INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS

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International_Economics_April_18.ppt

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS

SECTION 11. NATURAL RESOURCE EXPORTS: CURSE OR BLESSING?, CONCLUSION

By

Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz

BAU International University

April 18, 2018


@ 2018 Francisco Rivera-Batiz, All Rights Reserved

*

  • Assignment #4 due today.
  • Sample questions for the final exam distributed last week, available through Schoology.
  • Note that the final exam is next week, on Wednesday, April 25th, from 6 to 9 PM.

  • Because we need to make up the class we missed earlier, we will be extending the class for 15 minutes each day, so we will end at 9:15 PM tonight (if needed).

The exam covers all material after the midterm exam, from March 7th until today.

Topics:

  • 6. The National Income Accounts: Savings, Investment and the Current Account
  • 7. The Effects of Macroeconomic Policies in the Open Economy
  • 8. The Expansion of World Trade: Multilateral and Regional Policies, Technology and Geography
  • 9. The Theory of the Determinants and Gains/Losses from Trade
  • 10. The Evidence on the Impact of International Trade Liberalization
  • 11. Natural Resource Exports: Curse or Blessing?
  • 12. Export Promotion, Infant Industries and the Asian Tigers
  • 13. The East Asian Financial Crisis
  • Basic concepts and topics to study and know about:

Section 6: The National Income Accounts

  • National income and product accounts: what are they
  • Current account balance is equal to the excess of income over spending
  • Current account balance is equal to the excess of national savings over national investment
  • Current account balance is equal to the excess of private savings over investment plus the government budget balance
  • U.S. twin deficits: budget deficits and current account balance deficits
  • Effects of public debt on economic growth: is there a level of public debt above which economic growth slows down?

*

Section 7. The Effects of Macroeconomic Policies

  • The effects of a currency devaluation and the Marshall-Lerner condition
  • J-curve effect of an exchange rate change on the trade balance
  • Mundell-Fleming model to examine the effects of macroeconomic policies
  • Effects of monetary policy using the Mundell-Fleming model (including the international repercussions of those policies
  • Dutch disease and how it is explained by the Mundell-Fleming model
  • Section 8. The Expansion of World Trade
  • Tariffs and non-tariffs barriers to trade
  • Sachs-Warner index of an open economy
  • Why has trade increased so much since 1985?
  • Multilateral versus bilateral/regional trade agreements.
  • The GATT and the WTO
  • Protectionism in agricultural trade
  • Trade creation and trade diversion

*

Section 9. The Theory of the Determinants and Gains/Losses from Trade

  • The effects of international trade on the economy: export versus import markets
  • David Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage
  • Hecksher-Ohlin theory of what determines comparative advantage
  • Sectoral effects of trade and fair trade
  • Section 10. The Evidence on the Impact of Trade Liberalization
  • The effects of trade on economic growth. What is the evidence?
  • The Stolper-Samuelson theorem and the effects of trade on poverty and income inequality
  • Is trade associated with greater poverty? What is the evidence
  • Is trade associated with greater inequality? What is the evidence?
  • Section 11. Natural Resource Exports: Curse or Blessing?
  • Do countries with more natural resource exports grow faster than other countries?
  • What policies can be adopted to avoid the natural resource curse?
  • Intra-industry trade: what is it?
  • Grubel-Lloyd index of intra-industry trade

Section 12. Export Promotion, Infant Industries and the Asian Tigers

  • What explains the East Asian economic miracle?
  • Infant industry argument and learning by doing

Section 13. The East Asian Crisis

  • What caused the East Asian crisis?
  • What policies can be adopted to avoid the East Asian crisis?

As we saw in the last class, most people believe that oil-exporting countries grow faster than countries that do not have natural resources.

But the reality is very different.

The evidence shows that resource-rich countries on average do not grow faster than other countries.

*

In fact, if you do a simple correlation between natural resource exports and economic growth, you find that the relationship is negative!

*

  • But the available evidence also suggests that countries with high quality of public sector governance can introduce institutions that counteract all the problems often associated with the natural resources curse.
  • In other words, the natural resource curse can be exorcized.

*

  • In terms of corruption, part of the strategy in some countries has been to pre-empt possible corruption arising from the natural resource revenues by earmarking or assigning a share of those revenues directly to finance social programs, such as education and health.

*

Consider the case of Norway.

  • Norway discovered massive reserves of oil in 1971.
  • Growth in Norway was not hurt by the exploitation of natural resources.

Its government has been able to effectively manage the revenues obtained from the exploitation of these natural resources.

*

  • In order to effectively manage government revenues collected from taxes imposed on oil producing companies, Norway created its Oil Fund in 1990.
  • This is what is called a sovereign wealth fund (involving government assets) and it is currently worth about 1 trillion U.S. dollars or about $300,000 per Norwegian citizen.
  • Norway has used the returns from its sovereign wealth fund to finance pension funds and social safety nets.
  • These have benefitted everybody in the economy.
  • In Chile, the administration of former President Ricardo Lagos imposed a tax on copper production in order to finance a Competitiveness Innovation Fund (Fondo de Innovación para la Competitividad).
  • This Fund currently receives more than 100 million dollars every year and is financing a variety of technology projects in both the public and private sectors, including funds allocated to universities for these purposes.

*

  • So, through the use of innovative government policies, trade in natural resources can indeed have positive effects.
  • This is in fact the point developed by Joseph Stiglitz in his article: “Making Natural Resources into a Blessing Rather Than a Curse,” In Svetlana Tsalikad and Anya Schiffrin, eds., Covering Oil, Open Society Institute, New York, 2005, 13-20.

*

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS

SECTION 12. EXPORT PROMOTION, INFANT INDUSTRIES AND ASIAN TIGERS

By

Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz

BAU International University

April 18, 2018


@ 2018 Francisco Rivera-Batiz, All Rights Reserved

*

12. Export Promotion, Infant Industries and the Asian Tigers

Readings: Dani Rodrik, “What’s So Special About China’s Exports?,” China & World Economy, Vol. 14, No. 5, September-October 2006, pp. 1-19.

Dani Rodrik and Arvind Subramanian, “From Hindu Growth to Productivity Surge: The Mystery of the Indian Growth Transition,” IMF Staff Papers, Vol. 52, No. 2, March 2005, 193-228.

Dani Rodrik, "Getting Interventions Right: How South Korea and Taiwan Grew Rich," Economic Policy, 1995.

So, as we saw before, in general, countries tend to grow faster after trade liberalization.

In fact, there is a group of countries that have grown very fast in the last decades and they also appear to have followed a strategy of promoting international trade.

These are the East Asian “miracle” economies.

Top Ten Countries/Regions in Economic Growth, 1960-2013

__________________________________________________

Country/region Annual Growth of Real Per-Capita Income, 1960-2013 (average % per year)

__________________________________________________

China, People’s Republic of 6.2%

Republic of Korea 5.7

Singapore 5.1

Taiwan 5.0

Hong Kong 5.5

Thailand 4.0

Malaysia 3.9

Botswana 3.8

Ireland 3.4

Japan 3.1

___________________________________________________

Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2017.

*

What explains

the East Asian

Growth Success,

that is, the

so-called

East Asian

‘miracle.’?

*

In 1993, The World Bank issued a report on their study of the economic growth in the East Asian “miracle” countries.

What was their conclusion?

*

The World Bank argued that there were many factors involved, but that:

“The export-push strategy was the high-performing East Asian countries’ most broad-based and successful application of selective interventions”

“Furthermore, of the many interventions tried in East Asia, those associated with their export push hold the most promise for other developing economies.”

World Bank (1993), p. 358.

*

In view of our analysis so far, both theoretical and empirical, maybe we should share the World Bank’s conclusion that trade liberalization is behind the East Asian countries’ economic growth miracle?

But wait…

There is no question that these countries/regions did engage in development strategies that had openness as a cornerstone.

Consider the cases of Taiwan and South Korea.

Growth of the export sector,

Taiwan and South Korea

________________________________________

Exports/GNP

1960 1990

________________________________________

Korea 2% 32%

Taiwan, China 10% 42%

________________________________________

Source: Rodrik.

But Dani Rodrik, the Turkish economist we have talked about before, has disagreed that growth in East Asia was caused by trade liberalization.

He argues instead that it was capital accumulation, reflected in a rapid increase of investment rates, that was the leading factor in the East Asian “miracles.”

Openness, for him, had a “supporting” role in the process, but would have been ineffective without the investment spurt.

Export-Push or Investment-Push?

Export/GDP (%)

1960 1970 1990

________________________________________________________

Korea 2% 9% 32%

Taiwan 10% 19% 42%

________________________________________________________

Investment/GDP (%)

1960 1970 1990

________________________________________________________

Korea 8% 25% 37%

Taiwan 12% 25% 28%

________________________________________________________

Source: Dani Rodrik, “Getting Interventions Right: How South Korea and Taiwan Grew Rich,” Economic Policy, 1996.

  • The relatively high investment rates in East Asia generally continue today.
  • They are also comparatively high in India, another country that has been growing rapidly in recent decades.
  • But other regions of the world are not doing so well on this regard.

Gross Investment as a % of GDP

_______________________________________________

Country/region Investment/GDP (%), 2016

_______________________________________________

East Asia 40.0%

China 44.3

South Korea 29.1

Vietnam 28.0

India 30.0%

Latin American and the Caribbean 19.0%

Brazil 15.0

El Salvador 14.0

Sub-Saharan Africa 21.0%

Nigeria 15.0%

Guinea-Bissau 4.0%

_______________________________________________

Source: World Bank, 2018.

*

In China, international trade has been an engine of economic growth, but as we have just seen it has been accompanied by sky-high savings and investment rates.

*

  • But why did investment rise so much in the East Asian economies?

Rodrik argues that the rise of private sector investment in East Asia was spurred by public sector interventions in the form of tax-subsidy policies (regarding subsidized credit to exporters, infrastructure subsidies, tax credits, etc.).

It is important for Rodrik, then, that the public sector adopt the appropriate policies to provide incentives for the growth of private savings and investment.

Without a high-quality public sector governance, he argues, trade liberalization is bound to fail.

In a recent paper, Rodrik and Subramanian have made this point very clear in relation to the Indian economic miracle also.

Dani Rodrik and Arvind Subramanian, “From Hindu Growth to Productivity Surge: The Mystery of the Indian Growth Transition,” Mimeo., Kennedy School of Government, March 2004.

  • To summarize: the main point made here is that trade liberalization is a necessary but not sufficient condition for trade.
  • In order to have positive effects of trade, the country must increase investment rates in physical –and I would say– human capital, and reform its public sector governance to make it more agile and efficient in fostering a competitive private sector development.
  • Without these complementary actions, free trade agreements have no great effect.

  • There is another reason why public sector governance is so important.
  • Part of the explanation why export industries need appropriate government support early in their growth –just as they did in East Asia– is because of what is called the “infant industry argument.”

The infant industry argument is based on the fact that most firms require some period of time before they become fully-efficient in what they do.

The reason is because of learning-by-doing.

Learning by doing means that, as firms increase their production activities over time, they usually become better at what they are doing (workers become more adept) and firm productivity rises because of this.

*

  • This means that a young (infant) industry may take time to become fully productive and may require some policy support and protection during this time period of learning.
  • This suggests that temporary government protection of new industries may be required for those industries to “grow up” and become competitive in world markets.

Kenneth J. Arrow , a Stanford

University economist, was the

first one to do a formal

theoretical analysis of

learning by doing in his

Paper: “The Economic

Implications of Learning

By Doing” in 1962.

He won the Nobel

Prize in economics in 1972.

One example of the labor productivity gains associated with learning by doing is provided by economist Robert Lucas.

He has presented evidence looking at how the number of hours it takes to make a merchant ship varies in response to the experience of the shipbuilders in building more and more ships over time.

*

*

108.bin

  • A more recent study of the automobile industry finds the same results.
  • Steven Levitt, John List and Chad Syverson, “Toward an Understanding of Learning by Doing: Evidence from an Automobile Assembly Plant, Journal of Political Economy, August 2013, 643-681.
  • They investigate how long it takes to assemble new models of cars introduced by an automobile producer in the U.S.

Average Hours Required to Assemble a Car

  • They conclude:
  • “Consonant with previous learning by doing studies, we find that the auto assembly plant quickly realized large efficiency gains in both the quality and quantity dimensions. Both assembly defects per vehicle and the average number of hours required to assemble a car dropped by about 70 percent during the first eight weeks of production.”
  • Policies that temporarily protect export sectors that are beginning to grow need to be implemented, in order for greater trade and exports to succeed.
  • But this requires governments that are agile and can adopt the appropriate policies.

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS

SECTION 13. THE EAST ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS

By

Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz

BAU International University

April 18, 2018


@ 2018 Francisco Rivera-Batiz, All Rights Reserved

*

13. The East Asian Financial Crisis

The factors leading to the East Asian financial crisis, including the role of capital inflows and capital flight, exchange rate policy, central banks and macroeconomic policies, speculative investments, etc.

Readings:

Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz, “The East Asian Crisis and the Anatomy of Emerging Market Disease,” in Arvid Lukauskas and Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz, eds., The Political Economy of the East Asian Crisis: Tigers in Distress, Edward Elgar Publishers, London, 2001, pp. 31-73.

The following

discussion is based

on my article ,

which is available

at Schoology.

  • One must say that the East Asian crisis came as a surprise to most economists and observers.

The economies –except perhaps for the

Philippines-- just looked like they were doing

very well, up to their collapse in 1997.

Growth of Real Gross Domestic Product Per-Capita in East Asia, 1960-95 

_______________________________________________________________

Country Per-Capita GDP Per-Capita GDP Rate of Growth,

1960 (in 1995 $) 1995 (in 1995 $) 1960-95 (%)

______________________________________________________________  

Indonesia $621 $2,602 4.1%

Korea, Rep. Of 883 8,505 6.5

Malaysia 1,381 6,613 4.5

The Philippines 1,112 1,756 1.3

Thailand 923 5,034 4.8

United States 9,774 19,621 2.0

_______________________________________________________________

Sources: Barro and Lee 1994 and World Bank 1998. The data are expressed in constant 1995 dollars and have been adjusted for differences in purchasing power among the various countries. 

Investment Rates in East Asia, 1960-96

__________________________________________________________

 Country Investment as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product 

1960-69 1970-79 1980-89 1990-96

__________________________________________________________

 

Indonesia 9.8% 21.8% 29.1% 34.8%

Rep. of Korea 18.4 27.3 30.0 36.9

Malaysia 19.2 25.5 30.3 39.8

The Philippines 19.6 25.6 22.1 22.5

Thailand 20.5 25.8 27.6 42.1

________________________________________________________

Source: The World Bank 1995, Asian Development Bank 1998.

Exports were booming in the region, as we have previously

discussed, and is also documented in the next slide.

Export Growth in East Asia, 1960-98

________________________________________

Country Exports/GDP (%)

1960 1998

________________________________________

Indonesia 3.0% 53.4%

Rep. of Korea 9.0 41.3

Malaysia 22.9 99.3

The Philippines 7.0 45.3

Thailand 5.6 47.4 

________________________________________

Source: Barro-Lee 1994 and World Bank 2000d.

Currency values were stable

Republic of Korea

Exchange rate, Won-Dollar

Hundreds

of

Won

Per

dollar

109.bin

Malaysia’s exchange rate,

Ringitt-dollar

Ringitt

Per

dollar

110.bin

Thailand exchange rate,

Baht-dollar

Baht

Per

dollar

111.bin

Indonesia’s exchange rate,

Rupiah-Dollar

Thousands

of

Rupiah

Per

dollar

112.bin

Philippines’ exchange rate,

Pesos per dollar

Pesos

Per

dollar

113.bin

  • In contrast to the situation in many other countries, such as Greece, the governments in East Asia did not have huge budget deficits or huge debts.

The Government Budget Balance in East Asia Before the Crisis, 1992-1996 Average

____________________________________________

Country Budget Balance as a % of GDP

____________________________________________

Indonesia +0.1%

Korea +0.1

Malaysia +1.6

Philippines -1.5

Thailand +1.6

______________________________________________

Inflation was not a major problem either.

Inflation Before the Crisis: East Asia vs. the Rest of the World, 1980-1996

_______________________________________________________________

Country Average Annual Increase of Consumer Price Index (%)

1980-1989 1990-95 1996

_______________________________________________________________

East Asia 9.1% 7.9% 7.0%

Indonesia 9.6 8.7 7.9

Rep. of Korea 6.4 6.2 5.0

Malaysia 3.6 3.5 3.5

Philippines 14.1 10.8 8.4

Thailand 5.7 5.0 5.9

Industrialized 5.5 3.3 2.2

Countries

 

Developing 36.0 43.6 13.7

Countries

______________________________________________________________ 

Stock markets were booming

The Stock Market in East Asia Before the Crisis, 1988-1997

___________________________________________________________

Country Market Capitalization* Real growth per year**

Dec. 1988 June 1997 Dec 1988 - June 1997

___________________________________________________________

Indonesia 434,178 259,561,000 2,952%

South Korea 64,543,684 136,229,883 18.4%

Malaysia 63,193 714,170 336.3%

Philippines 88,592 1,961,893 66.4%

Thailand 221,958 1,614,920 655.8%

___________________________________________________________

* Nominal value, in millions of local currency.

** The increase in real capitalization is equal to the percentage increase in nominal capitalization adjusted by a stock market price index.

  • And foreign capital was flowing into the East Asian economies in great proportions, partly because these countries had liberalized their international financial transactions, eliminating taxes and restrictions on foreign investments in their countries.

Capital Flows to East Asia, 1990-1996

__________________________________________________________

Country Net capital inflows

(billions of U.S. dollars)

__________________________________________________________

Indonesia 62.6

Republic of Korea 70.9

Malaysia 53.8

Philippines 23.5

Thailand 52.0

__________________________________________________________

Source: World Bank 1999.

  • The economies were booming, as reflected in rapidly rising GDP, as shown next.

Growth of Real GDP Before the Crisis:

East Asia versus the World, 1980-1996

______________________________________________________________ 

Country Average Annual Rate of Growth of Real GDP (%) 

1980-1989 1990-95 1996

_______________________________________________________________

East Asia (5) 5.6% 6.9% 7.1%

Indonesia 5.3 8.0 8.0

Rep. of Korea 7.8 7.8 7.1

Malaysia 5.8 8.8 8.6

Philippines 1.9 2.3 5.7

Thailand 9.0 7.3 5.5

Industrialized 2.7 1.8 2.5

Countries

Developing 4.3 5.8 6.6

Countries

_______________________________________________________________

  • Very few had the foresight to predict what was coming.
  • In its annual World Economic Outlook published in May 1996, the IMF forcefully stated:
  • “It is likely that the emerging Asian economies will continue to boom during the next 12 months.”
  • In al of the economies, the financial crisis starts with a foreign exchange crisis.
  • Remember that these countries, until that time, had very stable, basically fixed, exchange rates.
  • Their central banks purchased and sold foreign exchange reserves in order ro keep those exchange rate more or less fixed.
  • DEVELOPMENT OF THE EAST ASIAN CRISIS:
  • JULY 2, 1997: BANK OF THAILAND ABANDONS PEGGED EXCHANGE RATES AND ALLOWS THE BAHT TO FLOAT AFTER ACCUMULATING $23 BILLION IN DEBT TO SUPPORT THE CURRENCY.
  • JULY 11, 1997: THE CENTRAL BANK OF THE PHILIPPINES LETS THE PESO FLOAT AFTER LOSING $1 BILLION IN FOREIGN EXCHANGE RESERVES A DAY.
  • JULY 14, 1997:THE CENTRAL BANK OF MALAYSIA LETS THE RINGGIT FLOAT AFTER LOSING $10 BILLION IN RESERVES IN JUST TWO WEEKS.
  • AUGUST 14, 1997: THE CENTRAL BANK OF INDONESIA LETS THE RUPIAH FLOAT AFTER LOSING BILLIONS OF DOLLARS IN RESERVES.
  • DECEMBER 1997: KOREA ABANDONS EFFORTS TO SUPPORT THE WON, DAYS BEFORE ITS FOREIGN EXCHANGE RESERVES ARE EXPECTED TO BE TOTALLY DEPLETED.

IMMEDIATE IMPACT OF THE CRISIS AFTER JULY 1997:

  • SHARP DEVALUATIONS OF THE CURRENCIES
  • RISING INTEREST RATES AND THE CLOSING OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS
  • STOCK MARKET CRASHES
  • SHARP GROWTH SLOWDOWN AND RECESSION IN 1998-2000.

Currency Depreciation in Five East Asian Economies: 1997 - 2004

_______________________________________________________________________

Country Value of Currency per Dollar

May 30 Dec. 19 May 11, March 3 March 8 December 8

1997 1997 1998 1999 2000 2004

_______________________________________________________________________

Indonesia 2,432 5,100 9,400 8,885 7,447 9,085

(Rupiah)

Korea 891 1,550 1,395 1,229 1,118 1,057

(Won)

Malaysia 2.51 3.82 3.86 3.80 3.80 3.80

(Ringgit)

Philippines 26.4 39.6 39.3 39.1 41.2 56.1

(Peso)

Thailand 24.8 44..8 38.6 37.7 38.0 39.2

(Baht)

_______________________________________________________________________

Source: The Wall Street Journal, several issues.

RISE OF INTEREST RATES AND COLLAPSE OF FINANCIAL SYSTEMS.

Interest Rates in East Asian Countries

________________________________________

December 1997 January 1998

________________________________________

Indonesia 13.3% 40.0%

Malaysia 7.4 11.1

Philippines 11.7 19.3

Korea 12.8 25.1

Thailand 9.2 27.0

________________________________________

Crash of Stock Markets in all Five Countries

Korean Stock Market,

Dow Jones Index

Dow

Jones

Index,

In

Local

currency

114.bin

  • THE ECONOMIES COLLAPSED

Growth of GDP in East Asia:

Before and After the Crisis

_____________________________________________

Annual rate of growth

of real GDP (%)

1990-97 1998-2000

_____________________________________________

East Asian countries 6.6% 0.1%

Industrialized countries 2.0 2.8

China 10.7 7.6

_____________________________________________

Source: Asian Development Bank, IMF.

  • IMF BAILOUT PACKAGES FOR EAST ASIAN ECONOMIES:
  • AUGUST 1997 THAILAND $17 BILLION
  • NOVEMBER 1997 INDONESIA $43 BILLION
  • DECEMBER 1997 KOREA $55 BILLION

What

Went

Wrong?

  • Not everything was rosy before 1997.
  • Let us look at the CURRENT ACCOUNT BALANCE, which is essentially the balance of exports minus imports of goods and services of a country.

The Current Account Balance of the Balance of Payments, as a % of GDP

_______________________________________________

1985-89 1990-95 1996

_______________________________________________

Indonesia -2.5% -2.4% -3.5%

Korea 4.3 -1.3 -4.8

Malaysia 2.4 -5.6 -4.9

Philippines -0.5 -3.7 -4.6

Thailand -2.0 -6.8 -8.3

_______________________________________________

Source: IMF.

  • Why did the current account balance deteriorate so drastically?
  • Let us look at an indicator that we have studies before, but is essential in understanding the financial crises in East Asia and other developing countries.

The concept of a real exchange rate is intended to measure the competitiveness of a country’s products in world markets.

Symbolically, the real exchange rate is defined as:

q = eP*/P

Where:

e is the exchange rate (say in won per dollar)

P is the price of domestic (Korean) goods

(in won) and

P* is the price of foreign goods (say, American

goods) in dollars.

  • That the real exchange rate is an index of competitiveness can easily be seen by the fact that the real exchange rate compares the prices of domestic and foreign goods, when they are converted to the same currency.

Consider the relative price of cellphone in South Korea:

eP* e (in won per $) x P* (price of iPhone in $)

q = ----- = ---------------------------------------------------------------

P P (price of Samsung cellphone in Korean won)

An increase in the real exchange rate:

q = eP*/P ↑

Means that domestic goods (in Korea) have become relatively cheaper compared to foreign goods (when compared in the same currency).

So, Korean price-competitiveness has increased.

This is generally good for South Korea’s international trade.

A decrease in the real exchange rate:

q = eP*/P ↓

Means that the domestic (Korean) goods have become relatively more expensive compared to foreign goods.

So, Korean price-competitiveness has declined.

This is not so good for Korean international trade.

  • The real exchange rate is an important index of an economy because it is associated with its international trade competitiveness.
  • A country whose real exchange rate is declining for an extended period of time risks having its export sectors deteriorate sharply compared to its foreign competitors.

What happened to the real exchange rate in the East Asian economies?

Let me show you some examples.

Thailand,

Real Exchange Rate

q=eP*/P

Real

Exchange

Rate

Index

115.bin

Korea, Real Exchange Rate

q

116.bin

Malaysia’s real exchange rate

q

117.bin

Chart6

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1982 to june 1998
Index (Increase = Real Depreciation)
PHILIPPINES Real Effective Exchange Rate
78
87
77
73
92
95
90
85
100
82
69
71
62
63
56
54
75

ASIA

1997 2.4320 2.5127 8.9100 25 26 233 216 115 296 92 1997
2.5820 2.6340 8.9100 32 29 235 201 113 277 116
2.7850 2.7800 8.9500 32 30 210 180 117 266 107
2.8950 2.9200 9.0900 34 32 211 174 105 239 93
3.4950 3.0900 9.1400 36 33 189 162 93 226 87
3.4050 3.3000 9.8900 31 33 160 134 76 202 75
5.6000 3.8700 15.2000 47 41 126 105 68 193 59
1998 7.4000 4.2500 17.6000 51 42 152 101 78 179 60 1998
9.4500 3.7500 16.5000 43 40 184 137 87 235 89
10.3000 3.7800 14.7000 40 39 199 134 86 244 88
7.7500 3.6800 14.0000 40 38 194 128 78 244 77
9.4500 3.8600 14.0000 39 39 161 112 62 240 65
13.9500 4.0400 14.0000 44 40 159 91 51 174 45
14.1500 4.1100 12.9000 41 42 198 84 64 163 52
1987 1.6500 2.4900 7.9500 25 21 161 60 45
1988 1.7170 2.7100 6.8400 25 21 124 56 39
1989 1.7970 2.7000 6.7700 26 22 109 56 53
1990 1.8890 2.7000 7.1400 25 27
1991 1.9840 2.7200 7.5800 25 26
1992 2.0630 2.6200 7.8800 26 26
1993 2.1030 2.7000 8.0800 26 27
1994 2.1980 2.5500 7.8800 25 24
1995 2.2860 2.5400 7.7500 25 26
1996 2.3620 2.5200 8.4600 26 26
1997 5.6000 4.2000 17.6000 51 41
1998 14.1000 4.1100 12.9000 41 42
1988 102 98
1989 0.4988 98 93
1990 0.5435 0.6530 100 100
1991 1.6415 0.5534 0.7010 97 99
1992 1.6174 0.5437 0.6790 90 92
1993 1.7559 0.5865 0.7380 88 88
1994 1.7991 0.5966 0.7820 89 92
1995 1.8405 0.5854 0.7950 87 89
1996 1.6951 0.5353 0.7450 80 80
1997 1.7916 0.5640 0.7990 76 78
1998 1.7451 0.5398 0.7770 124 150
1982 48.5000 85.9000 71.0000 78 100 116 128 58
1983 56.2000 90.9000 66.0000 87 105 152 137 64
1984 56.0000 91.6000 62.0000 77 89 152 122 63
1985 55.0000 99.1000 64.0000 73 91 154 138 71 63 320
1986 71.0000 116.0000 78.0000 92 126 176 160 82 62 550
1987 92.0000 117.0000 83.0000 95 123 177 182 86 77 550
1988 98.0000 102.0000 98.0000 90 106 159 156 94 75 550
1989 93.0000 95.0000 94.0000 85 107 175 250 99 98 1218
1990 100.0000 100.0000 100.0000 100 100 100 100 100 100 1258
1991 99.0000 99.0000 99.0000 82 85 112 66 91 88 1352
1992 92.0000 94.0000 87.0000 69 74 119 49 74 91 1600
1993 88.0000 93.0000 88.0000 71 67 148 42 71 91 1880
1994 92.0000 91.0000 86.0000 62 111 53 44 66 89 1940
1995 89.0000 88.0000 84.0000 63 123 39 46 65 88 1995
1996 80.0000 88.0000 78.0000 56 95 35 44 61 84 2130
1997 78.0000 89.0000 75.0000 54 79 33 42 55 80 2450
1998 150.0000 157.0000 108.0000 75 75 33 41 53 87 2760

ASIA

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
December 1987 to July 1998
Hundreds of Won per US dollar
South Korea Exchange Rate, Won-Dollar
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THAREAL2

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Pesos per dollar
The Philippines Exchange rate, Peso-Dollar
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THAREAL

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
December 1987 to December 1996
Baht per dollar
Thailand Exchange rate, Baht-Dollar
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THAIST2

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Hundreds of Won per dollar
Republic of Korea Exchange Rate, Won-Dollar
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THAILA

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Thousands of Rupiah per dollar
Indonesia Exchange Rate, Rupiah-dollar
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THA8796

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
December 1982 to june 1998
Index (Increase = Real Depreciation)
PHILIPPINES Real Effective Exchange Rate
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

THA87-98

1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1988 to June 1998
Index (increase = real depreciation)
THAILAND Real Effective Exchange rate
102
98
100
97
90
88
89
87
80
76
124

TAILAST

1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1988 a Mayo de 1998
Indice (Aumento = depreciacion real)
Tailandia Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
102
98
100
97
90
88
89
87
80
76
124

PHIREAL

1997
116
107
93
87
75
59
1998
89
88
77
65
45
52
45
39
53
Monthly, june 1997 to october 1998
Dow-Jones index, in local currency
THAILAND Dow-Jones Index, Stock market
92
60

PHILPST

1997
32
32
34
36
31
47
1998
43
40
40
39
44
41
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Baht por dolar
Tailandia Tasa de Cambio, Baht-Dolar
25
51

PHILLIP

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Diciembre de 1987 a diciembre de 1996
Baht por dolar
Tailandia Tasa de Cambio, Baht-Dolar
25
25
26
25
25
26
26
25
25
26

PHI97-98

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1987 a Julio de 1998
Baht por dolar
Tailandia Tasa de Cambio, Baht-Dolar
25
25
26
25
25
26
26
25
25
26
51
41

PHI8796

1997
116
107
93
87
75
59
1998
89
88
77
65
45
52
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Indice Dow-Jones
TAILANDIA Indice Dow-Jones, Mercado de Valores
92
60

PAREXC

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (Aumento = Depreciacion Real)
Filipinas Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
78
87
77
73
92
95
90
85
100
82
69
71
62
63
56
54
75

PARAREAL

1997
277
266
239
226
202
193
1998
235
244
244
240
174
163
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Indice Dow-Jones
Filipinas Indice Dow-Jones, Mercado de Valores
296
179

MEXREAL

1997
29
30
32
33
33
41
1998
40
39
38
39
40
42
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Pesos per dollar
The Philippines Exchange Rate, Peso-Dollar
26
42

MALREAL

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1987 a Julio de 1998
Pesos por dolar
Filipinas Tasa de Cambio, Peso-Dolar
21
21
22
27
26
26
27
24
26
26
41
42

MALEXCH2

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Diciembre de 1987 a diciembre de 1996
Pesos por dolar
Filipinas Tasa de Cambio, Peso-Dolar
21
21
22
27
26
26
27
24
26
26

MALEX982

1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1985 a mayo de 1998
Guaranies por dolar EEUU
PARAGUAY Tasa de Cambio Nominal, Guarani/$
320
550
550
550
1218
1258
1352
1600
1880
1940
1995
2130
2450
2760

MALAYST

1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1985 a mayo de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
PARAGUAY Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
63
62
77
75
98
100
88
91
91
89
88
84
80
87

MALAYS

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
MEXICO Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
100
105
89
91
126
123
106
107
100
85
74
67
111
123
95
79
75

MALAREA2

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (Aumento = Depreciacion real)
MALASIA Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
71
66
62
64
78
83
98
94
100
99
87
88
86
84
78
75
108

MAL8796

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
December 1987 to December 1996
Ringgit per dollar
Malaysia Exchange rate, Ringgit-Dollar
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3

MAL87-98

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1987 to July 1998
Ringgit per dollar
MALAYSIA Exchange Rate, Ringgit-Dollar
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4

KOREAST2

1997
201
180
174
162
134
105
1998
137
134
128
112
91
84
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Indice Dow-Jones
Malasia Indice Dow-Jones, Mercado de Valores
216
101

KOREAST

1997
3
3
3
3
3
4
1998
4
4
4
4
4
4
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Ringgit por dolar
MALASIA Tasa de Cambio, Ringgit-Dolar
3
4

KOREAL2

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1982 to june 1998
Index (Increase = real depreciation)
MALAYSIA Real Effective Exchange Rate
71
66
62
64
78
83
98
94
100
99
87
88
86
84
78
75
108

KOREAL

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Diciembre de 1987 a Diciembre de 1996
Ringgit por dolar
MALASIA Tasa de Cambio, Ringgit-Dolar
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3

KOREA

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1987 a Julio de 1998
Ringgit por dolar
MALASIA Tasa de Cambio, Ringgit-Dolar
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4

KOR8796

1997
113
117
105
93
76
68
1998
87
86
78
62
51
64
60
56
56
Monthly, june 1997 to october 1998
Dow-Jones Index, in local currency
South Korea Dow-Jones Index, Stock Market
115
78

INDREAL

1997
113
117
105
93
76
68
1998
87
86
78
62
51
64
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Indice Dow-Jones
Korea del Sur Indice Dow-Jones, Mercado de Valores
115
78

INDORE2

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1982 to june 1998
Index (Increase = real depreciation)
SOUTH KOREA Real Effective Exchange rate
86
91
92
99
116
117
102
95
100
99
94
93
91
88
88
89
157

INDONST2

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (Aumento = Depreciacion real)
KOREA DEL SUR Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
86
91
92
99
116
117
102
95
100
99
94
93
91
88
88
89
157

INDONEST

1997
9
9
9
9
10
15
1998
17
15
14
14
14
13
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Miles de Won por dolar
KOREA DEL SUR Tasa de Cambio, Won-Dolar
9
18

INDONESI

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Diciembre de 1987 a Diciembre de 1996
Cientos de Won por dolar
KOREA DEL SUR Tasa de Cambio, Won-Dolar
8
7
7
7
8
8
8
8
8
8

INDONE

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
INDONESIA Tasa de Cambio Real Efectivo
49
56
56
55
71
92
98
93
100
99
92
88
92
89
80
78
150

INDOE882

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1982 to july 1998
Index (increase = real depreciation)
INDONESIA Real Effective Exchange Rate
49
56
56
55
71
92
98
93
100
99
92
88
92
89
80
78
150

INDO87-98

1997
235
210
211
189
160
126
1998
184
199
194
161
159
198
161
124
109
Monthly, june 1997 to july 1998
Dow-Jones Index in Local Currency
INDONESIA Dow Jones Index, Stock Market
233
152

IND8796

1997
235
210
211
189
160
126
1998
184
199
194
161
159
198
Mes, de junio 1997 a julio 1998
Indice Dow-Jones en Moneda Local
INDONESIA Indice Dow-Jones, Mercado de Valores
233
152

FIG1-1B

1997
3
3
3
3
3
6
1998
9
10
8
9
14
14
Mes, de junio de 1997 a julio de 1998
Miles de Rupias por dolar
INDONESIA Tasa de Cambio, Rupia-Dolar
2
7

FIG1-1A

1997
3
3
3
3
3
6
1998
9
10
8
9
14
14
Ano-Mes
Miles de Rupias por dolar
INDONESIA Tasa de Cambio, Rupiah-Dolar
2
7

CHIREAL

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
December 1987 to July 1998
Thousands of Rupiah per dollar
INDONESIA Exchange Rate, Rupiah-Dollar
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
6
14

BRAREAL

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1987 a Julio de 1998
Miles de Rupias por dolar
INDONESIA Tasa de Cambio, Rupia-Dolar
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
6
14

ARGREAL

1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Diciembre de 1987 a diciembre de 1996
Miles de Rupias por dolar
INDONESIA Tasa de Cambio, Rupia-Dolar
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
1997
3
3
3
3
3
4
1998
4
4
4
4
4
4
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
YEAR
Deutsche marks per dollar
FIGURE 1-1b. THE EXCHANGE RATE BETWEEN THE GERMAN MARK AND THE DOLLAR, 80-91
3
4
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
86
91
92
99
116
117
102
95
100
99
94
1997
3
3
3
3
3
6
1998
9
10
8
9
14
14
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
YEAR
Dollars per Pound
FIGURE 1-1a. EXCHANGE RATE BETWEEN THE BRITISH POUND AND THE U.S. DOLLAR
2
7
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
6
14
0
0
0
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
49
56
56
55
71
92
98
93
100
99
92
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
CHILE Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
58
64
63
71
82
86
94
99
100
91
74
71
66
65
61
55
53
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
BRASIL Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
116
152
152
154
176
177
159
175
100
112
119
148
53
39
35
33
33
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Diciembre de 1982 a enero de 1998
Indice (aumento = depreciacion real)
ARGENTINA Tasa de Cambio Real Efectiva
128
137
122
138
160
182
156
250
100
66
49
42
44
46
44
42
41
  • In all of the East Asian countries, real exchange rates were declining, which was a disaster for their export sectors and eventually led to a financial and economic collapse of the countries in 1997.
  • Why did real exchange rates decline in East Asia?
  • The countries did have more or less fixed nominal exchange rates.
  • But by fixing their nominal exchange rates, and with some moderate inflation going on, the real exchange rate declined.
  • That is, a real currency appreciation(a reduction of the real exchange rate) occurred in all of the five East Asian countries.
  • And it was the capital inflows that were associated with an a real appreciation of the currency (a reduction of the real exchange rate).
  • The capital inflows, as we saw before, had generated an over-heating of the economies, causing inflation.
  • But the real currency appreciation (the reduction of the real exchange rate) was a bad indicator and it is a bad indicator for any economy.
  • If it goes on for an extended period of time, it suggests to investors that, combined with the reduced exports and rising imports (the rising current account balance deficits), the countries might be forced to devalue their currencies at some point.
  • An expected devaluation then can lead to immediate capital flight.

Joseph Stiglitz has stated that:

“The three biggest problems (in the East Asian crisis) were:

  • 1. The risky form of financing, especially borrowing short-term debt on international markets, and
  • 2. The very high levels of debt relative to equity.
  • 3. The misallocation of investment, most notably to speculative real estate
  • Consider the first problem: the expansion of short-term debt from international markets.
  • Why is this a problem?
  • This short-term capital is volatile and can leave a country very quickly in response to expectations of currency, devaluation, default, etc.
  • The second problem mentioned by Stiglitz is the high level of debt relative to foreign direct investment.

Capital inflows in five East Asian countries,

In Billions of US$, 1990-96

________________________________________

Net Capital inflow 92.8

Official Flow -0.2

Net Private Flow 93.0

Foreign Direct Investment 7.0

Stocks/Bonds 12.0

Private Sector Credit (Banks) 74.0

________________________________________

  • Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is much less volatile than short-term bank debt.
  • But the capital inflows financing the growth of investment in East Asia in the early 1990s were not FDI.
  • Finally, the massive financing available to the banking sector occurred in a situation where the banking systems were weak, supervision slack and regulation lax.
  • As a result, as the capital inflows grew, the banking sector began to invest in speculative or low-productivity projects.
  • Many of these projects were risky or otherwise involved long-term payoffs.
  • Malaysia was investing massive amounts of capital in such projects as a hydroelectric plant, a new airport and a number of new, tall buildings.
  • Indonesia was at the verge of completing the financing for a 60-mile long bridge between Indonesia and Malaysia. It is still in a proposal stage.
  • The Jakarta Tower was going to be built, which was going to be the tallest building in the world. It is still being completed today.
  • The culprit behind all these changes was the rushed international capital market liberalization.
  • This liberalization was promoted by the IMF, the US Treasury Department, the World Bank, and many academics.
  • It was clearly the wrong policy to promote. All of the countries involved were unprepared for the consequences of the capital flows.

Alternative policies that could have been followed –with the benefits of hindsight– are:

  • 1. limited, gradual expansion of capital inflows, with restrictions on those inflows. This was what Chile established in the 1980s, avoiding the problems faced by the East Asian and other economies.
  • 2. Greater exchange rate flexibility. International Capital flows –particularly short-term flows– are inconsistent with fixed exchange rates.
  • 3. Reliance on longer-term capital inflows with a larger equity component. Such is the case with Foreign Direct Investment. One can impose taxes on short-term capital flows and leave long-tern flows free to cross borders.
  • 4. Policies that strengthen the diversity of financial institutions, their supervision and their regulation (CAMELS).

East Asia has recovered since the crisis, but it remains a warning for other economies trying to develop their economies by attracting foreign capital.

  • And this is all.
  • Good luck on the final exam!!!!

PHILIPPINES

Real Effective Exchange Rate

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

198219841986198819901992199419961998

December 1982 to june 1998

Index (Increase = Real

Depreciation)