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Article

Internalized Racial Oppression and Higher Education Values: The Mediational Role of Academic Locus of Control Among College African American Men and Women

Danice L. Brown1, Christopher B. Rosnick2, and Daniel J. Segrist2

Abstract A plethora of research underscores the deleterious effects that racial discrimination can have on the higher education pursuits and experiences of African Americans. The current study investigated the relationship between internalized racial oppression, higher education values, academic locus of control, and gender among a sample of African Americans. Participants were 156 African Americans currently attending college. All participants completed measures of internalized racial oppression, perceived value of higher education, and academic locus of control. Results indicated that greater internalized racial oppression correlated with a lower valuing of higher education and a more external academic locus of control. Subsequent mediational analyses showed that academic locus of control was an intervening variable in the relationship between internalized racial oppression

1Towson University, Towson, MD, USA 2Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, Edwardsville, IL, USA

Corresponding Author: Danice L. Brown, Department of Psychology, Towson University, 8000 York Road, Towson, MD, 21252-0001, USA. Email: [email protected]

641865 JBPXXX10.1177/0095798416641865Journal of Black PsychologyBrown et al. research-article2016

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and the value placed on higher education for men, but not women. For African American men, greater experiences of internalized racial oppression predicted a more external locus of control, which subsequently predicted a lower valuing of higher education. Implications for mental health providers and educators were discussed herein.

Keywords internalized racial oppression, African Americans, higher education, locus of control

In spite of continued efforts to address racial oppression and racial inequal- ity, these factors continue to be a part of the lived experiences of African Americans (Brown & Tylka, 2011; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2008; Utsey, 1998). Critical race scholars argue that the current social condition and inequality experienced by African Americans may have detrimental consequences for various aspects of their lives (e.g., legal, social, and psychological; Brown, 2003; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). In applying critical race theory to the examination of African American mental health, Brown (2003) noted that experiences of racial inequality and oppression may contribute to the development of emo- tional distress and poor psychological health among African American indi- viduals. One particular concern highlighted by Brown was the development of “antiself issues.” He argued that continued racial inequality might lead an African American to internalize negative, and racist, ideology regarding one’s racial group and identity. This internalization, in turn may affect the self-efficacy, perceived control, and outcome expectations of African American youth and young adults. Blackmon and Thomas (2013) suggested that internalization of racial oppression may particularly affect the educa- tional and career values of African Americans. The authors noted that developing negative beliefs about one’s racial identity may contribute to youth having a counterproductive approach to education, such as disengag- ing from school. This may also include placing less value on higher education.

Many authors have discussed the continued racial-ethnic gap in higher education attainment and achievement among college students in the United States (e.g., Cokley, 2002; Lynch & Engle, 2010; Steele, 1992). The nation- wide college graduation rates for African American students who began in 2006 and graduated within 6 years (40%) are lower than their Caucasian (63%) and Asian (70%) peers (National Center for Education Statistics

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[NCES], 2015). While the percentage of African American college students rose from 10% to 15% between 1976 and 2011 (NCES, 2015), gender differ- ences have been observed. African American women (8.4%) are enrolling in college at a higher percentage than men (6.2%; U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). Additionally, women accounted for 64.8% of the bachelor’s degrees con- ferred to African American students in the 2012-2013 academic year (NCES, 2015).

Authors have attempted to explain the discrepancy in African American higher education achievement with arguments ranging from controversial discussions of genetic influence (e.g., Herrnstein & Murray, 1994) to more widely explored sociocultural factors, including socioeconomic status and experiences of racial oppression (Cokley, 2002; Sellers, Chavous, & Cooke, 1998). The present study sought to further explore sociocultural factors related to the higher education gap by examining the relationship between internalized racial oppression and higher education values among a sample of African Americans. More specifically, the present study sought to further elu- cidate this relationship by examining the mediating role of academic locus of control in the relationship between internalized racial oppression and higher education values among African Americans. Given the discrepancy between African American women and men in their college enrollment and comple- tion, gender was also examined as a moderator.

Higher education values include the beliefs one has regarding the educa- tional system and how helpful further education may be for one’s future (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010; Luttrell & Richard, 2011). Though many studies examining the educational development of African American students have focused on academic performance (e.g., grade point average [GPA] or school completion), such performance may be linked to their beliefs regarding the value of education (Bandura, 1997; Chavous et al., 2003; Luttrell & Richard, 2011). Few studies have focused on higher education values among African American college students, instead focusing on the aspirations and achieve- ment of children and adolescents. Higher education can lead to greater, and often more prestigious, career opportunities. Studies suggest that African American students are aware of the importance of higher education for future career endeavors and financial means. However, this is often balanced with the realities of the larger societies’ racially biased perceptions of them and the awareness of the oppression they may experience in higher education settings (Ford, Moore, & Trotman-Scott, 2011). Ford and colleagues (2011) noted that the realities of racial oppression may undermine the motivation and aspi- rations of African American students who see more barriers and less rewards in pursuit of higher educational goals.

Brown et al. 361

Varying levels of interpersonal and institutional racial oppression have contributed to difficulties, and at times exclusion, faced by African Americans in institutions of higher education and certain higher-status careers (Brown & Segrist, 2015). Such experiences may serve to create both perceived and actual barriers for African Americans, and other individuals of color, in these arenas. Additionally, awareness of the overrepresentation of African American individuals in low-status careers, and a lack of role models or men- torship in higher status career fields, may contribute to African American youth and young adults internalizing negative perceptions of their racial group and their ability to achieve higher-status careers (Brown & Segrist, 2015; Lease, 2006). Thus, decreasing the value of the education necessary to achieve greater career opportunities (Blackmon & Thomas, 2013).

Internalized Racial Oppression

Racism, similar to other forms of oppression, is dynamic and complex, mani- festing at interpersonal, structural, and cultural levels (Speight, 2007). Speight (2007) noted that “Racism is a process, a condition, a relationship that violates its victims, physically, socially, spiritually, materially, and psychologically” (p. 127). She argued that a holistic understanding of the impact of racial discrimina- tion and oppression required the inclusion of discussions regarding the ways in which structural, institutional, and interpersonal racial oppression are internal- ized. Though the perpetration of racially oppressive acts by others contributes to the continued existence of discrimination (Carter, 2007), it is also maintained by the psychological internalization of racist ideology by its victims (Bailey, Chung, Williams, Singh, & Terrell, 2011; Speight, 2007; Wilson, 1993).

Internalized racial oppression among African Americans is a process by which individuals adopt the racially oppressive beliefs and behaviors enacted toward Black people in the larger society (e.g., negative stereotypes, notions of racial inferiority, and discrimination), while rejecting positive ideology regard- ing African and African American cultural heritage (Bailey et al., 2011). Though a victim of institutionalized or interpersonal racial oppression may disagree with or dispute negative race-based treatment, individuals who have internalized their oppression may accept the limitations placed on their humanity (Watts- Jones, 2002). African Americans may exhibit varying levels of internalized racial oppression based on their exposure to racial discrimination and inequality (Bailey et al., 2011). Regardless, an African American experiencing internalized racial oppression may “think, feel, and act in ways that demonstrate the devalu- ation of their group and of themselves as members of that group” (Hardiman & Jackson, 1997, p. 21). This may manifest in negative psychological and social outcomes (e.g., feelings of helplessness and hopelessness).

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The internalization of racial oppression may be the most psychologically damaging result of racism (Akbar, 1984; Speight, 2007). Once racial oppres- sion has been internalized, it may become self-sustaining such that an indi- vidual accepts notions of inferiority regarding one’s group, identifies with the oppressor, and forfeits the ability to define oneself and one’s life experiences (Bulhan, 1985; Watts-Jones, 2002). Additionally, African Americans experi- encing internalized racial oppression may exhibit oppressive interpersonal behavior toward others who belong, or are perceived to belong, to their own racial group (Bailey et al., 2011; Cokley, 2002). This may involve actions such as avoiding interactions and contact with other Black individuals (e.g., predominantly Black neighborhoods or events), believing them to be danger- ous or low class (Bailey et al., 2011).

Earlier literature and measurement of this process focused largely on internalizing negative racial stereotypes (e.g., African Americans are lazy). However, Bailey and colleagues argued that internalized racial oppression may also include aspects such as belief in a biased portrayal of history (e.g., early Africans were uncivilized and had no learning institutions) and desiring more European features (e.g., body size, facial features, hair texture; Bailey et al., 2011; Townsend, Thomas, Neilands, & Jackson, 2010).

Empirical studies have linked internalization of racial oppression among African Americans with negative outcomes such as psychological distress, sub- stance use, and depressive symptoms (Taylor, Henderson, & Jackson, 1991; Taylor & Jackson, 1990; Williams & Chung, 1999). Additionally, recent stud- ies have suggested adverse consequences resulting from the internalization and endorsement of negative racial stereotypes particularly among samples of African American girls and women (e.g., eating disorders and risky sexual behaviors; Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2004; Townsend et al., 2010).

In a recently published study, Brown and Segrist (2015) examined the relationship between aspects of internalized racial oppression and the career aspirations of a sample of African American adults. Results suggested that individuals with self-reported higher levels of internalized racial oppression were less likely to strive for achievement or continued education in their career field. Interestingly, while gender was not a significant predictor of career aspirations in the study, results suggested that there were significant gender differences found for various aspects of internalized racial oppres- sion. Men were more likely to internalize negative racial stereotypes and devalue an African worldview than women. In contrast, women were more likely to desire Eurocentric hairstyles (see also Bailey et al., 2011). These findings suggest that the racial oppression faced by African American men and women may lead to differential experiences of internalized racial oppres- sion and possibly varied outcomes.

Brown et al. 363

However, few studies have examined the association between internalized racial oppression and higher education aspirations or achievement. Harper (2006, 2009) conducted related qualitative studies with samples of high achieving African American male college students. He concluded that there was no evidence of internalized racism affecting the academic achievement of participants. In both studies, the author noted the role that support of same- race peers and African American male leadership had in participants’ ability to cope with racial oppression. Other related studies have focused on the relationship between racial identity development and academic achievement among African Americans (e.g., Sellers et al., 1998).

Strong connections with African American culture, history, and commu- nity have been linked to valuing education, better educational adjustment, and motivation toward educational success (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Chavous et al., 2003). Some studies suggest that African Americans who are more likely to view their race as a core aspect of their self-concept have better academic performance and academic self-concept (Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, & Cogburn., 2008; Sellers et al., 1998).

In a study conducted with a sample of late adolescent (i.e., age 17 years) African American students, Chavous and colleagues (2003) examined the relationship between racial identity and academic outcomes. Results indi- cated that participants who reported more positive feelings toward African Americans and being African American had more positive beliefs regarding academic achievement and were more likely to attend college. The authors noted that this was the case regardless of whether race was an important aspect of a participants’ identity.

With previous research suggesting a negative relationship between inter- nalized racial oppression and aspects of career and educational development, the psychological consequences of internalized racial oppression on the higher education values of African Americans warrants further exploration. More important, it is necessary to investigate potential intervening variables through which internalized racial oppression may be related to the value some African American students place on higher education.

Academic Locus of Control

Locus of control represents a set of beliefs regarding one’s level of control over one’s life outcomes (Lefcourt, 1982; Rotter, 1966). Individuals who have an internal locus of control tend to perceive that their life outcomes and achievements are largely influenced by their individual efforts, whereas indi- viduals with an external locus of control believe that the environment largely determines their life outcomes (Rotter, 1966; Wallston, Wallston, Smith, &

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Dobbins 1987). Perceived personal control may play an important role in psychological well-being (Moradi & Hasan, 2004), serving as a coping (pro- tective) mechanism against daily stressors (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).

Continued exposure to racial inequality and oppression has been linked to the development of an external locus of control among individuals of color, serving to undermine their sense of personal control across situations (Moradi & Hasan, 2004; Pieterse & Carter, 2010; Sue & Sue, 2013). In an examina- tion of the relationship between locus of control and career decision making, Lease (2004) found that African American college students exhibited more external locus of control than European American students. Additionally, Lease noted that men, across racial groups, had a more external locus of con- trol than women. In an earlier descriptive study exploring levels of locus of control and self-esteem among a sample of at-risk African American adoles- cents, Wood and colleagues (1996) also found that African American boys were more likely to exhibit an external locus of control than girls.

There is an extensive body of literature documenting the relationship between locus of control and academic achievement among students, though few have focused on African American students (Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003; Graham, 1991). Trice (1985) noted that an academically focused locus of control involves one’s beliefs regarding academic success, effort, and abil- ity. An external academic locus of control has been shown to relate to a vari- ety of poor student behaviors, including non–illness-related absenteeism (Trice & Hackburt, 1989), ineffective approaches to homework assignments (Janssen & Carton, 1999), and incomplete class work (Trice & Milton, 1987). Additionally, an external academic locus of control has been linked to lower GPAs among students (Nordstrom & Segrist, 2009; Ogden & Trice, 1986). Studies have also suggested that, among college students, individuals with an internal academic locus of control may be less likely to take an academic withdrawal from college (Ogden & Trice, 1986) and more likely to have graduate school aspirations (Landrum, 2010; Nordstrom & Segrist, 2009).

In examining the locus of control of African American students, Flowers and colleagues (2003) noted that many earlier studies focused on racial com- parisons and often reported that African American students were more likely than their European American counterparts to attribute their academic perfor- mance to external, environmental factors (e.g., luck and ease of task). However, the influence of life experiences, such as racial oppression, must be accounted for in understanding the perceptions of academic control and edu- cational aspirations among African American students (Flowers et al., 2003).

For African American students, daily experiences of racial discrimination and possibly the internalization of such oppression may influence locus of control. Lambert and colleagues (2009) examined the mediating role

Brown et al. 365

of perceived academic control on the relationship between perceptions of racism and depression in a sample of African American adolescents. Results indicated that girls who reported more perceived experiences with racism were less likely to believe in their ability to achieve academic outcomes. Additionally, low perceptions of academic control were related to increased depressive symptoms among girls, indicating that experiences of racial oppression may influence their perceptions regarding their ability to achieve academic successes. This mediational path was not found for male partici- pants, suggesting gender differences in the experiences and behavioral out- comes of African American adolescents (Lambert, Herman, Bynum, & Ialongo, 2009).

Though no published studies have examined the relationship between internalized racial oppression and an academically related sense of control, the results of a dissertation study conducted by Washington (1997) indicated that individuals who internalized their racial oppression exhibited a more external locus of control. Thus, there is still more to be understood regarding the ways in which internalized racial oppression may influence male and female African American college students’ perceptions of their academic control and thus their educational aspirations.

Empirical research examining the psychological influence of internalized racial oppression and its impact on various aspects of African American life is still in its infancy (Bailey et al., 2011; Speight, 2007; Watts-Jones, 2002). Thus, it is necessary to further explore this phenomenon to understand the complexity of racial oppression and the psychological consequences of inter- nalized racial oppression for the African American community. Additionally, there is more to be learned regarding the educational achievement of African American students and factors that affect the development of their educa- tional aspirations (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). Although there are several studies that have investigated the influence of interpersonal and institutional racial discrimination on the educational aspirations of African American stu- dents (e.g., Chavous et al., 2008; Reynolds, Sneva, & Beehler, 2010), no pub- lished studies have examined the influence of internalized racial oppression or the mediational role of academic locus of control.

Present Study

The present study sought to understand the influence of internalized racial oppression on the educational aspirations of African American men and women by examining the ways in which internalized racial oppression may influence the value African American students place on higher education. More specifically, the present study examined academic locus of control as

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a potential intervening variable through which internalized racial oppression may relate to the value African American students place on higher educa- tion. In order to have a more in-depth understanding of psychosocial devel- opment among African American students, the influence of gender must be taken into account (Cokley, 2001), thus, we included gender as a moderating variable.

Using the PROCESS macro developed by Hayes (2013), we tested a mod- erated-mediation model in a sample of African Americans that examined whether or not academic locus of control was an intervening variable in the relationship between internalized racial oppression and higher education val- ues with gender moderating every path. At the most basic level, we hypoth- esized that higher levels of internalized racial oppression would be related to higher levels of external academic locus of control which would result in less value being placed on higher education. Though no previous studies have examined this specific model with an African American sample, previous studies have found gender differences among African Americans on the con- structs under investigation. Thus, it was hypothesized that gender would serve as a significant moderator in every path in the proposed model but we did not have any specific a priori hypotheses (i.e., the gender moderation was exploratory).

Method

Participants and Procedure

Participants were drawn from a larger sample of 315 African Americans par- ticipating in a separate study on career aspirations (Brown & Segrist, 2015). After limiting the data to respondents who provided data on the Academic Locus of Control questionnaire, 184 respondents remained in the sample. In addition, we excluded participants who reported being transgendered (n = 1) and those who were not in college (n = 27). Thus, the final sample consisted of 156 college-attending participants with a mean age of 26.20 years (SD = 7.90; range 18-55 years). Furthermore, the respondents were primarily women (62.8%) and almost exclusively identifying as Black or African American (96.8%). With regard to education and income, 37.2% of the respondents completed a bachelor’s degree or higher and 62.2% reported making less than $50,000 a year.

Participants were initially recruited through an advertisement sent out on a listserv that promotes African American community and arts events taking place in a Midwestern metropolitan city (n = 73). Participants from the list- serv source had the option of entering a raffle for a $50 Visa gift card.

Brown et al. 367

In order to increase sample size, Amazon’s MTurk was also used to recruit participants (n = 83). MTurk is an Internet resource that enables partici- pants—in MTurk parlance referred to as “workers”—to take part in online studies for a small remuneration—$40 in the current study. Only those work- ers who received a 95% approval rating or better for their work in previous studies were eligible to participate. Although as an Internet-based tool MTurk has a global reach, the current study was limited to participants living in the United States. Other authors (e.g., Buhrmester, Kwang, & Gosling, 2011; Mason & Suri, 2012) have noted that MTurk has many advantages as a data collection tool, including access to a more diverse group of participants as well as quality data that is as sound and reliable as data collected through traditional means. In fact, Goodman, Cryder, and Cheema (2013) noted that “research has not demonstrated significant differences between MTurk par- ticipants and traditional samples” (p. 213). There can be some demographic differences between the general population and MTurk samples, however. For example, MTurk workers tend to have slightly lower income levels than the general population (Goodman et al., 2013) but a higher education level (Paolacci, Chandler, & Ipeirotis, 2010).

Materials

Internalized Racial Oppression. Internalized racial oppression was assessed with the Internalized Racial Oppression Scale (IROS; Bailey et al., 2011). The IROS includes 28 items rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), with higher scores reflecting increased experiences of internalized racial oppression. Items address several aspects of internalized racial oppression including negative stereotypes (e.g., Black people are lazy), physical appearance/hair style (e.g., I wished I looked more White; Straight hair is better than my natural hair texture), and accep- tance of a biased representation of history (e.g., Cannibalism was widely practiced in Africa). The factors of this measure (i.e., Biased Representation of History, Alteration of Physical Appearance, Internalization of Negative Stereotypes, and Hair Change) were found to exhibit criterion-related valid- ity as evidenced by the significant negative correlations between the factors of the IROS and a measure of African self-consciousness (i.e., African Self- Consciousness Scale; Baldwin & Bell, 1985). In the present study, we were interested in the overall experience of internalized racial oppression, versus specific facets, thus the IROS total scores were used in all analyses. Bailey and colleagues (2011) report a total scale coefficient alpha of .87; in the pres- ent study, coefficient alpha for the total scale was .91.

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Valuing Higher Education. The degree to which participants valued higher edu- cation was assessed via the Higher Education Values Inventory (HEVI; Lut- trell & Richard, 2011). The HEVI consists of 30 items rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), such that higher scores reflect greater importance placed on higher education. Items and subscales of the HEVI reflect various aspects related to the value individuals place on higher education, including family expectations (e.g., I must do well in school to satisfy my family), scholastic focus (e.g., I party more than I study [reverse-coded item]), achievement value (e.g., I place a lot of pressure on myself to do well in school), general education value (e.g., I understand why I am required to take a variety of courses to graduate), and achievement obstacles (e.g., Work-related activities interfere with my school- work [reverse-coded item]). The scale exhibited adequate construct validity in a sample of 327 college freshman. Individuals with higher scores on the HEVI were positively associated with participants’ overall GPA. Luttrell and Richard (2011) reported a coefficient alpha of 0.75 for the total scale. Sub- scale scores and a total score can be derived from the HEVI. Though some of the participants in the original study racially identified Black (i.e., 2%), this scale has not been utilized solely with an African American sample. In the present study, the coefficient alpha for the HEVI total scale was 0.82.

Academic Locus of Control. Participants completed the Academic Locus of Control Scale (ALOC; Trice, 1985). The ALOC is a 28-item, true/false scale assessing the extent to which a college student believes that he or she controls academic activities and outcomes at the college level (e.g., College grades most often reflect the effort you put into classes; There are some subjects in which I could never do well; I can easily be talked out of studying), with higher scores reflecting a more external orientation. The original study reported a coefficient alpha of .70 in a sample of 82 freshmen college stu- dents. Construct validity was supported by a significant correlation with Rot- ter’s (1975) I-E (internal-external) scale. No published studies have used the ALOC with an African American sample. The coefficient alpha for the ALOC in the present study was .79.

Results

Examining Possible Differences Between the Two Recruitment Strategies

We conducted several t tests to determine if there were any differences between the 73 participants who were recruited form the local community

Brown et al. 369

and the 83 participants who were recruited via Amazon’s MTurk. The results revealed that the groups did not differ in age, family income, or their aca- demic locus of control. However, the community sample placed greater value on higher education, t(145) = 2.13, p = .04, reported higher levels of educa- tion, t(153) = 2.83, p = .005, and reported lower levels of internalized racial oppression, t(144) = −3.91, p < .001, compared with the MTurk sample. Thus, we controlled for sampling method in all analyses.

Correlation Among Potential Covariates and Measures of Interest

Table 1 presents the partial correlations between the demographic character- istics and the three variables of interest (ALOC, HEVI, and IROS) while controlling for sampling method. As hypothesized, higher scores on the IROS were related to lower scores on the HEVI (r = −.44, p < .001) and higher scores on the ALOC (r = .37, p < .001), suggesting that individuals with more internalized racial oppression valued higher education less and reported higher levels of external academic locus of control. Furthermore, scores on the HEVI were negatively related to ALOC (r = −.66, p < .001). Age had a significant positive relationship with education (r = .43, p < .001) and a nega- tive relationship with the ALOC (r = −.22, p = .009) indicating that as age increased respondents reported lower levels of externalized academic locus of control and reported higher levels of education. Men reported having more income (r = .18, p = .02), higher levels of externalized academic locus of control (r = .18, p = .03), and valued higher education less (r = −.24, p = .004) compared with the women in the study. Education level was positively related to higher education values (r = .17, p = .046). Income was not related to any of the variables of interest—ALOC, HEVI, and IROS. Based on these find- ings, we added age as a covariate, in addition to sampling method, in the mediation model.

Moderated-Mediation Model Controlling for Age and Sampling Method

The moderated-mediation model tested three interactions: IROS and gender on ALOC, ALOC and gender on HEVI, and IROS and gender on HEVI. Table 2 and Figure 1 present the results of the moderated-mediation analysis. At the individual variable level, the sampling method, IROS total, and gender were not related to ALOC scores but age was negatively related to ALOC scores. Furthermore (and more important), there was a significant interaction

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between scores on the IROS and gender when predicting ALOC scores. As can be seen in Figure 1B, there was a significant positive relationship between IROS scores and scores on the ALOC for the men and no relationship for the women. In other words, for the men in this sample, as internalized racial oppression scores increased academic locus of control became more exter- nalized. Next, there was a significant negative relationship between ALOC and IROS total scores and HEVI scores—more externalized locus of control was related to lower self-reported educational values and lower levels of internalized racial oppression regardless of gender (i.e., the interactions were not significant). The other variables in the model predicting HEVI scores were not significant. Ultimately, the indirect effect of IROS scores on HEVI scores through ALOC scores was statistically significant for the men (β = −0.30, Boot SE= 0.09, 95% Bootstrap CI = −0.50 to −0.14) but not present for the women (β = −0.07, Boot SE = 0.05, 95% Bootstrap CI = −0.18 to 0.02).

Discussion

The present study added to the existing literature by exploring the relation- ship between internalized racial oppression, academic locus of control, higher education values, and gender among African Americans. The results of the present study supported the hypothesized moderated-mediational relation- ships for African American men. More specifically, ALOC was an interven- ing variable in the relationship between IROS and HEVI but only for African American men.

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics and Partial Correlations Among the Background Characteristics and the Three Variables of Interest While Controlling for Sampling Method.

M (SD) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1. Age, years 26.20 (7.90) — 2. Gender .03 — 3. Highest education .43*** –.03 — 4. Family included .04 .18* .06 — 5. ALOC 10.47 (4.76) −.22** .18* −.02 .12 — 6. HEVI total 73.24 (13.75) .13 −.24** .17* −.02 −.66*** — 7. IROS total 57.61 (16.07) −.15 .13 −.14 −.05 .37*** −.44*** —

Note: Gender: 0 = female, 1 = male; ALOC = Academic Locus of Control; HEVI = Higher Education Values Inventory; IROS = Internalized Racial Oppression Scale. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

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372 Journal of Black Psychology 43(4)

Figure 1. Moderated-mediation results with gender as a moderator in the overall mediation model. (A) Coefficients for the moderated-mediation analysis with gender moderating all possible paths; (B) The interaction between Internalized Racial Oppression Scale (IROS) and gender on respondents’ Academic Locus of Control (ALOC) scores. There was a significant positive relationship between IROS scores and ALOC for the men but no association for the women. Taken together, the mediation model works for men where higher levels of self-reported internalized oppression was related to more external academic locus of control, which in turn was related to lower educational values.

As hypothesized, there was an inverse relationship between internalized racial oppression and the value participants placed on higher education regardless of gender. Providing further evidence for arguments regarding the possible damage caused by internalized racial oppression and the importance of understanding this aspect of racial oppression (Bailey et al., 2011; Brown, 2003; Speight, 2007; Williams & Chung, 1999). The present study findings suggested that individuals who exhibited higher levels of internalized racial oppression also reported placing less value and importance on higher educa- tion. As noted earlier, Blackmon and Thomas (2013) argued that

Brown et al. 373

internalization of racial oppression may affect the educational values of African American individuals. African American students who have less pos- itive views of their cultural heritage, endorse negative perceptions of their racial group, and place more value on a Eurocentric worldview may not have a positive academic outlook as this may lead them to accepting negative soci- etal perceptions regarding their academic and career potential (Chavous et al., 2003).

To further understand some of the possible underlying mechanisms of this relationship the results of the moderated-mediation analysis must be exam- ined. Interestingly, the current findings suggested that academic locus of con- trol mediated the link between internalized racial oppression and higher education values for African American men, but not women. In an attempt to understand why the mediational model was only significant for men, closer examination of the pathways indicated that gender served as a significant moderator in the relationship between internalized racial oppression and aca- demic locus of control, but not the association between locus of control and higher education values. Specifically, the positive relationship between inter- nalized racial oppression and academic locus of control was only significant for men.

This result may be linked to the racially oppressive beliefs that African American men internalize versus women. Previous research findings indicate that men may be more likely to internalize messages that could be linked to educational development such as negative stereotypes (Brown & Segrist, 2015). Harper (2006) noted that as a result of the constant exposure to racial oppression, African American males may internalize and endorse stereotypes that depict them as less intelligent and more athletic. In contrast, women may be more likely to internalize messages related to beauty standards (i.e., hair styles and texture), aspects that may be unassociated with academic outcomes (Brown & Segrist, 2015).

Therefore, in the context of the mediation analysis, results suggested that African American men who internalized more racially oppressive beliefs were more likely to feel that they did not have control over their academic outcomes at a college level, and thus, placed less value and importance on higher education. This finding supports previous research suggesting that aspects of racial oppression may have an influence on an individual’s sense of perceived control (e.g., Lambert et al., 2009; Sue & Sue, 2013), as well as the role of locus of control in the educational aspirations of African American students (Flowers et al., 2003). Additionally, the findings in the present study support previous research suggesting that racial discrimination may nega- tively affect aspects of educational value (e.g., academic achievement and motivation) among African American students (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010;

374 Journal of Black Psychology 43(4)

Chavous et al., 2008; Lambert et al., 2009; Sellers et al., 1998; Wong et al., 2003). However, the findings also add to our existing knowledge of the influ- ence of racial oppression by examining a component of this concept that has not been as widely studied as perceptions of racial discrimination experi- ences (i.e., internalized).

Limitations

The findings of the present study must be interpreted in light of the limita- tions. First, a note of caution regarding the generalizability of the present findings pertains to characteristics of the sample. While there was variation in region of residence and level of education, the sample consisted largely of individuals from the Midwest, most participants completed a high school diploma/GED, and most identified as female. It is important to consider the heterogeneity that exists among African American adults, as well as the indi- vidual, unique, differences in their lived experiences. Second, participants recruited from the community, compared with those recruited through MTurk, reported lower levels of internalized racial oppression and higher levels of valuing higher education. Although we controlled for sampling method, these differences limit the generalizability of our results. Third, two of the mea- sures had not been previously used with African American samples (i.e., HEVI and ALOC). However, both measures exhibited good reliability with the present study sample. Additionally, the results of this study were correla- tional and the causal direction of the relationships cannot be confirmed. Although, theoretically, it would be unlikely that having an external academic locus of control would increase one’s level of internalized racial oppression. Finally, It is possible that other factors not measured in this study (e.g., past academic performance) may have influenced participants beliefs regarding the value of higher education. Chavous and colleagues (2003) noted that stu- dent’s beliefs regarding higher education can start to form well before their final year of high school.

Implications

Despite the limitations, the study findings support the notion that internalized racial oppression presents a great challenge for mental health practitioners and educators alike. Experiences of racial oppression may serve as signifi- cant stressors for African American men and women. Understanding how racial oppression is perceived, interpreted, and internalized is a necessary component of culturally competent work with African American clients (Brown, Blackmon, Schumacher, & Urbanski, 2013; Caldwell & Obasi,

Brown et al. 375

2010). More important, enhancing the resources that African American stu- dents have for coping with and managing experiences of racial stress may serve as an important intervention when working with African American cli- ents (Harrell, 2000; Lambert et al., 2009) and may help buffer against the internalization of racial oppression. Additionally, educators and clinicians should become familiar with the ways in which internalized racial oppression may influence academic achievement and motivation, particularly for African American men. There is much focus on the lower academic achievement of African American boys and men without understanding the factors that influ- ence academic beliefs among them or factors that contribute to their success (Harper, 2006, 2009). These students may benefit from clinicians and educa- tors who invest time in discussing the effects of internalized racial oppres- sion, addressing the ways in which these psychological processes might affect a student’s academic cognitions or behavior and contribute to lowered academic aspirations (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010; Freeman, 1997; Lambert et al., 2009).

Given that the study of internalized racial oppression is still in its early development (Speight, 2007), further examination of this process and the psy- chological and behavioral consequences for African Americans is warranted. Additionally, examining factors that may underlie the internalization of racial oppression (e.g., institutional practices) may prove useful in understanding this complex process. Researchers and clinicians would also benefit from examin- ing other factors (e.g., racial identity or socialization practices of educators and parents) that may influence the perceived control that African Americans and other individuals of color, exhibit over life outcomes and challenges, as a sense of control may serve as a coping mechanism for many life stressors (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Additionally, there may be other relevant academic constructs that could be incorporated into the current model. For example, Zajacova, Lynch, and Espenshade (2005) found that academic self-efficacy was a reliable predictor of GPA in a sample of college freshmen. Given that academic self- efficacy involves perceptions about the degree to which one has the skills to succeed academically, this construct may be particularly relevant in the current model and could, easily be incorporated as either an additional mediator or a moderator. There is little research examining the value that African Americans place on higher education that may be of importance in understanding their motivation to attend college (Freeman, 1997) and may be a critical piece of the puzzle in shrinking the gap in higher education attainment.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

376 Journal of Black Psychology 43(4)

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica- tion of this article.

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