Effects of Social Media on Mental Health and Body Image

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Body Image 23 (2017) 114–125

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Body Image

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / b o d y i m a g e

I don’t need people to tell me I’m pretty on social media:” A ualitative study of social media and body image in early adolescent irls

. Blair Burnette a,∗, Melissa A. Kwitowski a, Suzanne E. Mazzeo b

Department of Psychology, Virginia Commonwealth University, P.O. Box 842018, Richmond, VA 23284-2018, USA Departments of Psychology & Pediatrics, Virginia Commonwealth University, P.O. Box 842018, Richmond, VA 23284-2018, USA

r t i c l e i n f o

rticle history: eceived 8 March 2017 eceived in revised form 20 August 2017 ccepted 13 September 2017

eywords: ody image

a b s t r a c t

Social media appear to contribute to body dissatisfaction in adolescents, although few empirical studies exist. This study used six focus groups (total N = 38) to explore relations between social media use and body image in early adolescent girls (ages 12–14). Thematic analysis identified patterns in the data. In this sample, social media use was high. Girls endorsed some appearance concerns and social comparison, particularly with peers. However, they displayed high media literacy, appreciation of differences, and confidence, strategies that appeared helpful in mitigating the potential negative association between

ocial media ocial comparison dolescence ualitative

social media exposure and body image. Girls reported these characteristics were nurtured by positive parental influence and a supportive school environment. Results support an ecological approach to the prevention of body dissatisfaction. Although peer influence strengthens throughout adolescence, cur- rent findings suggest that parents and the school environment are associated with girls’ attitudes and behaviors regarding social media and body image.

© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

. Introduction

In Westernized cultures, body dissatisfaction has long been onsidered “normative” for women and is on the rise in men Mitchison, Hay, Slewa-Younan, & Mond, 2014; Mitchison et al., 015; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). However, adult en and women are not the only ones who experience such dis-

atisfaction. Girls as young as age six report preferences for a body hinner than their own (Lowes & Tiggemann, 2003) and this dissat- sfaction appears to increase with age, regardless of weight status Bearman, Martinez, Stice, & Presnell, 2006). Most research on body issatisfaction has focused on its role as a risk factor for eating disor- ers (Stice, 2002). However, it is also associated with subthreshold ating disorders, unhealthy weight control behaviors, decreased ruit and vegetable intake, frequent dieting, lower physical activ- ty levels (Bucchianeri & Neumark-Sztainer, 2014), the initiation of

igarette smoking (Stice & Shaw, 2003), and negative psychologi- al outcomes such as depressed mood and low self-esteem (Paxton, eumark-Sztainer, Hannan, & Eisenberg, 2006). These associations

∗ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C.B. Burnette), [email protected]

M.A. Kwitowski), [email protected] (S.E. Mazzeo).

ttp://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2017.09.001 740-1445/© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

between body dissatisfaction and negative physical and psycho- logical health outcomes indicate that body dissatisfaction is itself a serious public health concern (Bucchianeri & Neumark-Sztainer, 2014).

Research consistently demonstrates an association between mass media exposure and body dissatisfaction (e.g., Fardouly, Pinkus, & Vartanian, 2017; Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008; Levine & Harrison, 2009; Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986). Mass media are powerful transmitters of societal values and standards, especially those regarding ideal beauty, weight, food, fashion, and gender roles (Levine & Harrison, 2009). In Westernized cultures, the female standard of beauty promoted by media is character- ized by a thin body that has become thinner, and, more recently, fitter, over time (Silverstein et al., 1986; Spitzer & Henderson, 1999; Sypeck, Gray, & Ahrens, 2004; Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015). The tripartite influence model posits that the thin ideal promul- gated by mass media is reinforced via family and peer influence. Internalization of this ideal, and appearance-based comparisons, contribute to body dissatisfaction (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). This model has received empirical support

with preadolescent, adolescent, and young adult samples (Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004; Shroff & Thompson, 2006; van den Berg, Thompson, Obremski-Brandon, & Coovert, 2002).

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The role of magazine, television, and music video images in body issatisfaction is a focus of extensive study (e.g., Groesz, Levine,

Murnen, 2002; López-Guimerà, Levine, Sánchez-carracedo, & auquet, 2010). Social media are newer, and rapidly evolving; thus, heir influence on body dissatisfaction is less well understood. owever, there is reason to believe that social media might exert otent effects on body image, particularly for younger populations. eens and young adults are frequent social media users; 92% of eens ages 13–17 are online daily, 24% report being online “almost onstantly,” and 71% report using more than one social media appli- ation (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2015). Moreover, ocial media applications typically involve heavy photo-sharing by oth peers and celebrities, with girls more likely to use visual-based latforms such as Instagram or Snapchat (Pew Internet & American ife Project, 2015).

A recent review of 67 studies examined the relation between nternet use and body and eating concerns (Rodgers & Melioli, 016). Across studies, there was support for the presence of high

evels of appearance-focused content on the Internet, which pro- oted imagery congruent with the thin ideal. Further, individuals’

egree of body and eating concerns was positively associated with heir engagement in activities typical of social media use, such s photo-sharing, photo-commenting, and viewing thinspiration or tspiration images (designed to promote either weight loss or fit- ess; Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). Another recent study examining ppearance-focused comparisons in college-aged women across ocial media, traditional media, and in-person contexts, found that pward appearance comparisons (i.e., comparisons with those one iews as superior to oneself), were the most common type of omparison made (Fardouly et al., 2017). Furthermore, upward omparisons made through social media were most strongly linked o negative outcomes, such as poorer body image (Fardouly et al., 017). Thus, social media offer ample opportunities for appearance- ased comparisons and considerable exposure to thin ideal content. hough the research is young, studies suggest the impact of social edia might be more harmful than that of traditional media

e.g., Fardouly, Diedrichs, Vartanian, & Halliwell, 2015; Holland & iggemann, 2016; Tiggemann & Miller, 2010; Tiggemann & Slater, 013).

The majority of studies on the effects of social media on body mage have focused on adolescents and young adults, as this demo- raphic group comprises the highest proportion of social media sers (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2015). Furthermore, ost social media platforms, such as Facebook or Instagram, have

n age restriction of 13 years and older. Thus, social media is pre- umably geared towards adolescents and older populations, and fforts are made to prohibit children and young adolescents from ccessing these sites. However, these age restrictions are relatively asy to circumvent and data clearly show that younger children are sing these platforms (Rideout, 2015). Although few studies have xamined the use and impact of social media in younger samples, iggemann and Slater (2013) found that time spent on Facebook nd Myspace was more strongly correlated with body image con- erns than overall Internet usage in a sample of girls aged 10–12. owever, more research is needed in the area, as Facebook and yspace are no longer the applications most utilized by this age

roup (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2015). In addition, his prior study did not assess social comparison, or the asso- iations between specific social media activities (e.g., the use of hoto-related features), and body image. Despite these limitations,

ound that social media was related to body image, even within a opulation nominally too young to access these sites.

Research suggests that emerging adolescence is a vulnera- le time for body image development in girls as their bodies hange and the influence of media and peers strengthen (Levine

Smolak, 2006; Mitchell, Petrie, Greenleaf, & Martin, 2012; Shroff

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& Thompson, 2006). Moreover, early adolescents are more likely to engage with photo-based, rather than text-based, platforms (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2015). These photo-based sites include high thin ideal content, which is strongly linked with appearance comparisons (Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). Thus, it is crit- ical to examine the association of social media use and body image in this age group.

The sample was recruited from an all-female school. Though exploring the role of the school environment was not an original aim of the study, the topic emerged as salient to the results. This fits within the framework of social learning theory, which posits that an individual gains knowledge by observing others within social con- texts (Bandura, 1977). Accordingly, as individuals in this age group spend a large proportion of their waking hours at school, the school environment plays a role in shaping their appearance-related atti- tudes and beliefs. Few studies have investigated the impact of the single-sex school environment on sociocultural awareness, atti- tudes, or body esteem, and these studies have yielded inconsistent results. Some studies found no differences in body concern or appearance satisfaction between girls attending single-sex or coed- ucational schools (Delfabbro, Winefield, Anderson, Hammarström, & Winefield, 2011; Spencer, Barrett, Storti, & Cole, 2013). However, others found that girls from a single-sex high school environment endorsed a thinner ideal than girls from a coeducational high school (Davey, Jones, & Harris, 2011; Dyer & Tiggemann, 1996; Tiggemann, 2001). Conversely, a recent study conducted in the United Kingdom with a younger sample, ages 13–15, found that girls attending a coeducational school internalized a thinner ideal (Cribb & Haase, 2016). It is unclear what might account for these disparate results. Furthermore, these studies examined only individual differences in students across school types. Research has not examined the rela- tion between characteristics of the school environment (other than the gender composition) and students’ levels of thin-ideal inter- nalization or body image. Thus, the current study explored how the sample perceived their particular school environment shaped their sociocultural attitudes.

The primary aim of this study was to examine the nature and extent of an early adolescent female sample’s engagement with social media, and their perceptions of its impact on body image. There is considerable quantitative research examining the associ- ation between social media, social comparison, and body image in teen and young adult samples (e.g., Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). How- ever, qualitative research on social media and body image is scarce. The limited available findings support existing quantitative stud- ies that identify social comparison as a key mediator (Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). Further, there is only one study that examines these relations in an emerging adolescent sample (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013). Due to the lack of recent research on early adolescents and overall lack of qualitative studies, we employed a mixed-methods approach. We sought to extend the work of Tiggemann and Slater (2013) by quantitatively assessing in detail the sample’s social media use, including specific activities such as photo-sharing. We conducted focus groups to explore how the sample perceived the relation between social media and appearance concerns.

Focus groups were used for the purposes of data collection due to the young age and homogeneous background of the sam- ple. Compared with individual interviews (involving an adolescent and an adult “expert”), focus groups include peers, which can help decrease self-consciousness (Kennedy, Kools, & Krueger, 2001). Moreover, the inclusion of peers who are known to one another and/or have a similar background and culture, can increase comfort and facilitate group discussion (Hughes & DuMont, 1993; Kennedy

et al., 2001). Focus groups can also be advantageous over individual interviews when exploring topics that might require further pro- cessing (e.g., body image) or are embarrassing in nature because more outgoing group members can help break the ice for those

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ho are more inhibited (Kitzinger, 1995; Tiggemann, Gardiner, & later, 2000). Finally, because social media are inherently inter- ctive, we believed the interactive nature of focus groups would acilitate the expression of both individual and shared experiences Hughes & DuMont, 1993; Kitzinger, 1995). Ultimately, we sought o gather preliminary data that can inform targeted prevention and ntervention efforts, such as media literacy, that address the unique ontributions of social media.

. Method

.1. Participants

Participants were recruited from the 7th and 8th grades at a pri- ate school for girls in Virginia. Parents and school personnel were nterested in promoting social media literacy and self-confidence n its student population, and contacted the researchers because of heir prior work in the area of body image and related constructs. hus, the school and university formed a community partnership o explore these issues in greater depth.

In addition to the measures described below, participants also ompleted a demographic questionnaire assessing their age, grade evel, and race. A total of 38 girls, 19 from each grade, participated in he focus groups, and 36 students completed surveys, 19 in the 7th rade and 17 in the 8th grade. The age of the sample ranged from 2 to 14 years with a mean age of 13.14 (SD = 0.72). Participants ere instructed to choose all ethnic/racial groups that applied to

hem. The sample identified as 86.1% White (n = 31), 13.9% Black n = 5), 5.6% Hispanic (n = 2), and 2.8% Asian (n = 1). To protect con- dentiality and limit identifiable data, socioeconomic status was ot surveyed. However, the student body includes students from rimarily upper-middle class homes.

.2. Research team

The research team consisted of the authors as well as four octoral students and two undergraduate students who assisted ith focus group facilitation and note-taking. The first author is

White female doctoral student, in her early 30s, who developed his research project for her master’s thesis. This was her first expe- ience designing a qualitative study. The second author is a White emale doctoral student, in her late 20s. The second author had prior xperience with qualitative research through assisting with the ata analysis and write-up of several qualitative studies as well as ompleting a graduate course in qualitative methodology. The third uthor is a White professor in her 40s, with extensive experience in ody image research and qualitative design and analysis. The first uthor developed the research idea and study design, led two focus roups, coded the transcripts, and prepared this manuscript. The econd author led two focus groups, provided guidance in theme nd code development, coded transcripts for reliability, and pro- ided feedback on the manuscript. The third author guided the esearch design, facilitated the community partnership, ensured he rigor of the methodology, supervised the data collection, and rovided guidance throughout all phases of the study (collection, nalysis, and interpretation), and provided extensive edits and eedback on the manuscript.

Two other doctoral students, one identifying as White and one

dentifying as Black, served as focus group facilitators. The note- akers consisted of three doctoral and two undergraduate students, etween the ages of 21 and 28, three identifying as White, one as ulti-racial, and one as Black.

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2.3. Measures

2.3.1. Social media use The first author, in consultation with experts in the field, devel-

oped a questionnaire that assessed Internet and social media access, devices used, time spent on the Internet and social media, sites vis- ited, and types of activities. Questions assessed the specific sites participants visit, the sites on which they have accounts, the types of online activities in which they typically engage (e.g., read posts by friends, read news articles, and post pictures), and the frequency with which they engage in specific activities, such as general post- ing and posting pictures. Participants ranked their top three sites and activities. In addition, they were asked how often the pictures they or their friends post are “selfies” (i.e., pictures one takes of oneself). Finally, participants were asked how they perceive their social media use compares with that of other girls their age. This measure is available on request from the corresponding author.

2.4. Procedure

This study was approved by the Office of Human Subjects Pro- tection at Virginia Commonwealth University. A parental opt-out procedure was used; no parents opted their daughters out of the study. Focus groups were comprised of girls from the same grade, as there are likely developmental differences in expression and com- prehension across grade levels (Kennedy et al., 2001). Researchers explained the study and procedure to all of the students as a group and then distributed assent forms. All but one of the students in attendance assented. A total of six focus groups were held, three per grade, during the time typically reserved for Health class, with 7th and 8th grade groups occurring on separate dates. Each group was comprised of five to seven girls, as this group size is recommended for youth in this age range (Kennedy et al., 2001). The Health teacher determined the composition of the groups prior to the study date to mitigate the potential of friendship dyads influencing the dynamics or content generated. Groups were held in separate, private rooms within the school and were audio-recorded using iPads.

Each group had one facilitator (a graduate level doctoral student) and one note-taker (either an undergraduate or graduate- level student). Prior to data collection, all facilitators, note-takers, and transcribers were oriented to the interview procedures and dis- cussed the questions. The note-taker kept track of time, managed the audio recording, and took detailed notes and observations from the group. Use of a note-taker is recommended especially for focus groups with younger populations, as their contributions enrich the data analysis and allow for data triangulation (Kennedy et al., 2001). Both the note-taker and the transcriber were instructed to make note of intensity and agreement within the groups (Tiggemann et al., 2000).

Focus group leaders used a semi-structured interview schedule (see Appendix A). Questions were developed based on the liter- ature, but an inductive approach was utilized which allowed for participants’ responses to guide discussion, as is recommended in the literature (Peterson-Sweeney, 2005; Wilkinson, 1998). Because this was an exploratory study, it was important to avoid allowing a priori assumptions to direct the conversation. Thus, facilita- tors were given freedom to explore other topic areas related to social media if they arose and seemed relevant. Probing questions were asked when necessary. Groups were approximately 50 min in

length, as recommended with this age group, and to fit the school’s schedule (Kennedy et al., 2001; Tiggemann et al., 2000). Surveys were completed on a separate date, after participation in focus groups, during Health class.

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Table 1 Popular social media applications and activities.

Apps % Activities %

Instagram 75.0% Read friend posts 75.0% Snapchat 52.8% Like/comment — friend posts 75.0% Pinterest 44.4% Post pictures 72.2% Vine 33.3% Read celebrity posts 52.8% Tumblr 19.4% Like/comment — celebrity posts 41.7%

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.5. Data analyses

.5.1. Quantitative analysis All statistical analyses were conducted using SPSS 23.0.

escriptive statistics were calculated, including means, standard eviations, and frequencies. Survey data were used primarily to nrich the results of the qualitative analysis. As this was an xploratory study with a small sample size, no hypotheses were roposed. In addition to descriptive statistics, paired-samples t- ests examined whether the sample perceived their social media ehavior as significantly different from their peers. Two-tailed tests ere used to decrease the likelihood of making a Type I error.

.5.2. Qualitative analysis An audit trail was developed and included ongoing notes of all

ctivities, discussions, and decisions made, to provide a trace of the ogic and enable others to judge the trustworthiness of the find- ngs and interpretation (Creswell & Miller, 2000; Rodgers & Cowles, 993; Wolf, 2003). The first author and trained research staff tran- cribed focus groups. All transcripts were reviewed and verified y either the focus group facilitator or note-taker. Once verified, ranscripts were transferred to Atlas.ti for coding.

Thematic analysis was used to identify themes in the data. This pproach was selected because it is not bound to a pre-existing heoretical orientation, nor is its goal necessarily to generate new heories (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Consistent with the steps recom-

ended by Braun and Clarke (2006), the first and second authors ead each verified transcript and focus group notes carefully. Once eviewed, the first author created a preliminary list of codes and he second author reviewed the list. Both researchers had ongoing

eetings to identify and resolve discrepancies. Differences were inimal and a tertiary researcher was not deemed necessary. After

eneration of initial codes, the first author established a codebook, iving each code a concise and descriptive name followed by a ore detailed description (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The first and

econd authors each coded three transcripts, taking notes on poten- ial coding revisions and questionable utterances. The researchers

et, discussed and resolved any discrepancies, and subsequently evised the codebook. The final three transcripts were coded and he same process was employed. Once all transcripts were coded, he first author grouped the codes into themes and subthemes evi- ent across transcripts. Next, both researchers met to discuss and efine the list. In particular, themes that seemed to capture distinct deas were separated, redundant themes were either removed or ollapsed, and themes not central to the research question were iscarded. Once themes and subthemes were established, the first nd second authors identified the themes and subthemes evident n each transcript. Initial inter-rater reliability was � = .94. The first nd second authors resolved the minimal disagreements and con- ensus was met.

. Results

.1. Quantitative results

.1.1. Internet and social media use Of the 36 survey respondents, 35 reported having Internet

ccess at home and one respondent left the question blank. The ean response to the question, “How many hours a day do you use

he Internet (on any device)?” was 3.25 h per day (SD = 1.36). One- hird of the sample reported using the Internet more than 3 hours

er day.

Social media use was high in the sample. Among the 36 survey espondents, 34 endorsed the question, “Do you ever visit social

edia sites or apps?” Participants rated how often they visited

Note. The table displays the top five applications on which the sample reported having an account as well as the five activities endorsed most often by the sample.

social media sites or apps on a 7-point scale ranging from Less than once a week to Multiple times a day. Only three participants (8.4%) indicated they visited social media sites less than daily. Ten par- ticipants (27.8%) reported visiting social media sites daily and 19 (52.8%) reported accessing social media multiple times a day. Pic- ture and video dominant sites, primarily Instagram and Snapchat, were overwhelmingly more popular with this sample than text- based sites such as Twitter. See Table 1 for details regarding the most popular social media applications and activities.

3.1.2. Selfies Participants did not endorse frequent selfie posting. When asked

how often, on average, the pictures they posted were selfies, 61.1% (n = 22) indicated that none of their posts included selfies, and 22.2% (n = 8) said Less than Half of their posts included selfies. Only three participants said selfies comprised Half (n = 2), or More than Half of their posts (n = 1). Participants were also queried about: (1) how often their friends posted pictures, and (2) how often those pictures were selfies. Paired samples t-tests examined differences between participants’ ratings of themselves and their friends on both ques- tions. Students perceived that their friends posted pictures more often, t(30) = 3.724, p = .001, and their friends’ pictures were more likely to be selfies, t(30) = 6.352, p < .001.

3.1.3. Parental monitoring Participants were asked whether their parents limited their

access to social media, or monitored their activities on the Internet and social media. There was some degree of overlap in responses. Nine participants denied any parental restriction or limitation. Six reported their parents limited their access but did not monitor, whereas 13 endorsed monitoring but not restriction. A total of eight participants indicated their parents both limited and monitored their access. In response to the survey question that asked about the nature of parental involvement, many participants wrote that their parents followed their social media accounts, with Instagram being the most frequently mentioned. Other responses ranged from parents doing research prior to allowing access to a particular application, restricting access until a certain age is reached, get- ting approval to post pictures, not being allowed to post pictures of one’s face, parents looking at Internet history, and parents reading text messages.

3.2. Qualitative results

Focus groups began with questions about which social media applications the sample used and the nature of their interaction with them. Subsequent questions were based upon sociocultural theories that implicate mass media as a major influence on body dissatisfaction (e.g., Thompson et al., 1999). One theme, Social Media Norms, emerged from the initial data and captures the specifics of how the sample reported using social media. Within

this theme, the details of parental monitoring strategies and the participants’ attitudes towards this monitoring are described. The remaining themes developed from the questions grounded in sociocultural theory of body dissatisfaction. These themes were

118 C.B. Burnette et al. / Body Image 23 (2017) 114–125

Table 2 Representation of qualitative themes by group.

Group SM norms Selfies Social comparison Appearance concerns Strategies

Apps/etiquette/ parental monitoring

Egotistical/validation /appearance concerns

Peers/celebrities /other media

7a 1/1/1 1/1/1 1/1 1/0 0/0 1 1 7b 1/1/1 1/1/0 1/1 1/0 0/0 0 1 7c 1/1/1 1/1/0 1/1 1/0 0/1 1 1 8a 1/1/1 0/1/1 1/1 0/0 0/0 1 1 8b 1/1/1 0/1/0 1/1 0/1 0/1 1 1 8c 1/1/1 0/1/1 1/0 1/1 0/0 1 1 Total (maximum = 6) 6/6/6 3/6/3 6/5 4/2 0/2 5 6

N n dist p y the “

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ote. Groups are named with the prefix of 7 or 8 to indicate grade level. The “/” sig resent. For the Social comparison theme, comparisons are further distinguished b

nterpretive in nature, rather than purely descriptive, and often verlap. See Table 2 for representation of themes across groups.

Throughout data analysis, it became clear that many themes ere actually subthemes that fell within two overarching themes.

hese themes include Personal Agency and Us versus Them. Personal gency refers to the sample’s perception that how one engages ith social media, and how one responds to this engagement, is

matter of personal choice and responsibility. This overarching heme has overlapping elements with Us versus Them. The Us versus hem overarching theme emerged throughout the focus groups oth explicitly and implicitly. The sample frequently indicated that heir particular school environment was different from that of their eers attending other schools. As such, many of the girls described heir habits and attitudes as being different from and not reflec- ive of their broader population, i.e., 7th and 8th grade females in

southeastern metropolitan area. Much of the sample attributed hese differences to the unique culture of their school. Specifi- ally, they noted that their school imparted both implicit messaging nd direct education on self-acceptance, acceptance of differences, aluing diversity, confidence, and media literacy that contributed o the values of personal agency and responsibility. As the following hemes cannot be described without touching upon the attitudes of ersonal agency and the nature of the school environment, descrip- ions of these two overarching themes are interwoven with the escriptions of the themes and subthemes. The results are qual-

fied by quotations from the participants themselves. Quotations re accompanied by focus group names which denote grade level. o protect confidentiality, names have been changed.

.2.1. Theme 1: Social media norms Focus groups began with open questions about social media use,

ncluding the type of sites visited and frequency of these visits. The verwhelming majority of students endorsed social media use, but

n three out of the six groups at least one student indicated she did ot use social media.

.2.1.1. Social media applications subtheme. Consistent with the urvey data, the visual-based photo-sharing applications Instagram nd Snapchat were mentioned most frequently. Participants, espe- ially those in the 7th grade, also endorsed using YouTube and usical.ly, a relatively new application that involves taking short

ideos of oneself lip-syncing to songs. Some students endorsed sing Twitter, Tumblr, and Vine, but reported use of these sites as far less frequent. Although Pinterest was occasionally men-

ioned, students questioned whether it qualified as a social media ite and indicated that it is not used often by their demographic.

hen asked about Facebook, the overwhelming consensus was

hat Facebook was for older people.

.2.1.2. Social media etiquette subtheme. The subtheme of social edia etiquette emerged almost immediately throughout all of

inguishes each subtheme. 1 = theme present within the focus group, 0 = theme not /” sign to reflect endorsement of comparison versus denial of comparison.

the groups and discussions of standard behavior on social media were interwoven with judgments about what was acceptable and unacceptable.

There was far more discussion of unacceptable (vs. accept- able) social media behavior. Within the subtheme of Social Media Etiquette, there were only three codes categorized as acceptable behavior, whereas seven codes were categorized as unacceptable. Further highlighting the negative valence of the topic, there were 145 quotations coded as unacceptable social media behavior and only 38 coded as acceptable.

Acceptable behaviors included posting one’s artwork, posting pictures of oneself with friends (termed ‘groupies’), and posting infrequently. Examples of unacceptable social media behaviors included following an ‘excessive’ number of accounts, posting too frequently, repetitive posts, making negative comments, seeking praise, being artificial, and posting pictures of oneself (‘selfies’). Additionally, participants mentioned that there is an implicitly acceptable ratio between the number of accounts one follows and the number of followers one has. For instance, Candace (Group 7a) said, “. . .it kind of bothers me when people follow a million people. . .like, when they follow so many more people than they have followers.” This quote was met with strong agreement within the group and Jane (Group 7a) followed it up by saying, “You have to, like, know the difference between a lot and, like, an extreme amount. Like, some people follow, like, thirty, some people fol- low, like, nine hundred. I don’t have that much time to look at all those pictures.” When discussing social media norms, partici- pants endorsed frequent social media visits but infrequent posting. Indeed, too-frequent posting was met with judgment by the group and described as “annoying” by several participants. Similarly, participants spoke negatively of repetitive posts, with repetitive selfies drawing the greatest criticism. In every group, the partici- pants reflected that they perceived such behaviors as unacceptable because they were viewed as artificial, egotistical, and attempts to seek validation.

However, one example of acceptable social media behavior that emerged was posting creative pursuits, particularly music or art. Indeed, repetitive posts were viewed much more positively if they included someone’s artwork. This is best summarized by one par- ticipant (Group 8c) who said, “Like, let’s say you’re posting art, like if it’s like a different piece of art every day, then, like, that’s cool, but if it’s, like, pretty much the same picture every day then it just kind of gets old because it’s like, I feel like you’ve seen it already.”

Consistent with the quantitative data, in four of the six groups, participants explicitly mentioned that they perceived their social media behavior was different from that of their peers outside their school environment. For instance, in Group 8a, when speaking

about the social media behavior of peers from others schools, one participant expressed, “They definitely post a lot of different stuff than we do.” In Group 7c, the participants noted they posted less selfies and sought attention from social media less often than their

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ublic-school peers. This group perceived that their school envi- onment fostered awareness and self-acceptance. When speaking bout student at public schools one participant said, “They kind of ust care a lot more.”

.2.1.3. Parental monitoring subtheme. Whether or not participants sed social media, and how they engaged with it, were influenced y parental monitoring and restriction. The few girls who reported ot using social media indicated that this behavior was, at least in art, due to their parent(s) restricting all or some of their access. ne participant (Group 8a) initially reported not using social media ecause she was not a ‘fan’ of it and did not like putting herself out here. Later when asked how her parents felt about social media, he said, “That could be a reason, ‘cause I’m like brought up in that, m, atmosphere. My parents don’t really use any social media.” This articipant was the only one who reported that her parents do not se social media themselves. So although most students endorsed eavy social media use, the previous quotation demonstrates the otential influence of parental modeling on social media behavior.

In each group, participants indicated that their parents mployed various strategies to monitor their social media use, ncluding creating an account to follow their child, requiring that heir child obtain approval of a picture or post prior to posting, sking for social media passwords, checking Internet history, and hecking text messages. Participants’ attitudes about this monitor- ng varied. Some said that it did not bother them because they did ot feel they had anything to hide, like one 8th grader (Group 8c) ho said, “I mean, like I said, my mom will like follow me and

he sees my story but like I don’t really care cause there’s nothing n it I’m like don’t want her to see.” Other participants expressed iscomfort with this monitoring, like Carly (Group 8b) who said, It like gives me anxiety whenever my parents are like ‘okay, I’m onna just like check something’ and they like actually check my omputer history a lot and so like I start to like freak out like even hough I’ve done like nothing wrong which makes them like get

message that like I did something even though I’ve done noth- ng. And so I’m like constantly worried about what I use.” For some articipants, the parental monitoring resulted in adjusted social edia habits such as Jessica (Group 7a) who said, “Sometimes I’ll

djust my outfit, cause my parents are kind of strict about that, so make sure all my outfits are decent enough and having my mom heck my Instagram, it’s made me stop liking a lot of stuff and kind f unfollowing some accounts.” However, other participants found ays around the monitoring, like Emma (Group 8b) who said she

voided her mother checking her text messages by, “carrying my hone around everywhere so she never looks at it.” One participant Group 8b) outright ignored her parent’s attempts to monitor, say- ng, “My parents, like, tried to make a lot of restrictions and, like, I on’t listen to them anymore.”

In each group, there were also participants who shared that their arents either restrict their social media use altogether or have spe- ific rules about the particular applications they are allowed to use. gain, there was no discernable pattern to the responses. Only one articipant (Group 7a) reported that her parents did not allow her o use social media at all. Many parents restricted particular appli- ations. For instance, multiple participants said their parents did ot allow them to have an account on Instagram or Snapchat, like arah (Group 7c) who said, “I don’t have a Snapchat and I really ant one but my mom won’t let me get it because it’s not safe

r something.” Other parents put age or grade restrictions on cer- ain applications like Janet (Group 8a) who said, “My mom said I an’t get an Instagram until I’m in the 9th grade.” Finally, multiple

articipants reported that their parents restrict what they post on ocial media. In fact, a few participants mentioned their parents laced restrictions on posting selfies. Emma (Group 8b) shared, When I first got Instagram I couldn’t post selfies,” and similarly

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Carly (Group 8b) said, “There used to be a time where I couldn’t post any pictures of, like, when it was just me on Instagram.”

In five out of the six groups, participants voiced that their par- ents were less concerned with their behavior online than they were about the behaviors of others. One participant (Group 8b) shared, “My parents really don’t care about social media. . .they just kinda let me do whatever I like, they don’t really bother me about what I’m doing on my computer. ‘Cause I really don’t do that many things ever so they’re not really worried I guess.” Another participant (Group 8c) summarized this well when she said, “Yeah I think that they’re, they care more about, like, what you’re going to be exposed to rather than what you put out yourself.” Though some participants endorsed circumventing parental regulations and restrictions, there was consensus in the groups that parental oversight impacted the extent and quality of their engagement.

3.2.2. Theme 2: Selfies Of all the subjects that came up in the focus groups, the topic

of selfies evoked the most consistent and emotionally charged responses. In only two groups (7b and 8b) did participants endorse taking selfies. In Group 8b, when the facilitator asked if the group ever took selfies, several girls responded, “No.” Another participant spoke up and pointed to another participant saying, “She does!” to which the participant responded, “So do you!” Data triangulation from the note-taker and transcriber suggest that this exchange was accusatory in nature and consistent with the Social Media Etiquette subtheme that selfies are unacceptable.

3.2.2.1. Egotistical/validation subtheme. Discussions around selfies were critical and, at times, harsh. Reasons for the negative evalua- tions of selfies differed. Each 7th grade group perceived that posting selfies represents egocentrism and all of the groups viewed post- ing selfies as an attempt to seek praise or validation. When asked why they believed people posted selfies, Rachel (Group 7a) said, “So they can get compliments” and Candace (Group 7a) agreed, saying, “Compliments, it’s just the compliments.” Jordan (Group 7c) was more specific when she said, “People say in a post. . ., ‘I look so ugly in this’. . .then they post it to feel better about them- selves which is kind of sad, too.” Many participants described how this kind of post turned into a back and forth stream of compli- ments in the comments. Monica (Group 8c) summarized it well when she said, “People always comment like, ‘Oh, you’re so pretty’ and the person who posted the selfie comments, ‘No, you are’ and they’re like, ‘What? No.’ It keeps going back.” This frustrated the participants who felt the back and forth compliments were unnec- essary. Heather (Group 8c) echoed a common response when she said, “Accepting compliments is so much easier than being like, ‘No, no, you are pretty,”’ and another (Group 8c) agreed saying, “It’s like, why can’t you just say, ‘thanks’?” Finally, many participants saw selfies as egotistical. Dana (Group 7a) said, “They just make me think they’re kind of self-centered” and Jordan (Group 7c) said, “I think they’re kind of like, conceited, too. . .when people just like post pictures of themselves.” As in the other themes, participants perceived a divide between the students of this school and their peers from other schools regarding social media use. Though the conversations revolved around the selfie behavior of peers, no par- ticipants in this sample endorsed needing the praise elicited by selfies. Meghan (Group 7b) summarized it well when she said, “I don’t need people to tell me I’m pretty on social media.”

3.2.2.2. Selfies and appearance concerns subtheme. Although less common (endorsed by three of six groups), some participants

admitted that they did not post selfies due to their own appear- ance concerns or lack of confidence. When participants were asked why they do not post selfies, Clara (Group 7a) said simply, “Cause I’m ugly” and another (Group 7a) replied, “I just don’t really always

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eel comfortable with, like, how I look sometimes.” Some of the articipants talked about taking selfies but never posting them. For

nstance, Janet (Group 8a) said, “You just find out all your flaws hen you look at it.” Similarly, Jordan (Group 7c) laughed, “I look

orrible in selfies.” Several girls mentioned that they felt uniquely nattractive in the context of selfies. For example, Sarah (Group 7c) aid, “Sometimes I’m like, ‘Oh I look pretty in the mirror today’ and hen it always looks horrible in pictures.” Though few girls were ocal about this, transcribers noted that statements such as these roused strong agreement in the groups.

The language used to describe selfies was mostly negative. The ost common word used to describe selfies was “annoying.” The

easons for this varied, but extend beyond the discussion of praise- eeking or ego. Participants indicated that those who post selfies end to do so frequently and these posts tend to be repetitive. In our of the groups, participants expressed that selfies were sim- ly unnecessary. Jane (Group 7a) said, “. . .we know what your face

ooks like.” This was echoed in Group 8a when Hannah said, “Peo- le can see your face in photos of you with other people. What’s he point of posting, like, a photo of you?” This quotation also high- ights the implicit social media etiquette rule that posting pictures f yourself is acceptable only when other people are in the photo.

The overarching theme of Personal Agency again surfaced dur- ng the discussion of selfies. A tension arose between the negative udgments around selfies but also the value many held of personal gency and choice. Personal agency was particularly pronounced n Group 8c. Claudia (Group 8c) said, “Well, sometimes it’s just, I eel like I wanna unfollow the person because it’s like, yeah I’ve een you before, I mean, but I know it’s their choice and I guess I’m kay with it.” Similarly, Christina (Group 8c) emphasized the value f personal agency saying, “If that’s what you like. . .if it makes you appy, then do it.” Selfies generated empathy for some participants.

n reference to seeking praise, Heather (Group 8c) acknowledged hat to some degree the desire for validation is human, “I don’t sually like to say fishing for compliments because I know we all ind of go through that. . .but I try not to do it just cause. . .I don’t now. . .”

.2.3. Theme 3: Social comparison Facilitators asked participants if they believed social media

nfluenced their tendency to compare themselves to others. Further uestions probed whether participants made comparisons to peers r celebrities, or on other media types (e.g., TV or magazines). In all roups, participants endorsed some degree of social comparison r appearance concern. However, in most groups, participants dis- layed awareness of the consequences of social comparisons and emonstrated various strategies they use to buffer the effects. In ddition, data triangulation from transcribers and note-takers indi- ate questions probing comparisons were often met with quiet or esitation to share.

.2.3.1. Peers subtheme. In all of the groups, participants endorsed omparisons with peers on social media. However, in five of the six roups, participants also denied peer comparisons. In each of the th grade groups, initial endorsements of comparisons were fol-

owed with either downplaying the comparison or acknowledging he harm of comparisons. For instance, in Group 8c, when asked f social media evoked peer comparisons, one participant agreed, aying, “Sometimes.” The conversation then turned to denial of omparisons (e.g., “I have no interest in how I look, really”) and the roblems with comparisons (e.g., “Comparing yourself is a pretty ig problem.”). In Groups 8a and 8b, comparisons to peers were

ore readily endorsed. In particular, participants mentioned com-

arisons to clothing or hair, like Charlotte (Group 8b) who said, “Oh, wish I had that hair.” However, similar to Group 8c, after initial ndorsement of comparisons, the groups demonstrated insight on

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such comparisons. For instance, in Groups 8a and 8b, participants demonstrated the ability to appreciate the qualities of someone else without jealousy. The following two quotes demonstrate this:

Monica (Group 8a): I feel pretty confident in myself. . .I mean, I might. . .look at somebody and be like, ‘Yeah, she’s really pretty’ but. . .I’m happy with who I am, like I wouldn’t want to be any- body else.

Carly (Group 8b): I don’t necessarily get jealous of things, I’m just like. . .I appreciate, like, ‘Oh, you have nice eyes. You have nice hair’. . .Like, I’m not like, ‘Oh my gosh, I want those eyes.’

In only one of the three 7th grade groups were peer comparisons initially readily endorsed. In this group, participants shared that they compared their attractiveness and bodies to their peers. For instance, Molly (Group 7c) said, “Sometimes when I see someone post a picture, not necessarily a selfie but just any picture, I’m like, ‘I’m not that cute.”’ In this group, the conversation quickly turned to the artificial nature of social media and the attempt by peers to get the perfect shot. For example, one participant (Group 7c) said, “I think some people just try really hard to get the perfect picture. One time I saw a picture of these two girls in these tiny little cute dresses, and they were like posing together and then in the background you can see there was snow on the ground. Like, it was freezing cold outside and they were in summer dresses taking Instagram pictures.” The girls of this group perceived that the goal of such images was to receive validation via likes and comments.

However, in Groups 7a and 7b, participants initially strongly denied such comparisons. In Group 7a, the initial denial was later contradicted. The facilitator asked the group if social media might exert pressure to look a certain way and one participant (Group 7a) replied, “I feel like I don’t compare myself to other people but I feel like there is pressure on me to look a certain way. . .it’s weird. Cause to me it doesn’t have anything to do with other peo- ple.” When asked where this might come from, two participants pointed to social media pictures. For instance, one said, “I feel like it’s pictures. . . Like I know sometimes I’ll look at pictures and it’ll make me feel like not happy with myself cause sometimes I’ll wanna look like them but I don’t and then it makes me feel really uncomfortable and stuff.” In both groups, particularly 7b, the over- arching theme of Us versus Them was strong. For instance, when asked if posts by peers ever influence how the group feels about their bodies, Jenna (Group 7b) responded, “I would say like social media affects how they feel about their body but I don’t think it affects anybody here.” This was met with agreement in the group and conversation ensued about the protective role of the school environment. However, later in Group 7b, three participants noted that social media led to comparisons between their clothing and height to that of their peers.

3.2.3.2. Celebrities subtheme. Comparisons to celebrities came up in five of the groups. Comparisons were endorsed in four and denied in three. In two groups (8a and 8c), comparisons were both endorsed and denied. In Group 8a, the question of celebrity comparisons was met with hesitation and quiet. One participant responded, “I don’t know. . .depends on who” and another then noted, “If it’s like someone you really like, then I know I would like compare myself, but. . .” The facilitator then asked what kinds of thoughts these celebrity comparisons evoked, but the group was reluctant to share and no participants responded. In Group 8c, one participant initially voiced celebrity comparisons, saying, “. . .if I’m following a female celebrity. . .they do all these, like,

photo shoots and stuff and they look really pretty. So, sometimes, I guess that makes me not feel good?” However, when the facilitator asked if others in the group felt similarly, silence was noted in the room. Eventually, one participant replied saying, “Everybody here

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s pretty confident.” In Group 7c, one participant perceived that eeing celebrity pictures had the most detrimental effects on her ody image. The conversation then quickly turned to the artificial nd posed nature of celebrity images.

Similar to peer comparisons, the sample was aware of the otential consequences of making comparisons. Additionally, the ample demonstrated considerable media literacy, acknowledg- ng that celebrities lived in a different world and their images

ere often retouched or artificial. Thus, the sample perceived that hey were less prone to compare themselves to celebrities. For nstance, in Group 8b, one participant said, “Famous people that ou see. . .you’re like, ‘Oh, you look nice.’ But like, obviously they’re amous. . .” and another participant responded, “They have makeup rtists, Photoshop, they have work done to them.” Similarly, in roup 8a, one participant said, “I feel like it’s different cause they’re,

ike, famous and stuff.” This was met with strong agreement in the roup and another participant replied saying, “Yeah, sometimes I ind of wish, like, ‘Gosh, I wish I was that rich’ but I don’t really ish I looked like that.”

.2.3.3. Other media subtheme. In four groups, facilitators asked articipants how they perceived other media affected their body

mage. However, no participants reported reading magazines and nly a few reported watching TV and movies. No participants ndorsed making comparisons through other media such as TV or agazines. Similar to peer and celebrity comparisons, the partici-

ants demonstrated media literacy. For instance, Christa (Group 7b) tated, “I don’t know about anybody here, but seeing magazines r like Victoria’s Secret or something like that, other people may hink that everybody should be like that but it’s Photoshop and it’s ake.” Meghan (Group 7b) agreed, “The thing is that I know they are

earing pounds of makeup and that it is Photoshopped.” For those ho did endorse watching TV or movies, the overarching themes

f Personal Agency and Us Versus Them arose. For instance, two par- icipants in Group 8c noted that they avoid content that might egatively influence their body image, such as Heather (Group 8c) ho said, “I don’t really watch TV, I watch a lot of movies but not

eally movies that are gonna make me feel. . .” As well, though the articipants denied that other media impacted the body esteem of tudents at their school, they acknowledged peers who were strug- ling. In Group 8c, the facilitator asked the group if they knew others ho might be impacted by TV or magazines and Claudia said, “Yes,

lot of people I know are. . .having problems with the body image hing.”

.2.4. Theme 4: Appearance concerns References to appearance concerns were made in five of the

roups. Across the transcripts, there were 20 mentions of dissat- sfaction with an aspect of one’s appearance. The participants most ften mentioned appearance concerns within the context of social omparisons and, in particular, social media. Only four references to ppearance dissatisfaction were unrelated to social media or social omparison.

Girls most often commented on being dissatisfied with their verall attractiveness, occurring equally across the 7th and 8th rade groups. All of these mentions occurred within the context f social comparison and social media. For instance, in Group 8b hen discussing reactions to images posted on social media one

articipant said, “I wish I looked more like that. But, like, it’s alright ecause sometimes I forget that they’re just pictures, like that’s not hat people actually look like. That’s just one set moment and I

on’t see myself the way other people see me. . .” In Group 7a, one articipant shared, “Like I know sometimes I’ll look at pictures and

t’ll make me feel like not happy with myself cause sometimes I’ll anna look like them.”

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Dissatisfaction with one’s body was mentioned in two 7th grade and one 8th grade groups. Interestingly, weight concerns were only mentioned outside of the social media context. One participant mentioned being uncomfortable with her changing body due to puberty, “Going through puberty makes it a lot harder, especially cause like I guess we’re growing more and I know a lot of my clothes don’t fit me anymore and that’s really made me upset cause I felt like it wasn’t a good thing and I didn’t like it and I thought I was just too big and I don’t know, it just made me feel uncomfortable.” In Group 7c a participant shared, “When someone say[s] ‘Oh my god I’m so fat’ and you look at yourself and think ‘I can lose some weight.’”

Endorsements of appearance concerns were otherwise rel- atively rare. In two groups, participants mentioned making comparisons on social media of one’s hair and clothes. Finally, in two 7th grade groups, two participants spoke of acne. One partic- ipant (Group 7a) mentioned wanting to wear makeup to conceal her acne. The following quote also highlights the role of the school environment in providing a buffer (albeit, potentially temporarily) for these concerns:

Clara: Sometimes if I have acne, I like to cover my acne up with it and it makes me feel more secure about myself even though I know here no one will judge me, but I know out there in the world other people are so judgey. Here I feel safe and I can be myself and then sometimes I don’t actually like the way I look with makeup on. Sometimes I like to go natural and I look prettier with natural and no makeup but it kind of depends on the day. But usually, I know here I don’t feel pressured to wear makeup because no one is gonna judge me here but like when I go to high school. . .

3.2.5. Theme 5: Social media strategies Though some degree of appearance-based comparison was

endorsed by all groups, the sample mentioned several strategies that helped to buffer their potential harmful effects. Examples of these include media literacy, acceptance and appreciation of dif- ferences, and confidence. When the facilitators asked the groups how they learned these values, many pointed to the school environ- ment. The following conversation from Group 7b offers insight into how this particular school environment promotes media literacy and confidence.

Meghan: At this school, they teach us how to like yourself and self-confidence and stuff. Christa: This is. . .a really inclusive school and it teaches you how you shouldn’t care how other people think of how you look but in other public schools, I feel like the media gets to more people, because it’s like more media focused than it is building on your self-confidence. Ashley: Our teachers in health class, like all the umm teachers help us with confidence [and] teach us to build a really thick wall so that this stuff do[es] not get to you and I guess you are more immune to it because you know you are fine and so does your class, too. Jenna: Well, yeah. And your homeroom teachers, too. They always build up your confidence and we’ve heard this message a lot, ‘people that pick on other people, it says more about them than it says about you.’ Meghan: I also take a club, actually during lunch today. . .and it’s actually about respecting your body and determining who

you are no matter what and stuff. Ashley [speaking about those at public schools]: It seems like people aren’t trying to build up their confidence and normally are trying to knock it down.

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In two groups (8a and 7b), participants mentioned a school club here girls learned about and discussed the importance of accep-

ance and understanding diversity. Although that group and a group ocused on body image are voluntary, they are popular among the tudent body. Thus, the school’s approach seemed beneficial in rming the sample with tools to combat the potential detrimental ffects of social media exposure.

Finally, for some, not having boys in the school environment ade a difference. Gina (Group 7b) said, “I guess since we are at an

ll-girls school, that also makes a difference because we don’t have lot of guys following us but I know my sister has guys following er and she has to make sure her pictures are like perfect and that he gets a certain amount of likes.” However, other students down- layed the importance of this such as Ashley (Group 7b) who said, I mean guys follow me but I could care less about what they think.”

As was the case with other themes, personal agency was noted s a value. In two groups, girls mentioned that they simply chose o not follow accounts that have content that would lead to social omparison. One participant in Group 8b said, “I don’t really fol- ow the kinds of things that I’d be like. . .if I see someone that’s retty I’m like, ‘oh, that’s great.”’ However, Sarah (Group 7c) also cknowledged that even when she tried to avoid such content, it ould be hard to escape, “It tends to show up sometimes though. ou try your hardest to avoid it and, boom, there is a lot of boob

ust on your feed.” Another participant (Group 7c) agreed saying, It is hard to get away from it.”

. Discussion

The current study used qualitative methodology to explore oth how young adolescent girls use social media and their per- eptions of these media’s impact on social comparison and body issatisfaction. Internet and social media use were high in this sam- le, consistent with prior research with this age group (e.g., Pew

nternet & American Life Project, 2015). All participants reported aving Internet access at home. Over 90% reported using social edia at least daily, and half reported visiting social media sites ultiple times per day. The most popular applications within this

ample were visual-based social media platforms like Instagram nd Snapchat, consistent with recent statistics (Pew Internet & merican Life Project, 2015). The sample reported interacting more

requently with peer content compared with celebrity content on ocial media. Consistent with the focus group responses, more than alf of the participants denied taking selfies and perceived that their eers took significantly more.

Parental influence was an important factor in the degree of ocial media use by this sample. The most common reason for not sing social media was parental restriction, though parental mod- ling was also powerful. For example, one participant indicated he was not interested in social media because her parents did not se it themselves. Many participants voiced displeasure with the estrictions their parents set, or the monitoring parents employed; owever, these parental strategies were generally effective in mod- rating the sample’s social media use. This finding conflicts with ast studies that found that parental restrictions and monitor-

ng were generally not effective mediators of children’s Internet se (Lee & Chae, 2007; Livingstone & Helsper, 2008). However, hese studies are several years old and conducted with interna- ional samples. Thus, temporal or cultural factors could account for he observed differences across studies. As well, the prior research

xamined general Internet use rather than social media specifi- ally. It is possible, as in the current study, that parental monitoring trategies specific to social media could be effective in influencing readolescents’ behaviors on these specific platforms.

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Research in the areas of behavior problems and substance use demonstrate the power of parental influence on adolescents’ behaviors. A large body of research demonstrates that parental knowledge of children’s activities is negatively associated with conduct problems in adolescents (see Racz & McMahon, 2011 for a review). As well, many studies show a negative association between parental monitoring and adolescent substance use (e.g., Bogenschneider, Wu, Raffaelli, & Tsay, 1998; Steinberg & Fletcher, 1994). Finally, there is a clear relation between the initiation of substance use in children and adolescents and parental substance use (e.g., Bailey et al., 2016; Biederman, Faraone, Monuteaux, & Feighner, 2000). Current findings suggest that parental model- ing and monitoring of social media might be similarly related to preadolescents’ use of these sites. However, further research is warranted, as the qualitative nature of this study precludes any conclusions about causality.

Prior research suggests that appearance comparisons are a key mechanism underlying the relation between social media expo- sure and body image concerns (e.g., Cohen & Blaszczynski, 2015; Fardouly et al., 2017; Holland & Tiggemann, 2016; Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). In the current study, social comparisons emerged as a theme in the focus group discussions. Though there were par- ticipants in each group who endorsed some degree of appearance comparisons, in five of these groups, such comparisons were also denied. There are several potential explanations for these results. For example, it is possible that the high levels of both media lit- eracy and awareness of the potential dangers of investment in sociocultural ideals served as buffers and decreased the frequency and effects of making such comparisons for this sample. It is also possible that social desirability led to censored responses. The focus group questions were face valid and triangulation of the observer notes and transcriptions revealed that questions about social comparison were sometimes met with hesitation and long pauses. Social comparisons are often considered socially undesir- able and participants might have been reluctant to endorse them (Wood, 1996). Similarly, because the sample was knowledgeable about the harm of such images, they might have been unwilling to admit that they were affected. Alternately, some participants might simply be unaware that they compare themselves as research sug- gests that social comparison could be an automatic process that happens outside of one’s awareness (Chatard, Bocage-Barthélémy, Selimbegović, & Guimond, 2017; Wood, 1996). Interestingly, in a study by Haferkamp and Krämer (2011), all but two (N = 12) under- graduate students explicitly denied making social comparisons in interviews. However, those exposed to attractive profile pictures manifested poorer body image than those exposed to less attrac- tive pictures. These authors posed similarly face valid questions and also considered the potential of social desirability in influencing responses. Results of both studies offer important areas for future research. Specifically, researchers should consider alternative ways of probing social comparisons qualitatively to garner more forth- coming responses. In addition, future studies should consider the association between social comparison and media literacy to see if heightened media literacy decreases the likelihood of appearance- based social comparisons.

Prior research implicates the use of photo-based platforms, engaging in photo-based activities, and making appearance com- parisons as key contributors to the association between social media exposure and body image concerns (Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). Interestingly, this sample endorsed all of these behaviors to some degree. However, they also demonstrated attitudes and strategies that appeared to mitigate social media’s potential harm-

ful influence and are consistent with dimensions of positive body image (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). The sample was highly media literate, which emerged as particularly salient when dis- cussing celebrity content on social media. When participants did

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ndorse celebrity comparisons, discussion of the artificial and etouched nature of celebrity images often ensued. When dis- ussing peer comparisons, this sample showed the ability to reflect n and appreciate the qualities of their friends without necessarily eeling jealous. Participants also drew on their own self-confidence nd valuing of diversity. Finally, a sense of personal agency was ommon in these groups, with several participants explicitly men- ioning they made a conscious effort to avoid material that might nvoke appearance comparisons or image concerns.

The awareness of the artificiality of media images, avoid- nce of content that could damage body esteem, and sense f personal agency evinced by this sample seem to mirror he protective filtering process associated with positive body mage (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015; Wood-Barcalow, Tylka, & ugustus-Horvath, 2010). Protective filtering refers to a process of

nternalizing messages that help to preserve positive body image, hile rejecting messages that are potentially harmful (Wood-

arcalow et al., 2010). Individuals who engage in protective filtering re generally media literate and feel empowered to shape their own ody image. Additionally, accepting differences and valuing body ize diversity are characteristic of the related positive body image imension of broadly conceptualizing beauty. That is, those with ositive body image often report having the attitude that beauty omes in many forms and is not limited to a single societal ideal Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). Finally, the sample was vocal in heir critique of peers engaging in dialogue reminiscent of fat talk i.e., speaking negatively about one’s appearance to others), which hey viewed as thinly veiled attempts at seeking validation. This is onsistent with research that found that women often engage in at talk for reassurance (Salk & Engeln-Maddox, 2011). Girls in this ample expressed the value of simply accepting compliments and ot seeking validation through social media. Fat talk is strongly ssociated with body dissatisfaction (Mills & Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 017). Thus, our sample’s critical views of dialogue that could be amaging to self-acceptance could be another protective filtering ethod to preserve their own body esteem.

Results also suggest that the school environment was impor- ant in shaping the observed media literacy and confidence. Many articipants noted that they learned about the artificial nature f media images and their potential harmful effects within their chool environment. Indeed, in several of the groups, girls described he school’s communication of messages about self-acceptance, cceptance of differences, understanding and valuing diversity, edia literacy, and confidence. Thus, the school helped equip the

ample with protective filtering strategies and fostered a broader onceptualization of beauty (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). Girls erceived that their school environment was unique. In fact, some xpressed the belief that other schools, such as large coeducational ublic-schools, actually impart the opposite messages. This was an

ntriguing and unexpected finding. There is little research examining the potential of the school

nvironment as a protective factor against body image distur- ances. Indeed, much of the literature warns that a single-sex chool environment could negatively impact body esteem (e.g., yer & Tiggemann, 1996; Tiggemann, 2001). However, a recent

tudy by Cribb and Haase (2016) yielded contrary results. Girls in he single-sex school environment displayed less thin-ideal inter- alization than the coeducational school sample. Further, perceived ocial support was positively associated with self-esteem in girls ttending the single-sex school. It is unclear why these research ndings are so discrepant. The mean age in the studies by Dyer and iggemann (1996) and Tiggemann (2001) was higher, 15–16 years,

han the mean age of 13 in both the current study and the work f Cribb and Haase (2016). As hypothesized by Mensinger (2010), irls in single-sex school environments might face increased pres- ure to achieve a superwoman ideal, striving to reach both societal

ge 23 (2017) 114–125 123

beauty ideals and academic success. It is possible that by mid- dle to late adolescence, sociocultural ideals are more entrenched and academic pressures are increasing, thereby contributing to the increased thin-ideal internalization and drive for achievement noted in these studies. However, additional research is needed that examines specific characteristics of the school environment to explain the discrepant findings. Though many studies hypothe- sized that the presence or absence of opposite sex peers influenced appearance concerns, none have assessed whether girls within a single-sex environment perceive student gender as a factor. Fur- ther, none of the available research measured variables such as teachers’ attitudes and behaviors relating to sociocultural factors. It is possible that the discrepancies in results could be due, in part, to school and teacher characteristics.

Results of the current study strongly suggest the culture of the school contributed to softening the impact of social comparisons and fostering appearance satisfaction. Girls spoke explicitly about specific programming the school offered, such as a club aimed at accepting differences and a body image club. They also spoke of the supportive culture of the school, evident in the attitudes and messages that teachers and administrators promoted. Moreover, parents at this school are highly involved, as evidenced by the girls’ responses about the degree of parental social media monitoring practices. Thus, this particular school seems to take an ecologi- cal approach to the prevention of body dissatisfaction and eating problems, as is recommended by many experts in the field (e.g., Levine & Smolak, 2006). That is, prevention is best undertaken when teachers are trained, school policies and school environ- ment are modified, and parents are involved. Overall, the results of this study suggest that educating early adolescent girls about the consequences of appearance comparisons, as well as equipping them with tools to reframe such comparisons (e.g., protective fil- tering strategies and a broader conceptualization of beauty; Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015), could be important targets for interven- tion.

4.1. Limitations

Qualitative research is an important first step in understand- ing how social media use impacts middle school-aged females, and focus groups are particularly useful for exploratory research with this age group, as peer interaction can increase comfort in the group setting, thus engendering more honest responses (Kennedy et al., 2001). However, focus groups also have potential limitations. First, they can lack external validity due to the relatively small and homogeneous sample. However, as the aim of this research was to explore the subjective experiences of a sample of emerg- ing adolescent girls, the homogeneous nature of the focus groups was also a strength as it fostered rapport and allowed for more fluid dialogue. Another potential limitation of focus group method- ology is that group dynamics can influence certain viewpoints to be suppressed (Krueger, 1994). In addition, the public nature of the groups mean that privately held opinions might not be expressed. In the current study, many participants did not endorse excessive appearance concerns, and also denied that social media impacted such concerns. Social desirability might have influenced the participants, making those with dissenting opinions hesitant to share.

Another concern is the bias inherent in qualitative research. Because the methodology does not rely on quantitative and standardized measures, researchers had to interpret the data sub- jectively. For this reason, it was important that all researchers

involved in the project be aware of their potential biases and a priori conceptualizations throughout the process. The inductive approach served as a buffer against potential researcher bias and the audit trail helped provide accountability to the process and interpreta-

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24 C.B. Burnette et al. / Bo

ions. Regular meetings with a secondary coder with experience n qualitative research strengthened the credibility of the find- ngs. Finally, the unique school environment emerged as a primary heme in this study. Accordingly, the results of this study might not eneralize to other schools.

.2. Conclusion

In conclusion, this study explored how young adolescent emales use social media and their related body image percep- ions and experiences. Although mass media exposure is linked o body dissatisfaction, it is critical to examine the specific influ- nce of social media on young adolescent populations to enhance revention and intervention efforts. Results of the current study uggest that both parental involvement and school environment lay crucial roles in the relation between social media exposure nd appearance concerns. The perspectives gained from this study ave important implications for future prevention research.

isclosures

. This study did not require any external funding.

. The first author designed the study and collected the data, and all authors contributed to data analysis and manuscript prepa- ration.

. The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose.

ppendix A.

. Focus group discussion guide

Social media use-general

. Do you all use social media?

. What social media sites and applications do you use? a. Follow-up questions on whether they access them via their

computer, phone, both. . What do you do on these sites?

a. Further clarification on whether or not they browse the site, post on the site, comment on other people’s posts, or any combination.

. How often do you access these sites? a. Follow-up questions on which sites are visited most often,

frequency; attempt to learn approximate hours/day spent on social media.

Peers/celebrities

. Do your friends use the same sites/applications?

. How does looking at what your friends post make you feel?

. What about celebrities?

. Do you or your friends post ‘selfies’?

Emotions/perceptions

. How does it make you feel when you see these pictures?

. How does it make you feel when others comment or like your posts?

. Do you feel like seeing what your friends or celebrities post affects you emotionally?

. Do you feel like seeing what your friends or celebrities post affects how you feel about your body?

ge 23 (2017) 114–125

Conclusion

1. What else do you want to share about using social media? What impact do you believe it has on you and your friends?

2. Do you like using social media? Do you want to use social media as often as you do?

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