INTL613Wk5
Intelligence Fusion
Centers For
Homeland Security
By Dr.Jeffrey V. Gardner, PhD January 2020
Intelligence Fusion Centers for Homeland Security
January 2020
By Dr. Jeffrey V. Gardner
This book is primarily based on the following research:
A Duty to Share: The Opportunities and Obstacles of Federal Counterterrorism
Intelligence Sharing with Nonfederal Fusion Centers
by
Dr. Jeffrey V. Gardner
Doctor of Philosophy
Public Policy and Administration, Homeland Security Policy and Coordination
Walden University
ISBN 978-1-5342-9923-8
Glasstree Academic Publishing
DOI 10.20850/9781534299238
Copyright: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
Users are allowed to copy, distribute and transmit an article, adapt the article as long as the author is attributed and the article is not used for commercial purposes.
To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
i
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................................1
Background ................................................................................................................................1
Problem Statement .....................................................................................................................2
Purpose of Study ........................................................................................................................2
Chapter 2: Literature Review ...........................................................................................................4
Introduction ................................................................................................................................4
Internal Federal Agency Information-Sharing Failures .......................................................4
Subfederal Information-sharing Failures .............................................................................5
Domestic Security and the Role of State and Local Agencies ...................................................6
Importance of State and Local Agencies in Combatting Terrorism ....................................6
Domestic Counterterrorism Reforms .........................................................................................7
Creation of the Department of Homeland Security .............................................................8
Nonfederal Fusion Centers ........................................................................................................9
History of Fusion Centers ....................................................................................................9
Fusion Centers Evolve .......................................................................................................10
Domestic Counterterrorism Information-sharing ....................................................................12
Obstacles to Domestic Interagency Information-sharing ..................................................13
Fusion Centers and Information-sharing ...........................................................................16
Summary ..................................................................................................................................18
Chapter 3: Results ..........................................................................................................................20
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................20
Study Sample Description ........................................................................................................20
Collective Participant Responses to Federal Terrorism Intel Sharing Questions ..............21
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Comparison of Leader Responses to Other Fusion Center Personnel ...............................21
Comparison of Responses by Profession: Intelligence vs Law Enforcement ....................22
Comparison of Responses by Longevity ...........................................................................23
Comparison of Responses by Type of Fusion Center ........................................................24
Findings and Enumeration .......................................................................................................25
Research Question 1: How effectively are fusion centers receiving terrorism intelligence
from federal agencies? ...........................................................................................27
Research Question 2: What are the opportunities or benefits of federal CT info/intel
sharing with fusion centers? ...................................................................................28
Research Question 3: What are the obstacles or barriers of federal CT info/intel sharing
with fusion centers? ...............................................................................................29
How federal sharing really occurs with fusion centers ......................................................32
Summary ..................................................................................................................................33
Chapter 4: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations ........................................................34
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................34
Interpretation of Findings ........................................................................................................34
Implications for Positive Social Change ..................................................................................36
Recommendations ....................................................................................................................37
Embed more federal representative from DHS and FBI in fusion centers ........................38
Embed more fusion center personnel in JTTFs .................................................................39
Assess the real mechanisms for intelligence sharing: Relationships .................................39
Focus fusion center directors on relationships ...................................................................40
Employ open collaborative work environments ................................................................41
Improve tailoring intelligence for state and local partners ................................................41
Mandate intelligence sharing on terrorism to state and local fusion centers .....................42
iii
Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................................42
Implications for Positive Social Change ..................................................................................44
Summary ..................................................................................................................................45
References ......................................................................................................................................46
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
Background
On September 11, 2001, the terrorist attacks on the United States (abbreviated “9/11”)
highlighted a number of gaps in the efforts of many different departments and agencies charged
with securing the nation, as well as a lack of effective interagency and intergovernmental
terrorism information-sharing. One of the many government reform efforts that these attacks
brought about in the United States was the collection of 22 different federal domestic security
agencies into a new Department of Homeland Security (DHS). The department was specifically
tasked to prevent future terrorist attacks and to better share information on terrorism threats (U.S.
Congress, 2002, PL 107–296 § 201, 9). DHS was also charged with ensuring that state and local
officials received information from DHS as well as classified threat intelligence from other
federal security agencies (Bush, 2003).
DHS thus began supporting the establishment and growth of multi-agency intelligence
fusion centers owned and hosted by state and local officials around the country. These fusion
centers were intended to provide a framework for subfederal agencies to be able to receive
intelligence from federal agencies, and offer a mechanism to collect reports from agencies within
the jurisdiction itself (Lewandowski, Carter & Campbell, 2017). The collective assemblage of
DHS sponsored fusion centers owned by state and local agencies has evolved into an unofficial
national network.
However, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was not among the 22 federal
domestic security agencies incorporated into DHS; they retained and actually greatly amplified
their preexisting role as the nation’s domestic counterterrorism agency (Department of Justice,
2005; Treverton, 2008). In increasing their domestic counterterrorism efforts, the FBI rapidly
expanded its separate network of Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTFs) around the country. This
network has sometimes been in competition with fusion centers in disseminating information and
intelligence to state and local officials (Cordner & Scarborough, 2010; Eack, 2008). The separate
DHS and FBI information-sharing mandates and mechanisms overlap in multiple areas, which
has created a bifurcated and ineffective dual track for federal counterterrorism information-
sharing with subfederal security officials.
2
Problem Statement
Despite efforts by DHS and the FBI, a U.S. Government Accountability Office report
found that “effective mechanisms for sharing information—a best practice in building successful
information-sharing partnerships—had not been established” (Larence, 2009, p. 23). This is not a
new problem; many public policy scholars, such as Dawes (1996), have found that “Despite the
potential benefits, successful interagency information-sharing is difficult to achieve” (p. 379).
Even today domestic counterterrorism interorganizational information-sharing remains
suboptimal, as demonstrated by recent undetected terrorist activities like the 2009 Fort Hood
attack, the attempted 2010 Times Square attack, the 2013 Boston marathon bombings and the
March 2017 Review of Domestic Sharing of Counterterrorism Information (Mayer, Carafano, &
Zuckerman, 2011; Reilly, 2013; McCaul & Keating, 2014; U. S. Department of Justice, 2017).
The 9/11 Commission Report stated that agencies needed to change the culture from a
“need to know” mindset to one of having a “duty to share” this terrorism threat information that
was acquired at taxpayer expense (Kean & Hamilton, 2004, p. 417). This study explored how
federal agencies are fulfilling their duty to share terrorism information with state and local
officials through the network of state and major urban area fusion centers. However, the
literature review showed there is very little empirical research about this counterterrorism
information-sharing and none that examined federal agencies sharing their terrorism information
and intelligence with fusion centers. Thus, the problem is that the sharing of terrorist threat
information and intelligence from federal agencies to state and local fusion centers remains
suboptimal. This hampers the prevention of terrorism and presents vulnerabilities that have
allowed catastrophes such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the 2013 Boston bombings to succeed
(Barron, Lewis, Silberstein, & Shapiro, 2016; Kean & Hamilton, 2004; Reilly, 2013; Zamora,
2014).
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the opportunities and obstacles of sharing
federal counterterrorism information with state and local officials. The research identified the
prospects and barriers that the State and Local Fusion Center (SLFC) model provides for federal
agency intelligence sharing with state and local partners about terrorist threats. This study
3
examined the subfederal SLFC model to assess its viability as a framework for
interorganizational domestic counterterrorism intelligence sharing from federal agencies to state
and local partners. The study identified some of the effective sharing practices of SLFCs as well
as the various impediments that prevent optimal intelligence sharing. This study has significant
implications for social change. Information-sharing is a critical function that the government
should be fully leveraging to improve homeland security and thus improve protection for
citizens.
4
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
This research addressed counterterrorism intelligence and information-sharing between
federal agencies and subfederal state and local officials. Sharing terrorist threat information and
intelligence from federal agencies with state and local fusion centers remains suboptimal; this
hampers the prevention of terrorism and presents opportunities for terrorists as was seen on 9/11
and the more recent Boston Marathon bombings.
Internal Federal Agency Information-Sharing Failures
One of the government lapses that allowed the 9/11 attackers to enter the United States
and travel around unmolested was the failure of federal intelligence and law enforcement
agencies to share information with each other, the main thesis of the 9/11 Commission Report
(Kean & Hamilton, 2004). One of the most famous lapses was the CIA not informing the FBI
during the summer of 2001 about known al Qaeda terrorists not only possessing valid U.S.
entrance visas, but actually being present in the United States at the time and, “none of the 50 to
60 CIA officials who could and should have watch-listed two of the 9/11 hijackers did so”
(Zegart, 2008, para. 2). The 9/11 Commission Report stated these “fault lines in our
government—between foreign intelligence and domestic intelligence” significantly contributed
to the government’s inability to “connect the dots” and see the 9/11 attacks coming (Kean &
Hamilton, 2004, p. xvii).
The failures leading to that attack were more than just not connecting dots. As Palmieri
(2005) states, “the information to prevent the September 11, 2001, attacks was available,
collected by someone, and stored somewhere; what was missing was the analysis that would
have made all this information useful to decision makers” (para. 6). However accurate this
statement may be, it assumes that this information was shared or at least available to analysts for
them to examine and make an assessment, but it was not (Sims, 2007). The main reason
information was not shared among federal agencies about al Qaeda and the hijackers being
within in the country had to do with the divisions between agencies responsible for law
enforcement and those who primarily collect and analyze intelligence.
5
The 9/11 Commissioners examined closely the so called ‘wall’ between law enforcement
and intelligence which had resulted from a “widespread perception that statuary barriers
restricted the flow of information” between intelligence and law enforcement agencies (Best,
2010, p. 14). This divide between these two government functions partly arose due to abuses by
federal agencies during the Cold War, but also because of an attempt to keep the information
from foreign intelligence and law enforcement separate. As Erwin (2013) wrote in a report for
Congress on intelligence, “These barriers derived from the different uses of information
collected by the two sets of agencies—foreign intelligence used for policymaking and military
operations and law enforcement information to be used in judicial proceedings in the United
States” (p. 17).
One of the key recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Report was to remove this
‘wall’ between intelligence and law enforcement that prevented the proper sharing of
information between agencies and contributed to the success of the nineteen suicide operatives
on that day in 2001 (Kean and Hamilton, 2004, pp. 78-79). Congress did remove many limits on
the sharing intelligence and law enforcement information with the USA PARTIOT Act of 2001,
but “long-established practices have not been completely overcome” (Best, 2010, p. 7).
However, we should ask ourselves what might have been the case is this information where
shared within federal agencies as well as across the Nation with state and local officials.
Subfederal Information-sharing Failures
While the FBI did not know that al Qaeda terrorists were in the United States in the
summer of 2001, a number of subfederal enforcement agencies had multiple interactions with the
9/11 hijackers. In fact three of the al Qaeda terrorists received speeding tickets, and two of those
were in violation of their immigration status and the third had an arrest warrant out for failure to
pay an earlier ticket (Bjelopera, 2011; Kean & Hamilton, 2004).
Even though no one was looking for the terrorists within the United States, multiple state
and local police had interactions with the 9/11 terrorists, which could have been significant had
they been informed of the threat they posed. As Kobach (2004) stated,
One of the most disturbing aspects of the story of the September 11 terrorists is the fact
that three of the hijackers were accosted by local police in routine law enforcement
6
encounters. Had the federal government possessed information regarding their possible
terrorist connections, and had that information been distributed to police officers…the
terrorist plot might have been derailed. (p. 6)
It is appropriate to call these law enforcement encounters a failure to share and
contributing factors to the 9/11 tragedy, especially since they were travelling under their true
names. If Richard Clarke or the FBI had been told by the CIA about these terrorists being in the
country, and had they taken the actions described, these might not have been routine traffic stops
(Alexander & Mors, 2007). This is what the government must strive for and it leads the literature
review to what terrorism threats there are to the homeland and how domestic counterterrorism is
addressed.
Domestic Security and the Role of State and Local Agencies
Domestic security within the United States Federal Republic is a complex and shared
responsibility that spans all levels of government. The U.S. Constitution clearly outlines that
some governmental roles are solely a national matter such as foreign policy and national defense.
However, the 10th Amendment to the Constitution basically reserves all other powers not
specified as national level for state governments to deal with at their level (Wright, 1990). For
protection of citizens and preservation of life, the federal form of government in the United
States primarily relies on local officials and first responders to provide this domestic security as a
first resort (McCreight, 2015). Within the federal government alone there are approximately 40
U.S. government executive branch departments and agencies with a domestic security or
response role, and these agencies are not coordinated with each other nor are they adequately
postured to collectively support officials at the state and local level (Wise & Nader, 2002, p. 45).
Importance of State and Local Agencies in Combatting Terrorism
The 9/11 attacks were not only a wake-up call for the federal government to do better at
countering terrorism, but it drove state and local governments to make terrorism a priority as
well. Although terrorism cases may be under the purview of the FBI, all terrorist actions start out
at as a local issue. Also, the federal government asked state and local officials after 9/11 to ramp
up security at possible terrorist targets and critical infrastructure such as bridges, nuclear power
7
plants, and airports. Bjelopera and Randol (2010) emphasized the importance of these
Nonfederal agencies when they wrote,
The role of state, local, and tribal law enforcement in detecting nascent terrorist plotting
is particularly important, especially considering the challenges involved in detecting lone
wolves and homegrown jihadist groups with few connections to larger terrorist
organizations. Nine years after the 9/11 attacks, integrating state, local, and tribal law
enforcement into the national counterterrorism effort continues to be an abiding concern
of policymakers. (p. 4)
In order to effectively combat terrorism, local law enforcement officers need to be aware
of signs of radicalization and realize that “terrorists are living all over the U.S. and they can be
plotting an attack against a target even while living several states away” (Ernst, 2014, para. 2).
As Congressman McCaul (2014) stated in a House Homeland Security hearing, “State and Local
police have a strong role in Counter Terrorism. They know the streets better than anybody and
they know the local threats…They must know the terror threats in their own backyards” (p. 2).
One of the key lessons of the 9/11 attacks is that many government sectors must
collaborate across the spectrum of law enforcement, security, and even first responders to
develop “strategies as a multifaceted, layered approach, understanding that no single approach
succeeds by itself” (Ellis, 2014, p. 220). Even Robert Mueller as the Director of the FBI at the
time, stated that “No one agency or department can handle these diverse challenges” (Mueller,
2010, para. 24). While there have been efforts to improve interorganizational collaboration after
9/11, this history of interagency challenges and ‘bad blood’ between these entities remains an
intergovernmental challenge when it comes to CT.
Domestic Counterterrorism Reforms
In response to the 9/11 attacks, a number of governmental reforms emerged to address
weaknesses in securing the homeland. This section will outline some of the major reforms. Most
significant to this study includes the creation of three new entities; the Department of Homeland
Security; the Director of National Intelligence; and a National Security Branch within the FBI.
Burch (2007) describes these post 9/11 reforms as,
8
The major change was the creation of the Department of Homeland Security with an
intelligence charter. The U.S. government also adopted measures to implement
intelligence coordination and improve identified shortfalls through the creation of the
Director for National Intelligence (DNI), the National Counter Terrorism Center (NCTC),
and revamping the FBI’s intelligence capability. (p. 16)
Each of these new entities have a role in preventing terrorism within the United States,
and each of them all impact on state and local fusion centers.
Creation of the Department of Homeland Security
The most significant change in the organization of the U.S. government since the
National Security Act of 1947 was the creation of the Department of Homeland Security which
incorporated almost two dozen different government agencies and around 179,000 employees
into a single agency (Perl, 2004). The government decided to consolidate into one large new
agency many domestic protection functions such as “border and transportation security, effective
response to domestic terrorism incidents, and ensuring homeland security” (Relyea, 2003, p.
617). The DHS was formed by collecting 22 different security, customs, immigration, and
disaster assistance focused agencies together into one department (King, 2009, p. 152).
Two of the main functions of DHS that relate to fusion centers deal with the
disbursement of federal funds to support state and local efforts to counter terrorism and
information and intelligence sharing. As Caruson and MacManus (2006) stated, “DHS functions
as the lead agency for the distribution of federal grant money and the locus of coordination
between federal, state, and local governments” (p. 523). A number of these grants are used by
states and major urban areas to fund their fusion centers. A completely different challenge DHS
faces has to do with providing subfederal agencies with intelligence and information for
countering terrorism.
The main limitation with DHS and intelligence has to do with the fact that it was
specifically created not to be a domestic intelligence gathering agency, but to only analyze
reports provided to it from other agencies (Randol, 2010). This has forced DHS to take a more
non-traditional approach to ‘intelligence’ and to not just seek ‘state secrets’ but to also focus on
the many thousands of routine, everyday observations and activities such as suspicious activity
9
reports (Chertoff, 2005). However, this means that for traditional and mainly classified
intelligence, DHS has to principally rely on the many agencies that constitute the U.S.
Intelligence Community. Another major centralization reform that came about as a reaction to
the 9/11 attacks was the creation of a Director of National Intelligence to lead this community.
Nonfederal Fusion Centers
Subfederal fusion centers at the state and local levels started well before 2001, but the
terrorist attacks of that year provided the catalyst for their rapid growth around the country.
Immediately after the 9/11 attacks the leaders of states and major urban areas received
numerous—and often non-specific—federal warnings about possible al Qaeda terrorist threats.
These subfederal leaders received only unclassified general warnings, and they also lacked the
capability to effectively analyze these reports or put them into context to be relevant to their
jurisdictions. Lacking specificity into these threats from the federal government and being
without capability to analyze the threats were the dual catalysts that spurred on the spread of
subfederal fusion centers after 9/11. Before examining the evolution of fusion centers, this
literature review will first explore their beginnings in the 1980s and their growth after 9/11.
History of Fusion Centers
During the 1980s and 1990s a number of regions within the U.S. moved toward various
forms of domestic intelligence fusion centers to counter the flow of illegal drugs into the country
(Carter and Carter, 2009).
As Canas (2012) writes in Homeland Security at the State Level,
The popularity of such fusion centers reached a crest during the so-called ‘war on drugs’
in the mid-80s. Interagency centers such as the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC), the
National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC), and numerous state and regional crime
Intelligence Centers were formed to facilitate the operational information needs of the
law enforcement community (p. 36).
Another inspiration for law enforcement agencies to move toward a fusion center model
was the Intelligence Led Policing (ILP) concept from the 1990s which focuses on gathering
intelligence and conducting analysis to support proactive law enforcement (Hylton, 2009;
10
Lambert, 2010). At their heart, fusion centers work to bring together various agencies focused on
a common problem that required information-sharing and analytical efforts. Shepard (2011),
stated that “The concept of the fusion center is quite simple: to facilitate the sharing of homeland
security related and crime-related information and intelligence within the law enforcement
community” (p. 36). According to the Department of Justice (2005),
The principal role of the fusion center is to compile, blend, analyze, and disseminate
criminal intelligence and other information (including but not limited to threat
assessment, public safety, law enforcement, public health, social service, and public
works) to support efforts to anticipate, identify, prevent, and/or monitor criminal activity.
(p. 3)
After the 9/11 attacks and the many ominous warnings of potential follow on terrorist
attacks, many governors and mayors felt they were not getting the intelligence and information
they needed about terror threats from the federal government, so state and local fusion centers
spread rapidly across the country (German & Stanley, 2007). Numerous states and major urban
centers around the nation desired to improve their sharing of criminal information and to
coordinate joint efforts. Carter and Carter (2009) described the intent of fusion centers “to
marshal the resources and expertise of multiple agencies within the region to deal with cross-
jurisdictional crime problems” (p. 1324). Fusion centers really started “as a national grassroots
initiative” pushed by the demand signal from the state and local levels leaders, but it did not take
long for the federal government to jump on board (Serrao, 2010).
Fusion Centers Evolve
[D]omestic fusion centers after 9/11 were originally intended as clearing houses for
threats and intelligence, and to ‘connect the dots’ and detect an actual terrorist plot (Apuzzo &
Goldman, 2013). However, there was little that state and local agencies could do on their own
without federal intelligence and information on terrorist threats. So fusion centers were
“developed, in part, from a joint project with the federal intelligence community, including DHS
and DOJ” (Serrao, 2010, para. 4). Although federal grant money came in from DHS for fusion
centers “it did not take long to realize that, in most cities, the threat was not enough to justify all
11
the manpower, money, and equipment. So in many states, the fusion center mission crept toward
something broader” (Apuzzo & Goldman, 2013, p. 162).
While the original purpose for subfederal fusion centers after 9/11 was for sharing
terrorism information, Larence (2008) wrote for the U.S. Government Accountability Office that
the “majority of the centers had scopes of operations and missions that included more than just
combating terrorism-related activities, such as a focus on all crimes or all hazards” (p. 3). As a
result, many states and major urban areas have realistically co-located their fusions center with
the functionally related Emergency Operations Centers (EOCs) in order to further improve
cooperation (DHS/DOJ, 2010, p. 20).
Today there are 78 states and major urban regions that have formed their own fusion
centers “…to share information and intelligence about terrorist threats, criminal activity, and
other hazards” (Department of Homeland Security, 2010, p. 67). Rollins (2008) describes how
state and local fusion centers take their broad array of locally gathered information from law
enforcement, the public, and the private sector sources and it gets “fused with intelligence
collected and produced by the federal Intelligence Community to better understand threat and
assist in directing security resources” (pp. 5-6). The role and mission of each fusion center is
based on the particular needs of each state or major urban area that owns it. This was discussed
by the Washington DC fusion center director, Lee Wight (2015) who stated,
Each of the 78 centers is tailored uniquely to serve their particular area of
responsibility…some fusion centers are investigative such as Boston….some are very
tactical in their focus, i.e. case support for their local law enforcement agencies…we are
strategic intelligence…more akin to operational intelligence, i.e. regional trends and
patterns is what we look at. Some centers are a watch, i.e. they report events and direct
actions in the community. (Wight, 2015)
These fusion centers serve a significant function in providing a framework for agencies to
share information and intelligence with state and local officials that did not exist before 9/11. As
the Presidential Executive Order on intelligence activities says,
State, local, and tribal governments are critical partners in securing and defending the
United States from terrorism and other threats to the United States and its interests. Our
12
national intelligence effort should take into account the responsibilities and requirements
of State, local, and tribal governments…when undertaking the collection and
dissemination of information and intelligence to protect the United States. (Bush, 2008,
Part 1)
Domestic Counterterrorism Information-sharing
Sharing information and intelligence on terrorism for the homeland is a wicked problem
due to the complexities of the different levels of government and the many various agencies
involved (Dawes, Cresswell, & Pardo, 2009). Some of these challenges were mentioned in the
9/11 Commission Report, and some issues partially remedied in some new laws such as the USA
PATRIOT ACT and the IRTPA (Adams, Nordhaus, & Shellenberger, 2011). The Homeland
Security Act of 2002 made this interagency sharing of terrorism information a task for the new
DHS and codified this role as,
To disseminate, as appropriate, information analyzed by the Department within the
Department, to other agencies of the Federal Government with responsibilities relating to
homeland security, and to agencies of State and local governments and private sector
entities with such responsibilities in order to assist in the deterrence, prevention,
preemption of, or response to, terrorist attacks against the United States. (U.S. Code,
2002, PL 107–296 § 201, 9)
In order to accomplish this task, the Department of Homeland Security created what is
now called the Office of Intelligence and Analysis (I&A). The former DHS Under Secretary for
Intelligence and Analysis, Caryn Wagner (2010), testified to Congress about the importance of
this intelligence and information-sharing role with partners at the state and local levels saying “It
is our job to meaningfully convert what may appear to be bits of unrelated information into a
product that helps protect our communities…via a robust network of intelligence and law
enforcement agencies participating in state and local fusion centers” (p. 3). Within this support
component of DHS Headquarters is a State and Local Program Office (SLPO) and for the Office
of Intelligence and Analysis itself,
I&A has a unique mandate within the Intelligence Community and is the federal
government lead for sharing information and intelligence with state, local, tribal and
13
territorial governments and the private sector. It is these nonfederal partners who now
lead the Homeland Security Enterprise in preventing and responding to evolving threats
to the homeland (U.S. DHS, 2015a, para. 9).
Former Secretary of Homeland Security Napolitano (2011) stated that, “DHS is intent on
helping these fusion centers to develop their core capabilities to share and analyze information
and to provide state and local law enforcement with useful, actionable information they can use
to better protect their own communities” (p. 7). Former Under Secretary Wagner (2010) also
described the establishment and importance of the Homeland Secure Data Network (HSDN),
providing Secret-level intelligence and information capabilities to state and local partners, at
fusion centers, and “This burgeoning network greatly expands two-way information-sharing
flows between federal and nonfederal homeland security partners” (pp. 3-4). DHS has strived to
make major improvement over the information-sharing infrastructure since virtually none existed
before 9/11. However, there is still much room for improvement.
Obstacles to Domestic Interagency Information-sharing
Although the PATRIOT Act removed many obstacles that obstructed effective sharing of
terrorism information between agencies, many other challenges remain. Some of these include
organizational cultures, information technology, and other existing statutes that prohibit or
impede effective interagency sharing (Sales, 2010). The PATRIOT Act and subsequent Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) adjustments did make it easier to share terrorism
information between and among federal law enforcement agencies and the intelligence
community, but it did not change the differing cultures that remain within respective agencies
(Best, 2011). Organizational cultures and established practices remain a barrier to information-
sharing between agencies. Olson (2008) discussed that law enforcement officials reluctantly
share information among themselves let alone outsiders, “and the importance of protecting
sources and methods within the intelligence community means that there are limits on how far
any intelligence organization will go to share data” (p. 225-226).
The 9/11 Commission Report called for unity of effort in info sharing and stated, “The
biggest impediment to all-source analysis--to a greater likelihood of connecting the dots--is the
human or systematic resistance to sharing information” (Kean & Hamilton, 2004, p. 416). As the
14
9/11 Commission identified these gaps in terrorism information-sharing, they found insufficient
mechanisms for effective sharing. The Commissioners also encountered traditional views that
either everyone is responsible for information-sharing; or that it is up to intelligence workers
themselves to decide whether they share information, resulting in “a ‘wait-and-see’ attitude in
sharing information” (De Bruijn, 2006, p. 270). The many different organizational cultures and
the interpersonal skills of the individuals involved remains a significant variable in interagency
relations (Waugh & Streib, 2006). The 9/11Commission Report specifically mentioned these
agency cultural and interagency procedural dysfunctions as contributing factors in the U.S.
government not preventing the 2001 terrorist attacks and they subsequently advocated for a
change from the ‘need to know’ concept to a ‘duty to share’ mentality (Kean & Hamilton, 2004).
In relation to information technology impeding information-sharing, the former director
of the Defense Intelligence Agency mentioned the difficulties of sharing when each agency
operates their own information technology systems, which generally means agencies cannot
access each other’s data (Jacoby, 2002). James Clapper, the former Director of National
Intelligence, declared during his confirmation hearing that he was “aghast at the state of
information technology across the community, wondering why there's no single major
combating-terrorism database with a robust search capacity instead of 50 some odd databases
with varying degrees of technological sophistication” (Ambinder, 2010, para 3). While there
have been great improvements in the area since 9/11, no optimal technological mechanism for
intelligence sharing has been implemented.
In effect this makes most information-sharing a process of personal interactions between
officials from different agencies. This generally requires a physical location where multiple
agencies can exchange terrorism information, such as the National Counter Terrorism Center or
NCTC was created to do (Best, 2010). Michael Leiter (2011), a former director of the NCTC,
testified to Congress that interagency terrorism information-sharing has improved but “complex
legal, policy, and technical issues as well as the implementation of appropriate privacy, civil
liberty, and security protections” still limits effective data sharing (pp. 6-7).
Other significant obstacles to effective counterterrorism include many remaining laws
that prohibits or impede terrorism information-sharing between agencies. While the PATRIOT
Act assisted in specifically allowing the sharing of information between some law enforcement
15
agencies and intelligence agencies, it did not remove all of the impediments to effective domestic
combating-terrorism. Significant obstacles remain for protecting citizens from determined
terrorists such as agency cultures, incompatible and firewalled information technologies, and
other laws that remain in effect. As Davis and Kayyem (2014) have written, “Often there are
antiquated and bureaucratic barriers to information-sharing that serve no purpose and hinder the
capacity of government to interpret different pieces of data from different sources” (paras. 3-5).
Some of the difficulties in sharing information among these numerous actors include the
many overlapping laws, legal authorities, and differing capabilities between all three levels of
government and the several agencies that have some role in terrorism (Imperial, 2005; Eack,
2008). Unfortunately, significant laws remain which prohibits or impedes terrorism information-
sharing between agencies. Sales (2010) described some of these remaining statutory restrictions
on information-sharing as the National Security Act of 1947 which bars the CIA from internal
security functions and could prevent the CIA from sharing with federal law enforcement
officials, the Posse Comitatus Act, which may prevent the Armed Forces from sharing
information with domestic authorities. Sales (2010) further states that the Privacy Act of 1974
which promotes individual privacy can also be a barrier since a
restrictive reading of the Act…could prevent, for example, U.S. Customs and Border
Protection (Customs) from sharing data about arriving container ships with National
Security Agency (NSA) officials who want to exploit it to screen for terrorist stowaways
(pp. 1797-1798).
Pappas (2010) conducted a study about the condition of domestic terrorism information-
sharing after 9/11 reforms, and found that agencies still fail to effectively share information and
concluded that “it is clear that the change that was expected when enacting these laws has failed
in many regards” (p. 15). A recent survey of key fusion center leaders across the country also
found that they were not very satisfied with information-sharing (Carter, Carter, Chermak, &
McGarrell, 2016). Despite the expansion of JTTFs, and the proliferation of fusion centers, “the
United States still lacks a coherent national domestic intelligence collection effort” (Jenkins,
2011, p. 6). To find recent examples of failures in counterterrorism information-sharing within
the United States, one need look no further than the terrorist attacks at Fort Hood and Boston.
16
Fusion Centers and Information-sharing
An essential element of any fusion center is the ability to receive intelligence and
information. The DHS 2014 National Network of Fusion Centers Final Report states,
As focal points for the receipt, analysis, gathering, and dissemination of threat-related
information between state, local, tribal, and territorial governments and the private sector,
fusion centers are uniquely situated to provide critical information and subject matter
expertise that allow federal law enforcement partners and the Intelligence Community
(IC) to more effectively “connect the dots” and protect the homeland. (DHS, 2015b, p.
iii)
It is important to note that information-sharing occurs on the top half of the vertical plane
between federal and state entities, as well as horizontal sharing between multiple states and
urban areas. These fusion centers can also become hubs for collaborative operations to “detect,
prevent, investigate, and respond to criminal and terrorist activity” (Larence, 2008, p. 1). Sharing
also occurs on the bottom half of the vertical plane where fusion centers disseminate to
customers like state troopers, and well as receive reports from patrol officers and the public.
Clearly, “A core purpose of a fusion center is to facilitate the sharing of information across law
enforcement and other public safety and private entities. Yet, information-sharing is one of the
biggest obstacles to be overcome” (Teutsch, 2010).
The Department of Justice and Department of Homeland security baseline capabilities for
fusion centers and the annual evaluation of them address as the first critical operating capability
or COC as the receiving of information or intelligence to provide stakeholders with an accurate
threat picture, outlined in these 5 factors:
COC 1 – Receive
1. Fusion center has approved plans, policies, or standard operating procedures (SOPs)
for the receipt of federally-generated threat information
2. Fusion center has a plan, policy, or SOP that addresses the receipt and handling of
National Terrorism Advisory System (NTAS) alerts
17
3. Fusion center personnel with a need to access classified information are cleared to at
least the Secret level
4. Fusion center has access to sensitive but unclassified information systems
5. Fusion center has access to HSDN and/or FBINet (i.e. within fusion center or on-site).
(2015 Annual Assessment, 2016, p. 20).
Fusion centers have improved significantly since 9/11 when the expansion began in
earnest. DHS reported in January 2015 that the National Network of fusion centers continues to
make progress and for the first time “all fusion centers have plans, policies, or standard operating
procedures for all four Critical Operational Capabilities (COC)” (DHS, 2015b, p. iv). However,
each fusion center is unique, and as has often been stated at National Fusion Center Association
events, “if you have seen one fusion center you have seen one fusion center” (Abold, Guidetti, &
Keyer, 2012, p. 2). Since “no neat lines divide criminal and terrorist activities. This shows why
fusion centers are so vital in helping agencies gain a more comprehensive picture of the threats
they face” (Johnson, 2007, p. 29).
The problem is that these centers require information and intelligence to fuse. If agencies
do not share, they are very limited in what they can analyze and warn state and local officials on.
In early 2016 testimony before the U.S. Senate Committee on Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs, the California Governors’ Homeland Security Advisor discussed
improvements in information-sharing, but also described the less than optimal present condition.
“While there exist significant improvements in collaboration and relationships among
responders, there remains an overall lack of a comprehensive ‘unity of effort’ in our information-
sharing environment” (Ghilarducci, 2016, p. 4). Further, the Business Executives for National
Security reported in March 2016 that “information-sharing initiatives are frequently sub-
optimized…MORE MUST BE DONE to institutionalize effective information-sharing programs
between federal, state, and local partners, and to formalize the real-time sharing processes”
(Barron, Lewis, Silberstein, & Shapiro, 2016, pp. 7-8).
Taking the risk of oversimplify a highly complex sharing environment, figure #2 attempts
to depict some of the many different directions and partners that fusion centers share with, both
internally and externally. This graphic depiction highlights the focus of this research by placing
18
sensitive intelligence sharing on terrorism from federal agencies to a hypothetical state fusion
center as bold blue arrows.
Figure 2. Sharing with and within a fusion center.
Summary
While improvements certainly have been made with interagency information-sharing,
there are many issues that still need to be studied and analyzed for improvement. As this chapter
addressed, fusion centers can and should serve a key role in domestic counterterrorism. The FBI
cannot do it alone, and the state and local agencies have significant capabilities and the
Constitutional responsibility to protect their citizens. While much has been written about fusion
centers, none have empirically researched the issue of federal agencies sharing counterterrorism
intelligence with subfederal fusion centers. All three levels of government have a true ‘duty to
share’ terrorism intelligence to contribute to the collaborative effort that is necessary to stop both
19
overseas terrorist groups and homegrown extremists. In order to prevent more attacks like 9/11,
Fort Hood, and Boston, it is essential to identify the key opportunities and obstacles to domestic
counterterrorism information-sharing at fusion centers.
Chart adapted from https://www.dhs.gov/fusion-centers-and-joint-terrorism-task-forces
Fusion Centers vs. Joint Terrorism Task Forces
20
Chapter 3: Results
Introduction
The research assessed how effectively fusion centers are fulfilling their intended purpose:
to improve homeland security by receiving terrorism information and intelligence from federal
agencies. Data on federal counterterrorism information-sharing was collected through interviews
conducted at five fusion centers on the East Coast of the United States. This chapter presents the
interview data gathered from the fusion centers, research findings, and the resulting analysis.
Study Sample Description
The individuals targeted for interviews were those working in counterterrorism related
functions within the fusion centers, or secondarily those who could benefit from federal
intelligence sharing on terrorism threats. The 25 participants consisted of 11 law enforcement
professionals (44%) and 14 intelligence professionals (56%). The years of experience in their
respective career fields ranged from 1 to over 20 years, with the average being 14.4 years. See
Table 3 on Study Participant Roles below.
Table 3
Study Participants by Fusion Center Role
Site A Site B Site C Site D Site E Total
Director/deputy director 1 1 1 1 1 5
Senior Intelligence Analyst 0 0 1 1 1 3
DHS representative 1 1 1 1 1 5
FBI representative 1 0 0 1 0 2
Detective or investigator 1 0 0 1 1 3
Intelligence/criminal analyst 1 3 2 0 1 7
25
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Collective Participant Responses to Federal Terrorism Intel Sharing Questions
This study focused on asking how well is the federal government sharing terrorism
intelligence with fusion centers, in what ways are they sharing it, what obstructs sharing, and
what could make this sharing more effective. The responses from all the participants collectively
revealed clear trends in the interview data on these benefits and barriers. However, some
questions yielded a range of answers based additional factors, such as differences between sites
based upon the specific and distinct roles of different fusion centers.
Q1-11 skipped (see full dissertation)
Q12. What have been the most useful sharing mechanisms from the federal government
for information and intelligence on terrorist threats; systems such as Homeland Security Data
Network (HSDN), FBI Law Enforcement Online (LEO)/FBI Net, or embedded personnel in your
fusion center and interagency liaison meetings?
This question mainly asked the participants to not only describe what they viewed as the
most effective sharing mechanisms overall, but to also compare technological sharing with
interpersonal sharing. 24 out of 25 participants clearly identified people and interpersonal
relationships as by far the most effective sharing mechanism. Most participants were also very
emphatic on this point and made comments including the following “a hundred percent the
people” and “personal relationships” or “People, hands down” or “physical like having a
physical body in the fusion center to me is absolutely the best way to get information whether it's
coming or going I think it clears up a lot of miscommunication or inconsistencies” as well as
“The most useful sharing mechanism by far is having people co-located” and “It's really hard to
justify the bosses. It's hard to write it into budgets. But fusion centers downward and fusion
centers upward. I think they live and die on relationships.”
Comparison of Leader Responses to Other Fusion Center Personnel
Participant responses based upon being a leader or non-leadership members of fusion
centers was the first interesting trend discovered during analysis. Fusion center leaders including
upper-level leaders such as directors or deputy directors as well as supervisors in fusion centers
viewed intelligence sharing from the federal government much more positively than the non-
leadership members of the same fusion centers (those who do the daily work). Fusion center
22
directors often described as a positive development how often they were being “briefed” about
ongoing FBI terrorism investigations in their jurisdictions. However, non-leadership fusion
center personnel such as analysts and investigators often commented on this did not constitute
intelligence sharing in their mind since the directors left those meetings (or phone calls) with
nothing in their hands or anything they could share with the rest of their fusion center. The fusion
center non-leaders had a much less positive view of the state of terrorism intelligence sharing
since they are accessing classified government secure networks with little valuable intelligence
to do their jobs while fusion center directors are “in the know” but can’t share with them to
inform fusion center work. This finding was consistent across all five sites researched regardless
of the type of fusion center or the size of their jurisdiction, and was a very interesting discovery
not mentioned in any previous research.
Comparison of Responses by Profession: Intelligence vs Law Enforcement
There were few substantive differences between participant responses based upon only
their career field when it came to the core issues of benefits and barriers to sharing with fusion
centers. Both types of professionals shared common views overall of what was holding up
effective sharing and what would improve it. However, there were some differences when it
came to their level of intensity of their beliefs. For example, both law enforcement professionals
and intelligence professionals felt that people were the most important sharing mechanism with
systems being secondary. However, law enforcement professionals responded immediately and
were highly emphatic on this point and left no doubt as to their views about the supremacy of
personal relationship as the most important aspect of sharing. When intelligence professionals
answered the same question they also came down on the side of people as most effective for
sharing, but only after hesitation or reflection and they seemed to hold this view to a less intense
degree than law enforcement professionals.
For example, law enforcement professionals would answer the question on the most
important sharing mechanism with statements like “hands-down its people” or “people 100%”
while intelligence professionals would answer with a reply along the lines of “people are most
effective, but I still want access to the systems.” These differences are likely due to the necessity
for law enforcement professionals to reply upon people to succeed in their careers such as the use
of witness testimony and confidential informants. Intelligence analysts on the other hand
23
predominantly rely on written reports and second hand sources and methods that are accessible
in databases and often remove them for direct contact with the people gathering this mainly
human derived intelligence.
Comparison of Responses by Longevity
Participant responses based upon both longevity in their career field and within the fusion
center provided some interesting patterns regardless of the site researched. Those individuals
with many years of longevity in their career field were more understanding and realistic about
what can really be expected from the type of information which could or should be shared with
fusion centers. Those long serving professionals and those with the longest service within fusion
centers were aware of the extreme sensitivity of case specific information and a number knew of
instances where investigations had been compromised. Senior law enforcement officers and
analysts stated that this will probably never happen, nor were they interested in investing the
time to try to search those complex systems even if they were allowed access. These veteran law
enforcement officers and senior analysts were generally satisfied with the overall level
intelligence sharing.
However, more junior participants and those with less career experience were less
understanding and more expectant of what can or should be shared with them as far as specificity
and actionable intelligence. These less experienced individuals felt the strongest that intelligence
of a specific and actionable nature was not being shared with their fusion center. State and local
junior intelligence analysts were also the individuals most eager to have access to FBI case files
and sensitive databases on individuals under investigation.
Additionally, those with longevity in fusion centers greater than 3 years had interesting
perspectives based upon experiences with different federal agency personally being assigned to
their fusion center and evolving relationships between their fusion center and JTTFs. These long
serving professionals emphasized trust building between individuals from other agencies
(particularly with the FBI) and they saw FBI representatives to their fusion center come and go.
These professionals were very thankful for the near daily interactions with DHS representative
and critical of the fact that FBI personal were only “part time” in the fusion center (on average 2
days a week across all fusion centers visited). The strong view of the participants in this research
24
is that periodic participation is very inadequate and state and local participants expressed the
desire to have both DHS and FBI representatives in their fusion centers on a daily basis.
Comparison of Responses by Type of Fusion Center
While there is no standard fusion center, there were two common counter-terrorism roles
for each fusion center researched for this study. These include receiving and vetting suspicious
activity reports from both public and official sources, as well as the function of dissemination
terrorism warning information to those who need – primarily patrol officers. Beyond those two
functions there was significant variance in the fusion center roles relating to domestic terrorism.
Fusion centers focus on analysis of trends and disseminating as much unclassified information as
possible. Other fusion centers have taken on a significant out-reach and training role focusing on
getting the word out to both law enforcement agencies as well as the private sector on how to
best report on and prepare for terrorist activity.
Separate from these analytical and dissemination driven centers, some fusion centers
researched are also investigative in nature or contain an operational component with a terrorism
related mission. These fusion centers with an ‘on the ground’ role to play in terrorism had a very
close and symbiotic relationship with the JTTF (and to a lesser degree with DHS operational
agencies such as CBP and the Coast Guard). Additionally, the intelligence needs of centers with
an investigatory or operational role are different than ones that are purely analytical or have a
watch function. Analytical centers mainly received general information on terrorism from the
federal government, such as how recent attacks in the U.S. and Europe were undertaken.
Investigative and operational centers receive more specific intelligence on individual cases
within their jurisdiction. It is likely this difference is due to the need to synchronize
investigations and de-conflict potential operations.
At the outset of this research I envisioned there would be differences in the perspectives
between state fusion center and those for major urban areas. However, in the context of sharing
of federal intelligence on terrorism there was no discernable divergence based upon level of
government. In fact, there were also no notable differences in federal intelligence sharing
between large state and small states, so there were no findings based solely upon the size of a
jurisdiction for a fusion center. However, there were differences based upon the different fusion
25
center missions and exact role each plays in countering terrorism with regard to federal sharing
with them. For example, fusion centers that generally focus only on analysis and providing
products to their stakeholders most often only reported getting general terrorism information
from the federal government. However, fusion centers with an investigative role or an
operational component with a terrorism related mission reported receiving actionable intelligence
on specific cases and specific individuals of terrorist interest very often.
Findings and Enumeration
This section of Chapter 3 presents some of the main findings from researching
intelligence sharing at these fusion centers. The answers from the participants clearly
demonstrated the Dawes (1996) theory of interagency information-sharing provided an effective
framework to analyze the obstacles and opportunities of federal terrorism intelligence sharing
with nonfederal fusion centers. The participant answers outlined both benefits and barriers of
federal terrorism information-sharing with fusion centers.
These findings focus on the 3 research questions this study employed revolving around
the Dawes (1996) framework of interagency information-sharing. For the purposes of data
coding and analysis the 12 interview questions were individually subordinated to the most
relevant research question. This facilitated focusing the research around the Dawes model as
shown in Table 4 below.
Table 4
Interview questions subordination to research questions
RQ1: How effectively are fusion centers receiving terrorism intelligence from federal
agencies?
1. What role does your fusion center play in counterterrorism?
6. Which federal intelligence, security, and law enforcement agencies share info and
intel on terrorism with your fusion center?
26
10. Are federal agencies “sharing the right information with the right people at the
right time”? Do you receive general threat information or actionable intelligence on
specific individuals or cases?
12. What have been the most useful sharing mechanisms from the federal government
on terrorist threats.
RQ2: Opportunities of federal intelligence sharing with fusion centers
2. How has receiving federal information and intelligence in your fusion center been
useful in countering terrorism?
3. What are the opportunities or benefits of federal Counter Terrorism (CT)
info/intel sharing with fusion centers?
8. How would fusion centers be different if they had extensive access and sharing of
federal CT info/intel?
9. Should federal security agencies share info/intel with fusion centers or should
they share with a different organization in your jurisdiction (such as a JTTF)?
RQ3: The main obstacles to intelligence sharing with fusion centers
4. What are the obstacles or barriers of federal CT info/intel sharing with fusion
centers?
5. What can or should be done to remove or mitigate these obstacles, barriers, and
risks that impede effective sharing of federal terrorism information and intelligence
sharing with state and local fusion centers?
7. How would fusion centers be different if there was no sharing of federal CT intel?
11. Are there other risks to this information-sharing?
27
Research Question 1: How effectively are fusion centers receiving terrorism intelligence
from federal agencies?
The first research question this study sought to answer was: how effectively are fusion
centers fulfilling their intended purpose to improve homeland security by receiving terrorism
information and intelligence from federal agencies? As mentioned above this research question
was pre-coded in NVivo by grouping the nodes of all participant responses to questions 1, 6, 10
and 12. Codes that emerged from analysis included effectiveness, limited sharing and means of
sharing.
The answer to this research question is that fusion centers can be effective sharing
mechanisms, as demonstrated in the interviews of 25 participants from five east coast fusion
centers, but the level of effectiveness depends on at least two factors. These factors are the
mission of each fusion center and the organizational and personal relationships between federal
agencies and key officials within the jurisdiction.
When it comes to the mission and role of a fusion center there was a distinct difference
between the perspectives of the effectiveness of sharing from federal agencies based upon what
that fusion center actually does as it related to counterterrorism. As discussed in Chapter 2 there
are a number of fusion centers varieties such as those which are investigatory, analytical, and
those with a watch function. The responses in this study showed if the fusion center has only an
analytical role then the respective perceptions of intelligence sharing by those in that center were
noticeably lower than those of fusion centers with a counterterrorism operational component or
investigative role. Participants in analytical only fusion centers rarely mentioned receiving
actionable intelligence or specific case information. This makes sense as why would an
analytical only center need actionable intelligence or case specific information if they have no
action to take or investigation to deconflict?
So the effectiveness of fusion centers in receiving intelligence varies depending on the
role and mission of the fusion center. Therefore the intelligence needs of each center in terms of
specificity and timeliness vary accordingly. When developing assessments for federal
intelligence sharing with state and local fusion centers these different missions and roles need to
be factored in.
28
Organizational and personal relationships between the fusion center and key federal
agencies was just as important, although much less tangible. It is very difficult to measure
personal relationships, but as many participants emphasized, it can be the most important factor
in how much or what kind of intelligence is shared with a fusion center. The organizational and
personal relationships with federal agencies and officials within the jurisdiction is a very
multifaceted factor since it includes many different components such as the personal
relationships between the fusion center director and senior FBI officials in the city or state, the
level of trust fusion center personnel have with their embedded federal representatives from DHS
and the FBI, as well as the quality of state and local liaisons or embeds in federal agencies such
as JTTFs.
These personal relationships are extremely hard to get right and even harder to measure,
especially for the entire national network of fusion centers. Additionally, personal relationship
are also very perishable and even good relationships may vanish when a new fusion center
director or FBI SAC is assigned. But that does not mean it should be left off fusion center
assessments as it currently is.
Research Question 2: What are the opportunities or benefits of federal CT info/intel
sharing with fusion centers?
As mentioned earlier in this chapter, this research question was pre-coded in NVivo by
grouping the nodes from participant responses to questions 2, 3, 8 and 9. Two primary codes that
emerged during analysis on opportunities or benefits of sharing intelligence with fusion centers
included preventing terrorist attacks and being able to disseminate to state and local user such as
police and other first responders. Additional codes that emerged included having access to more
intelligence sources and the ability for state and local analysts to have context for national and
international events as well as terrorist trends and patterns.
The predominant benefits to sharing federal terrorism intelligence with fusion centers
immediately mentioned by participants is the ability to fuse federal intelligence with state and
local knowledge to stop terrorist attacks. If state and local officials are aware of the specific
intelligence available to federal agencies they can be on the lookout for known individuals or
search the state and local records based on this information. This was witnessed by the researcher
29
during a visit to a state fusion center during an east coast wide manhunt for terrorist suspect
Ahmad Khan Rahami who had just allegedly bombed multiple cities in NY and NJ wounding
over 30 people and was still at-large (U.S. Attorney’s Office Southern NY, 2016). Federal
authorities shared what they knew about Rahami with fusion centers as well as an associated
license plate. Fusion center officials in the state fusion center being visited immediately sent this
information out to all state police on patrol (and local agencies) and programmed it into the
automatic license plate readers on patrol cars and other locations in the state. Terrorist suspect
Ahmad Rahami was apprehended while the researcher was still on-site at the fusion center.
However, if Rahami was driving and had passed a license plate reader, it would have
immediately shown the benefit of federal intelligence sharing with the national network of fusion
centers.
In the context of Dawes (1996) model, the main benefits and opportunities are also just as
heavily focused on the organizational and political components as were the obstacles, and less on
the third factor of technology. These research findings clearly deemphasized technical barriers in
interviews with participants. However, there was an emphatic request for more embedded federal
representatives and changes to policies and procedures when it comes to sharing (which are both
organizational and political). The participants mentioned many benefits that fit the Dawes (1996)
theoretical framework such as fostering program and service coordination.
These findings also show that while there is room for improvement on the technology
side, the focus is on what can be gained through more extensive in-person contacts. Participants
emphasized that agency personnel across all three levels of government to exchange information
to better secure the American people in a collaborative manner. This falls exactly into the
premise of improved and integrated government services through interagency information-
sharing described by Dawes (1996).
Research Question 3: What are the obstacles or barriers of federal CT info/intel sharing
with fusion centers?
This final research question was pre-coded in NVivo by grouping the nodes of all
participant responses to questions 4, 5, 7 and eleven. During analysis emerging codes included
classification, interpersonal, organizational, and policies and procedures. There was also a code
30
created for facilities, but this was a relatively minor barrier mentioned compared to the other four
codes that emerged.
There were four major thrusts that participants outlined when it comes to identifying the
most significant barriers to effective intelligence sharing from federal agencies down to fusion
centers. These four obstacles can be listed plainly as clearance, culture, policy and personality, or
C2P2. The ‘clearance’ obstacles addresses all the issues surrounding the sharing restrictions and
excuses about sensitive sources and methods and ongoing investigations that keeps intelligence
from being shared. This “need to know” mentality was a contributing factor in 9/11 and other
terrorists attacks like Fort Hood and the Boston marathon bombing.
The culture aspect focuses on organizational perspective of entities like the FBI where
the long standing views of sharing it that it happens “to” the FBI but little comes “from” them to
partners. This organizational culture is improving according to participants, but is still a
significant barrier from the state and local perspective. This is closely linked to the ‘policy’
barrier where having a ‘duty to share’ has still not been manifested into organizational policies
and procedures to enable highly effective terrorism sharing (not just after a case is closed).
Multiple participants mentioned pre-9/11 policies of information-sharing restrictions and lack of
access to reports and data continue to hinder effecting collaboration between federal agencies
and state and local fusion centers.
The final main barrier revolves around the personality of individuals involved in sharing
federal information both within and adjacent to fusion centers. The major players for fusion
centers are the FBI Special Agents in Charge (SACs) of FBI field offices and JTTF supervisory
agents in their jurisdictions. These FBI officials hold significant sway over what will be shared
with fusion centers and they set the atmosphere for both the FBI personnel and interagency
detailees working under their organizations.
Numerous participants mentioned significant sharing differences (both positive and
negative) based solely upon a change in the FBI SAC in their jurisdiction. This also highlights
the great importance of the personal relationships between these SACs and fusion center
directors. Every upper-level fusion center leader interviewed placed significant emphasis on their
personal interactions with the FBI SAC as well as the frequency and depth of sharing. However,
31
personality is also the most intangible aspect of sharing and the most difficult to overcome if key
leader personalities are not in-sync between these agencies. Table 5 below lists these obstacles, a
brief description, and representative participant responses.
Table 5
Obstacles to federal intelligence sharing with fusion centers
Title Obstacle or Barrier description
Representative participant quote
Clearance Fusion centers are at the Secret
level only and many stakeholders
and ‘customers’ have no clearance
“There's information on the federal
level that's classified, it cannot be
shared down”
Culture Federal intelligence agency
cultures do not emphasize sharing
“Institutional culture sucks…trying to
get information from my federal
partners is like pulling teeth”
Policy
Personality
Policies still emphasize “need to
know” not a “duty to share”
What to share and how much to
share with fusion centers is highly
reliant on interpersonal
relationships, especially with the
FBI
“…if it goes to the JTTF we may
never hear about it…we are not
getting all the information”
“…it still tends to be personality
dependent, so if the FBI SAC is
supportive of the role of fusion
centers then you have a pretty good
relationship”
32
In the context of Dawes (1996) model, these barriers and obstacles are focused heavily on
the organizational and political components, and less on the third factor of technology. This is an
interesting finding since the emphasis in the literature and federal statutes surrounding sharing
with fusion centers only focuses the technical aspects, as if incompatible technologies are the
problem. However, the real barriers to sharing shown from this research are that the
organizational and political factors are the real obstacles. As a case in point, fusion centers have
access to the secure communications technology, but it is the interagency relationships and
government policies preventing that technology from carrying any meaningful and actionable
intelligence on them (such as terrorism tear lines relevant to their jurisdiction).
The research has shown that effective sharing of terrorism intelligence primarily occurs
in these five fusion centers mainly through personal contacts. Further, this research has identified
that the four most significant obstacles or barriers to effective intelligence sharing with
nonfederal fusion centers are clearance, culture, policy and personality. In the context of Dawes
theoretical framework, these four major obstacles all fall within the factors of organizational or
political barriers and none predominantly technical in nature.
How federal sharing really occurs with fusion centers
The finding of this research is that intelligence sharing is not principally focused on
technology, but is really about people. This is an important finding as the only current official
measures of sharing with state and local officials focus solely on systems to share. The fusion
center baseline capabilities by DOJ and DHS discuss the ability to receive federal information
solely based on having the computer systems in place within the fusion center, as well as making
sure it is connected to HSIN and HSDN/FBINet. In plain terms, it asks do you have the
computer, it is set up, does it turn on, and does it have connectivity? The reality is these systems
reflect only a minority of intelligence sharing, and these systems are not considered the most
important element according to every participant in this study save one. The critical operating
capabilities do reflect the much more important question about receiving federal intelligence on
terrorism, which is, do you have representatives from the DHS and FBI embedded in your center
on a near daily basis to share intelligence with you?
33
These federal officials embedded within a fusion center are the key to federal intelligence
sharing with state and local officials. These individuals know what is going on with their
respective agencies and they know the federal information systems and exactly how to find what
is needed for the fusion center. These federal representatives are also tied into their home
agencies and counterparts within the state and within their networks to know what is going on
(well beyond what is known in a fusion center) and are able to share what they can with at least
the fusion center director.
This research finding that information-sharing is more about personal interactions than
systems is not a new discovery by itself. The point of virtual or telephonic collaboration being
far inferior to personal contact has been empirically demonstrated many times (Kraut, Fussell,
Brennan, & Siegel, 2002). This research established twofold findings in this regard. The first
outcome to emerge is the premise of personal contact is not just for sales or business, but that it
is just as important (or even more so) in the context of federal intelligence sharing with fusion
centers. The second outcome to emerge is the finding about the great importance of embedded
federal personnel in fusion centers has not been addressed as the key to effectiveness of this
sharing dynamic. In fact, the DOJ and DHS baseline capabilities and subsequent annual
assessments ignore this point completely when requiring fusion centers have the ability to
receive information from federal partners by only addressing clearances and systems and not
addressing the more essential aspect of embedded federal personnel. Additionally, the much
more recent National Fusion Center Strategy from 2014 also has a focus on intelligence sharing
systems and does not address embedded federal representatives either.
Summary
The findings in this research shows that fusion centers can contribute to stopping terrorist
attacks if intelligence is effectively shared with them in a timely manner. The main barriers to
effective intelligence sharing according to participants are clearance, culture, policy and
personality. Fusion center leaders think the state of intelligence sharing is more effective than
those doing the work for them in the fusion centers. Importantly, federal terrorism intelligence
sharing with fusion centers is really about people, not systems or technology. In fact, every
participant but one identified personal interactions as the most effective mechanism for sharing
terrorism intelligence with fusion centers and highlighted their embedded federal representatives.
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Chapter 4: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
Since 9/11, every U.S. state except Wyoming, and many major urban areas, have
established fusion centers to promote? information-sharing by bringing together intelligence
from a variety of sources and thus better protecting its citizens from terrorists and other
significant threats. One of the most important sources of intelligence for fusion centers is the
kind of sensitive intelligence on terrorist threats that can come only from federal intelligence and
law enforcement agencies. Despite this sharing imperative, research has shown providing
terrorism intelligence to fusion centers remains sub-optimal. This study sought to find out (a)
how effectively federal agencies are sharing intelligence with fusion centers, (b) the sharing
opportunities and obstacles, and (c) the best practices that might be shared.
Interpretation of Findings
Terrorists are a particularly difficult intelligence target because they organize as
clandestine networks, hide within open societies, act alone or kill without notice (Sims, 2007).
For this reason, it is important that agents of the federal government share as much as possible on
terrorists with the affected? jurisdictions and work together to stop them. By interviewing
participants from five East Coast fusion centers, I was able to identify the benefits and barriers to
intelligence sharing as well as answer the research questions on how effectively these centers are
serving their purpose as a hub of terrorism intelligence sharing.
The barriers to intelligence sharing identified here, based on Dawes theoretical
framework, are principally organizational and policy in nature; the barriers revolve around
clearance, culture, policy, and personality. The benefits of federal intelligence sharing with state
and local fusion centers is that citizens are better protected and terrorism is collaboratively
countered. Although important and useful, terrorism intelligence sharing is not principally about
access to databases or information technology. Sharing is primarily about (a) interagency
organizational relationships within a jurisdiction and (b) between key personnel from agencies
with a role in counterterrorism.
A point here can be made about the Boston bombings and information-sharing. As
mentioned in Chapter 2, the FBI agent investigating Tamerlan Tsarnaev did not discuss the
35
assessment with any state or local officials, including those on his squad from the Boston Police
in the JTTF. However, he did file his report in the FBI’s Guardian system, which members of the
JTTF had access to. But this is not sharing because it does not involve dissemination to those in
the JTTF or offer a mechanism to push the information out to those in the jurisdiction might
want to know. Massachusetts Congressmen William Keating wrote a letter to FBI Director James
Comey in in July 2013 about this lack of sharing within the JTTF. He wrote: “these local
officials could not search the database for something they did not know existed” (Keating, 2013,
p. 3).
The findings in this study about the critical importance of personal relationships and
embedded personnel to enable interagency intelligence sharing and collaborative
countermeasures makes the Special Operations fusion center more relevant to domestic fusion
centers than might seem obvious. The JIATF model described in Chapter 2 that worked so well
to defeat al Qaeda in Iraq in the mid to late 2000s is an important case that offers some
considerations and best practices for domestic fusion centers. As General McChrystal stated,
proximity to Washington also had costs. The Beltway culture compelled, or allowed, the
agencies to be less collaborative. Valuable information that might slide across a table
downrange had to cross miles and clear bureaucratic hurdles back in the States. In
Washington, the myriad essential but competing priorities, from bureaucracy to family
life, always slowed action. For this reason, the JIATF would bring analysts from each
agency into the same literal tent—and that tent would be on a base in Afghanistan or Iraq.
Obviously, this would enable intelligence to be analyzed downrange, close to the fight,
making the process faster and the information potentially more relevant. Less obvious but
more important, having the analysts live and operate forward, teamed with counterparts
from other agencies, decreased the gravitational pull of their headquarters back in D.C.
and dramatically increased the sense of shared mission and purpose. It was
extraordinarily powerful for analysts to share information, to brief operators on their
assessments, to hear the rotors of an assault force launching on their information, and
then to debrief together after the operation. (McChrystal, 2013)
This sense of shared purpose and mission focus, which I personally experienced in the
JIATF under General McChrystal, I also witnessed in the narratives of the embedded federal
36
agency representatives from all five fusion centers researched. These individuals are federal
employees reporting to supervisors in Washington (or closer by), but they became full-fledged
“teammates” with their fellow fusion center members and this is mutually beneficial for many
reasons. The embedded federal representatives (from both the FBI and DHS) has not only earned
the trust of their state and local partners, but they fully understood the intelligence needs of the
fusion center (and their stakeholders) in ways that cannot be achieved from the outside. This is
how intelligence is really shared, person to person, and this is not reflected in existing fusion
center assessments.
Interagency relationship building is very difficult with conflicting or overlapping
organizational responsibilities and cultures as well as personalities getting in the way. As
General McChrystal (2013) described,
No alliance could be as infuriating or as productive as my relationship with the CIA...
more than once, my most trusted subordinates had to stop me, in moments of utter
frustration, from severing all ties with our ‘Agency brothers,’ repeating back to me my
own guidance to preserve our relationships through specific conflicts...; ours had to be a
unified fight.
In seeking to achieve this unified fight for the homeland, we have to set the conditions to
do so and embed more federal representatives in fusion centers, which will be a key policy
recommendation of this study. This will not be easy, as even General McChrystal serving as a
high ranking commando general officer in Iraq with the President’s ear and focused on the
number one terrorist threat at the time (al Qaeda in Iraq) he had great difficulty bringing together
the necessary interagency intelligence players to join his JIATF (Henricksen, 2013). However,
this is what is needed to address the terrorism threat we face today here at home.
Implications for Positive Social Change
Overcoming the barriers to counterterrorism interagency intelligence sharing can
significantly impact major aspects of our society in ensuring a collaborative approach to
counterterrorism. This can only be achieved if it is based on a solid foundation of terrorism
intelligence sharing across all 3 levels of government. By effectively sharing terrorism
intelligence vertically and horizontally among partner agencies is the only way to stop the
37
complex threats the nation faces from both international terrorists and homegrown extremists
(Schmitt, 2011). We cannot go back to the way it was before 9/11 where a failure to effectively
share resulted in a massive tragedy.
A specific example where getting this sharing ‘right’ could have averted disaster is the
case of NY/NJ terrorist suspect Rahami mentioned earlier in this chapter. On the morning of
September 19th 2016 I observed a fusion center in action during an East Coast wide manhunt for
this suspect. That day counterterrorism intelligence from federal agencies was quickly
disseminated out to every state police officer on patrol (and directly to their cruisers) as well was
programmed into license plate readers. One can only imagine if this network of fusion centers
had been in place before 9/11 and federal agencies had shared what they knew about the al
Qaeda hijackers already here in America months before that fateful day.
This research contributed to the body of knowledge on fusion center with empirical
evidence and original findings on how federal intelligence is actually shared with state and local
officials, and how it can be improved. If the policies and procedures are enacted and federal
personnel are embedded full-time to enable effective terrorism intelligence sharing with
nonfederal fusion centers, then significant social change can be gained through increased
abilities to counter terrorist attacks within the homeland. This research intends to positively
influence improved national security through policies that reflect the importance of fusion center
federal manning as the crux of intelligence sharing (over systems) and the need to develop and
assess personal relationships between key individuals and organizations with leading
counterterrorism roles in protecting our citizens.
Recommendations
This research has identified a number of best practices where effective federal terrorism
intelligence sharing was reported by participants. Additionally, some specific policy
recommendations identified through conducting this research that can improve terrorism
intelligence sharing. These best practices along with specific policy recommendations are
addressed below.
38
Embed more federal representative from DHS and FBI in fusion centers
Participants in the study were highly appreciative of each individual federal
representative embedded in their fusion center and all emphasized how important these
individuals are for effective intelligence sharing. Most participants would rather have these
federal representative in their fusion centers than having information systems allowing them to
access federal intelligence. In fact, these federal personnel themselves were listed as the most
effective sharing mechanism for intelligence on terrorists within their jurisdiction. When asked
which federal agencies share with their center, some participants immediately personalized the
question and replied by naming the individual embeds on a first name basis. The participants
were also clear that they want more federal representatives in their center; both more
representatives and to have them for more time.
These federal representatives, such as the DHS intelligence officers, also often have some
responsibilities outside the fusion center since they often represent the entire 17 agency
consortium of the U.S. Intelligence Community to that state or locality. Multiple participants
complained that when their DHS person was out (for whatever reason), they felt significantly
hampered in their state or local mission. So most fusion centers would greatly benefit from a
having a second full time DHS person embedded in the form of an intelligence analyst—a more
junior person working under the supervision of the DHS Intelligence Officer or Senior Reports
Officer (SRO). This framework offers more depth in key federal representatives in the fusion
centers and allows the DHS representative to perform outreach or training in the jurisdiction as
well as provide total job coverage (in the event of illness, conference, or vacation, etc).
This same model of a 2 person federal liaison team should be used for the FBI
representation with a full time FBI Special Agent and full time FBI Intelligence Analyst
embedded in each fusion centers. This recommendation would significantly increase manning as
the FBI generally sends only liaisons to fusion centers on a part time and as an additional or
supplementary duty to investigative or analytical work for the local FBI field office (not full-time
embedded). Several participants discussed the different pros and cons of having an FBI Agent
representing the bureau versus an FBI Intelligence Analyst, so the optimal solution is to send
both according to participants.
39
In sum, every recognized fusion center should have at least one DHS IO or RO and at
least one full time FBI Intelligence Analyst or Special Agent. None of the 5-fusion centers
researched had an arrangement of this kind. Based upon the fusion centers’ operational
capabilities and mission, more of these federal representatives may be required. At least one
fusion center was striving for two full time representatives from each agency for a total of four.
The optimal footprint in a fusion center would be a DHS Intelligence Officer, a DHS Intelligence
Analyst, an FBI Special Agent and an FBI Intelligence Analysts. This is the best solution to
support fusion centers, although this is a significant federal resource commitment and currently
legislatively constrained, at least for DHS according to participants.
Embed more fusion center personnel in JTTFs
Just as having more federal representative embedded in fusion centers, much can be
gained by having more state and local representatives in JTTFs. Fusion center directors
mentioned being proud of their own personnel detailed to JTTFs in their jurisdiction, and this is a
strong bond for intelligence sharing. However, multiple non-leadership participants working in
fusion centers emphasized how these detailed individuals are not allow to share intelligence
about ongoing investigations due to operational sensitivities (for the most part). It should also be
emphasized that overcoming organizational culture can be eased by sending “the right person” as
a fusion center representative who can most easily earn the trust of the FBI Agents and other law
enforcement professionals in key positions in the JTTF.
The theme of establishing or building trust was mentioned often by participants in this
study, and some investigators confessed to having bias against analysts (who do not have a badge
or carry a gun). This same bias is famous in the FBI, and a fusion center director may benefit
more in the long run by sending a detective or investigator to be their representative to a JTTF
than even their best intelligence analyst for this reason. Also, sending a police officer or
detective to the JTTF who reports to the fusion center director and where that relationship is
strong will help facilitate the JTTF to fusion center organizational relationship as well.
Assess the real mechanisms for intelligence sharing: Relationships
The fusion center baseline capabilities only assess systems and not where most
information-sharing really occurs, with embedded personnel (both within the centers and from
40
the center to critical nodes like JTTFs). Information systems required for sharing should not be
eliminated, but the emphasis for assessing intelligence sharing with fusion centers should be
refocused on people and organizational relationships. There is no mention in fusion center
assessments now of the all-important role of people in sharing, and this needs to be addressed
and made a priority. Not only do fusion centers need federal embeds from DHS and FBI, they
need to be increased in number and they need to be quality individuals with training and solid
relationships back to their home federal agency. Priority should be placed on who is sent from
federal agencies to the fusion centers, as a number of state and local participants complained
about being sent “the JV team” to their fusion center where (the FBI in particular) viewed fusion
center duty as a less than desirable assignment.
Focus fusion center directors on relationships
Leading a fusion center is a difficult and complex job requiring the ability to form a
cohesive team from a highly diverse conglomeration of analysts, agents, investigators and
emergency services personnel—many of whom probably do not directly work for them. Couple
this complexity with the necessity to establish and maintain very effective personal and
professional relationships with a constellation of federal (and other) agencies and you have a
glimpse of the day in the life of fusion center director. Fusion center directors discussed how
different this type of assignment is compared to traditional police work. Directors participating in
this study shared how they personally felt unprepared at the beginning of their assignment to
succeed. Some felt that after several years they had finally figured out their jobs but were only at
this point highly effective and now subject to rotation to a different job.
Two fusion center directors commented without prompting that the process to select,
train, and assign new fusion center directors is less than optimal. Although a law enforcement
professional himself, one fusion center director stated the job is so specialized and complex that
the position should probably be filled by an intelligence professional. At any rate, when selecting
and training fusion center directors, the most important aspect should be the personality
component according to this research. If people and relationships are the most effective sharing
mechanisms, then directors should be selected based on their leadership and interpersonal skills.
Fusion center directors should primarily focus on team building within the fusion center and
relationships building with the many federal partners and other stakeholders in the jurisdiction.
41
A recommendation for fusion center personnel is to deliberately plan unofficial and social
interactions both internally and with the key external partners. These interactions will do more to
establish personal bonds and build trust more than work interactions and meetings. I would
suggest fusion center directors prioritize getting out of the center frequently for personal and
focused engagements to build and sustain critical relationships supporting the fusion center
mission. Within the fusion center they could plan team-building events like team sports, going to
the shooting range together, and occasional outings like a fusion center barbeque. These
activities may sound trivial, but as multiple participants pointed out, it is too late to start a
relationship or begin to build trust once a crisis occurs.
Employ open collaborative work environments
In order to actually fuse diverse agencies and different types of information it requires a
collaborative working environment within a fusion center. If analysts and agents have to navigate
a labyrinth of cubicles or are constantly going up and down stairs, that serves as a physical
barrier to effective sharing and collaboration. Also, people can't collaborate well if they are stuck
behind a vault all day while analysts and investigators toil away in an unclassified pen, or worse,
their individual cubicle. Some fusion centers are set up well and others were hampered by their
physical environments. If domestic counterterrorism is important to a jurisdiction then I
recommend establishing more open architecture work spaces to enable this collaboration. Since
personal relationships as so important to sharing, there should also be multiple social spaces like
a well-stocked and aesthetic break room, an outdoor patio or gazebo to allow critical social
bonds to build.
Improve tailoring intelligence for state and local partners
Another recommendation is that federal intelligence can be better tailored to the
requirements of state and local partners. Multiple participants complained about the vast amounts
of unhelpful information available to them in the classified and unclassified federal systems.
Most fusion center participants rarely access these systems to do their jobs and some purposely
avoid it. There is very little in there that pertains to their jurisdiction. Intelligence needs to be
pushed to those who need it, not just searchable as few know what may or may not be in there
relating to them. It is not just a duty to share, but a question we often asked ourselves in the
42
military: who else needs to know this? When appropriate and valuable to a jurisdiction, federal
agencies should push intelligence to the fusion center.
As an example, participants mentioned that NCTC Current (a federal terrorism database)
is now available on HSDN at the Secret level, but they said very little useful intelligence is
accessible in that system. The vast majority of federal terrorism intelligence is maintained at the
top secret level and not available to fusion centers. While participants do not accuse anyone of
purposely withholding intelligence from fusion centers, there also does not seem to be a
significant effort to downgrade this vast intelligence to the Secret level for dissemination to state
and local partners either. An aspect of this recommendation is to aggressively push down to state
and local fusion centers what they need to know using a secret level ‘tear-line’ report.
Mandate intelligence sharing on terrorism to state and local fusion centers
A final recommendation to overcome sub-optimal federal intelligence sharing with
nonfederal fusion centers is to direct that this intelligence be shared. Mandating federal agencies
share intelligence on terrorist threats may be the only way to overcome many of the barriers like
personal relationships and organizational culture. Requiring that intelligence be shared with
fusion centers is like psychologists having a duty to report patients to law enforcement who are a
threat to themselves or others. Having Congress pass a law that mandates intelligence on
terrorism be disseminated to nonfederal fusion centers would move the nation literally toward a
“a duty to share” paradigm.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study was conducted as an exploratory case study “aimed at generating hypotheses
for later investigation” (Baškarada, 2014, p. 5). One proposition of this study is that personal
interactions are the most important sharing mechanism, as evidenced by participant interviews.
This was a new finding and one that calls for further research as no other study has identified this
as the primary factor with intelligence sharing and fusion centers.
Additional findings from this study can be further researched based on differing locations
and research methodologies. Replicating this study using the same methodologies and research
questions in a different region of the country can further confirm the findings or adjust them
based on other locational factors. This concept could entail repeating the qualitative case study
43
approach by conducting interviews in other regions of the country such as the west coast, gulf
coast, or middle America. For example, the fusion center in Chicago was not researched or
visited (as it is not on the East Coast). However, it was mentioned by a participant as a positive
example where a fusion center is housed in a secure federal facility and can access Top Secret
and compartmented government intelligence. By studying other regions of the country further
research may reveal other unknown factors or different interactions of factors that cannot be
known until studied.
Another way to expand upon this research is to employ additional research approaches. A
second potential future study concept could include conducting this same study quantitatively
across the entire country using surveys. Several existing research studies on fusion centers used
this quantitative approach, but none of them focused specifically on intelligence sharing from
federal agencies down to the state and local officials. Creating a quantitative research instrument
based upon the interview questions from this research study but employed across the nation
could generate some interesting findings. If significantly more time and resources were applied,
a mixed methods approach may also reap new or interesting findings that expand on this
qualitative exploratory case study.
However, repeating this study across the country solely by using quantitative surveys
could be much less effective than approaches which also employ in person interviews. There
were many perspectives shared that interviewees would not have been as likely to write down on
a survey and send in. Also, several participants were recruited based on establishing a level of
trust with them that is not possible with mass distribution of impersonal surveys. For example,
gaining entrance to fusion centers for this research was done by first establishing rapport and
some degree of trust with each fusion center director. Then, every individual interviewed for the
study knew my intelligence background as well as my employment teaching Homeland Security
college courses. This greatly assisted in gaining entrance and recruiting individuals to participate.
Those interviewees then advocated participation in the study to other members of their fusion
center or their own personal network of contacts at other fusion centers. Once done with their
own interview, completed participants then recommended to onsite coworkers and off-site
contacts in other fusion centers to allow me to interview them. The rapport establishment and
trust building with interviewees was passed on to others and following fusion centers which
44
generated momentum. It is unlikely that an impersonal survey can establish even this surface
level of trust or elicit perspectives on a sensitive topic like terrorism intelligence sharing.
Another consideration for future research could include focusing on the organizational
relationships within fusion centers and between fusion centers and other organizations. As this
study highlighted in Figure 2 Sharing With and Within a fusion center, there are many different
types and directions (both internally and externally) where sharing occurs related to fusion
centers. While this study only focused on the vertical and singular direction of federal
intelligence sharing with fusion centers, it would be interesting to learn from an in-depth study
trying to map out in detail the sharing that was depicted in figure 2 both within a fusion center
(or centers) and between fusion centers and the many key other organizations they interact with
on the outside.
Another new and interesting line of research related to this study could include adjusting
the same research questions that focused on fusion centers to instead address the role of JTTFs in
terrorism intelligence sharing. FBI JTTFs were not directly studied as a part of this research, but
their role and the importance of the relationship between fusion centers and JTTF became very
evident. JTTFs primarily serve as interagency counterterrorism investigative bodies, but they
also are advanced as a mechanism to share terrorism information and intelligence. For this
possible future study, it would make sense to start with another exploratory qualitative case study
of JTTFs on the east coast, including those who’s jurisdiction is an entire state and those focused
on a single urban region.
Implications for Positive Social Change
Overcoming the barriers to counterterrorism interagency intelligence sharing can
significantly impact major aspects of our society in ensuring a collaborative approach to
counterterrorism. This can only be achieved if it is based on a solid foundation of terrorism
intelligence sharing across all 3 levels of government. By effectively sharing terrorism
intelligence vertically and horizontally among partner agencies is the only way to stop the
complex threats the nation faces from both international terrorists and homegrown extremists.
We cannot go back to the way it was before 9/11 where a failure to effectively share resulted in a
massive tragedy.
45
This study contributed to the body of knowledge on fusion center with significant and
original findings on how federal intelligence is actually shared with state and local officials, and
how it can be improved. If the policies and procedures are put into enactment and federal
personnel are embedded full-time to enable effective terrorism intelligence sharing with
nonfederal fusion centers, then significant social change can be gained through increased
abilities to counter terrorist attacks within the homeland. This research intends to positively
influence improved national security through policies that reflect the importance of fusion center
federal manning as the crux of intelligence sharing (over systems) and the need to develop and
assess personal relationships between key individuals and organizations with leading
counterterrorism roles in protecting our citizens.
Summary
This exploratory case study into terrorism intelligence sharing with nonfederal fusion
centers has identified several tangible barriers preventing effective sharing such as clearance,
culture, policy and personality. The study also detailed of many of the benefits to our nation in
better protecting citizens that can be gained in overcoming these obstacles. Changing policies to
enable sharing and emphasizing the importance of personal contacts and embedded federal
personnel (over systems) is an important finding that should become reflected in both state and
local programs as well as federal fusion center funding and statutes.
Finally, this was an academic study and the researcher is aware that many of these policy
recommendations may be resource intensive or difficult to enact. However, is it important to
reflect on these recommendations now and not after the next major terrorist attack with hundreds
of American killed in another preventable catastrophe that could have been stopped if federal
agencies had only been more effective at fulfilling its duty to share the intelligence in its
possession with state and local partners.
46
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