of the Russell Sage Foundation and of the standards set by the Child Welfare League of America be- tween 1921 and 1925. The delinquency institution was expected to have social responsibilities, which included assuring that insti- tutionaiization was the last resort, providing adequate prepara- tion for parole once children were admitted, and including investigation and follow-up in discharge planning [Harrison

152 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV, #1 • January-February

1985:590-594]. Before officially opening the home school, advice about industrial training was sought from Dr. Hastings Hart at Russell Sage. The Russell Sage Foundation cottage plan was used to create a homelike environment for the girls. The operations of the cottage system and the overall operations and goals of the industrial home for girls modeled the social responsibilities of a delinquency institution. Barrett's pioneering leadership style in relation to the delinquent is best characterized as transforma- tional. Viewing the home school as a "moral hospital/' the word wayward, although popular vernacular during the time, was never used by the school even though it does appear in the early media [Aery 1915: 602; An Industrial School... 1913; Schools for Wayward Girls 1916; Daniel 1931:68].

Admissions and Intake

All residents were admitted to the home school on referral from the State Board of Welfare. Ultimately, all girls admitted were considered incorrigible and without other placement options in the community. In addition to Harris Barrett's cottage, the superintendent's residence and three other cottages were on the campus of the industrial home school—Federation Cottage (the farmhouse part of the initial purchase) and the Hanover and Virginia Cottages, built with additional state appropriations [Aery 1919: 473-474]. Virginia Cottage was used for the intake and admissions process. Upon arrival, each girl was assigned to Virginia Cottage for social assessment: "I require them to tell me the whole truth about their past. . . when I know everything, I understand better how to help" [Daniel 1931: 61]. Then, starting with a clean slate, a peer system with Big Sister assignments was used to help each resident learn the school's expectations. After a ten-day period of instruction about the rules and regulations, girls were given demerits for lapses in behavior, personal ap- pearance, and work habits, and negative points were accumu- lated. Table 2 shows the marking system.

Wilma PeebiGS-Wilkins 153

TABLE 2 Barrett's Behavioral Marking System (Demerits)

Behavior

Escapes Insubordination Stealing Lying Impudence Insclence Disrespect Disobedience Quarreling Discourtesy inattention Laziness Disorder Uncleantiness Fighting Carelessness

Demerits

All Credits 300-1500 150 150 150 150 150 25-100

50 10 10

50-200 10 50

150-200 10

Source: Barrett's Seventh Annual Report, cited by Daniel [1931:69].

The school operated on an honor system, with each girl working toward becoming an "honor girl" wearing the "white dress/' and being promoted to Federation Cottage, the highest of the cottages. Discipline at the home school was strict, with team groups consisting of ten residents assigned a team lieu- tenant and a captain to monitor behavior. School matrons fol- lowed up on any necessary disciplinary action. In addition to the demerit system, silences were also used as a form of dis- cipline. A biographical account of Barrett by Sadie Daniel men- tions, without giving descriptive details, a "Thinking Room" for the "development of moral strength" [Daniel 1931: 68]. One is left with the impression that the so-called "thinking room" was some form of isolation resembling "quiet rooms" used in psychodynamic forms of therapeutic treatment for children who lose control.

154 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV, #1 • January-February

Preparation

The goal of the industrial home school was to help each girl gain self-control and develop home-life skills in preparation for inde- pendent community living. The home school, like other educa- tional programs for African American girls, was focused on domestic sciences and household skills. Preparation for jobs ac- cessible to African American women was a programmatic goal and concentrated on social role adaptation in the face of racial segregation and oppression; well into the 1950s, the majority of African American women were employed as domestics. Educa- tional preparation paralleled the public school curriculum through grade eight, and the academic content was supple- mented with other opportunities such as programs to promote English-proficiency skills. Religious training, crop harvesting, and household management were all part of the vocational edu- cation program. Applied agricultural training was instituted on the basis of two rotating teams, one of farm girls learning to work the farm and the other of house girls learning household man- agement. A supply-demand approach was used because house- hold domestics were more easily placed. Like contemporary chef school or culinary arts training programs, the residents actually prepared the dirüng table and meals. Neighbors in the commu- nity helped subsidize the school by giving the residents laundry and sewing work. Such community services no doubt strength- ened Barrett's relationship with the neighbors.

The curriculum also included appreciation for nature and pleasurable use of leisure time, such as bird watching, plant growing, and a range of sport, theater, and other organized recre- ational activities. "Clean, straight living" [Barrett 1926:357] could be considered the hallmark of the institution. Patriotism and responsible citizenship were stressed, even though the residents often expressed skepticism in the face of differential treatment, segregation, and oppression. As in the segregated public schools, Negro History Week was observed and celebrated during the

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 155

second week of February. The purpose of this observance was to instill racial pride and to teach residents about the accomplish- ments of successful African American men and women.

Several other prevailing themes that characterize a humanis- tic but structured, kind, and caring learning environment are identifiable in descriptions of the home school's pedagogy and day-to-day operations. Highly valuing and taking pride in her education at Hampton Institute, Barrett was committed to trans- mitting to others the lessons she learned there. The principles of the Golden Rule were applied at the school, and behavioral ex- pectations were applied both to persormel and to residents. As one might anticipate, attendance and staff shortages were an administrative concern. Personnel were expected to be commit- ted, efficient, and trained, with "sane judgment, kind hearts, and the ability to direct intelligently" [Daniel 1931: 70; Davis 1920: 364]. Cooperation from residents was enlisted by not embarrass- ing or humiliating any of the girls. Each girl was accepted, given the chance to start over, and treated kindly ["Hampton woman honored" 1916]. Open communication and free expression were supported by impromptu "open forums" for group discussion, as requested by the residents. "Character training exercises is- sued by the National Association of Child Welfare (Child Wel- fare League)" [Daniel 1931: 67] were also used and there were group discussions and problem-solving sessions based on life course simulations.

Parole

Girls were honorably released from the institution after success- ful completion of parole, which was possible after two years of satisfactory performance. Home school residents could be pa- roled to employment situations under supervision in either Afri- can American or Caucasian homes, or to their own families. The investigation process described by C.C. Carstens was carried out by an application and screening process that eventually included

156 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV. #1 • January-February

investigation and approval of homes by the state welfare depart- ment. After approval and a thorough explanation of a resident's needs and the supervision requirements, a contractual agreement was signed between the Industrial School and the employer fam- ily. Each resident was required to send two dollars of her earn- ings back to the home school. A bank account was established for each girl. Initially, one dollar went into her bank account and the other dollar was credited to the institution until costs associated with a clothing allowance purchase for parole were recovered. Afterwards, all the money went into the resident's account and the resident left the institution with money when officially dis- charged. In addition to written communication between Barrett and the residents, monthly reports were required from the indi- vidual responsible for the parolee. If the resident had difficulty adjusting, more contact between the home and the school was required. Early on, Barrett began to see the need for a parole officer to do close follow-up supervision.

Paroling residents to their own homes was less frequent. So- cioeconomic and envirorunental circumstances caused concern about the residents' vulnerability to prostitution and other ave- nues to illegal income. Barrett expressed the need for child welfare advocacy for low-income families as a deterrent to delinquency.

Discharge

After two years of successful parole, the residents were dis- charged after a graduation or closing exercises. After a 14-year period, 33% of the residents were discharged because they were no longer minors, about 42% were discharged after successful parole, 2% of the residents had died, and not even a half percent of the girls successfully ran away (see table 3).

Anecdotal accounts do suggest parole recidivism and resi- dents with poor health status. These factors, coupled with admis- sion during the late teens and the inability to comply consistently with the rules of the system, likely account for the 33% of the

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 157

TABLE 3 Admission Outcomes, 1915-1929 {N = 823)

Outcome

Discharged after parole Discharged due to majority age In community school Died Transferred to:

Hospitals for feebleminded Piedmont Tuberculosis Sanatorium State Board of Welfare

Ran away, still at large Paroled under supervision

Source: Table is a modification of statistics reported in Daniel [1931 :

Number of Girls

343 272 100 20

20 2 3 4

59

77].

residents who stayed in the institution and were released when they became adults.

Contemporary Implications and Conclusions

This article examines one historical response by the African American community to the exclusion of African American chil- dren from tum-of-the-century child welfare services. As Barrett [1926:355] noted:

Rendering service, climbing to a higher plane of citizen- ship, and uplifting those farthest down was what the women of the Virginia Federation had in mind when they started out to establish the Virginia Industrial School. At that time there was no place except the jail for a colored girl who fell into the hands of the law, so there was no question about thé need for such an institution.

Today, one of the prevailing concerns in the child welfare system involves the overinclusion of African American and other minority children in the existing forms of out-of-home care. Juve-

158 CHILD WELFARE • Vol. LXXIV, #1 • January-February

rule detention is sometimes the orüy available recourse for Afri- can Americans from low-income families, who should instead receive outpatient therapy, adequate child care, or sufficient fam- ily preservation services.

The considerations associated with the entrapment of minor- ity children in out-of-home placements extend far beyond the juvenile justice system and expand to the entire child welfare system. Certairüy, many of these considerations are marüfesta- tior\s of unemployment, poverty, the breakdown of the family structure, and other life circumstances associated with oppres- sion and social and economic injustices. For these reasons, it is the philosophical response to oppression described in this histor- ical account that has the greatest relevance for contemporary child welfare services.

Several prevailing themes of equal importance are notewor- thy in this example of internal social reform within the African American commuruty:

• Collective responsibility and self-development as well as external commxmity involvement and interracial co- operation

• Description of life circumstances and advocacy for the needs of children

• Utilization of the existing knowledge base about the needs of children and quality child welfare services

• Collaborative efforts of the public and private sector to promote new service initiatives

• Employment of trained personnel for humane and skillful child welfare interventions

• Persistent and consistent concern for the quality of care • Instilling children with values tHat promote responsible

citizenship and social responsibility • Development of personal and racial pride by means of

programs that preserve racial heritage and promote social justice

• Dedication, commitment, and concern for others

Wilma Peebles-Wilkins 159

The contemporary crisis in youth services is complicated by the increasing prevalence of drugs, gang involvement, and vio- lent juvenile crimes. As the child welfare system continues to seek innovations, current initiatives for African American chil- dren should be informed by the past. The present account sug- gests that, at a minimum, quality child welfare services for the African American community should involve the training, hir- ing, and continued professional development of all child welfare workers by means of such opportunities as those available in the Title IV-E training grants. Communities that still have a shortage of African American and other minority social workers should develop aggressive efforts to ensure the inclusion of these work- ers in hiring and training efforts. Diversity training and promo- tion of culturally sensitive assessment and intervention strategies should be included in supervision and staff development. Social support network analysis and the inclusion of these networks in child welfare service plans are also important goals [Thompson & Peebles-Wilkins 1992; Tracy 1990]. •

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