Annotated Bibliography: The Impact of Trauma among Undocumented Immigrant Children

Immigration Policy, Practices, and Procedures: The Impact on the Mental Health of Mexican and Central American Youth and Families

Stephanie A. Torres, Catherine DeCarlo Santiago, Katherine Kaufka Walts, and Maryse H. Richards Loyola University Chicago

Currently, 15 million Mexican and Central American individuals live in the United States, with this number projected to rise in the next few decades (Lesser & Batalova, 2017; Zong & Batalova, 2017). Research has begun to investigate the impact of the nation’s immigration practices and policies on immigrant Latino/a families and youth. Current immigration policies can create vulnerabilities, including fear and mistrust, discrimination, limited access to services, parent– child separation, and poverty. These experiences increase risk for poor mental health outcomes and may exacerbate prior exposure to traumas in the home country (e.g., violence) and during migration (e.g., extortion). This paper reviews current immigration policies for arriving Mexican and Central American immigrants and links to mental health among documented and undocumented immi- grant families and youth. A discussion of positive policies and resources that may mitigate the damaging impact of immigration-related stress is included. Finally, social justice implications for clinicians and researchers are discussed, with culturally sensitive interventions, advocacy, and dissemination of research and policy as primary recommendations.

Keywords: Latino/a immigrants, immigration policy, immigration-related stress, trauma and mental health, resilience and social justice

The shifting immigration climate and policies in the United States makes the study of the Latino/a immigrant experience crucial. Of the 15 million Mexican and Central American immigrant individuals in the U.S., approximately 3 million Mexican and 1 million Central American immi- grants are naturalized citizens (Lesser & Batalova, 2017; Zong & Batalova, 2016). Moreover, approximately 9 mil- lion Mexican and Central American individuals are of un- documented status (Migration Policy Institute, 2014) while others may hold status as lawful permanent residents, legal residents on temporary visas, or asylum seekers (Zong & Batalova, 2017). Given the difficulties with eligibility for U.S. citizenship, some of these individuals may have en- tered the country without authorization. Others may have arrived legally, but subsequent circumstances led to their loss of legal status (e.g., overstayed on a short-term visa).

Immigrants represent a diverse range of education and professional skills (American Psychological Association [APA] Presidential Task Force on Immigration, 2012) and contribute to the rich diversity of the U.S. Nevertheless, today’s sociopolitical climate is often wrought with anti- immigrant rhetoric, citing that immigrants disproportionally commit criminal acts and hurt the U.S. economy. However, empirical evidence suggests that immigrants benefit the economy (Gillula, 2015) and do not contribute to higher rates of criminal activity (Green, 2016), with studies show- ing lower levels of neighborhood crime within immigrant communities (Center for American Progress Immigration Team, 2014). Still, immigration is a hotly contested issue, with some arguing that access to U.S. borders should be limited, while others support broader immigration reform and opportunities for unauthorized persons to legalize their status. Many Latino/a children and adults, regardless of legal status, are directly impacted by immigration policies and practices in the U.S. today, including restricted eligi- bility for public benefits, deportations, and struggles related to belonging in a mixed-status family (defined as families with at least one U.S.-born child; Center for American Progress Immigration Team, 2014). While Latino/a individ- uals comprise the largest authorized immigrant group in the U.S., they also represent the largest cohort of immigrants removed by U.S. federal agencies (e.g., U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement) over the last several years (MALDEF, 2014).

This article was published Online First March 5, 2018. Stephanie A. Torres and Catherine DeCarlo Santiago, Department of

Psychology, Loyola University Chicago; Katherine Kaufka Walts, Center for the Human Rights of Children, Loyola University Chicago; Maryse H. Richards, Department of Psychology, Loyola University Chicago.

We are grateful to our colleague, Grayson Holmbeck, for providing feedback on this article. We also thank Carolina Escobar for her technical assistance.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Stephanie A. Torres, Department of Psychology, Loyola University Chicago, 1032 West Sheridan Road, Chicago, IL 60660. E-mail: [email protected]

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American Psychologist © 2018 American Psychological Association 2018, Vol. 73, No. 7, 843– 854 0003-066X/18/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000184

843

Research has begun to examine the specific immigration- related challenges faced by Latino/a communities and its impact on well-being. For example, a recent article by Yoshikawa, Suárez-Orozco, and Gonzales (2017) described the impact of unauthorized status on youth development. The current paper seeks to expand Yoshikawa and col- leagues’ (2017) review by linking immigration policies to traumas and mental health among Mexican and Central American documented and undocumented immigrant fam- ilies and youth. Although there is diversity in immigration experiences and countries of origin for Latino/a immigrants, Mexican and Central Americans may be exposed to stress before, during, and after migration. The paper will first review the accumulating traumas and stress faced by many families in their home country, en route to the U.S., and upon settling in the U.S. Next, the authors describe immi- gration policies that create vulnerabilities for Mexican and Central American families. The paper then delineates the effects of these immigration policies on traumas and mental health among youth and families. Finally, the authors pro- vide recommendations for researchers and clinicians to in- crease awareness, support immigrant mental health, im- prove policy, and inform future study of immigration policy and mental health. The authors use the term Latino/a when the research does not specify the country of origin (i.e., Mexican or Central American).

Mexican and Central American Immigrants in the United States

According to recent statistics, there are 19 million foreign-born Latino/a people in the U.S., a 20-fold increase

from 1960 (Pew Research Center, 2015). Mexican-origin immigrants represent the largest group of Latino/a immi- grants in the U.S. (27%) and 8% of these Latino/a immi- grants come from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras (i.e., “the Northern Triangle;” Lesser & Batalova, 2017). Moreover, 2 million U.S.-born Latino/a children are chil- dren of immigrants (Center for American Progress Immi- gration Team, 2014). The 9 million Mexican and Central American immigrants of undocumented status represent a little over half of the undocumented population in the U.S. (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Furthermore, 17% of Latino/a children are undocumented while approximately 40% have at least one undocumented parent (Fry & Passel, 2009). Following the global economic recession from 2007–2009, the emigration rate from Mexico slowed, fol- lowed by a marginal increase to 3.6 migrants per 1,000 residents in 2015 (Zong & Batalova, 2017). Due to eco- nomic and political instability along with high rates of violence, Central American migration to the U.S. has in- creased since the 1990s (Lesser & Batalova, 2017).

Traumas and the Stages of Migration

To fully understand the mental health ramifications of the climate of immigration policy in the U.S. today, it is im- portant to briefly examine the stages of migration to the U.S. Foster (2001) highlighted the potential experience of traumas at each stage: 1) premigration traumas occurring in the home country, 2) traumas en route to the new country, and 3) the often hostile environment in the new country. Over the last three years there has been a significant in- crease in unaccompanied immigrant children coming to the U.S. In 2014, more than 68,000 children arrived at the border, most from Central America and Mexico (but also India, China, and other countries; Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, 2015). A report, titled “Children on the Run,” found that more than 58% of these children are eligible for international protection, detailing reasons that include violence, abuse in the home, and the desire for family reunification (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2014). Therefore, unstable political environ- ments resulting in systemic violence and crime, declining economic stability, and failed political reforms are driving the large wave of undocumented migration of children, adults, and families from Central America (Cruz, 2015; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2014).

The prevalence of premigration traumas is high for Lati- no/a immigrants. Indeed, one study found at least half of all Latino/a immigrants experienced some type of trauma in their home country (Li, 2016). Mexican immigrants report migrating due to fear, economic insecurity, drug violence, and extortion in their home country (Contreras, 2014). Cen- tral America has been especially impacted by high levels of violence, with homicide rates and gang violence steadily

Stephanie A. Torres

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844 TORRES, SANTIAGO, WALTS, AND RICHARDS

increasing (Lesser & Batalova, 2017). Both Central Amer- ican and Mexican women reported that political violence, domestic violence, and community violence were common premigration traumas (Kaltman, Hurtado de Mendoza, Gon- zales, Serrano, & Guarnaccia, 2011). Likewise, among re- cent immigrant children, 88% reported some form of vio- lence exposure (Jaycox et al., 2002) and 65% of interviewed children migrated to escape community violence (Center for Gender & Refugee Studies & National University of Lanus, 2015).

Common forms of premigration traumas, such as physi- cal/sexual abuse, war, natural disasters, and being a victim of and witness to a crime, may greatly impact adjustment to the U.S. (Li, 2016). Such traumatic events increase risk for PTSD, depression, and other mental health difficulties (Copeland, Keeler, Angold, & Costello, 2007). Further, high poverty levels before migration were linked to depres- sive symptoms among a majority Mexican immigrant sam- ple (Ornelas & Perreira, 2011). Therefore, exposure to trau- mas and poverty in one’s home country may place immigrants at greater risk for retraumatization and other mental health difficulties going forward (Mazzetti, 2008).

Moreover, for some Central American and Mexican im- migrants, the migration journey is violent and terrifying (Kaltman et al., 2011). Migrating through the dangerous border may require human smuggling by “coyotes” (indi- viduals who are paid to illegally move people across the Mexican American border), who may extort money and murder their clients if such clients are unable to pay ransom fees (Fulginiti, 2008). As many as 60% of girls and women are sexually assaulted and kidnapped during migration (Amnesty International, 2010; Kaltman et al., 2011). On the

Mexican border, where the area is plagued by organized crime, it is risky to cross the border and those with limited resources often travel through Mexico by the cargo train (Desjonquéres, 2015). La Bestia is an infamous name for the train which some use to travel to the U.S.; assaults, robberies, accidents, including falls and mutilations (e.g., severed arms and legs as a result of a fall), may occur (Desjonquéres, 2015). In a study of the causes of mortality of Latino/a children at the Arizona border, 36% of deaths were attributed to unauthorized border crossings (Bowen & Marshall, 2008). Hence, there may be a great risk for experi- encing traumas among Mexican and Central American fami- lies migrating to the U.S. These accumulating traumatic expe- riences are linked to mental health outcomes such as depressive and anxious symptoms (Familiar, Borges, Orozco, & Medina-Mora, 2011).

Once in the U.S., a myriad of factors create risk for families, including poor living conditions, lack of job op- portunities, discrimination, lack of access to services and education, and deportation or detention for those who are arriving without permission (Foster, 2001). Given that La- tino/a immigrants may experience traumas before, during, and after the migration process (Salas, Ayón, & Gurrola, 2013), psychologists are needed to understand the traumas families and youth encounter before settling in the U.S. as well as the potential additive traumas inflicted by immigra- tion policies and climate.

Immigration Policies Creating Vulnerabilities

A review of immigration policies is critical to linking their impact on the mental health of Latino/a families. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) was a seminal U.S. policy initiative that significantly changed U.S. immigration laws. The IIRIRA created new 5 and 10 year “bars of inadmissibility” back into the U.S. for those who overstayed their visas or were in the U.S. without permission. It also permitted ex- pedited removal (deportation) often without counsel or legal representation. Moreover, it created new grounds of inad- missibility for immigrants seeking entry or lawful status and expanded the class of offenses to make individuals eligible for deportation, including minor offenses (e.g., shoplifting or possession of drugs). The IIRIRA also heightened en- forcement measures, increasing resources for agencies tasked with enforcement such as Customs Border Patrol. These policies have resulted in a greater number of deport- ees, and greater numbers of immigrants detained in jail for months before being brought before an immigration judge.

At the same time that IIRIA was passed, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) restricted access to federal public bene- fits, including food stamps and Supplemental Social Secu- rity Income (SSI), for noncitizens and undocumented im-

Catherine DeCarlo Santiago

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845IMMIGRATION AND MENTAL HEALTH

migrants. The only exception was for reasons of public health, emergency services, and programs identified by the attorney general as necessary for the protection of life and safety. With the passage of PRWORA in 1996, approxi- mately 935,000 noncitizens lost benefits. Subsequently, with half of immigrant families living in poverty in 1999, a limited number of states decided to continue to provide public benefits (Fix & Passel, 2002). Food insecurity in- creased within states providing the fewest benefits. More- over, refugee families receiving TANF (Temporary Assis- tance for Needy Families) decreased by 25% when compared to nonrefugee families between 1994 and 1998 (Fix & Passel, 2002; Fremstad, 2002).

One of the harshest responses to undocumented per- sons in the U.S. is deportation. Being in the U.S. without permission is a violation of immigration law, a civil matter under U.S. law. Further, government attorneys are able to use prosecutorial discretion, with the ability to initiate deportation proceedings and criminal charges for those with a criminal record. Many advocates, however, argue that punishments for violation of civil immigration law— detention and deportation—are similar to punish- ments levied within our criminal justice system. The blending between civil immigration and criminal justice law is most recently demonstrated in an enforcement policy initiative called, “Operation Streamline.” Started in 2005, this policy adopts a “zero-tolerance” approach to unauthorized border-crossing by criminally prosecuting those engaging in it, including first time entrants. This policy has, in fact, criminalized hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants and moved them from Border

Patrol custody into the federal prison system (Argueta, 2016).

The number of unaccompanied immigrant children, primarily from the Northern Triangle of Central America, has increased significantly over the last 5 years. Most children are apprehended at the U.S./Mexico border, with many presenting themselves to border officials and re- questing help and protection after suffering traumas be- fore or during migration (Center for Gender & Refugee Studies & National University of Lanus, 2015). A child who arrives at the U.S. border from noncontiguous coun- tries, is designated as an “unaccompanied child” and is afforded additional protections under this designation, including a right to a hearing before an Immigration Judge. However, with no guarantee or right to counsel, unaccompanied children must meet the same procedural, evidentiary, and legal requirements as adults. Fast-track court hearings (“rocket dockets”), developed to accom- modate large numbers of children, do not provide suffi- cient time or flexibility to develop legal claims for chil- dren who may be highly traumatized. Once released from detention, there is little follow-up to determine if children are safe and integrated into the community (Department of Health and Human Services Administration for Chil- dren and Families, 2014). Given that many of the arriving children have experienced some form of trauma, they are in need of post-release services. However, due to their unauthorized status, unaccompanied immigrant children are ineligible for services other than public education.

In the early months of his presidency in 2017, President Donald Trump signed several Executive Orders laying out policies to increase deportations of unauthorized immi- grants, increase border security, authorize construction of a wall at the U.S. Southern border, and ban entrance of Syrian refugees and individuals from six predominately Muslim countries (The White House, 2017). Among other policies, the orders expand the Obama administration’s enforcement efforts by targeting all unauthorized immigrants (not just those with criminal convictions or prior removal orders), expanding expedited removal, and calling for hiring over 15,000 law enforcement agents to carry out these tasks (The White House, 2017). In addition, the memos revive the “287(g)” program in border regions, which authorizes local and state law enforcement personnel to perform immigra- tion enforcement activities, including investigation, arrest, detention, transport, and searches of unauthorized immi- grants, actions previously limited to federal officers (The White House, 2017).

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) memo- randa also create a broad reaching impact on the protections of unaccompanied children entering the U.S. by removing their designation as “unaccompanied” if children are found to have parents or relatives in the U.S. (which most children do; Department of Homeland Security, 2017). By removing

Katherine Kaufka Walts

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846 TORRES, SANTIAGO, WALTS, AND RICHARDS

the designation of “unaccompanied child” at the border, Central American children could be immediately denied entry and repatriated. In addition, the memos state that any undocumented parents or relatives who try to reconnect with their children, who were unaccompanied when they crossed the border, could be placed into “removal proceed- ings” or face criminal charges for facilitating the migration of their children to the US.

Policy and Legislation Supporting Immigrants

While many policies contribute to vulnerabilities for immigrants, other policies support immigrants’ ability to thrive in the U.S. For example, some policymakers have argued that the thousands of children brought to the U.S. when they were very young should be allowed access to the financial aid typically denied to those without legal status. In 2001, “The Development Relief and Education for Alien Minors,” or DREAM Act was first introduced in Congress as a legislative proposal providing a path to permanent residency and U.S. citizenship for qualified undocumented immigrant students. Although proposed several times in Congress, it never received the bipartisan support it needed to pass. The absence of federal policy for undocumented students seeking higher education has prompted 18 states, as of 2017, to pass their own “Dream Acts” providing in-state tuition to undocumented residents (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2014), access to higher education oppor- tunities, and financial aid that would otherwise not be avail- able.

In 2012, following the groundwork laid by the DREAMer movement, the Obama administration issued an executive

order outlining “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals” (DACA), a program providing temporary immigration relief to young adults who came to the U.S. as children. DACA provides a work permit and protection from removal (or deportation) from the U.S. for two years to eligible, undoc- umented youth. To date, over 750,000 DACA applications have been approved (Wong et al., 2016). In 2016, Mexico was the country of origin for the majority of DACA recip- ients (Migration Policy Institute, 2016). While DACA is a positive step forward for undocumented youth, it is not law, and subject to revocation by current and future administra- tions. In October 2016, the Supreme Court denied the Obama administration’s request to rehear United States v. Texas, in which the Obama administration sought to expand DACA and create similar protections to undocumented par- ents of U.S. citizen children (Deferred Action for Parents of Americans; DAPA).

The Effects of Immigration Policies, Practices, and Procedures

This section reviews the effects of immigration policies and practices ranging from discrimination, fear and mis- trust, poverty, limited access to services, and family sepa- ration on youth and family mental health. Although some stressors may disproportionately affect undocumented indi- viduals, many stressors can have a deleterious effect regard- less of documentation status. For example, citizen-children report fear of their parents being deported (Potochnick & Perreira, 2010) and poverty and discrimination can perme- ate families’ lives even if they are legal immigrants or U.S.-born.

Current legislation and practices have a pivotal role in creating a hostile and discriminatory environment, impact- ing the mental health of Latino/a individuals regardless of documentation status (Androff et al., 2011). According to the Pew Hispanic Center & Kaiser Family Foundation (2002), 31% of Latino/a people reported personal experi- ences with discrimination and 82% reported that discrimi- nation is hindering the success of Latino/a people in society today. Discrimination can manifest itself in perceptions of personal experiences, social attitudes, ethnic group barriers (Brittian, Toomey, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2013), and micro- aggressions (Huynh, 2012). These experiences have been found to be linked to lower self-esteem, internalizing symp- toms, and problem behaviors among Mexican-origin youth (Zeiders, Umaña-Taylor, & Derlan, 2013) and nonimmi- grants (Sirin et al., 2015). Further, this experience does not improve with longer residence in the U.S. For example, more time in the U.S. increased rates of psychological distress, depression, and anxiety and this association was explained by increased perceived discrimination (Perreira et al., 2015). Policies that allow officers to detain individuals who they believe are unlawfully present in the U.S. subject

Maryse H. Richards

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847IMMIGRATION AND MENTAL HEALTH

many individuals to unfair and discriminatory practices regardless of documentation status (Nier, Gaertner, Nier, & Dovidio, 2012). Further, Latino/a youth face discrimination and bullying experiences in school (Toomey & Storlie, 2016). Exposure to such experiences only increases over time, and contributes to the accumulating traumas and ac- companying mental health difficulties.

Discrimination and segregation also contribute to pov- erty. Currently, approximately 20% of all immigrants reside in poverty, with 27% of Latino/a immigrants living in poverty and 57% living near poverty (Center for Immigra- tion Studies, 2011). Latino/a immigrant households earn less than their U.S. born counterparts (Leong, Park, & Kalibatseva, 2013). Undocumented immigration status may further limit work opportunities and allow for exploitative working conditions, contributing to chronic poverty (Hall & Greenman, 2015), while detention or deportation can trans- form two-parent families into single parent families with an accompanying loss of income (Dreby, 2012). The impact of poverty is far-reaching. For example, many Latino/a youth living in poverty report experiencing separation from family members and experiencing discrimination (Cervantes, Pa- dilla, Napper, & Goldbach, 2013). Persistent poverty has been linked to negative mental health outcomes including depression, low self-esteem, loneliness, and delinquency/ drug use among youth (Butler, 2014). Children who reside in low-income families are more likely to be exposed to poor air quality, noise, toxins, and poor housing quality, which can ultimately hinder development (Evans, 2004). Furthermore, Latino/a families may be more likely to settle in segregated, urban, and poor neighborhoods with higher rates of violence exposure (Gudiño, Nadeem, Kataoka, & Lau, 2012), which has been linked to PTSD, aggression, and depression (Fowler, Tompsett, Braciszewski, Jacques- Tiura, & Baltes, 2009).

For families with undocumented family members, stres- sors related to discrimination and poverty are exacerbated due to increased fear and mistrust. As noted by Chavez, Lopez, Englebrecht, and Viramontez Anguiano (2012), “un- authorized immigration status is not solely an individual concern, but rather it transcends entire families” (p. 647). The 9 million mixed-status families (Center for American Progress Immigration Team, 2014) are especially impacted by such fear. Fear of deportation and mistrust of govern- mental institutions and services (e.g., IIRIRA) increases risk for mental health difficulties, such as depression, anxiety, and difficulties in academic performance among youth (Dreby, 2015). Families report fears of performing everyday activities and also restricting their children’s involvement in a community out of worry instigated by immigration poli- cies (Chavez et al., 2012). Such uncertainty across the family system (Chavez et al., 2012) is linked to internalizing symptoms among youth (Zeiders, Roosa, & Tein, 2011). Likewise, children with an undocumented parent report

higher levels of anxiety and depression (Potochnick & Per- reira, 2010) as well as externalizing symptoms (Landale, Hardie, Oropesa, & Hillemeier, 2015).

What happens when the fears echoed among these fami- lies become a reality and they are forcibly separated? Due to processes such as serial migration (separation of family members due to migration), children and parents may have already experienced separation and accordingly, be more at-risk for depression, acculturative stress, and maladaptive family functioning (Rusch & Reyes, 2013; Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, & Tseng, 2015). However, when families are torn apart by detention and deportation, the consequences are not only immediate, but impact families and communi- ties long-term. Forced removal or fear of deportation have been linked to a host of maladaptive mental health out- comes, including externalizing and internalizing problems among youth (Yoshikawa et al., 2017), as well as lower levels of family cohesion (Dillon, De La Rosa, & Ibañez, 2013). The intense increase in workplace immigration raids from 2002 to 2006 (Capps, Castaneda, Chaudry, & Santos, 2007) caused children emotional traumas (Capps et al., 2007) and long term changes in behavior (Chaudry et al., 2010). When parents are removed, children feel abandoned and/or blamed (Capps et al., 2007) and healthy attachments to their caregivers may be threatened (Zayas & Bradlee, 2014).

Deportation significantly damages long-term mental health among children, many of whom are U.S. citizens, and is undoubtedly traumatic across the family. Notably, reuni- fications can also be difficult and tense especially if the separation is extended (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2015). Harsh enforcement laws and immigration laws may prevent full reunification through restrictions on family preference vi- sas, the reentry bar, affidavit of support, and lack of a clear pathway to citizenship (Enchautegui & Menjívar, 2015). Hence these laws, along with enforcement policies, may exacerbate the separation of families (Enchautegui & Men- jívar, 2015) and the ensuing mental health consequences (Dreby, 2015).

Given the stressors that families and children face as a result of immigration policy, access to care becomes even more important in the Latino/a community. Despite the far-reaching expansion of health care under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, the ACA prohibits undocumented immigrants from purchasing health insurance coverage and they continue to be excluded from most public forms of health care. According to the Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured (2013), approximately 32% of those who were uninsured were Latino/a and 46% of those who were uninsured were non- citizens (both lawfully present and undocumented). Even if eligible for services, Latino/a individuals report mistrust in services and may avoid services (Rhodes et al., 2015). Immigration enforcement policies reinforce overall distrust

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848 TORRES, SANTIAGO, WALTS, AND RICHARDS

in accessing care (e.g., fear that providers would call the police) and create barriers in following up with care for children (e.g., driver’s license checkpoints on the way to hospital; Rhodes et al., 2015). Access to care is limited by structural barriers (e.g., cost, lack of appropriate and cultur- ally sensitive services, lack of knowledge of existing ser- vices, lack of resources), social-cultural barriers (e.g., stigma, conflicting cultural practices or beliefs) and clinical- procedural barriers (e.g., language barriers, lack of cultur- ally competent treatment approaches; APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration, 2012; Uebelacker et al., 2012). Hence, the overall impact of immigration policies on mental health may be exacerbated when mental health services are not accessible.

In contrast to the negative effects of many current immi- gration policies, initial research on the effects of DACA demonstrates positive outcomes for youth. In one study, 96% of DACA recipients are currently employed and/or in school (The UndocuScholars Project, 2015), allowing them to become more productive members of U.S society. More- over, DACA may have an impact on well-being, decreasing the heightened state of worry that often accompanies being undocumented (Gonzales & Rendon-Garcia, 2016).

Resilience Among Latino/a Immigrants

While immigration policies contribute to increased risk for poor mental health, there is notable resilience among Latino/a immigrant families and youth. In their systematic review, Car- doso and Thompson (2010) found salient themes that may facilitate resilience among Latino/a families including individ- ual characteristics, family strengths, and community supports. Studies of resilience among Latino/a youth further reveal the importance of individual coping along with environmental assets, such as adaptive family functioning (Gómez et al., 2014). Among both immigrant and U.S.-born Mexican adults and youth, engagement or active coping strategies (e.g., emo- tion regulation) typically buffer the impact of other stressors on mental health (Liu, Gonzales, Fernandez, Millsap, & Dumka, 2011; Torres, 2010) and improve daily mood (Santiago et al., 2016). Likewise, prayer, belief in God, and church services can be adaptive sources of coping. For example, individual spiri- tuality was associated with more support and less aggression among Mexican and Central American immigrant couples (Austin, & Falconier, 2013) and religious coping has buffered the effects of violence exposure on mental health among Mex- ican and Central American youth (Epstein-Ngo, Maurizi, Bregman, & Ceballo, 2013). A strong sense of ethnic identity (i.e., a sense of pride in or positive feelings about one’s ethnicity and culture; Phinney & Ong, 2007) has also emerged as a resilience variable.

Familism, reflecting the values of family solidarity, fam- ily support, and an enduring commitment to family mem- bers, where one often places the needs of one’s family

above the individual, has been deemed an important Lati- no/a cultural value (Reyes & Elias, 2011). Familism has been associated with better individual psychological health as well as more positive coparenting and emotional climate among couples (Santiago & Wadsworth, 2011; Sotomayor- Peterson, Figueredo, Christensen, & Taylor, 2012). Further- more, familism may buffer the impact of migration-related stressors (Ornelas & Perreira, 2011), while family cohesion may be a source of support in the face of immigration stress (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2007). Given that immigration policies and processes can put a strain on the family system, familism may be a crucial protective factor in coping with these stressful experiences.

Many immigrant Latino/a families turn to the larger com- munity for support and resources including tutoring, finan- cial assistance, and counseling centers (Perreira, Chapman, & Stein, 2006). Research has revealed that community involvement among Latino/a youth, including extracurricu- lar activities (Cardoso & Thompson, 2010) and religious institutions (Menjívar, 2003), provide important refuge. Overall, resources and integration with the broader commu- nity may facilitate positive psychological well-being (Hull, Kilbourne, Reece, & Husaini, 2008).

Conclusion and Social Justice Implications

This review highlights several policies and laws that have significant negative mental health-related implications for immigrant families and children, including limited access to public benefits and health care, and the devastating effects of deportation. Discrimination, limited access to services, poverty, fear and distrust, detention and deportation, and family separation increase the risk for poor mental health functioning among immigrants who may have already ex- perienced traumas before and/or during the migration pro- cess. There is a great need for clinicians and researchers to not only become aware of the issues impacting Latino/a families, but also to advocate for policies that reduce risk for additional traumas and distress.

Implications for mental health providers. As re- viewed in this paper, many immigrants experience mental health problems related to traumas, discrimination, and stress stemming from current practices and policies. In responding to these mental health needs, there are several important considerations. First, there is a need for culturally sensitive and relevant services provided in community set- tings. Increasing the number of bilingual providers, con- ducting culturally competent assessment (e.g., using a social-ecological framework to assess for the presence of immigration-related stressors), and integrating evidence- based practice with culturally competent treatment are key components of such services (APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration, 2012). Using evidence-based treatments that have been studied with immigrant populations is ideal.

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For example, the Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) was first developed and piloted with immigrant children exposed to traumas (Kataoka et al., 2003). When such treatments do not exist, it may be nec- essary to adapt or tailor evidence-based treatments. A recent review of cultural adaptations to such treatments suggests that fidelity to core components with additional added en- gagement strategies, a contextualization of core components (e.g., cultural examples, themes), and culturally relevant modifications to delivery (e.g., including family members) are common ways to improve engagement and relevance of treatment (Chu & Leino, 2017). Taking a strengths-based approach, such as supporting familism and/or building on adaptive coping (Ayón, 2014) may be key components of tailoring therapy.

In addition to providing therapy, clinicians should also be prepared to take on other roles consistent with culturally competent practice (APA Presidential Task Force on Immi- gration, 2012). For example, clinicians can help to locate culturally appropriate resources that provide additional tan- gible supports such as legal services, adult education, family services, and youth programs (e.g., Ayón, 2014). Educating immigrants on their rights, including their rights if they are approached by law enforcement, and the process of access- ing health services (Rhodes et al., 2015), emphasizing that health care providers are not collaborating with law enforce- ment, may reduce fear and improve access to services. Finally, mental health providers can work to create contexts (e.g., schools, agencies, clinics) that are free from discrim- ination. For example, psychologists consulting with schools or providing school-based services must work to ensure that schools are a source of support and not another context of discrimination and bullying. Psychologists can offer consul- tation and training across multiple levels (administrators, teachers, students) and make recommendations for the cre- ation of programs or workshops on cultural sensitivity and inclusivity to combat policies that may perpetuate discrim- ination and fear.

Implications for researchers. Although numerous studies explore the link between immigration policy and mental health, substantial work remains. Research that ex- amines the cumulative impact of the many policies that lead to discrimination, fear, poverty, family separation, and a lack of services, can make strong claims about policy changes needed to improve mental health and well-being for immigrant parents and children. Likewise, research can be strengthened through the use of longitudinal designs, quan- titative approaches utilizing multiple perspectives (e.g., par- ent and child reports), a community-based approach, and an increased focus on child mental health (Brabeck & Xu, 2010). For example, few studies have documented the long- term negative effects of family separations. Additionally, more work is needed to understand the immigrant health paradox, or the decline of mental and physical health with

longer stays in the U.S. (Horevitz & Organista, 2013). Over time, prolonged exposure to discrimination may contribute to this phenomenon (Cook, Alegría, Lin, & Guo, 2009). Likewise, immigrant experiences of acculturation and ac- culturative stress remains a complex topic with research documenting both positive and negative outcomes (Alegria, 2009). An emerging literature recommends that accultura- tion be studied as a bidimensional concept, including adap- tation to a new culture and retention of one’s culture of origin (Gonzales, Fabrett, & Knight, 2009). It will be im- portant to explore if aspects of acculturation contribute to worsened stress in the face of immigration policy. For example, traditional gender roles for young men could ex- acerbate stressors that limit one’s ability to provide for one’s family. Similarly, identification with U.S. culture could exacerbate negative effects of discrimination on men- tal health. For Latina adolescents, on the other hand, accul- turation gaps between family members appear to be linked to higher rates of suicide attempts (Zayas & Pilat, 2008). Strong measurements of acculturation along with contextual influences, are needed to advance research in this area.

Finally, it is equally important to explore the effects of policies that support immigrant families and document the positive effects that immigrants have on society. Positive policies such as DACA provide examples of how protection from deportation and formal integration into the community through authorized employment has a positive impact not only for DACA recipients, but for the communities in which they live. Expanding research on DACA to document long- term benefits to mental health will support continued advo- cacy for such policies. In addition, research that examines resilience within a multisystemic framework (e.g., individ- ual, family, community) can further inform intervention and policy. Research exploring how family strengths (e.g., familism, family cohesion) operate in a context that simul- taneously erodes such strengths through fear and separation is needed.

Advocacy. Psychologists can play an important role in advocacy efforts for marginalized and immigrant populations by ensuring that clinical and research efforts are translated into professional development trainings that are accessible to “front line” groups working with Latino/a immigrants (e.g., schools, health care providers, immigration attorneys, parents). Further, to ensure that knowledge about the impact of immigration policies is disseminated beyond the psychology community, psychologists should establish and maintain partnerships with service and advocacy organizations and regularly share re- search findings with these partners. Psychologists can consult APA’s A Psychologist’s Guide to Federal Advocacy to learn more about opportunities for becoming more involved in pub- lic policy, including drafting letters to Congress and joining grassroots efforts (APA, 2014). Policies that increase legal pathways to migration and promote family unity may reduce traumas and family separation experienced during migration

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and upon settlement in the U.S. Further, policies allowing for authorized employment, protection from workplace discrimi- nation and other abuses, and broader access to public benefits would reduce fear and discrimination and promote health and well-being among immigrant families.

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Received October 22, 2016 Revision received June 5, 2017

Accepted June 6, 2017 �

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854 TORRES, SANTIAGO, WALTS, AND RICHARDS