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Axons from the sympathetic nervous system form connections in the gut, contributing to those butterflies we feel at times of excitement.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

The Feeling Mind

Motivation and Emotion

1 Differentiate emotion and motivation, and analyze their relationship to each other.

2 Analyze the physiological and environmental factors that influence hunger and eating.

3 Assess the roles of evolved preferences and physiological and environmental factors in sexual motivation, considering how this motivation varies with gender and over time.

4 Compare and contrast achievement and affiliation motivation in terms of predictors and implication for life outcomes.

5 Associate aspects of emotional responding with activation of central and autonomic nervous system structures.

6 Evaluate the roles of nature, nurture, and their interaction in explaining human communication of emotion, based on research evidence.

7 Differentiate major theories of emotion in terms of the relationship between physical sensations and subjective feelings.

Learning Objectives

287

Motivation and emotion, the topics of this chapter, involve neural circuits that often operate below the level of our conscious

awareness. We don’t decide consciously to feel happy or sad or hungry or thirsty, but instead, we react somewhat automatically

to the environment around and within us. We can zoom in to look at these neural circuits, like these sympathetic

axons (in blue) forming connections with the gut. We have all had the feeling of butterflies in our stomach when we are excited, and neural pathways like this one are responsible for such feelings. Zooming out, we can examine motivation and emotion in the larger context of the individual using the example of elite athletes at the Olympic Games. The

2008 Beijing Olympics featured 11,028 athletes who rep- resented the very best in their respective sports, just a tiny

fraction of the millions of people who compete in athletics worldwide. To stand out among these elites takes even more

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2 Analyze the physiological and environmental factors that influence hunger and ea

3 Assessss tthehe rrooles of f evevoolvedd prprefe ereences anandd phphysysiologiicall and enenviviroronmnmentaal fafactcto motitivavation, conssiddererining hooww ththisis mmootivvatation varies wwiithh gegendeer aand over timeme.

4 44 Compmpaare and conttrast achieevememennt andd aaffilffi iatiion mmototivivatatioon inin tterms off prreddicto impliccatatioionn fofor lifefe ooututcomemes.

5 Associate aspects of emotional responding wiwith activation of central and autonom systemm structures.

6 Evaluuatte thee rrololees oof nanatuture, nuurturre,, annd ttheeirr innteeracctionn iin eexplplaiaining human commmuunicattioon of eemmotiionon, babased onon reseearrchh eeviddenncee.

7 Differentiate major theories of emotion in terms of the reelaatiionnship between phys sensations and subjective feelingss

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 288

extreme motivation, not to mention talent and hard work. Many athletes competing at this level have focused on their sport to the exclusion of most other activities since they were in elementary school. Yet of the over 11,000 participants, only 1,881 (or 17%) went home with a medal.

Given the odds of obtaining a medal, you would think that any athlete winning one would be absolutely ecstatic, but that is not always the case. As you can see in the photograph on the preceding page of Olympic swimmers on the medal stand, the athletes are showing a range of emotions. Look for a moment at the way the three athletes are holding their flower bouquets. The gold and bronze medalists are holding their bouquets straight up, but the silver medalist is close to dropping his bouquet. His entire demeanor says dejection and disappointment.

Why would a silver medalist be disappointed with such an exceptional achievement? To answer this question, we must zoom out even farther from the individual to consider the social context. Psychologists have found that the reactions of these swimmers are quite typical (McGraw, Mellers, & Tetlock, 2005; Medvec, Madey, & Gilovich, 1995). Apparently, silver medalists are more likely to compare themselves to gold medalists, which leads to disappointment, while bronze medalists are comparing themselves to the fourth-place finishers who do not get a medal at all, which leads to joy.

In this chapter, we will explore the mechanisms responsible for our motivations and emotions, beginning with the underly- ing physical mechanisms and zooming out to look at individual and, ultimately, social influences on these behaviors.

How Are Motivation and Emotion Related? Motivation and emotion are tightly related processes that share the experi- ence of subjective feelings and engage similar processes and structures in the brain. Efforts to differentiate between motivation and emotion can be somewhat frustrating, given their overlapping characteristics and similar definitions.

An emotion is defined as a combination of physical sensations, such as a rapid heartbeat, and conscious, subjective feelings, like feeling afraid. Emotions are spontaneous, automatic responses to situations. We do not wake up in the morning and decide to feel happy or sad in the same way we decide which clothes to wear. Instead, our emotional reactions occur auto- matically in response to our perceptions of surroundings and situations. We often communicate our emotions to others through behaviors such as facial expression, body language, gestures, and tone of voice.

emotion A combination of arousal, physical sensations, and subjective feelings that occurs spontaneously in response to environmental stimuli.

Emotions are automatic, spontaneous reactions to the world around us. We do not wake up in the morning and consciously decide to be happy or sad.

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WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 289

If we are thirsty following a tough workout, we are motivated to seek a drink of water. It is unlikely that a thirsty person would be motivated to find a hamburger instead.

Emotions can be distinguished from moods. A mood is a more general state than an emotion. You can be in a good mood while feeling a variety of specific emotions, such as happiness, pride, or relief. A mood generally lasts a longer time than a single emotion. For example, when we discuss disorders of mood in our chapter on psychological disorders, we note that criteria for depression specify that depressed mood should characterize at least half a day every day for a period of two weeks (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000). Because emotions are responses to the ongoing and ever-changing flow of environmental information, it is unlikely that a single emotion would last this long.

Motivation is defined as a process that arouses, maintains, and guides behavior toward a goal. For example, we are motivated to seek a drink of water in response to thirst. The process of motivation is accompanied by distinct emotional states. Thirst is generally quite unpleasant, and taking a drink of water can produce positive emotions like relief and happiness.

Motivation and emotion share the abil- ity to arouse an organism and stimulate behavior, but motivation does so in a more direct and precise fashion than emotions do. People who feel motivated by thirst are likely to do one thing—seek out something to drink. In contrast, experiencing the emotion of sad- ness stimulates behavior, but that behavior may take many different forms. Some people respond to sadness by crying in a room by themselves, while others will seek out the company of friends.

What Does It Mean to Be Motivated? Animals, including human beings, do not have unlimited time and resources, and a state of arousal is expensive in terms of the energy it requires. Motivational systems allow an animal to be aroused only when necessary, such as when it needs food, and then reduce arousal following the solution of a problem, such as after a meal. Preventing the waste of pre- cious energy resources provides a significant survival advantage. Motiva- tion also provides the benefit of helping an animal prepare to meet future needs. Most animals are motivated to explore their environments, because familiarity with an environment allows them to act more effectively when a need arises.

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motivation A process that arouses, maintains, and guides behavior toward a goal.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION290

We can think of motivation as a process that maintains homeostasis, a term introduced by psychologist Walter Cannon to describe a steady internal balance or equilibrium (Cannon, 1932). To achieve homeostasis, organisms actively defend certain values known as set points. Under normal circumstances, we carefully regulate such variables as core body temperature, fluid levels, and body weight around set points. Deviations from these set points stimulate behavior by the organism that is designed to reestablish the origi- nal values. You might think about this process as analogous to your home’s temperature control. A set point of air temperature is established using your thermostat. If your home’s tempera- ture drops below that set point, the furnace is

activated until the set point is once again established. If your home’s tem- perature rises above the set point, the air conditioning system is activated until the set point is regained. Similarly, if your core body temperature drops below 98.68 F (378 C), your body initiates a number of processes designed to increase its temperature, such as producing heat by the muscle contractions we know as shivering. If your core body temperature rises above its set point, cooling mechanisms are activated. You sweat, and the evaporating moisture cools your skin. Blood is diverted to the outer parts of the body, leading to a flushed appearance.

Motivation begins with a stimulus, from either the internal or external environment of the organism, that serves as a cue for motivated behavior. Stimuli that are important to survival, such as the presence of a predator or a deficit in body fluids, generate arousal and tension, a state frequently referred to as drive (Hull, 1943). Being in a drive state propels the organism into some sort of action related to the stimulus, whether that means run- ning away from the predator to safety or perhaps pulling a bottle of water from a backpack to quench thirst. If actions are successful in regaining equilibrium, we experience drive reduction, accompanied by a rewarding feeling of relief.

Drive theories of motivation are often described as “push” theories, as drive is seen as pushing an organism toward a goal. However, not all psy- chologists agree that motivation requires the “push” of drive. Instead, they suggest that rewards, or incentives, have the capacity to “pull” an organism in a particular direction. According to this view, animals are viewed as natu- rally inclined to act on their environment, rather than waiting passively for a need to arise (Deci & Ryan, 2000). In incentive theories, no reference to unpleasant internal drive states is required to explain motivated behavior.

Incentives or rewards may be intrinsic or extrinsic. Intrinsic rewards arise internally, such as feelings of accomplishment when a goal is met. Extrinsic rewards come from outside sources, such as money for complet- ing work or praise from a supervisor. These different types of reward can interact in complex ways (see ● Figure 7.1). In some cases, certain extrinsic

homeostasis A steady internal balance, or equilibrium.

set point A value that is defended to maintain homeostasis.

drive A state of tension and arousal triggered by cues important for survival.

drive reduction The state of relief and reward produced by removing the tension and arousal of the drive state.

incentive A reward that pulls an organism’s behavior in a particular direction.

intrinsic reward A reward that arises internally.

extrinsic reward A reward from an outside source.

Many animals are motivated to explore their surroundings even when they have no immediate needs, because being familiar with your neighborhood saves time when a need does arise, whether that is food, water, shelter from a storm, or a gas station. Technology to help us deal with unfamiliar places is very popular.

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Motivation begins with a stimulus, from either the internal or ext environmnment of the orgganism, that servvees as a cue for momotivated beha Stimulli tthatt aarere iimpmporortaantt tto susurvrvivivala ,, ssuchch aass ththe e prpresesenenence of a pred or a defieficit inin bb dodyy flufluidids, ggeneeraatee aarouousaal annd d teensnsioion, a state frequ referreded ttoo aas drdrivive (H(Hulull, 119943)). Beining inin a ddriveve sstatatete pprropels the orga into some sort of action related to the stimulus wwhhetethher that means

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 291

rewards can have negative effects on intrinsic motivation. For example, if a child who enjoys reading suddenly gets paid for each book completed, the child’s enjoyment of reading might decrease because the motivation shifts from intrinsic (the love of reading) to extrinsic (the love of reward money; DeCharms, 1968).

Psychologists have studied a wide range of motives, ranging from the mostly physical motives of temperature control and thirst to the much more cognitive and social motives to achieve and affiliate with others. We will explore this range by discussing some specific motives in detail, includ- ing hunger, sexuality, achievement, and affiliation. After discussing these examples, we will examine the ways human beings set priorities when faced with competing motives.

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Positive Rewarding five different

actions, including attendance and

behavior, seemed to improve reading skills.

No Effect Paying kids for

higher test scores did not lead to more

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Mixed Kids cut fewer

classes and got slightly better grades.

Standardized test scores did not change.

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read dramatically boosted reading-

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Reading Grades Various† Test scores

$2 per book $50 for A’s $35 for B’s $20 for C’s

Up to $100 every two weeks

$25 (fourth-graders) to $50 (seventh-graders) per test

$13.81 $695.61 $532.85 $139.43 (fourth-graders) $231.55 (seventh-graders)

1,780 from 22 schools

4,396 from 20 schools

3,495 from 17 schools

8,320 from 63 schools

*Not including control groups † A combination of metrics that varied from school to school but always included attendance and behavior

Economist Roland Fryer Asks Whether Incentives Work. Harvard economist Roland Fryer overcame a very tough childhood in Daytona, Florida, to become the youngest tenured African American professor in the history of Harvard University. Drawing on his personal experiences, Fryer experimented with different incentives for a variety of school-related behaviors. His results suggest that the relationships among intrinsic rewards, extrinsic rewards, and behavior can be quite complex. Although previous research has shown that extrinsic rewards can undermine intrinsic motivation, it is important to remember that this result occurs only when behavior is intrinsically motivated in the first place. If children do not intrinsically enjoy reading, Fryer suggests paying them to read might work. Unfortunately, Fryer has been the target of death threats for suggesting this simple solution to illiteracy.

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Reading Grades Various† Test scores

mented with differennt incentives for a variety of school related behaviors. His results suggest e relationshipss amongng intrinsic rewardss,, exextrtrininsic rerewawardrds, andnd behavioorr can bee qquiuitete ccomplexex. gh prereviviououss resesearch hhas shown that t exxttrinsic rewwarrds can unndeermrmine inntrinnssic c motivation, iit

ortantnt ttoo reememmberr tthahat thhisi result oocccurs only whhen bbehehavioor iis iintntrir nsiccallly mottivivatateded in ththee ace. If children do not iinntrinssici ally enjnjoyoy reading, FFryyer suggesstss payyiningg tthemm ttoo readd mmighht UnUnfortuunately, Fryerr hhas beeenn the targetet ooff dedeaath ththrereatatss for susuggestingng this sisimpmplele ssololuttioion to cycy.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION292

ost university counsel- ing websites offer advice to students about avoid-

ing procrastination. These sites typically describe procrastination in very negative terms. Procrastina- tors are seen as less capable, poorly motivated, more anxious, low in self-esteem, and high in anxiety and

stress (Ferrari, 1991). At the same time, psychologists report that pro- crastination is far from rare. About 70% of college students report some procrastination, and 20% procras- tinate habitually (Schouwenburg, 1995). In contrast to the negative stereotypes of the procrastinator, better students often report more

procrastination, and students who are farther along in their academic careers report more procrastination than students just starting out (Fer- rari, 1991). How can we reconcile these divergent views of procrasti- nation in light of our discussion of motivation?

Why Do We Procrastinate?

Thinking Scientifically

Human beings consume a wide range of diets, from the nearly all-meat diet of the traditional Inuit cultures to the vegan diet.

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Hunger and Eating

Hunger is a very complex motive. In comparison to the regulation of body temperature through pro- cesses like sweating or shivering, the reduction of

hunger through eating is much more heavily influenced by emotion, learn- ing, and culture. Human beings take in a remarkable variety of nutrients. The traditional diet of the Inuit people living in Arctic regions contains very little plant material, whereas vegans strictly adhere to a diet that con- tains no animal material at all.

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WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 293

The Sensation of Hunger We respond to combinations of external and internal cues that make us feel hungry. External cues for hunger may include time of day, the sights and smells of favorite foods, admo- nitions that we should “clean our plates,” or the social set- tings in which food is pre- sented. These external cues may encourage us to eat when our bodies do not need nutri- ents or to eat more food than we require. Individuals who are relatively less responsive to external cues are less likely to have trouble maintaining a healthy weight.

Internal cues for hunger are generated when our bodies are genuinely short on nutrients. Note that “short on nutrients” applies to the mainte- nance of current, not necessarily ideal weight. A morbidly obese person is likely to feel as hungry as a very thin person when sufficient nutrients are not available to maintain the status quo.

Psychologist Walter Cannon provided an early hypothesis about hun- ger cues. Cannon believed that stomach contractions were an important component in the detection of hunger. He persuaded his colleague A. L. Washburn to swallow a balloon attached to an air pump (Cannon & Wash- burn, 1912). The balloon allowed Washburn’s stomach contractions to be monitored. Although Washburn’s feelings of hunger (as expressed by his pushing a telegraph key, since he couldn’t talk with a tube down his throat) correlated with his stomach contractions, these signals do not tell the whole story. Patients who have had their stomachs surgically removed still experience a sense of hunger in the general region where the stomach used to be. Most of us start eating long before our stomachs begin to growl, indi- cating that additional types of signaling must be at work (see ● Figure 7.2).

Is it possible that procrastination can be both adaptive and maladap- tive? It appears so (Schraw, Wadkins, & Olafson, 2007). Students do report negative consequences of procrasti- nation, particularly on term papers, but also see some advantages. Pro- crastination may be viewed as a way of prioritizing unrealistic amounts of work. Consequently, the most “successful” procrastinators plan the term’s work out carefully in advance.

Working under a tight deadline increases motivation for some people and provides a rationale for forgoing other activities, such as socializing with friends. As stressful as such work may be, completion of a task is followed by immediate relief, which may in turn serve as a potent reward for procrastinating.

In light of these findings, should we continue to try to minimize pro- crastination? If so, how would we

do this? Part of the answer lies in assessing the reasons students give for procrastinating: managing time (social and work activities take pre- cedence over schoolwork for most students), avoiding boredom, and working more efficiently. It is likely that once procrastination no longer produces the desired results (i.e., the stress becomes too much or perfor- mance suffers), the student will be motivated to change.

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Walter Cannon. Walter Cannon and his assistant, A. L. Washburn, performed one of the earliest experiments on the relationship between stomach contractions and feelings of hunger. The large waves at the top were Cannon’s recordings of Washburn’s stomach contractions, and the smaller waves at the bottom represent Washburn’s key taps indicating hunger. Although these two events are correlated, there is much more to hunger than a growling stomach.

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y to feel as hunggry as a very thin person when sufficient nutrients are available to mmaintntain the statusus qquouo. sycchhologgist Waltter Cannonn pprovided anan eearlyy hhypypotthhesisis about hun-n- ues. CaC nnon bbelieieveved d thatt sttomach ccoontracttioons s wew rre aann impoportanant t

ppoonennt in the ddetectitioon of huhungngerer. HeHe pperersuadaded hhisis collleleagagueue AA.. L. hhbuburrn to swallow w aa bballoon attached to an air pump (Cannon & Wash- , 191212)). ThThe e baballlloooon allowedd WWashburn’s stomach contractiionons to be itoredd. AAltl hohougugh WWashburn’’s feelilingngss ofo hhununggerr (a(as exxprpreesssed d byby hhiss ing a tellegraph key, since he coouldndn’t’t t lalkk wiwithth a tuube ddownwn hhiss thrhroaat))

elated with his stomach conttractionsns, thhesese siiggnals do nott tellll thhe e story Patients who have had their stomachs surgically removed still

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION294

A likely candidate for an additional hunger cue is a low level of circulat- ing sugars, particularly glucose. Glucose concentrations in the blood are highest just following a meal. As glucose levels drop over time, a person begins to feel hungry again. Glucose levels are intimately connected with levels of the hormone insulin. Insulin, released by the pancreas, moves circulating glucose from the blood into cells awaiting nutrients. Typically, glucose and insulin levels are positively correlated. Right after a meal, both are high. Glucose levels rise as glucose is extracted from the food that has been consumed, and insulin is high because its release is triggered by the anticipation and consumption of food. As time goes by without more food, glucose moves from the blood into other tissues, and insulin is no longer released, leading to lower levels of both substances in the blood. These lower levels of glucose and insulin should signal the need for more food (see ● Figure 7.3).

This is an overly simplistic conclusion, however. You may know people with diabetes mellitus who must check the glucose levels in their blood several times per day, as high levels of circulating glucose can harm many organs. High glucose levels occur in untreated diabetes due to either a lack of insulin production (Type I diabetes) or the body’s resistance to insulin (Type II diabetes). Without sufficient insulin activity, circulating glucose is unable to move out of the blood into the cells that need nutrients. If hun- ger results from low levels of circulating glucose, we would expect people with untreated diabetes to not feel very hungry, but this is definitely not the case. Most patients with high blood sugar report feeling hungry all the time. This makes sense when you consider that their cells are starving due to their inability to obtain glucose from the blood. It is more accurate to say that the amount of glucose that is available to cells is an indicator of hunger (Mayer, 1955). Hunger will result whenever cells are unable to obtain the glucose they require.

Hunger also occurs in response to low levels of stored fats (Kennedy, 1953). If you maintain a healthy weight, you are carrying sufficient body

glucose A type of sugar that plays an important role in hunger levels.

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Insulin Release Is Reduced in Type 2 Diabetes. Following a meal (time 0), a healthy person experiences a large spike in insulin levels. In contrast, a person with Type 2 diabetes has a much slower and less dramatic release of insulin. The person with diabetes will not be able to move glucose out of the blood into cells requiring nutrients. The appetite-suppressing action of insulin will be less effective, and the person with diabetes will remain hungry.

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highest just following a meal. As glucose levels drop over time, a pe begins tto o fefeele hunungrgryy aggaiain.n Glulucosese llevevelels are inintimatetelyly ccononneectcteded levelss oof the hoormmono e ininsusulil n. Insnsuulin,, releasseded bby ththee pap ncreasas,, mm circullatating glucosose ffromm tthee bbloloodd iintn o cec llls awwaiaitiingng nnutriiene ts. TyTy ipi gglucose e anand d iinsuulilinn lelevelsls are ppoositivvelely y cocorrrelelaated. RRighhtt afafteterr a memealal,, are high. Glucose levels rise as glucose is extracted from the food tha been cconnsumed, and insulin is highg bececause its release iis s triggered b anticipapattionn aandnd cconnsusummptitionon oof f fofoodod. AAs timmee gogoeses bby y wiwiwiitthout more f glucosee moveves s ffromm tthehe bbloood inntoo ootheher tiissueues, aandnd insulin is no lo releaseded, leleaddiningg too llowowerr llevelelss off bototh susubssttancnceses iinn the blood. Th lower levels of glucose and insulin should signall ththee need for more

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WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 295

fat to survive five to six weeks of total starvation. Obviously, the heavier the person, the longer he or she can survive without food. One patient sur- vived a total fast of 382 days, during which time his weight dropped from 207 kilograms (455.4 pounds) to 81.6 kilograms (179.5 pounds; Stewart & Fleming, 1973).

The body monitors fat stores by assessing lev- els of the hormone leptin. Leptin, from the Greek word leptos, or “thin,” is produced and secreted by fat cells (Zhang et al., 1994). Because fat stores and leptin levels are positively correlated, leptin levels provide a measure for the amount of fat that has been stored. Leptin appears to be an important key to feeding behavior. As shown in ● Figure 7.4, leptin levels and their associated fat stores initiate a cascade of events that influence eating behavior. When fat stores and leptin levels are low, brain areas that include the lateral hypothalamus (LH) initiate feeding. When rats’ LH is lesioned, the rats fail to eat and die of starvation unless force- fed (Anand & Brobeck, 1951). Stimulation of the LH typically initiates immediate eating.

Low fat stores and leptin levels also activate the parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system, enhancing the body’s ability to digest and store nutrients. Metabolism, or the chemical reactions required by life, slows down, allowing nutrients to be stored rather than used up right away.

Activation of the parasympathetic nervous system, initiation of feeding behavior, and reduc- tion in metabolic rate allow the animal to find, eat, and store nutrients. As fat stores return to normal, leptin levels increase, and the feeding cycle tapers off. Unfortunately for the person try- ing to lose weight, the leptin system does a very good job of defending a set point. As the dieter successfully decreases body fat levels, the asso- ciated low levels of leptin will initiate a feeding cycle. The dieter will feel constantly hungry, mak- ing the maintenance of weight loss often more difficult than the initial loss itself.

Feeding is stimulated by two additional hor- mones—ghrelin, which is released by the pancreas and the lining of the stomach (Inui et al., 2004), and orexins, produced in the LH (de Lecea et al., 1998; Sakurai et al., 1998). Ghrelin appears to contribute to the rewarding aspects of feeding, while the orexins also participate in sleep, suggesting that they might link feeding, activity levels, and sleep.

leptin A hormone secreted by fat cells that helps the body maintain an appropriate level of stored fat.

People of normal weight carry enough fat to survive five to six weeks of total starvation, although this is obviously not a good thing to do for one’s health. Baba Ramdev, a yoga guru, was hospitalized after losing 12 pounds by the seventh day of a hunger strike against corruption. It is likely that Ramdev was already quite thin at the beginning of his fast.

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fail to eat aand ddie of starvation unless force- Anand & BBrobecck, 1951). Stiimumulalatit onn oof f ththe ypiccally iinitiiates iimmediatee eeaating. ow fat stores andd llepptin leevevels also acactitivate

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The Sensation of Satiety We reach the point of satiety, or fullness, long before the nutrients we have eaten can make their way to waiting cells.

Just as stomach contractions serve as signals for hunger, an obvious sign of satiety is a feeling of stomach fullness. In extreme cases of obesity, some patients choose to have a portion of the stomach stapled or banded in order to produce this feeling of fullness after less food has been eaten. In the brain, the ventromedial hypothalamus (VMH) participates in sensing satiety. As shown in ● Figure 7.5, lesions of the VMH produce a syndrome of large weight gains (Hoebel & Teitelbaum, 1966). Although the VMH plays a significant role in satiety, it is overly simplistic to assume that it works alone and directly. Among the many indirect effects of VMH lesions are boosts in insulin production, which in turn produce low blood glucose levels and hunger.

Other participants in satiety include the gut hormone cholecystokinin (CCK), released by the digestive system in response to the arrival of food, especially fatty foods. CCK appears to contribute to feelings of satiety, although its exact mechanism is unclear (Stacher, 1986). CCK not only acts in the digestive tract but also serves as a chemical messenger in the brain. Drugs that inhibit CCK’s action in the brain increase eating behavior, fur- ther supporting the hypothesis that CCK normally acts to inhibit further eating (Cooper & Dourish, 1990).

Earlier we observed the cascade of events initiated by low levels of stored fat and leptin that led to feeding and the storage of nutrients. What happens when fat and leptin levels rise again? With increased storage of fat, leptin levels rise. Once again, the assessment of circulating leptin levels by the brain initiates a sequence of events, this time directed at inhibiting feed- ing (see ● Figure 7.6). The sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system is activated, leading to the expenditure of energy, metabolic rate increases, and inhibition of feeding. As time without food progresses, fat levels drop, leptin levels drop, and the feeding sequence is initiated again.

Because of leptin’s role in satiety, scientists initially believed it might be helpful as a dieting aid. Mice genetically engineered to lack genes that

satiety A sense of feeling full; not requiring further food.

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(1972).

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Other participants in satiety include the gut hohoormmmoone cholecystok

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produce leptin are enormously obese. Injections of leptin allow them to lose weight (Halaas et al., 1995). Unfortunately, people in this case do not respond like mice—obese humans actually have very high circulating leptin levels, but appear to become resistant to the satiety messages this state should produce (Friedman & Halaas, 1998). Adding further leptin is unlikely to lead to weight loss.

Keep in mind that our ancestors rarely had to worry about having too much food. Those who lived and reproduced exhibited characteristics best suited for surviving famine. As we will see in the next sections, the same motivational mechanisms that evolved to prevent starvation among hunter- gatherers might not work too well in a society featuring cultural influences on body image and an ample and calorie-rich food supply. Through an examination of the interactions between social and cultural factors with hunger motivation, we gain a better understanding of hunger’s mechanisms.

Obesity What exactly do we mean by obesity? Expert opinions regarding ideal weight and the likely impact of obesity on health vary widely, with opinions ranging from doomsday predictions to complaints that the problem has been overstated.

A well-respected approach to body weight is the body mass index (BMI), shown in ● Figure 7.7. The BMI is a simple height-to-weight ratio computed by dividing weight in kilograms by the square of height in meters.

body mass index (BMI) A height- to-weight ratio used to identify healthy weight, underweight, overweight, and obesity.

Mechanisms of Satiety.

Body Mass Index (BMI).

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Stops

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When fat stores are high and leptin levels are high:

Result: Stored fat levels decrease and feeding begins.

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We have converted Figure 7.7 to inches and pounds for convenience. BMI scores between 18.5 and 24.9 are considered healthy. A BMI between 25 and 30 is considered overweight, and a BMI above 30 is considered obese. This system works well for most people, but it does not account for those who have unusually heavy skeletons or musculature. Many elite athletes would score in the overweight or even obese range, in spite of being quite fit.

Using a BMI of 30 or above as a criterion, rates of obesity in the United States nearly tripled from 12% of the adult population in 1991 to 34% in 2008 (Flegal, Carroll, Ogden, & Curtin, 2010). As shown in ● Figure 7.8, obesity rose in all age groups. How can we account for this rapid increase in obesity over the last two decades? It is unlikely that current obesity levels are the result of a single cause. Genetic predispositions, lifestyle issues, and social comparisons all make significant contributions to obesity.

Genes can influence factors such as set point and rate of metabolism, and twin studies indicate that some people are just more likely than others to become obese (Livshits, Kato, Wilson, & Spector, 2007). Although genes are unlikely to have changed dramatically over a few decades, complex interac- tions between genes and environmental factors, like the BPA in plastic products discussed in our chapter on nature and nurture, could have an impact on current rates of obesity (Dolinoy, Huang, & Jirtle, 2007).

A cultural contribution to obesity is our contemporary, sedentary lifestyle, with many people spending hours sitting in front of televisions or computers. Human beings use energy very efficiently. At rest, we use only 12 kilocalories (kcal; usu- ally described simply as “calories”) per pound per day. This means that the average 150-pound couch potato needs only about 1,800 calories of food per day. Even the most demand-

ing activities require a remarkably small investment in resources. Cyclists competing in the challenging Tour de France use an average of 5,900 calo- ries per day (Armstrong & Jenkins, 2000). A single entree at a typical chain

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(2008a).

F i g u r e 7 . 8

Beginning in the 1800s, in an effort to prevent starvation, initiatives leading to increasing cheap sources of high-calorie foods were adopted worldwide. Currently, global agriculture produces 2,600 calories per person per day, which is expected to rise to 3,000 calories per person per day by 2030 (Caballero, 2007). With such a plentiful food supply, we can see why obesity is becoming a global problem at the same time starvation remains a serious concern in many parts of the world.

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UsUsinng a BMII ofof 330 orr aabooveve aas aa ccrittererioon,, ratatees oof obobesitity y inn tthee UUn SStates nneaearlrlyy tripipleledd fromom 12%% oof ththee adadulult ppopulalattionn iin n 1919991 ttoo 3434 2008 (Flegal, Carroll, Ogden, & Curtin, 2010). As shown in ● Figure obesityy rrose in all agge grg oupsp . How can n we account for tthih s rapid incr in obessitty oveverr ththee lalastst twowo ddececadadeses? ? IIt iis unnlilikekelyly tthahatt cucurrrrrreent obesity l are thee rresultlt ooff a siingnglele ccauause. GeG neetic pprededispoposititiononss, lifestyle issues social ccomompparirisosons aallll mmakkee signgnificacantt cconnttribbututioionsns ttoo obesity.

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restaurant, such as Chili’s or The Cheesecake Factory (not counting beverages, appetizers, or dessert), can contain as much as 2,500 calories, the total daily requirement for a person weigh- ing 208 pounds. With such abundant food, it is not too surprising that the American public is getting heavier.

Our natural preferences for sweet, fatty foods coupled with cheap, readily available treats are probably also contributing to our growing size. To avoid starvation, our ancestors developed strong preferences for calorie-rich foods con- taining sugars and fats. In situations where food supplies are limited, these preferences ensured that human beings would spend the greatest amounts of time and energy seeking these rich sources of calories. Unfortunately, we retain these preferences today and continue to gravi- tate to sugary, fatty foods when they are avail- able, like our frequenting of popular restaurant food chains with the 2,500-calorie meals or our late-night snacking on pizzas and chips.

Zooming out from individual factors to the larger social context, we see that social factors also contribute to obesity. We apparently “keep track” of how we are doing by comparing our size to that of those in our social circles (see ● Figure 7.9). Having an obese spouse raises your risk of obesity by 37%, and having obese friends raises your risk by 57% (Christakis & Fowler, 2007).

The average adult weighing 150 pounds needs only 1,800 calories per day. When a single dessert item like cheesecake provides about 70% of that daily requirement, it becomes easy to see how people eating out frequently could become overweight or obese. It is also likely that before eating the cheesecake, a diner might have an appetizer, salad, entrée, and beverage, too. This doesn’t include meals and snacks consumed at other times throughout the day.

Bart Hoebel and his research assistants at Princeton University fed rats equal calories of different kinds of sugars, including high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). Hoebel reported that “when rats are drinking high- fructose corn syrup at levels well below those in soda pop, they’re becoming obese—every single one, across the board. Even when rats are fed a high-fat diet, you don’t see this.” Concerns about the health effects of HFCS have led the Corn Refiners Association to obtain government permission to refer to HFCS as “corn sugar.” According to the organization’s website, this name change will “enable consumers to easily identify added sugars in the diet.”

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Zoomming outt fromm individuaal ffactors tto tthehe r sociall conttext, wwe ses e thaat social faacttors ccoontrribi ute to obebesityy. . WWe apppararenentltly “k“keeeepp tracackk” of f hohow wewe aarere ddoioinng omompparing our sizzee tto that of those in our social circles (see ● Figure Haviinng aan obobessee spspouse raisess your risk of obesityy by y 37%, andnd having e friennds raisiseses yyouour risk by 5757% (CChrhrisistatakikis && FFowlwlerr, 20200707)..

eating the cheesecake, a diner might have an appetizer, salad bevev rage, ttoo. TThihis dodoese n’n t incluudee meals anand d snsnacacks cononsusumeme timemess throuughooutut the day.

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The path to a healthy weight can be difficult. Unfortunately, weight loss for our ancestors usually meant one step closer to death by starvation, and we are well designed to prevent that occurrence. Once a person is obese, a new set point is established and subsequently staunchly defended. Even the surgical removal of fat, or liposuction, does not result in permanent weight loss, as the fat removed by the process is eventually replaced (Dark, Forger, Stern, & Zucker, 1984; Food and Drug Administration [FDA], 2002).

Calorie-reducing diets do work, but dietary changes cannot be viewed as something to do just until a goal weight is reached. If the dieter returns to his or her previous eating habits, the lost weight is quickly regained. Suc- cessful diets should be viewed as lifestyle changes that are sustainable for an individual. For example, removing one sugared soft drink per day should result in about a 10-pound weight loss over the next year. It is essential for the dieter to avoid triggering mechanisms designed to prevent starvation, like lowering metabolic rates. By keeping activity levels up and restricting weight loss to a pound or two per week at most, it is possible to slide weight loss under the radar of our vigilant weight maintenance systems.

Is Obesity Catching? Christakis and Fowler (2007) constructed this elaborate model of a social network of over 2,000 people to answer the question of whether our own likelihood of obesity was related to the obesity of our friends and family. Each circle in this image is a person. Yellow circles represent obese people, and green circles represent people who are not obese. An analysis of the network supports the idea that if you have obese family members and friends, you are more likely to be obese. Remember that these are correlations, however, and that the data cannot be interpreted to indicate that having obese friends causes you to be heavy. Although Christakis and Fowler argue that social comparisons are important to obesity (I’m doing okay compared to my friends), we must also consider the possibility that “birds of a feather flock together.” Source: From Christakis, N. A., and Fowler, J. H., The spread of obesity in a large social network over 32 years, The New England Journal of Medicine. Copyright © 2007 The Massachusetts Medical Society.

F i g u r e 7 . 9

atchhining?g CChristtakis aannd Fowo ler (20007)) constructeed tthihiss elabooratatee mom ddel off a socciaiall nenetworrk ofof oovev r 22,0000 pepeopople too ananswsw of whether our own likekelilihoodo of obbeesitity was relattedd to the oobeesityy oof f our frfrieends annd fammilyly. EaEachch cirrclc ee in thhis imagge is a ww ccircllees represent oobbese peoople, and ggrer enn ccirircless reppressent ppeeople wwhoo are nonot t obobesese. AAnn analysysisis of ththe nen twtwoork suppppor ifi yyouou have obese famimilyly mmembers and friends, you are more likely to be obese. Remember that these are correlations, thhat ththee dad ta canannonot be interpreted tto indicate that having obese friends causes yoyou to be heavy. Although Christakis

rgue thhat soocial comparissons are impoortant to obobessitity (I(I’m’m ddoio ngg ookakayy cocompmpararede ttoo myy ffririenndsd ), wwe mumuststt aaalslso consider the at “birdds of aa feaththerer flfloock together.” SouSource: Fromrom ChChrisstakkisis, NN. AA., aandd Fowlerler, J. HH., Thee sspreeadd of oobeesityty iin a larrge social network over

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Efforts to use chemicals to control weight have been discouraging. Most medications used to reduce weight do so by suppressing appetite. During the 1950s and 1960s, it was not uncommon for Ameri- can doctors to prescribe amphetamines for weight loss. Although amphetamines do suppress appetite, their psychoactive and addictive properties make this approach less than desirable. Currently approved chemical approaches for treating obesity include orli- stat (Xenical), which reduces the absorption of fats by the digestive tract, and sibutramine, which is similar to amphetamine. Unfortunately, taking these drugs produces modest weight loss of 5–10 pounds per year, which might not be enough to offset diarrhea and other side effects in the minds of dieters (Rucker, Padwal, Li, Curioni, & Lau, 2007).

Some individuals who become discouraged with diets and medication have begun to turn instead to surgical interventions, including stomach stapling and gastric bypass procedures, which literally reduce the amount of nutrients that can be consumed or pro- cessed. While the weight loss resulting from these procedures can be dramatic (the average bypass patient loses 90 pounds within three months of surgery; Maggard et al., 2005), these procedures represent major surgery, often result in complications, and should be con- sidered very carefully.

Although it is feasible that current research into brain mechanisms for hunger and satiety may eventually lead to better treatments for obesity, lifestyle changes leading to healthier eating and exercise habits remain the most reliable approach.

Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa Coexisting with our ongoing obesity epidemic are eating disorders characterized by unusual patterns of restricted eating and distortions of a person’s body image. Normally, we have a fairly accurate view of what we look like. People with distorted body image can be convinced that they are obese when in fact they are in danger of starvation.

Traditionally, eating disorders have been viewed as a problem for women, but much less typically for men. However, contemporary research suggests that increasing numbers of men are experiencing eating disorders (Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007) and body dissatisfaction (Pope, Katz, & Hudson, 1993). As many as 25% of individuals with eating dis- orders today are male. Rates of eating disorder are about 6 times higher among homosexual and bisexual men compared to heterosexual men, although sexual orientation does not seem to be associated with any addi- tional risks for eating disorder among women (Feldman & Meyer, 2007). In addition, some men appear to suffer from muscle dysmorphia, a body dis- tortion problem in which they see themselves as 90-pound weaklings even though they spend hours each day developing muscle at the gym (Chung,

Contrary to popular opinion, many people do lose weight by dieting and are successful in maintaining their weight loss for years. The National Weight Control Registry tracks over 5,000 case studies of successful maintainers, including Drew Saur. Drew lost over 150 pounds and has maintained his loss since 2005. He began by counting the calories he was consuming and was astonished to find that he was eating about 5,000 calories per day, not surprising given his starting weight of 325 pounds. By gradually reducing calories and waiting to eat until he felt hungry, Drew lost about two to three pounds per week. He began walking, and when his weight loss permitted more activity, he switched to running. Successful dieters/maintainers like Drew do not view dieting as something drastic to do before a wedding or class reunion, but as a gradual lifestyle change that is livable.

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anorexia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by the maintenance of unusually low body weight and a distorted body image.

bulimia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by bingeing, purging, and having feelings of depression, disgust, and lost control.

2001). These men are more likely to experiment with anabolic steroids in order to increase muscle mass (Rohman, 2009).

Anorexia nervosa is characterized by the maintenance of unusually low body weight and a distorted view of the body as obese. Anorexia literally means “loss of appetite.” Anorexia nervosa is dramatic, but rare, affecting about 1% of women and 0.3% of men (Hudson et al., 2007). Anorexia nervosa is one of the few psychological disorders that can actually kill, with up to 10% of patients eventually dying from the condition (APA, 2000). Other symptoms include interrup- tion of normal menstruation, very dry and yellow skin, fine downy

hair (lanugo) on the face and other parts of the body, increased sen- sitivity to cold, and cardiovascular and gastrointestinal problems. Bulimia nervosa is characterized by cycles of binge eating, in which

unusually large amounts of food are consumed, and purging through the use of vomiting or laxatives. Bingeing is often followed by feelings of depression, disgust, and a sense of lost control. Bulimia is somewhat more common than anorexia, affecting 1.5% of women and 0.5% of men (Hudson et al., 2007). Binge eating disorder, or binge eating without the other symp- toms of bulimia, occurs in about 3.5% of women and 2% of men (Hudson et al., 2007) and is under consideration as a separate category of psychological disorder. About 20% of patients with anorexia also engage in bouts of binge eating and about 8 to 9% follow this bingeing with efforts to purge (Garfin- kel et al., 1996). Fatalities among patients with bulimia alone are rare, but do occur in patients with overlapping anorexia and bulimia.

Environmental factors, especially cultural attitudes toward beauty, can play a significant role in the development of both anorexia and bulimia. Anne Becker and her colleagues were observing eating patterns in the Fiji Islands when American television became available for the first time in 1995 (Becker, Burwell, Herzog, Hamburg, & Gilman, 2002). Prior to this time, Becker reported that dieting was unknown in this culture, which valued a “robust, well-muscled body” for both men and women. The Fijian language has a term for “going thin” that is used to express concern about someone who may be losing weight due to health problems. In the United States, people may say, “Have you lost weight? You look great!” In Fiji, a person is more likely to say, “Are you okay? You look like you’re going thin.”

These cultural norms underwent nearly overnight change with the introduction of American television, with its frequent images of glamor- ous, ultrathin actresses. Suddenly, 74% of the adolescent girls in Becker’s study reported themselves as being “too big or too fat.” Teens began to report dieting with the same frequency as their American counterparts,

We have defined healthy weight as a BMI between 18.5 and 24.9, yet the typical runway model held up as a cultural standard for beauty has an average BMI of only 16.5. In response to a number of deaths of

ultrathin models, some European countries now require models to maintain a minimum BMI of 18.5. The United States has not followed suit, and American designers have complained that this standard would require a 6-foot-tall model to “balloon” to 136 pounds. In contrast, a 6-foot-tall model with a 16.5 BMI would weigh a scant 121 pounds. It is not surprising that young women exposed to these standards of beauty occasionally develop distorted images of their own bodies.

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a radical shift from Becker’s observations since 1988. Because Becker’s data are correlational, we cannot con- clude that watching TV produced disordered eating in Fiji. However, her results are suggestive of strong cultural influences on patterns of disordered eating.

Evidence from twin studies indicates that people do have a significant genetic vulnerability to disordered eat- ing, but not toward a specific type of disorder (Bulik et al., 2010). It is likely that general personality characteristics that increase a person’s risk for eating disorders may be inherited, not the disorders themselves (Hsu, Chesler, & Santhouse, 1990).

Once an eating disorder is established, biological factors contribute to maintaining abnormal patterns of eating. Even after patients with anorexia nervosa regain normal weight, some still show evidence of elevated levels of hormones that typically raise metabolism and inhibit feeding (Stanley et al., 2003). The binge-purge cycling of bulimia involves processes similar to those of addiction (Hoebel, Patten, Colantuoni, & Rada, 2000). When food- deprived rats are given access to sugar water, they tend to binge by con- suming larger than normal amounts. Subsequently, if the bingeing rats are given naloxone, a chemical that blocks the action of opiate drugs (discussed in our chapter on consciousness), they respond as if they had been addicted to opiates. For both bingeing and addicted rats, naloxone produces anxiety, agitation, and chattering teeth. People who fast and then binge on sweets may set up a similar addictive process that is difficult to stop.

Effective treatments exist for anorexia nervosa and bulimia. Treating anorexia nervosa can be challenging, as the therapist is frequently facing a patient who is terrified of gaining weight. The first priority, of course, is keeping the patient alive, and this effort typically involves hospitalization and careful monitoring of food intake. Cognitive-behavioral therapy may be used to address distortions of body image (see our chapter on therapy), but no known medications are effective in treating anorexia (Johnson, Tsoh, & Vanrado, 1996). About 50% of patients with anorexia will make a full recovery, but nearly 20% fail to respond at all. Treating bulimia is some- what more encouraging. Antidepressant medications, particularly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), are usually quite effective, especially when combined with cognitive-behavioral treatment (Johnson et al., 1996).

Sexual Motivation

Although sexual behavior is essential for the sur- vival of a species, unlike eating, it is not essential to the survival of an individual organism. However,

individuals’ sexual behavior appears to be maintained by processes similar to the life-sustaining motivations we have already discussed.

The evolutionary psychology perspective maintains that the goal of a species’ sexual behavior is to produce offspring who will in turn reproduce. According to this approach, males and females experience different pres- sures that shape their reproductive behaviors. Compared to females, males are able to produce many more offspring during a lifetime. Supplying sperm

Prior to the introduction of American television programming to the islands of Fiji in 1995, the cultural ideal for both men and women was a “robust, well-muscled body,” as evidenced by this traditional dancer. Dieting and eating disorders were completely unknown. A very short time after American television was available, however, Fijian rates of dieting and eating disorders grew to match American rates, and ideal beauties became slimmer.

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takes much less time than a pregnancy. In addition, women typically have the greater responsibility for child-rearing tasks, which last many years.

According to evolutionary psychologists, these differences in reproductive opportunities and amount of parental investment are responsible for more selectivity in mate choice by women com- pared to men. Because women can produce fewer children and must invest heavily in their care, the best reproductive strategy for women would be to ensure their children’s health by choosing the partner with the healthiest genes. In contrast, a man’s best reproductive strategy might be pro- miscuity. However, there is no point in producing a large number of children who fail to survive, so any “natural” tendency toward promiscuity would

be offset by the many advantages a father provides his children, such as protection and the encouragement of exploration. Current cross-cultural data continue to show an overwhelming majority of monogamous human relationships worldwide (UNdata, 2008).

Cross-cultural data comparing the importance of different characteris- tics in a mate also show sex differences (Buss, 1989). Both men and women from 37 cultures worldwide agreed that kindness, emotional stability, dependability, and a pleasant disposition were valuable characteristics in a mate. However, as shown in ● Figure 7.10, women were more influenced by the financial prospects of their potential mates, whereas men were more influenced by physical attractiveness. Even in the United States, where it is

The Impact of Pro-Ana Websites

Thinking Scientifically

reedom of speech is a cherished right, especially in the United States, and

we decide to restrict access to data very reluctantly, as in the case of movie and video game rating sys- tems. In spite of these strong values, many health professionals cringe

when viewing so-called pro-ana sites online. Some of these communities are designed to actually help people with eating disorders, but many are unabashedly in favor of promoting thinness at any cost.

One example, prothinspo.com, is written by a self-described former

model, who says that the purpose of the site is to “help us meet our goals,” which are to achieve “perfec- tion.” The author further states that “thinspiration is not a negative part of today’s society” (Jodee, 2010). The site features links for “Fasting Help

Although reports about unfaithful men, like Arnold Schwarzenegger, seem to outnumber those about women in celebrity tabloids, recent research shows that powerful women are about as likely to cheat on their mates as powerful men are.

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more feasible for women to support themselves than in most of the cultures included in the study, most women still prefer a mate whose earning power exceeds their own.

Sexuality is an extremely complex aspect of human behavior. In this chapter, we will focus on the more physical aspects of sexual motivation. In a later chapter on social psychology, we will discuss phenomena related to attraction and maintaining relationships, and in our chapter on development, we will explore sexuality across the lifespan.

Hormones and Sexual Motivation The females of many mammalian species, including cats and dogs, undergo estrus, a period of hours or days during which the female is receptive, or willing to have sex. In these species, hormone levels and sexual behavior are tightly linked. In humans and Old World primates, menstrual cycles replace periods of estrus. The sexual behavior of these non-estrus species is quite different (Rushton, 2001).

Human females show receptivity throughout the menstrual cycle. Some women report feeling slightly more interest in sex around the time of ovulation, a situ- ation that has obvious advantages for the reproduction of the species, as this is the time when sexual behavior is most likely to lead to pregnancy (Slob, Bax, Hop,

and Answers,” “purging tips,” and “pro-ana tips,” along with “thinspira- tion” photos of painfully thin celebri- ties, actresses, and models. The site is typically first to show up on a Google search for pro-ana sites and reports thousands of hits per day.

What do we know about the influence of these sites? Teens already diagnosed with eating disor- ders visit pro-ana sites regularly, and

very few of their parents were aware either of the existence of these sites or their teens’ use of the site (Wil- son, Peebles, Hardy, & Litt, 2006). Individuals with eating disorders who frequent pro-ana sites show more disturbed body image and eating habits than patients who view medi- cal information sites about their dis- orders (Harper, Sperry, & Thompson, 2008).

Further research would be help- ful in finding out how the use of these sites influences the recovery of patients with eating disorders. In the meantime, raising awareness among parents, peers, and health advisors of the existence and content of these sites might increase our ability to help those who have eating disorders.

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Human femmales show receptivity throughout the struaall cyclee. Somme women rerepoporrt ffeeelilingng sslighghtly e inttere est t in ssex aaround the titimme of ovvullatatioi n, a ssititu-u n thata has obvb iousus advdvantagegess for thee rreproducuctionon

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Rowland, & van der Werff ten Bosch, 1996). As shown in ● Fig- ure 7.11, women who are near ovulation make more accurate assessments of the sexual orientation of men, but show no com- parable change in their ability to identify the sexual orientation of other women (Rule, Rosen, Slepian, & Ambady, 2011). Accu- racy improved even more when the experimenters manipulated the women to think romantic thoughts, reminding us that while the physical aspects of sexual motivation can be significant, they always interact with social and cognitive influences.

Around ovulation, women provide subtle cues about their fer- tility. Participants can accurately identify women who were near ovulation based on how “attractively” they were dressed (Hasel- ton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske-Rechek, & Frederick, 2006). The ovulating women showed more attention to detail regard- ing dress, hair, and makeup. Women also speak in higher, more feminine tones when they are ovulating than at other times of the

menstrual cycle, especially in social situations (Bryant & Haselton, 2009). Because women’s behavior around ovulation reflects the activity of

hormones responsible for the menstrual cycle, it is surprising that these hormones appear to have little influence on sexual interest. Menopause produces substantial changes in a woman’s female hormone levels, but has little impact on her sexual interest and activity (Galyer, Conaglen, Hare, & Conaglen, 1999). If anything, women often respond to this change in fer- tility with greater interest in sexual activity, due to the relief of no longer worrying about unplanned pregnancy.

If levels of female hormones do not correlate with a woman’s level of sexual interest, are there other biological factors that do? Perhaps surpris- ingly, female sexual interest and activity is correlated with levels of the male hormone, testosterone. Women typically produce about one tenth the amount of testosterone that males produce. Medical conditions that reduce a woman’s testosterone production often lead to sexual dysfunction. When these women are treated with low doses of testosterone provided through a skin patch, they report having sex more frequently and enjoying it more (Shifren et al., 2000).

Testosterone is also correlated with sexual interest in males. However, as long as a man’s testosterone falls within a normal range, it does not provide a strong predictor of an individual’s sexual frequency (Gray et al., 2005; Mazur & Booth, 1998). Below normal levels of testosterone, as in

castration, are usually accompanied by very low sexual desire and activity.

Male testosterone levels fluctuate over the course of a day and are influenced not only by a man’s biology but by a number of environmental factors, notably competition. Male collegiate athletes experience increases in testosterone in anticipation of competition. Following a competition, testos-

terone continues to rise among the winners and temporarily decreases in the losers (Booth, Shelley, Mazur, Tharp, & Kittok, 1989). Simply observ- ing a competition may influence testosterone levels. Men cheering for the successful Brazilian soccer team at the 1994 World Cup experienced testosterone A male hormone.

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Women Close to Ovulation Judge Male Sexual Orientation More Accurately. Women asked to judge the sexual orientation of men based on a brief presentation of a photograph of a man’s face were most accurate at their approximate time of ovulation within their menstrual cycles (approximately Day 14). This study suggests that even though women are receptive to sex throughout the menstrual cycle, interest in sex is likely to be highest at a time of increased fertility. Source: Adapted from Rule, Rosen, Slepian, and Ambady

(2011).

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Because most oral contraceptives prevent ovulation, women using this form of birth control do not show the characteristic changes in dress and voice observed in ovulating women.

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produces substantial changes in a womans female hormone levels, bu little impmpacact t on hherer ssexuauall intererest aandnd aactctivity (G(Galyer,, CCononagaglenn, HHaa Conaglgleen, 1999). IIff ana ytthihingng, wowomemenn often reespsponond toto this channgege iinn tility wwiti h greateerr intereestt in n sesexxuaal aacttivivitty, ddueue ttoo thhe reliliefef of no llo wworryiingng aabobout uunpnplal nnneed preegngnancycy..

If levels of female hormones do not correlate with a woman’s lev sexual innterest, are there other biologicacal factors that do?? Perhaps sur ingly, ffememalee sesexuxuala iintntereresst anandd acactitivivityy iis cocorrrrelelatteded wwitithhhh llevels of the hormonone, teeststosteteroronne.. WoW menn ttypipicacallyy prododucucee ababout one tenth amountnt ooff tteststosostteroonene tthaatt maleles prprododuuce.e MMedediccalal ccononditions that re a woman’s testosterone production often lead to seexuxxualala dysfunction W

sexual orientattion off n a brief presenntationn aph oof a mann’s faace ccurate att ttheir timeme oof ovulation

mmensttrurual cycles elyy DDay 14)).. This sstut dy t even tthouggh wowomen to sex throuughououtt

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increased testosterone levels, whereas men supporting the losing Italian team experienced a decrease (Bernhardt, Dabbs, Fielden, & Lutter, 1998). These fluctuations are more dramatic when taking the location of the venue into account. Losing at home produces a more dramatic decrease in tes- tosterone than losing a game as the visiting team. This response to losing a competition at home may represent a remnant of our ancestors’ need to defend their territory. We can assume that losing a battle is catastrophic in any circumstances, but losing near your family and home makes them especially vulnerable to destruction.

Human beings show wide variations in sexual satisfaction (see ● Fig- ure 7.12). Cross-cultural studies show that subjective sexual satisfaction depends on a number of factors, including relative equality between men and women, mental and physical health, and the importance of sexual behavior for an individual (Laumann et al., 2006). The stability of relation- ships, which also impacts sexual satisfaction in a positive way, is related to hormone levels. Men in stable, long-term relationships have lower testosterone levels than single men or men who are within a few years of divorce (Mazur & Michalek, 1998). These correlations do not allow us to make judgments about causality, as we explained in our chapter on research methods. It is possible that the competition for mates that single men expe- rience produces this increase, as we noted previously that competition is linked with increased testosterone. Conversely, it is also possible that men with higher testosterone levels are not as successful at maintaining stable relationships. Evidence supporting this second hypothesis was provided by a long-term study in which partnering and unpartnering did not impact men’s testosterone levels (van Anders & Watson, 2006). In other words, if a man’s testosterone was fluctuating as a result of competition, as suggested in the first hypothesis, this study should have provided evidence for changes in testosterone as a function of relationship status, but none was observed. For both men and women, individuals with the lowest testosterone levels

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of Relational and Sexual Satisfaction. A survey of nearly 30,000 participants in 29 countries showed wide variations in sexual satisfaction. In most countries, there was a strong correlation between relational satisfaction (defined as a combination of physical pleasure with a partner and emotional satisfaction with a partner) and sexual satisfaction. Gender differences in satisfaction with sexual function were the smallest in Cluster 1 countries. Source: Adapted from Laumann et al.

(2006).

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e producess thiss increase, as we noted previously that competition is d with incrreae sedd testosteronene. CoConnverrseelyly,, it iis ala so ppoossiblblee ththatat menn higghher tetestoosteroone levels araree not as sucuccec ssfufull atat mmaaintntaiainingg stablblee onships. Evided nce e susuppp ortiingng this seccondnd hyppootheesisiss wawass pprovididedd bby y

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were more likely to be in monogamous, committed relationships. Single individuals had higher levels of testosterone, and individuals with multiple, committed relationships (such as married men with long-term mistresses) had the highest testosterone levels of all (van Anders, Hamilton, & Watson, 2007).

An important feature of human social behavior across our evolutionary history has been the importance of forming families to provide supportive, reproductive, and nurturant advantages. Although the resulting cultural values have often linked sexual desire and romantic love, these two functions represent distinct biological and emotional states. Romantic love involves the estab- lishment of long-term relationships, whereas sexual desire pro- motes mating and reproduction. It is possible to experience sexual desire without romantic love, just as it is possible to experience romantic love without sexual desire (Diamond, 2004).

We have seen how sexual desire or interest is correlated with testosterone for both men and women, but romantic love is asso- ciated with two other hormones, oxytocin and vasopressin (see ● Figure 7.13). In human beings, both hormones are active in the brain, but vasopressin is expressed more by males and oxytocin by females (Ishunina & Swaab, 1999; van Londen et al., 1997). In both

sexes, oxytocin enhances bonding. Women release oxytocin during breast- feeding and even respond to a brief hug from their partners with a spike in oxytocin release (Light, Grewen, & Amico, 2005). Oxytocin is released at orgasm in both sexes. However, due to the greater overall expression of oxytocin in the brains of females along with the 10 times higher testoster- one levels in men, it does appear that women are more likely than men to equate sexual desire with feelings of romantic love (Diamond, 2004). We do not mean to imply that men do not bond, because of course they do, but high testosterone levels are likely to make sexual activity highly salient for young men, with or without the bonding associated with oxytocin release.

In light of these sex differences, it is not too surprising to learn that college women report a preference for interacting with men sexually through traditional, planned dates with an expectation for further contact, while college men report a preference for interacting sexually with women through “no strings attached” hookups (Bradshaw, Kahn, & Saville, 2010). Complicating contemporary relationships still further is the fact that oxy- tocin release can be classically conditioned, a process we describe in a later chapter on learning. With each successive sexual encounter with a person, that individual becomes a stronger learned signal for oxytocin release, which in turn facilitates bonding (Witt, Carter, Lederhendler, & Kirkpat- rick, 1997). Women intending to hook up might find themselves bonding with their partners instead. Counselors in university health centers are well aware that women often seek counseling following a hookup, but men typi- cally do not (Grossman, 2007).

Sexual Orientation Individual differences in human sexuality are sub- stantial and normal. One of the ways individuals vary is in their sexual orientation, which refers to a stable pattern of attraction to members

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of a particular sex. Orientation is not synonymous with behavior. Many people engage in same-sex behavior and fantasy while maintaining a strong heterosexual orientation. In the Sambia tribal culture of New Guinea, all adolescent males are expected to engage in same-sex behavior prior to marrying women (Stoller & Herdt, 1985). The adult sexual orientation of these men remained overwhelmingly heterosexual.

It is difficult to determine the number of individuals who are homosexual (Savin-Williams, 2006). Among adults in the United States, 4% of women and 9% of men report having engaged in homosexual behavior, and 1% of women and 2% of men identify themselves as homosexual. The exact determinants of sexual orienta- tion remain unknown, and it is possible that different

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Oxytocin, Vasopressin, and Two Species of Voles. The discovery of the importance of oxytocin and vasopressin to bonding originated in the study of two types of rodents—the prairie vole and the montane vole. Although very similar in many ways, the two types of vole differed in both their bonding to a partner and their parenting behaviors. Prairie voles are monogamous for life, but montane voles are not. Prairie voles share parenting duties, but montane voles do not. Differences between the two types of vole in oxytocin and vasopressin were closely associated with the behavioral differences, with the prairie voles showing higher levels of both hormones than the montane voles. In one type of study, voles are allowed to mate, and then they are placed in a test box. On either side of the male, who can move freely, are two females—a stranger and the partner—who are tethered in their boxes and can’t move. The chart shows how much time the average male prairie vole and montane vole spend with the partner, with the stranger, or alone. As you can see, the prairie voles prefer to be with their partners, but the montane voles prefer to be alone.

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A homosexual orientation is carefully defined as a stable pattern of attraction to people of your own gender. Homosexual behavior can occur with or without a homosexual orientation. Among the Sambian people of New Guinea, young males are separated from their mothers and expected to engage in homosexual behavior with older males. The Sambian people believe that obtaining semen in this manner transforms them into powerful warriors (Herdt, 1987). After marriage, the now adult man no longer engages in homosexual behavior. ©

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION310

his short questionnaire measures an individual’s

tendency to engage in sexual relationships without deep emotional commitment (Penke & Asendorpf, 2008).

Follow these directions to score your questionnaire. You will have four scores. For the first one, score items 1, 2, and 3 as follows: 0 = 1, 1 = 2, 2 = 3, 3 = 4, 4 = 5, 5 or 6 = 6, 7–9 = 7, 10–19 = 8, and 20 or more = 9. Add scores for these three items. Second, subtract your answer for item 6 from 10, then add the result to your answers to

items 4 and 5. Third, add items 7–9 together. Finally, add all three com- posite scores together.

What do the scores mean? The first scale measures behavior, or what people actually report doing. In a sample of German participants, Penke and Asendorpf (2008) found that men scored an average of 2.76 and women an average of 2.65 on this scale. The second scale measures attitudes. In the same sample, men scored an average of 6.42 and women scored 5.41. The third score measures desire, and men reported an average of 5.62

compared to women’s average of 3.96. Overall, on the combined instrument, men averaged 4.93 and women 4.01.

Consistent with the evolutionary perspective, the largest difference between men and women occurred in the desire scale. Penke and Asen- dorpf (2008) reported that the desire scores interacted with relationship status. Desire was reduced in people who were currently in a committed relationship and was negatively cor- related with measures of relationship quality, commitment, and fidelity.

The Revised Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI-R)

Experiencing Psychology

Please respond honestly to the following questions:

1. With how many different partners have you had sex within the past 12 months? ❏

0 ❏

1 ❏

2 ❏

3 ❏

4 ❏

5–6 ❏

7–9 ❏

10–19 ❏

20 or more

2. With how many different partners have you had sexual intercourse on one and only one occasion? ❏

0 ❏

1 ❏

2 ❏

3 ❏

4 ❏

5–6 ❏

7–9 ❏

10–19 ❏

20 or more

3. With how many different partners have you had sexual intercourse without having an interest in a long-term committed relationship with this person?

❏

0 ❏

1 ❏

2 ❏

3 ❏

4 ❏

5–6 ❏

7–9 ❏

10–19 ❏

20 or more

factors contribute to the sexual orientation of different individuals. The discussion of the causes of sexual orientation is quite politically charged, however, because people who believe in a mostly biological explanation of sexual orientation are typically more supportive of homosexuality, whereas people who believe in a mostly environmental explanation are less sup- portive (Tygart, 2000).

his shshortt quq esstionnnaire measurureses an inndidivividdualal’s’s enddene cy to engagege iin ttioionshihips withoutt ddeepp cocommmitment ((Penke && 2008)8). thesee direectiononss to sscore onnaire. YYou will have four the first one, score items

as follows: 0 = 1, 1 = 2, 2 = 3,

ititemems 4 and 5.. Third, adaddd ititemms 7–99 toogether. Finanallllyy, add alll tthrhreeee ccomm- poposisite sscoc rees ttogeg theer.

WhWhat do ththe scores mean?? The firrsts scale measures behavior, or what peoople acttuaually reepoport doingng. . In a saammple oof f GeGerrmanan pparrticcipapantnts, PPenenkke andd Aseendodorpff (2(200008)8) fouound thahat memen sccororeded an n avavereraggee ofof 22.76 6 and wwomemenn an average of 2.65 on this scale. The

compparareded to wowommen’s averragge o OvO erralll, oonn thee ccombmbiinede insstrtrumum memenn avavereragaged 44.9.93 annd woommen 4

CConsisstetent witithh ththe evolol tutioio perspective, the largest differen betwtweee n memen ananddd women occur iin tthehe ddessirre scscalallleee. Penke and As dodorpff (200008)8) rreeported that the d scscoreses intntereracacteted with relationsh status. DeDesisis reree wwas reduced in pe

y ( )

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 311

4. Sex without love is OK.

❏ 1 Strongly disagree

❏ 2 ❏ 3 ❏ 4 ❏ 5 ❏ 6 ❏ 7 ❏ 8 ❏ 9 Strongly agree

5. I can imagine myself being comfortable and enjoying “casual” sex with different partners.

❏ 1 Strongly disagree

❏ 2 ❏ 3 ❏ 4 ❏ 5 ❏ 6 ❏ 7 ❏ 8 ❏ 9 Strongly agree

6. I do not want to have sex with a person until I am sure that we will have a long-term, serious relationship.

❏ 1 Strongly disagree

❏ 2 ❏ 3 ❏ 4 ❏ 5 ❏ 6 ❏ 7 ❏ 8 ❏ 9 Strongly agree

7. How often do you have fantasies about having sex with someone you are not in a committed romantic relationship with?

❏ 1 – never ❏ 4 – about once a month ❏ 7 – several times per week ❏ 2 – very seldom ❏ 5 – about once every two weeks ❏ 8 – nearly every day ❏ 3 – about once every two or three months ❏ 6 – about once a week ❏ 9 – at least once a day

8. How often do you experience sexual arousal when you are in contact with someone you are not in a committed romantic relationship with?

9. In everyday life, how often do you have spontaneous fantasies about having sex with someone you have just met?

Genetics appears to influence sexual orientation, although the exact mechanisms are not well understood and are likely to be quite complex. Like most human behaviors, sexual orientation is likely to be the result of an interaction between genetic factors and other aspects of the individual’s experience, which can include prenatal factors. To assess the genetic contribution to sexual orientation, researchers have compared rates of homosexuality in twins. If one identical male twin is homosexual, his twin has about a 50% chance of also being homosexual (Kirk, Bailey, & Martin, 2000).

Among the other possible biological variables affecting sexual orienta- tion are levels of prenatal, but not adult, sex hormones. Women with a condition known as congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) experienced high levels of circulating male hormones as fetuses. Consequently, they are often born with masculinized external genitalia, are more likely to describe

x withoutt llove iss OOK.

❏❏ 111 oongnglylyly agree

❏ 2 ❏ 3 ❏ 44 ❏❏ 5 ❏❏ 666 ❏ 77 ❏❏ 8

an imaaginee mysysele f beinng comfortable and enenjojoyiyingng ““cacasusuaal” seex x wwithth ddififfeferer nnt ppartnnerers.s

❏ 1 ongly agree

❏ 2 ❏ 3 ❏❏❏ 44 ❏❏ 55 ❏❏ 66 ❏ 77 ❏ 8

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION312

themselves as “tomboys,” and are more likely to engage in lesbian or bisex- ual behavior (Meyer-Bahlburg, Dolezal, Baker, & New, 2008). However, the majority of women with CAH are heterosexual, just as the vast majority of lesbian and bisexual women do not have a history of CAH or similar conditions.

An interesting clue to the origin of sexual orientation arises from the observation that birth order influences the odds that a man is homosexual. Men who have older brothers are more likely to be gay than men who have no siblings, younger siblings only, or older sisters (Blanchard, 1997). Theo- retically, carrying a male fetus could provoke a mother’s immune response, which would become stronger with each successive male fetus she carries. Her immune response could influence the development of her fetus by altering significant hormonal processes. Additional research is needed to identify the ways an immune system response of the mother could change the structure of her fetus’s developing brain (James, 2006).

Several structures in the brain are known to be different in males and females and also seem to differ between homosexual and heterosexual males. Among these is a small cluster of neurons located in the hypothala- mus known as INAH (see ● Figure 7.14). There are four separate nuclei in INAH. Two of these, INAH-2 and INAH-3, are notably larger in males than in females (Allen, Hines, Shryne, & Gorski, 1989). The exact function of these nuclei is unknown, although it is likely that they participate in sexual behavior. Building on this research about differences between the brains of men and women, Simon LeVay asked whether INAH-3 might be different

(b) Heterosexual man

(a) Location of INAH-3

INAH-3 nuclei

Lateral ventricles

Third ventricle

Hypothalamus

Some Brain Differences May Correlate With Sexual Orientation. Simon LeVay reported that an area of the hypothalamus known as INAH-3 differs between heterosexual and homosexual men. If you compare the samples in (b) and (c), you can see that INAH-3, outlined by the four dark arrows, appears to be larger in the heterosexual male sample than in the homosexual male sample. The impact of this size difference on adult sexual behavior or sexual orientation remains unknown, however, as these are correlational data. Source: Adapted from LeVay, S. (1991).

F i g u r e 7 . 1 4

rg os

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tthemseelvlves aass “ttomomboboys,”,” and aarere morore e lilikekelyy tto engagage iin n lelesbsbian n oror bb ual behavior (Meyer-Bahlburg, Dolezal, Baker, & New, 2008). Howeve majoriityty of women with CAH are hettererosexual, just as tthe vast maj of lesbbiaan andnd bbisisexxuaual woomemenn dodo nnot havavee a a hihiststorory y ofoffof CAH or sim conditioions.

An iintnteeresstitinng ccluluee tto tthhe oorrigiin n off sexual ororieientntatatioi n arises from observation that birth order influences the odds thhata aaa man is homose

sample. The impact of this size difference on adult sexual behavior or sexual orientation rema unknown,n, hhowoweveveer, as tthehesese are cororrelationonal datata.a. SouSourcerce: Adapteted ffrom LeVayay, S, S. (. (1991991).1

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 313

in heterosexual and homosexual males. After examining the brains of over 40 individuals, LeVay (1991) concluded that INAH-3 in homosexual men was about 2–3 times smaller than in heterosexual men, or about the same size as typically found in women.

LeVay was quite cautious in his interpretation of his results. The homo- sexual individuals in his sample had all died from AIDS. Otherwise, there would be little reason to note sexual orientation on a person’s medical records. Although it is unlikely that AIDS would pro- duce this type of change in the brain, LeVay could not rule out that possibility based on his data. LeVay also raised the pos- sibility that engaging in homosexual behavior might influence INAH-3, even in the adult, although he gave little credence to that possibility.

Due to the difficulties arising from this type of research in humans, others have investigated the correlations between brain structure and sexual behavior in animals. Among domestic sheep, 6 to 8% of rams (males) mate exclusively with other males. The sheep equiva- lent of INAH-3 is about the same size in ewes (females) as in the rams that mated with other rams. This structure is larger in rams that mated with ewes (Roselli, Larkin, Resko, Stellflug, & Stormshak, 2004).

Cognitive and Social Motives

So far, our discussion has focused on motivational behavior that is central to maintaining life. In addi- tion, human beings experience a wide range of com-

plex cognitive and social motives. A lengthy list of these types of complex motives published in 1938 included achievement, affiliation, autonomy, nurturance, dominance, play, and order (Murray, 1938). More recent work focuses on needs for competence and relatedness (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Although some psychologists retain strong distinctions between biological and psychological motives, the dividing line is surely blurred. When an individual’s need for affiliation is not met, the consequences of the resulting loneliness definitely include biological factors, such as increased rates of illness and death (Hawkley, Masi, Berry, & Cacioppo, 2006).

Achievement Motivation Psychologist David McClelland has devoted much of his career to the study of achievement, which is usually defined as a desire to excel or outperform others (McClelland, 1953, 1985; McClel- land & Boyatzis, 1982). Environmental circumstances such as learning may influence a person’s desire to succeed. However, overall achievement moti- vation appears to behave more like a personality trait, which we discuss in more detail in our chapter on personality, than the types of motivation we have discussed so far.

High achievers insist on excellent performance in every task they undertake. People with high levels of achievement motivation share a clus- ter of characteristics. They prefer very clear feedback. A high-achieving student accustomed to judging performance on the basis of his or her GPA may find the working world, with its more ambiguous employment reviews, somewhat frustrating. Other benchmarks, such as salary level or

achievement A desire to excel or outperform others.

All women do have a different sense of sexuality, or sense of fun, or sense of like what’s sexy or cool or tough. —Angelina Jolie

gnitiiivvveee anddd cial MMMoootttivesss

So far, our r didiscscuussionn hhaas ffoccusu edd oon momotitivavationalal behavior thhat is cenntrralal tto mamainintat inniingg lilife. In adddi-i- ttionn, humaman n beings exxperiencnce a a wiw dde rranange oof coom-m-

ccoogninitit ve and ssocial mmotives.s AA llenengthyhy llisist off tthesee ttyypess oof f cocompmplelex vevess published inn 11938 included achievement, affiliation, autonomy, urancce, ddomiminancnce,e play, andd oorder ((Murrayy, , 1938).) More rececent work ses onn neeedsds ffor ccompetenccee andd rerelalateedndnesess (DDecii && RyRyanan, 20200000).. ough some psychologists retaaiin strronong g didisttininctctioonns beetweeenn bbiolloggicall psychological motives, the ddiivididiing liline iiss surelly blul rredd. WhWhen an

vidual’s need for affiliation is not met the consequences of the resulting

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION314

having the corner office, may take on the function previ- ously performed by grades.

Does high achievement motivation provide advantages to those who have it? To answer this question, we need to be able to assess an individual’s level of achievement moti- vation. Using measures of individual achievement motiva- tion, we can see that people who are high in achievement motivation seek out and typically succeed in competitive, entrepreneurial occupations (McClelland, 1985). One of the important factors predicting the success of high achiev- ers in business is the amount of control they have over their work environment (Winter, 2010). In other situations, such as politics, control is harder to maintain, which can frustrate high achievers. A corporate CEO has an easier time implementing decisions than a political leader, who

must convince many others that a decision is correct. Under these condi- tions of lower personal control, individual achievement motivation fails to predict success.

People with high achievement motivation demand excellence and prefer clear feedback. There is no question about who did or did not win this race.

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Psychology as a Hub Science

Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents

ebate currently rages in many communities

regarding same-sex mar- riage, civil unions, domestic partner-

ships, and the adoption and foster care of children by lesbian and gay adults. Psychology cannot provide all the answers to these debates, but it can shed some scientific light on the implications for children of having a lesbian or gay parent. A scientific understanding of these issues can better inform legal adoption and fos- ter care decisions as well as provide those who work with children and families a realistic perspective.

Among the outcomes of family type explored by researchers have been children’s gender development, sexual orientation, and social rela- tionships (Patterson, 2009; Wainright & Patterson, 2008). As we will see in

our chapter on development, gender identity refers to the person’s sense of being male or female. Related aspects of gender development include gendered behavior, which means that a child conforms to social norms regarding masculine and femi- nine behavior, and sexual orientation. Research with very young children has shown few differences in gen- der identity or gendered behavior between children living with same- sex or opposite-sex parents (Patter- son, 2009). Peer relationships among adolescents being raised by female same-sex couples were not differ- ent in quantity or quality from those

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 315

The Motivation to Affiliate Human be - ings are a social species. When people are asked to identify which pleasures are most important to their happiness, the overwhelming majority rate love, intimacy, and social affiliation above wealth, fame, and even physical health (Cacioppo & Patrick, 2008).

Not only do people value affiliation, but a perceived lack of connection with others can have devastating effects. Soli- tary confinement is viewed as one of the worst punishments human beings inflict on one another. The effects of social isolation can be as detrimental to good health as high blood pressure, lack of exercise, obesity, or smoking (House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988). Not all behaviors associated with feeling iso- lated or rejected are self-destructive. In some cases, feeling isolated can result in outwardly hostile behavior (see ● Figure 7.15). Students told in an experiment that a personality test had shown that they were “the type likely to end up alone later in life” showed less empa- thy and more aggression toward other students than did students told that they would enjoy “rewarding relationships throughout life” (Twenge,

among adolescents with opposite- sex parents (Wainright & Patterson, 2008). The results of research into the sexual orientation of those raised by same-sex or opposite-sex parents are inconclusive. Some researchers report no differences, while others showed that about 9% of boys raised by gay fathers, compared to the 2% of adult males in the general popula- tion that we mentioned earlier, iden- tify themselves as gay (Patterson, 2009). In general, the research evi- dence shows little if any differences in outcomes for children raised by heterosexual or homosexual parents.

According to the 2010 U.S. Census, about one third of lesbians are parents and about one fifth of gay men are parents. Homosexual parents are raising children from prior heterosexual relationships, children born through assisted reproduction, or adopted children.

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Future alone

Future belonging

FuFu

Dollars donated

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Pencils helped with

Cooperative moves

Mean prosocial response

Effects of Social Exclusion on Helping Behaviors. Participants who were told that a personality test indicated they were likely to spend their future alone, without significant relationships, were far less helpful across different types of tasks than participants who were told that they were likely to have a future featuring acceptance and belongingness. Source: Adapted from Twenge, Baumeister, Tice, and Stucke (2007).

F i g u r e 7 . 1 5

affiliation Being associated with other people.

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e cases, feelling isisolated can result in wardly y hostille behhavior (see ●●●● FiFigugurre

. Sttudennts told in an exppeeriment a ppersonalityt testt hahad showown that wwere “the type e llikelyy tto end upup aalolone llataterer in lilife” shshoowedd lless s ememppa-

anand d more aggressssioion toward other students than did students told they wwouuld eenjojoyy “rewarding relationshipsp throughg out life” (T(Twengge,

of tasks than participants who were told that they were likely to have a feeatatururing aacceceptancce and bbelelonongiginngness. SouSource: Adapapteded frfromom TTwenge, B, Bauaum Ticicee, anda Stuckucke (e 2020077).

affiliation Being associated people.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION316

Baumeister, Tice, & Stucke, 2001). It is probably not an accident that most individuals responsible for school shootings are described as “outcasts” or “loners.”

The experience of loneliness appears to serve as an aversive signal that, like hunger, thirst, and pain, evolved to warn human beings that they are facing a threat to their survival and that their social connections are in need of repair (Cacioppo & Patrick, 2008). Social connections are especially important to the survival of human beings. Compared to other species, human beings require the greatest amount of parenting to survive

to adulthood and reproduce. In addition, as we discuss in a later chapter on social psychology, human beings are not well equipped to survive in isolation. Our ancestors formed hunter-gatherer groups because the cooperative sharing of respon- sibilities enhanced the survival of all.

Individuals differ in the amount of social con- nection they desire. Early work on affiliation by Henry Murray (1938) and David McClelland (1985) viewed the need for others as similar to a personality trait, as we discuss further in our chapter on personality. Some people are relatively happy working in a cubicle for hours on end, while this lack of social contact would be intolerable for

others. Still others might feel lonely even when surrounded by large numbers of caring friends and family members. We appear to have a set point for social activity that operates similarly to the set points we mentioned in our discussion of hunger. When we sense a gap between our actual social connectivity and what we desire, we experience the unpleasant state of loneliness, which in turn motivates us to seek out more social experiences. Twin stud- ies show that this set point, like the others we have discussed, is influenced by our genetics (Boomsma, Willemsen, Dolan, Hawk- ley, & Cacioppo, 2005). Knowing one identical twin’s need for affiliation helps predict the other twin’s need as well.

Individual predispositions interact with a person’s situation to predict his or her desire for affiliation. We frequently join others to share good events, whether that means a birthday, a wedding, a promotion, or simply the end of another round of final exams. We have all enjoyed the camaraderie of staying in the stands long after our team has won an important game,

celebrating with nearby fans and exchanging high fives. Affiliation is not just for good times, however. People often find the

company of others to be stress reducing. In a classic series of experiments, Stanley Schachter (1959) showed that people expecting to be given a pain- ful electric shock were more likely to seek out the company of other partici- pants than wait for their shock alone. Not all stressful situations are equally likely to produce affiliation, however. In one study, participants were told that they would be performing very embarrassing behaviors, such as suck- ing on large pacifiers (Sarnoff & Zimbardo, 1961). Needless to say, these

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People affiliate not only to share happy occasions, like the wedding of Prince William and Kate Middleton, but also to reduce stress in sad times. These family members of victims of the September 11 terrorist attacks have gathered to throw flowers in the memorial pools at Ground Zero.

chapter on personality. Some people are relat hahappp y wow rkkiningg inin aa cubbiciclel for hhouoursrs oon enend,d, ww ththisis llacckk off ssocciaal coc nttacact t wow uuldd bebe intollerrababll

others. Sttill othhers mmiight ffeeel lolonnelyly eevevenn whwhene sururroounnde lalargrgee nuumbmbeers ofof cariningg frieendndss anandd ffamilyly memembebersrs. WeWe aapp to have a set point for social activity that operates similarly t set pop ints we mentioned in oouur discussion ofof hhunger. Whe sensnse e aa ggapp beb twtweeen ouourr acactuuaal ssocociaial coonnnnecectititivvity and wha dessirere, wewe eexpxpeerieennce thhe ununppleaeasasant sttatete ooff loneliness, whi tturn mmotivatates us to seek out more sociaall eexpeperiences. Twin s ies show that this set point like the othheerrs wwe have discusse

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 317

participants made very different choices than the participants expecting shock in the previous study. They definitely preferred to be alone.

Exactly what does the company of other people contribute to reduc- ing stress? It appears that we appreciate the company of others when we expect them to reduce our stress. In many cases, other people can reduce our stress by providing information. Hospital patients awaiting dangerous surgeries preferred roommates who had already been through the proce- dure to those who had not yet had surgery (Kulik, Mahler, & Moore, 1996).

Motivational Priorities

We have discussed a number of different motiva- tions, from hunger to sex to achievement to affilia- tion. If faced simultaneously with a number of

drives and demands, how do we decide which motivations to follow first? An early effort to provide a model for how motivations could be pri-

oritized was contributed by Abraham Maslow in 1943. Maslow viewed motivation as a hierarchy of needs, in which lower levels must be satis- fied before the individual has the time and energy to pursue higher level needs. As shown in ● Figure 7.16, Maslow’s model is typically illustrated as a pyramid.

At the lowest level of the pyramid, we find “physiological needs,” including food, water, and shelter. These basic needs must be met on a daily basis, or life will be threatened. Consequently, if meeting these needs is a challenge for a person, Maslow predicted that the person is unlikely to care about needs appearing at higher levels of the hierarchy. In a classic study of caloric restriction, young healthy men were given approximately 1,500 calories per day for 6 months, which resulted in a loss of about 25% of their normal body weight (Keys, Brozek, Henschel, Mickelsen, & Taylor, 1950). Not only did the men become obsessed with food, but their interest in sex declined dramatically.

Self-actualization

Esteem (respect)

Love (affection, beloningness)

Safety

Immediate physiological needs

Parenting

Mate retention

Mate acquisition

Status/esteem

Affiliation

Self-protection

Immediate physiological needs

(a) (b)

Classic and Contemporary Hierarchies of Needs. Maslow’s classic pyramid depicting his hierarchy of needs is shown in (a). Douglas Kenrick and his colleagues (2010) have proposed an updated version of the pyramid (b) that incorporates developmental and evolutionary perspectives. Source: Adapted from Kenrick, Griskevicius, Neuberg, and Schaller (2010).

F i g u r e 7 . 1 6

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ding food, waw terr, and shelter. These basic needs must be met on a daily , or life willl l be tthreatened. CCononseseqquenentltly,y, if memeetingg thessee neneededs is aa enggee for a peersonn, Maslow ppreredicted tthaatt tht e pepersrsono iss unnlilikelyy to carere t needds appearing g att higheer r lel vels of thhe hhierrarrchhy.y. Inn a a clclas isicc stududy y llooric rrestrictionn, younung heallththy y memen wewerere givveen appprroximamatetelyly 1,5,5000 iieses pper day for 6 mmoonths, which resulted in a loss of about 25% of their

mal bodody y weigightht ((KeK ys, Brozekek, Henschel, Mickelsen, & Taylolorr, 1950). only ddid tthee mmen bbecome obbseessedd wwitith h fofoodod, buut t ththeeirr inintterresst in n sesexx ned dramatically.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION318

Once physiological needs are generally met, Maslow suggests that we turn our attention to safety, and then to belongingness, represented by the love and affection of others. For Maslow, these three lower categories are essential to human life. Unfortunately, one doesn’t need to look too far

in the daily news to read about large numbers of the world’s population who do not attain these basic needs.

Freed from the challenges of meeting basic needs, we begin to seek esteem, or the respect we receive from other members of the community. At the pinnacle of human striv- ing, however, is the goal of self-actualization, according to Maslow. A person seeking self-actualization desires to fully meet his or her potential, as suggested by the Army slogan

“Be all you can be.” Cultures differ dramatically in their emphasis on self- actualization, with individualistic nations like the United States embracing this value more than collectivist nations in Southeast Asia, where harmony and belongingness are highly valued (Hofstede, 1984).

Maslow’s classic theory received a recent modification that retained the overall hierarchical organization but added three new perspec- tives: the evolutionary functions of motives, the development of motives over the lifespan, and the cognitive priorities assigned to motives in response to environmental stimuli (Kenrick, Griskevicius, Neuberg, & Schaller, 2010). This modified pyramid, illustrated in Figure 7.16, replaces self-actualization with mate acquisition, mate retention, and parenting. The authors of the revision noted that self-actualization was interesting, but they could not find an evolutionary explanation for why we would seek to reach this level. Many of the activities described by Maslow as helping people to reach self-actualization, such as art and poetry, might be better explained as efforts to gain status, which in turn would attract mates.

self-actualization A state of having fulfilled your potential.

Schoolteachers often face students who come to school hungry or sick due to poverty or neglect. According to Maslow, it will be difficult for the teacher to interest these children, whose basic needs are unmet, in learning about long division.

Abraham Maslow did not believe that everyone achieved self-actualization. Among the select few he believed had reached this pinnacle of motivation were Abraham Lincoln, Mahatma Gandhi, and Eleanor Roosevelt, shown in this photograph with Madame Chiang Kai- shek. Maslow’s self-actualized people shared common attributes, including independence and a good sense of humor. Who would you add to this list of self-actualized people?

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Summary 7.1 Important Concepts in Motivation

Term Meaning Example Motivation A process that arouses, maintains,

and guides behavior to a goal Being thirsty leads you to seek out a drinking fountain and get a drink of water.

Homeostasis A steady internal balance or equilibrium

We are motivated to maintain a constant internal temperature. If we feel cold, we shiver and put on more clothing.

Set point

A value actively defended to maintain homeostasis

It is hard to lose weight because we actively defend our previous weight by slowing down metabolism when fewer calories are consumed.

Drive A state of arousal or tension resulting from stimuli that are important to survival

Being hungry is unpleasant.

Drive reduction

The feelings of relief and reward following a return to equilibrium

Quenching your thirst on a very hot day is very rewarding.

Incentives Rewards that motivate behavior without the experience of any unpleasant drive state

We enjoy throwing a great surprise party for a friend’s birthday.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION320

Why Are We Emotional? Whether we’re experiencing happiness or sadness, anger or disgust, an emotion combines a physical sensation, such as a rapid heartbeat, and a conscious, subjective feeling, like fear or sadness.

Emotional behavior is not unique to human beings. Charles Darwin (1872) made a careful study of the facial expressions produced by humans and other primates. He concluded that all primates form facial expressions using the same muscles, which in turn led him to state that emotional facial expression must have evolved. Although we are frequently cautioned about anthropomorphism, or the attributing of human qualities to other animals, it is easy to identify with the anger of a mother bear defending her cubs or the fear of a gazelle trying to outrun a cheetah.

The evolution of a behavior implies that it makes survival more likely. The survival benefits of motivation are rather obvious, but what about those of emotion? A major advantage provided by emotion is the abil- ity to produce arousal. The word emotion is derived from the Latin word meaning “to move.” The arousal produced by an emotion stimulates action, which might be life-saving. According to the Yerkes-Dodson law, the ideal amount of arousal interacts with the complexity of a task (Yerkes & Dod- son, 1908). For simple tasks, such as outrunning a predator, greater arousal leads to greater performance. For more complex tasks, like taking a difficult exam, arousal levels that are too high can begin to interfere with perfor- mance (see ● Figure 7.17). We have all had the experience of “choking,” or performing badly because of too much arousal. In addition to providing general arousal, each emotion is associated with a positive or negative quality, which “moves” us in the direction of either approach or avoidance

Yerkes-Dodson law A description of the relationships between task complexity, arousal, and performance.

Charles Darwin discovered that humans and other primates use the same facial muscles to produce emotional expressions, leading him to hypothesize that emotions evolved. Can you figure out what emotion is being expressed by both the chimpanzee and the man? Try imitating the expression yourself and think about how you feel. Still no luck? The emotion being expressed is disappointment.

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WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 321

(Davidson & Irwin, 1999). The negative emotion of disgust tells us to avoid rotting food, and positive feelings of happiness cement our social bonds.

In addition to producing beneficial arousal, emotions enhance survival by providing an important means of communication. Nonverbal forms of communication such as facial expression, calls, and body language were used to provide information to others long before humans began using the spoken word (see ● Figure 7.18). If one person assumes a body posture indicating fear, the emotion ripples through a crowd to its edges in a very short amount of time (de Gelder, Snyder, Greve, Gerard, & Hadjikhani, 2004). Human infants manage to communicate a wide range of needs to their parents before developing the ability to speak. You have no difficulty whatsoever interpreting the facial expressions, body language, and gestures of the driver behind you, who obviously didn’t approve of your lane change technique.

An additional and welcome benefit of having emo- tions is our ability to enjoy the arts. Evidence for a coordinated development of language and emotional communication remains in our contemporary brain, which uses the same pathways for language and for the perception and appreciation of music (Schön, et al., 2010). Without the capacity to feel, we would find it difficult to appreciate a Picasso or the moving strains of “Yesterday” by the Beatles. We wouldn’t enjoy a good cry at the end of Pride and Prejudice or jump out of our seats while watching Saw. The universal nature of human responses to many poems, pieces of music, and other artistic accomplishments points to shared underlying mechanisms, shaped through our evolutionary past. Shared enjoyment of the arts contributes greatly to social bonding in human societies. When we dance together, sing together, or watch plays

Long before infants learn to speak, they are able to communicate with adults by using facial expressions.

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The Effects of Arousal on Performance. The Yerkes- Dodson law predicts that the complexity of a task interacts with an organism’s arousal level to determine the quality of performance. For simple tasks, like running to escape a predator, greater arousal leads to a relatively steady improvement in performance. For difficult tasks, like completing an exam, moderate amounts of arousal lead to the best performance, and very high arousal can lead to weaker performance. Illustration: © Cengage Learning 2013; photos: © Tetra Images/Alamy; © Cathy Hart Photography/Alaska

Stock/Alamy; © mocker_bat/iStockphoto

F i g u r e 7 . 1 7

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION322

and other visual displays of art, shared emotional responses contribute to feelings of community and closeness.

We can also identify the advantages of emotion by studying people whose emotional lives have been impacted by brain damage. In our chap- ter on biological psychology, we reviewed the case of Phineas Gage, whose frontal lobe damage changed him from a responsible, well-liked member of the community to an impulsive, indecisive, and emotionally volatile individual who had difficulty keeping a job. More recently, the case of a young man named Eliot, who had frontal lobe surgery to remove a tumor, was described by Antonio Damasio (1994). Like Gage, Eliot maintained his intelligence and other skills after his surgery, with the notable exception of his ability to establish priorities. Damasio hypothesizes that emotions provide a bridge to past experiences that can be used to set priorities like approach and avoidance. In the absence of normal feedback from the body that can be used to identify emotional states (my heart is beating fast so I must be scared), Eliot can no longer use these past experiences to guide his current decisions.

The Biology of Emotion

In our chapter on biological psychology, we identi- fied a number of nervous system structures that participate in our emotional lives.

The autonomic nervous system, which controls many activities of our glands and organs, participates in the general arousal associated with emotional states. In particular, activity of the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system is correlated with our “fight-flight” response to perceived danger. The autonomic nervous system is under the immediate control of the hypothalamus, a structure that plays an important role in most motivated behavior.

Researchers have asked if specific patterns of autonomic activity occur during particular emotional states. In an analysis of a large number of studies conducted over the past 50 years, autonomic measures did not reliably predict particular emotional states, such as happiness or sadness (Cacioppo, Berntson, Larsen, Poehlmann, & Ito, 2000). However, the analy- sis indicated that the autonomic responses associated with negative emo- tions generally appear to be stronger than those associated with positive

Body Language. One of the advantages of emotions is the ability to communicate nonverbally. Even with these simple stick figures, it is easy to interpret how each character feels.

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WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 323

emotions. Fear, with its rapid heartbeat and sweaty palms, provokes a much more dramatic set of physical reactions than feelings of happiness.

It is interesting to note that we seem to place a general priority on negative emotions, probably because they signal more serious threats to survival than positive emotions, at least in the short term. When an event results in a positive emotion, little change in behavior is required, but when an event results in a negative emotion, action can be more important to survival (Cacioppo, Berntson, Norris, & Gollan, 2011).

In addition to the hypothalamus, several other subcortical structures, described in our chapter on biological psychology, appear to participate in the regulation of emotion. Among these, the amygdala, the cingulate cortex, and the insula appear to play particularly important roles in our emotional lives. Other areas that play major roles in emotion include the basal ganglia and, of course, the cerebral cortex.

The Amygdala and the Insula The amygdala and the insula, regions located within the fold at the junction of the frontal and temporal lobes, play important roles in the identification of emotional stimuli and the ini- tiation of arousal in response to the perception of these stimuli.

One of the first clues to the importance of the amygdala to emotion resulted from an experiment conducted in 1939 in which researchers removed both temporal lobes, which include the amygdala, from rhesus monkeys (Klüver & Bucy, 1939). After recovery, the normally hard-to- handle adult rhesus monkeys became much tamer, and their emotions were much less intense. They allowed themselves to be picked up and stroked and appeared to be relatively oblivious to stimuli that normally elicit intense fear, such as snakes. They made fewer fear-related grimaces and vocalizations.

Subsequent research has refined our understanding of the role of the amygdala. This structure acts to evaluate environmental stimuli for poten- tial danger and coordinate appropriate responses (Schumann, Bauman, Machado, & Amaral, 2006). The activity of the amygdala changes when participants look at faces expressing happiness or fear (Williams et al., 2006). As fearful expressions become more intense, activity in the amygdala increases as well (see ● Figure 7.19). If the amygdala is damaged, animals typically respond inappropriately to danger. Rats with damaged amygda- las fail to learn to fear a tone or other stimulus that reliably predicts the onset of electric shock (LeDoux, Cicchetti, Xagoraris, & Romanski, 1990). Rhesus monkeys with lesioned amygdalas show less fear of rubber snakes or restraint around unfamiliar monkeys, a potentially dangerous way of behaving in a species that enforces very strict social hierarchies (Emery et al., 2001; Mason, Capitanio, Machado, Mendoza, & Amaral, 2006).

Insight into the role of the amygdala in human beings has been pro- vided by case studies in which disease has damaged this structure (see ● Figure 7.20). Patient S.M. experienced damage to both amygdalas due to a rare disease (Adolphs, Tranel, Damasio, & Damasio, 1994). Although S.M. can recognize the emotions of happiness, sadness, and disgust portrayed in

The mind’s priority for processing negative events has been described in earlier chapters. For example, in our introductory and sensation and perception chapters, we discussed the fact that we are far more sensitive to bitter tastes, because these are often associated with poisons, than we are to sweet tastes, which are rarely life threatening.

insula Regions of cortex located at the junction of the frontal and temporal lobes.

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Patient S.M. Does Not Perceive Negative Emotion in Music. Patient S.M., whose amygdalas have been damaged by a rare condition called Urbach-Weithe disease, was asked to rate pieces of music according to how scary, peaceful, happy, or sad they sounded to her. As comparisons, 16 patients who had undergone temporal lobe surgery that had damaged their amygdalas and 20 healthy control participants were asked to perform the same task. Consistent with other findings about Patient S.M., her detection of “scary” was significantly less than that of the control subjects, as were the performances on this task by the patients whose surgery had damaged their amygdalas. Differences in emotional judgments along the other three dimensions did not differ among the participants. Source: Adapted from Gosselin et al. (2007).

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The Amygdala Responds to Fear and Threat. A combination of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and recordings taken of the magnetic output of the brain (magnetoencephalography) allowed researchers not only to localize the reaction of the brain to threatening or frightened faces to the amygdala but also to measure the timing of the response. It takes a bit over one tenth of a second for the amygdala to process these negative emotions. The geometric shapes were used as a control condition, and as you can see, they did not initiate any reactions in the amygdala. From Cornwell et al., Evoked amygdala responses to negative faces

revealed by adaptive MEG beamformers, Brain Research, 2008

Dec. 9; 1244: 103–112.

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photographs, she has selective difficulty iden- tifying fear correctly (Adolphs et al., 1994; Adolphs, Tranel, Damasio, & Damasio, 1995). Patient S.M. has particular difficulty using information from the eye region of the face in judging emotion, although when she was instructed to pay attention to eyes, her per- formance improved (Adolphs et al., 2005; Adolphs, 2007). Individuals with autism, discussed in our chapter on psychological disorders, share Patient S.M.’s reluctance to make eye contact and difficulties identifying other people’s emotions, especially fear. One of the most consistent biological correlates of autism is abnormal development of the amygdala (Amaral, Schumann, & Nordahl, 2008) (see ● Figure 7.21). These findings suggest that the amyg- dala participates in both the active exploration of the social environment and the interpretation of the results of that exploration (Adolphs, 2007).

When the amygdala perceives danger, it initiates a hormonal cascade involving the pituitary gland and the adrenal glands that produces an increased release of neurotransmitters in the brain, leading to an increase in overall arousal. We will discuss this process in greater detail in our chap- ter on stress and coping.

The amygdala is part of a tightly connected circuit that includes the frontal lobes of the cortex, the cingulate cortex (discussed in the next sec- tion), and the insula (see ● Figure 7.22). This circuit plays an important role in the identification and classification of emotional stimuli. The role of the insula in emotion was illustrated by an experiment in which patients with damage to the insula were asked to rate pictures on a scale from very pleasant to very unpleasant and to indicate how arousing each picture was (Berntson et al., 2011). These participants showed an overall decrease both in their ratings of positivity or negativity and in their arousal ratings when compared to control participants. In contrast, patients with damage to their amygdalas did not show any deficits in assessing positivity and nega- tivity. However, the patients with damage to the amygdala indicated much less arousal in response to unpleasant pictures. These results suggest that the amygdala plays an important role in initiating arousal, particularly to negative stimuli, while the insula more broadly helps us make the impor- tant distinction between positive and negative stimuli.

The Cingulate Cortex and the Basal Ganglia The cingulate cortex, shown in ● Figure 7.23, serves as a major gateway between the amygdala and other subcortical structures and the frontal areas of the cortex.

The cingulate cortex is the target of a number of pathways com- municating information about physical pain. The emotional quality of pain probably results from its processing at this level of the brain. In addition to physical pain, the cingulate cortex participates in the pro- cessing of social pain, as in the negative feelings associated with being

Eye Contact and Detecting Emotion. Eyetracking technology allows researchers to identify where people look when they view a stimulus. Fixation points for healthy participants are shown on the left, and fixation points for participants with autism are shown on the right. Participants with autism do not look at eyes as much as healthy participants do.

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The Cingulate Cortex and Basal Ganglia. The cingulate cortex forms circuits with the frontal cortex, the amygdala, and other subcortical structures involved with emotional processing. This structure shows similar activation when you experience physical pain, like stubbing your toe, and when you experience the pain of social exclusion. The basal ganglia are part of the brain’s voluntary movement systems and help coordinate movement in response to assessments of emotion. The basal ganglia show particularly strong activation that correlates with the emotion of disgust.

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socially excluded by others. Feelings of exclusion activate the same areas of the cingulate cortex that are normally active when we feel physical pain (Eisenberger, Lieberman, & Williams, 2003). This result may reflect the “overwriting” of the pain program to manage more complex social interactions.

As we discussed in our chapter on biological psychology, the basal gan- glia are large, subcortical structures that participate in the generation of voluntary movement. These structures coordinate movements in response to emotional stimuli. In particular, the basal ganglia show considerable activity in response to facial expressions of disgust (Phan, Wager, Taylor, & Liberzon, 2002). This finding is consistent with clinical observations of patients with diseases that damage the basal ganglia, such as Huntington’s disease. These patients have particular difficulty recognizing facial expres- sions of disgust, although their recognition of other major emotional facial expressions appears intact (Hennenlotter et al., 2004).

The Cerebral Cortex and Emotion As we observed in our chapter on bio- logical psychology, damage to the frontal lobes produces changes in emo- tional behavior. Patients often experience a reduction in fear and anxiety, which may contribute to their engaging in more impulsive, risky behaviors. In these cases, the impaired ability to anticipate negative outcomes of behavior might prove disastrous.

The two cerebral hemispheres appear to participate differently in the processing of emotion. Activity in the left hemisphere is correlated with the experience of positive emotions, while activity in the right hemisphere is correlated with negative emotions (Davidson & Irwin, 1999). As we observed previously in our discussion of the autonomic nervous system, our minds appear to give a higher priority to the negative in this situation. The right hemisphere usually processes emotion faster and more accurately than the left hemisphere (Bryden, 1982).

We can quickly demonstrate the role of the right hemisphere in the detection of negative emotion. As discussed in our chapters on biological psychology and sensation and perception, the right and left hemispheres process different parts of the visual field. If you stare straight ahead at a focal point, all visual information to the right of the focal point will be pro- cessed by your left hemisphere, and all information to the left will be pro- cessed by your right hemisphere. Take a moment to look at the faces in ● Figure 7.24 and determine quickly whether they look happy or sad. Most people see the top image as happy and the bottom image as sad, although the pictures are really just mirror images of each other. The expression on the left side of each face, processed by the right hemisphere, usually determines your judgment.

We do not appear to have “happy centers” or “sad centers” in the cerebral cortex. Instead, the experience of different emotions produces different patterns of cortical activation. When participants are asked to recall a specific event from their past associated with the emotions of anger, sadness, fear, and happiness, PET scans identify distinct patterns of activity

The Right Hemisphere and the Assessment of Emotional Expression. These faces are mirror images of each other, but most people perceive them as expressing different emotions. Because the left half of the visual field is processed by the more emotional right hemisphere, the expression on the left side of the face is more likely to influence your judgment. Thus the face on top will look happy, whereas the face on the bottom will look sad. For left-handers and ambidextrous people, these results might vary.

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We often dislike our own photographs, although other people seem to think they look fine. Part of the problem is that we rarely see ourselves the way others do—we usually see ourselves in a mirror, which reverses our emotional expressions. Because our facial expressions are not symmetrical, due to the stronger role of the right hemisphere in emotion, that crooked smile looks wrong when we see it on the opposite side of our face.

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hese cases, the impaired ability to anticipate negative outcomes of vior might pprovee disastrous.

The ttwo ccereebral hemisphereress appear to o pap rtiicipipatate ddiffeffererentlyy in thhee essing off emotion.n. AActc ivity y inin the lefft hhemispphherere iis coorrrelatteded wwitith h xxppeririene ce of poossitive eemotionons,s, wwhih lee aactctivivity inin thee rriight hhememisisphpheere rrreelalated with negegaative emotions (Davidson & Irwin, 1999).) As we rved ppreeviouuslly y inin our discuusssion of the autonomic nervousus sysy tem, mindss apppearar tto gigive a higheer prioorirityty ttoo ththe nnegagatitiveve in n ththisi siituuatitionon.. right hhemisphere usually procceessess ememotioionn fafassteer andd mmooree aaccucuraatelyly the left hemisphere (Brydenn, 1919882)).

We can quickly demonstrate the role of the right hemisphere in the

The RRigght Hemisppheere a tthe AsAssessssmentn off EmEmotot ExExprresessision. Thhesee faaces imimages ooff eaeachch otherer, bubutt perceive them as expressi emotions. Because the lef ththee vivisusuuualalal field is processe momorere emotional right hem thhee exexpression on the left fafacece is more likely to influ jj d Th h f

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION328

for each emotion (Damasio et al., 2000). However, the same brain regions could participate in more than one of these states (see ● Figure 7.25).

Expressing Emotion

Human beings express emotion with their entire bodies. A person who is feeling threatened or

scared generally crosses his or her arms and hunches forward. An angry, aggressive person will lean forward, perhaps rising onto the balls of the feet, and raise his or her shoulders in order to appear larger and more intimi- dating. However, humans rely very heavily on the face for expressing emotion.

The smiles, frowns, and other facial expressions we make are influenced by the way the brain controls the tiny muscles of our faces. These muscles receive input from the motor areas of the cerebral cortex, which con- trol voluntary movement, as well as from subcortical areas, including the basal ganglia. The cortical input allows us to voluntarily “smile” for the camera. The subcortical input is responsible for more spontaneous expressions of emotion, such as laughing at a funny joke. It is possible to lose one type of input without affecting the other. The young man shown in the photo below has a tumor that affects his right motor cortex. When asked to smile voluntarily, his smile appears quite crooked, due to the importance of the cortex in voluntary expres- sion. When he smiles spontaneously to a joke, his smile appears much more natural, because his subcortical areas can still react normally. Patients with Parkinson’s disease, which damages the subcortical emotional path- ways, show the opposite pattern. They may be unable

Patterns of Brain Activity Correlated With Emotion. Emotions of sadness, anger, happiness, and fear produce overlapping areas of activity. The white arrows point to increased activity. From Damasio et al., (2000). Subcortical and Cortical Brain Activity During the Feeling of Self-

Generated Emotions, Nature Neuroscience, Volume 3,

F i g u r e 7 . 2 5

This man has a tumor in his right primary motor cortex that prevents him from voluntarily smiling on the left side of his face when asked to do so, as shown in the photo on the left. In contrast, he is able to smile spontaneously and naturally in response to a genuine, involuntary emotion, as shown in the photo on the right. These observations support the hypothesis that voluntary and spontaneous emotional expressions are managed by different areas of the brain. Fr

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aa tut momor thatat aaffectcts s hihiss rrighght moototor cocortrtexex. WhWhenen aa to smile voluntarily, his smile appears quite croo due to the impportanccee of the cortex in vvoluntary exp siionon.. WWhenen hhe e smsmili ees spopontntananeoeoususlyly ttttooo a joke, his s apappepears mmuchch mmororee nnatturall, bbececaause his subcor arreaeas s caann stillll reacact nonormrmallyly. PaPatitienentst with Parkin disease which damages the subbcoccorttr icical emotional p

Brain Activity Correlated on Emotions of sadness anger

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 329

to smile spontaneously in response to a joke, but they can smile voluntarily when asked to do so.

Do we learn how to express emotions, or are these behaviors built-in? Charles Darwin (1872) believed that human emotional expres- sion had been shaped through evolution. If he is correct, we would expect human beings in all parts of the world to share common means of expression. Some major emotional expressions appear to be universal across cultures (Keltner & Ekman, 2000). These “primary colors” of emotional expression include anger, sadness, happiness, fear, disgust, surprise, contempt, and embarrassment. Most people, regardless of the culture in which they live, have little dif- ficulty correctly identifying major emotional expressions.

Further support for a view of emotional expression as being innate comes from the very predictable developmental course shown by young children. Infants’ social smiles (as opposed to smiles resulting from gas, etc.) emerge at about the same age (around three months), regardless of whether an infant can see faces or is born blind (Freedman, 1964). Monozygotic (identical) twins are more similar than dizygotic (fraternal) twins in the ages at which they first show fear of strangers (Freedman, 1974). As shown in ● Figure 7.26, children raised in diverse cultures (African Bushmen, urban Guatemala, rural Guatemala, Israeli kibbutz) showed very similar age-related distress at being separated from their mothers (Kagan, Kearsley, & Zelazo, 1978).

Developmental timelines for emotional behavior are also characteristic of nonhuman primate species. Rhesus monkeys raised in isolation per- formed typical fear responses when shown pictures of other monkeys engaging in threatening behaviors. The isolated monkeys demonstrated these fear responses at the same stage in development as monkeys raised in normal social conditions (Sackett, 1966).

These photos represent the possibly universal expressions of happiness, anger, surprise, disgust, sadness, and fear.

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Infants’ Separation Protests Occur at the Same Point in Development. Children in diverse cultures show the strongest emotional reactions to separation from their mothers at about the same stage in development, suggesting that this emotional behavior has a biological origin.

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ictable deveelopmmental course shown by young children. Infants social es (as oppossed too smiles resulultitingng ffromm gagass, etctc.).) emmerrge atat aaboboutu thee e agege (arooundnd thrree monthss),, regardleesss oof f whhetetheher anan iinfnfant can seeee

or is bborn bblindd ((FrFreedmmann, 1964).. MMonozzyygototicic ((idenentit cal)l) twiwinsns momore ssimilar thaan dizyzyggotic (f(frarateternrnal)) twtwinins inn the aageges att wwhihichch tthehey sshohoww fear of straangngers (Freedman, 1974). As shown in ● Figug re 7.26, ren rraiaiseed inin ddivivere se culturress (African Bushmen, urban Guuaatemala, Guatatemmala a,a IIsrs aeelli kibbutz)) sshowweded vveery y sisimmilaar r aage-e-rerelalatet dd diisttreressss

ing separated from their moothhers (K(Kaggann, KeKeaarssleey, && Zelaazoo, 199778).. Developmental timelines for ememototiionanall bbehahavivioor aarre alslso chcharracacteerristicic onhuman primate species Rhesus monkeys raised in isolation per

These photos represent th univerrsasall exexprpreessioonss ofof hh angeer, surprp ise,, disguustst, sas fefear.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION330

Other researchers point to the universality of words for different emo- tional states as evidence of emotion’s common biological source. Words for emotions have been evaluated in a sample of 60 of the world’s languages (Hupka, Lenton, & Hutchison, 1999). The findings indicate a very similar approach to major emotions across many cultures. The exceptions, how- ever, are also very intriguing. The Japanese term ijirashi refers to a feel- ing that occurs when we see another person overcoming an obstacle. No equivalent term exists in English.

Although biology plays a significant role in emotional expression, there is no question that an individual’s environment also has the ability to influ- ence emotional behavior. We can learn to withhold or inhibit expressions of emotion. For example, medical personnel undergo training that affects their expression of disgust. Most patients would not appreciate a physician or nurse who said “oh, gross” during an examination. Military personnel learn to maintain their composure when a superior is yelling at them face- to-face, a skill that may be very important when a soldier is captured by enemy forces.

Many cultures have display rules, or norms that specify when, where and how a person should express emotion (see ● Figure 7.27). The reac- tions of Japanese and American university students were recorded as they watched emotional movies either alone or with a group of students they did not know (Ekman, Friesen, & Ellsworth, 1972). The Japanese students showed more emotion when alone than when in the group of strangers. In contrast, the American students were about as emotional in either case. If anything, Americans tend to show more emotion when in a group than when alone. Americans made more intense expressions of disgust in response to an odor when in a group than when they were alone (Jäncke & Kaufmann, 1994).

Blind athlete

David Matsumoto carefully compared thousands of photographs from the 2004 Olympic and Paralympic Games and found that all competitors, sighted or blind, displayed the same expressions in response to winning or losing. These results suggest that as Darwin suggested, some emotional expressions are innate to the human species.

In spite of the strong evolutionary and biological heritage we have for spontaneous emotional expression, we can learn to control our emotional expressions to fit a situation. This Marine recruit is expected to remain calm while his drill instructor applies a “correction.” This skill is believed to help military personnel maintain composure in highly emotional situations.

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watched emotional movies either alone or with a group of students did not t knknowow (EkEkmaman, FFririese en,, & & Elllslswowortrth, 197972)2 . Thee JJapapananesee ststudud showeded more emmototioi n whwhenen aaloonene tthan whenn iin n thee ggroupp of strtranan In cononttrast, thee AAmeriicaan ststududenntss were ee ababououtt asa emomotitiononal iin e ccase. IfIf aanynyththing,g, AAmmeriiccans ttenend too sshohow w momore emomotiionon wwhehen inin aa gg than when alone. Americans made more intense expressions of disgu responnsee to an odor when in a grg oup p thhaan when theyy werre e alone (Jänc Kaufmmannn, 19199494).).

moto cacarerefuf lly ccomparred phoototogrgrapphhs froom thhee c and Paralympic Gamemess atat all coompetitors, ndn , didisplayed the samee n respoponsnsee to wininniningng or resultss sugggest t that as

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 331

0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5

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Cultures Vary in Suppression of Emotional Expression. Although cultures worldwide are fairly similar in their emotional expressiveness, variation does occur. Switzerland, with a suppression score of 3.05, shows emotion most freely of all these countries, and Hong Kong, with a suppression score of 4.72, shows the least emotion. Source: Adapted from Matsumoto, Yoo, and Nakagawa (2008).

F i g u r e 7 . 2 7

Display rules also differ for males and females. In the United States, a young boy who skins his knee at school is not supposed to cry. If he does cry, the response is typically one of disapproval rather than sympathy. A little girl in the same situation is likely to elicit considerable sympathy by crying. This example shows that significant differences in emotional expressiveness can result from socialization, and we should not be too quick to assume that observations of differences in adults are the result of biological processes.

In addition to biological and cultural influences on emotional expres- sion, we can observe significant individual differences. When young chil- dren are exposed to strong, novel stimuli, such as the odor of alcohol on a swab, some react strongly to the stimuli, while others appear to ignore them. Still others show a moderate response to the stimuli (Kagan, 1997). As we will see in later chapters covering development and psychological disorders, children who are highly responsive often develop into cautious, anxious adults. In contrast, children who are relatively oblivious to stimula- tion may develop into bold, fearless risk-takers. If their insensitivity extends

Psychologist Jerome Kagan described individual differences in emotionality based on children’s responsiveness to the environment, ranging from the very cautious child to the very bold.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION332

to social signals produced by others, this lack of sensitivity to stimuli may lead to antisocial behavior. Psychopaths incarcerated for murder show sig- nificantly reduced reactions to slides of pleasant, neutral, and unpleasant situations when compared to typical control participants (Herpertz et al., 2001).

Interpreting Emotion

Human adults are quite accurate in their ability to read emotions. When research participants watched only 10 seconds of a videotaped interaction between

a teacher and an off-camera student, they were able to judge whether the teacher liked the student with considerable accuracy (Babad, Bernieri, & Rosenthal, 1991). We might think we do a good job of hiding our feelings, but the subtleties of emotional expression often give us away. At the same time, our ability to distinguish between genuine and fake expressions, while very good, is far from perfect (Ekman, Davidson, & Friesen, 1990; Frank & Ekman, 1993).

Individual differences in the ability to perceive the emotions of our- selves and others do occur. Twin studies demonstrate that individual dif- ferences in the ability to read emotional expression are heavily influenced by genetics (Anokhin, Golosheykin, & Heath, 2010). These differences form one of the key aspects of emotional intelligence (Mayer & Salovey, 1997). Emotional intelligence refers to our abilities to perceive, use, understand, and manage emotions. Individual differences in emotional intelligence pre- dict the success of both work and personal relationships.

In addition to providing display rules, cultures influence interpreta- tions of emotional expressions. Japanese and American participants were

1 2 3 4 5

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Key: 1. Genuine 2. Fake 3. Fake 4. Fake 5. Genuine 6. Genuine 7. Fake 8. Genuine 9. Fake 10. Genuine 11. Genuine 12. Fake 13. Fake 14. Fake 15. Genuine 16. Genuine 17. Genuine 18. Fake 19. Genuine 20. Fake

Although fake and genuine smiles look very similar, we usually do a relatively good job of distinguishing between them. See how well you do on this set of smiles, some of which are genuine and some of which are fake. The answer key is to the left.

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one of the key aspects of emotional intelligence (Mayer & Salovey, 1 Emotioonanal l inintellligigenencce rrefefere s too ourr aabibililitities too pperceiveve, ususe,e, undndererss and mamanage emootitionons. Indndivividi uaual ddifffferences inn ememotioonnal intelliggenencece dict thehe success ooff bboth wworrk k anand pepersononalal relelatatioionsnshiipsps.

In aaddddititioion toto pprroviidding ddisisplayy rrululeses, cucultureses inflnflueuencncee innteterprp tions of emotional expressions. Japanese and American participants

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 333

asked to correctly identify emotional expressions having varying levels of intensity (Matsumoto et al., 2002). Individuals from both cultures identi- fied the emotion being expressed with considerable accuracy, even at low levels of intensity. However, intensity was interpreted quite differently by the Japanese and the Americans. When emotional expression occurred at low intensities, Japanese participants assumed that the person was feeling much more than he or she was willing to express. In contrast, when emo- tional expression was highly intense, the American participants assumed that the person was exaggerating his or her feelings.

A person’s ability to read others’ emotional expressions can be reduced by certain psychological disorders. Individuals with schizophrenia have normal abilities to process facial features, but perform worse than typical controls on tasks requiring them to distinguish between facial expressions (Kohler et al., 2003; Schneider et al., 2006). People diagnosed with autism, discussed previously, and antisocial personality disorder have specific dif- ficulties recognizing expressions of fear (Marsh & Blair, 2008).

Theories of Emotion

Several major theories of emotion attempt to describe the relationship between physical sensa- tions and subjective feelings during the experience

of an emotion. In other words, what are the connections between those butterflies in the stomach and the knowledge that we’re feeling afraid? These theories of emotion are similar in many ways to efforts to explain perception in an earlier chapter. Some attempt to work from the bottom up (physical sensation through cognitive appraisal), while others work top down (from appraisal to physical sensation).

The James-Lange Theory of Emotion Working independently, William James and Danish physiologist Carl Lange developed similar descriptions of the relationship between physical sensations and subjective feelings in emotion (James, 1890; Lange, 1885/1912). Consequently, our first theory, the James-Lange theory, bears the names of both men (see ● Figure 7.28).

James believed that emotions could arise from several sources, includ- ing the recall from memory of events that were emotional. However, his greatest interest was in emotions “that have a distinct bodily expression” (James, 1884, p. 189). At the core of the James-Lange theory is the idea that this class of emotions is the result of a sequence of events. Once the individual perceives a stimulus, such as a grizzly bear, he or she will experience a physiological response. This physiological response is subse- quently interpreted by the individual, giving rise to a conscious awareness of a subjective feeling. The James-Lange theory depends on the assump- tion that physical states related to each type of feeling (sadness and hap- piness, for instance) are highly distinct from one another. The theory also assumes that we are capable of correctly associating and labeling these distinct physical states as separate feelings. As James wrote, “We feel sorry because we cry, angry because we strike, afraid because we tremble” (1890, p. 1006).

James-Lange theory A theory of emotion that proposes that physical sensations lead to subjective feelings.

Specific physical

responses

Perceived stimulus

Subjective feeling

The James-Lange Theory.

F i g u r e 7 . 2 8 ©

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n emotion. In otther words, whahatt are ththee coc nnnectionns s betwweeeen n thosee erflieses iin n thhee stoomach and ththee knknowwleeddge thhatat wwe’rere feeeeliling aafraid?d? e theheororieies ofof eemmotitiono are ssimmilar in mamanyny wayays s toto effoffortts toto expx laainn epptitiono in an earliieer chaapter. SoSomem aattemmptp to wowork ffror mm ththee bob ttttomom uup sisical ssensation ththroouugh cognititiive appr iaisal), while others work top n ((ffromm aappraraisisal to physical ssensation).

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION334

James’s statement may seem counterintuitive to you at first glance. Shouldn’t a good cry make us feel less sad, not more? Many people also believe that holding anger inside instead of expressing it will somehow make feelings of anger build up and become much worse. These “com- monsense” notions support the concept of catharsis. According to this approach, emotions are viewed as filling an emotional reservoir. When the reservoir fills up, there is a possibility that the emotion will spill over in a less controlled manner. For example, we talk about a “buildup of hostility or anger” that somehow overflows, producing a more extreme response than is warranted by the situation. Catharsis theorists recommend that we somehow avoid this buildup by regularly expressing our emotions. In other words, it might be better to express some anger regularly than to repress your anger and “explode.”

Psychology as a Hub Science

Lie Detection and the Law

ven though we view emo- tional expression as a

major means of communica- tion, our abilities to read emotions are not perfect. Our legal system relies on finding the truth. Unfortunately, cur- rent polygraph methods are not admis- sible in court due to their poor record of accuracy (Kleinmuntz & Szucko,

1984). New technologies such as func- tional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) eventually might improve our ability to detect honesty, but much further study is needed before their use in court (see ● Figure 7.29). Until better technologies are available, what do psychologists know about lying that can help the legal system identify truthfulness and deception?

Lying is a difficult thing to do, especially in high-stakes situations in which levels of arousal are high. As a result of arousal, people betray their lying in predictable ways (Ekman, 1996). The liar may stumble verbally, adding “um” and “uh” as he or she seeks to assemble a plausible lie. Inap- propriate smiling and nervous laughter might reflect the person’s high arousal. A person who is lying tends to stiffen the upper body, nodding the head less frequently and using fewer hand ges- tures than normal. In contrast to the

reduced mobility of the upper body, the feet may start swinging. Many peo- ple also view an unwillingness to make eye contact as indicative of dishonesty. However, in many cultures, making eye contact is considered impolite, and failure to make eye contact should not be misinterpreted as dishonesty.

An excellent signal that someone is lying is the use of “scripted” stories, which are lacking in detail. People telling the truth add 20 to 30% more detail to a story compared to liars (Colwell, Hiscock-Anisman, Memon, Rachel, & Colwell, 2007). Another very reliable way to identify lying is to ask people to tell their story back- ward in time (Fisher & Geiselman, 2010). A person telling the truth can simply move from one event to the next, but constructing a false story backward will quickly overwhelm a person’s memory for details.

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catharsis A theory of emotion that views emotion as a reservoir that fills up and spills over; predicts that expressing an emotion will reduce arousal.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 335

Catharsis and the implications of the James-Lange theory are contra- dictory. One suggests that expressing an emotion reduces that feeling, while the other argues that expressing an emotion will lead to the subjec- tive feeling. Which is correct? If we are feeling sad, does having a good cry make us feel better or more aware of our sadness?

One clue to our dilemma comes from an experiment in which par- ticipants were directed to make specific movements of the face (Levenson, Ekman, & Friesen, 1990). For example, they might be instructed to raise their eyebrows and form their mouth into the shape of an O. They were not informed that they were to make any particular facial expression, nor were they allowed to view their own faces in a mirror. They did, however, report “feeling” the emotion they had portrayed, as you might have experienced a feeling of surprise if you followed the same directions. This result is con- sistent with the notion that expressing an emotion leads to the subjective feeling, rather than reducing it in ways predicted by catharsis theories. This experiment also supports the James-Lange approach by suggesting that feedback from the body helps us consciously determine the state of our emotions.

One of the more dramatic examples challenging catharsis theory is the Maori haka. Traditional Maori warriors of New Zealand prepared for battle by performing ritual grimaces, vocalizations, and battle moves. In similar ways, athletes frequently engage in pregame rituals or “psyching

Will fMRI Be Used to Detect Lies? During a standardized task known as the modified Guilty Knowledge Test (GKT), which is used to assess deception, participants’ brains showed significantly different activation when lying compared to when they told the truth. Red areas represent brain regions that are more active when the participant is lying, and blue areas represent brain regions that are more active when the participant is telling the truth. So far, laboratory studies have used small numbers of law-abiding participants rather than real criminals and concrete tasks like reporting which playing card is being held (e.g., ace of spades). It is currently unknown whether this technology will advance to the point where results will be admitted to a court of law. Source: Image showing average brain activation for 22 individuals during modified Guilty

Knowledge Test. Red areas represent brain regions more active during

lie condition and blue areas represent brain regions more active during

truth condition. Provided by K. Ruparel and D. Langleben, University of

Pennsylvania.

F i g u r e 7 . 2 9

e by perforrmingg ritual grimaces, vocalizations, and battle moves. In ar waysy , atthlh eteses frequently y enengagagge iin n prpreegammee rituuala s oror ““pspsyychingg

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION336

up.” A contemporary rugby team, the New Zealand All Blacks, uses the traditional haka of their homeland to prepare for their games. Not only do these performances contribute to the physical and emotional preparation for participation in a rather violent sport, but they no doubt intimidate the opposing team as well.

One implication of the James-Lange theory is that we might be able to influence our subjective feelings by changing our physical sensations. By appearing to be happy, we might begin to feel happier. Another practical outcome of this approach is the impact of modeling facial expression in the development of empathy. The early back-and-forth imitations of facial expressions by adults and infants may contribute to the capacity to read others’ emotions. The use of imitation to assess the emotions of others continues into adulthood. When students are asked to determine the emo- tions expressed in the photos on page 329 during a classroom presentation, it is not uncommon to see some individuals spontaneously copy the facial expression in question in order to identify it correctly.

There is some evidence that suggests we may not be as good at read- ing our physical states as the James-Lange theory requires us to be. One experiment that challenged our ability to distinguish correctly among the physical states of different emotions was carried out in Capilano Canyon, located in British Columbia (Dutton & Aron, 1974). Capilano Canyon may be crossed at one of two locations. The first crossing involves a 450-foot- long bridge with low handrails, suspended about 230 feet above rocks and rapids. Farther upstream, the canyon may be crossed on a solid wooden bridge that is much less frightening. In the study, an attractive female experimenter approached single men crossing one of the two bridges. After completing a short interview, the experimenter gave each man her telephone number, in case he had any further questions about the experi- ment. Not only did the men on the frightening bridge include much more sexual content in their interviews, but they were about four times as likely to telephone the female researcher later on.

Consistent with the James-Lange theory of emotion, the physical expression of an emotion might lead to subjective feelings. Traditional Maori warriors prepared for battle by performing a haka. The New Zealand All Blacks rugby team also uses the haka before a game. The James-Lange theory would predict that these men would feel more aggressive after performing the haka.

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WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 337

The results of this study suggest that the participants were not very good at discriminating the physical sensations associated with fear and sexual arousal. We can assume that the attractiveness of the female would be constant, suggesting that the setting in which she was seen largely accounted for the differences in sexual content in interviews and the likeli- hood of seeking further contact with her. One might speculate that similar mistakes underlie the popularity of horror films and amusement parks with impossibly high roller coasters as dating activities. Scare your date to death, and he or she may interpret feelings of fear as love. These results suggest that in some circumstances, we might not be as good at interpreting our physical sensations as predicted by the James-Lange theory.

The Cannon-Bard Theory of Emotion Walter Cannon disagreed with the James-Lange theory and proposed his own theory, which was later modi- fied by Philip Bard (Bard, 1934; Cannon, 1927). The product of these two men’s work is known as the Cannon-Bard theory. The James-Lange theory proposes a sequence of events, from physical sensations to subjec- tive feeling, but the Cannon-Bard theory proposes that both factors occur simultaneously and independently (see ● Figure 7.30).

How are these theories different? Let’s assume that you are innocently reading your textbook in your room when a bear walks in the door. For James-Lange, the sight of the bear would immediately set off physical sensations that you would then cognitively interpret as fear. For Cannon- Bard, the sight of the bear would immediately and simultaneously trigger a subjective feeling of fear (oh no, there’s a bear in my room) and physical sensations (probably the autonomic nervous system’s fight-flight response in this example). Unlike James-Lange, the Cannon-Bard theory does not assume that the experience of a subjective feeling is dependent on any physical sensations.

The Cannon-Bard theory fares somewhat better in explaining the Cap- ilano Canyon results. Cannon and Bard would be very comfortable with the notion that fear and sexual arousal would produce similar physical sensations, and the participants may simply have erred in their cognitive assessment of the situation. Instead of saying, “I’m really scared because I’m on this bridge,” the participants would say, “I think this interviewer is very attractive.” According to this model, a person’s cognitive assessments of an emotional situation work independently of any physical sensations that might occur.

Cannon-Bard theory A theory of emotion featuring the simultaneous and independent occurrence of physical sensations and subjective feelings during an emotional experience.

John Stibbard, son of the owner of the Capilano Suspension Bridge, poses on the bridge with the Olympic Torch after completing his leg of the torch run in preparation for the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, Canada.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION338

The Schachter-Singer Two-Factor Theory Stanley Schachter and Jerome Singer proposed a two-factor theory of emotion (see ● Figure 7.32). Schachter and Singer (1962) believed that each emotional experience begins with an assessment of our physical sensations. Because these reac- tions can be similar among emotional states (fear and sexual arousal on

otox, a deactivated form of the same toxin that causes

botulism poisoning from spoiled food, helps people with neu- rological disorders of movement, but it is more commonly used for cos- metic purposes. Botox reduces wrin- kling by paralyzing the small muscles that are used in facial expressions. The ability of Botox to prevent facial movement provides an interesting test for the James-Lange theory. Without feedback from our facial expressions, can we identify our own emotions? Without the ability to

imitate the facial expressions of oth- ers, can we still identify how they’re feeling? These questions were sci- entifically investigated by Neal and Chartrand (2011).

The Question: How would increasing and decreasing the ability to move facial muscles impact participants’ judgments of the emotions of others?

METHODS In a first experiment, 31 female partic- ipants were recruited from cosmetic surgery clinics. Sixteen participants had been treated with Botox, and

the other 15 had been treated with a dermal filler material, which does not restrict the movement of facial muscles. Participants viewed photo- graphs of eyes and the surrounding area and were asked to choose which of four emotional adjectives (happy, sad, and so on) best fit the expres- sion they saw (see ● Figure 7.31). In a second experiment, a gel that made facial movement difficult was placed on the faces of half of a group of 95 participants and on the arms of the other half. Participants completed the same test of identification of emo- tion as before, along with two control

Botox and the Ability to Read the Emotions of Others

Connecting to Research

Several actresses from the Real Housewives of Beverly Hills television series have admitted to using Botox. One prominent Beverly Hills plastic surgeon has told his celebrity clients that Botox might actually hurt their acting careers as it makes facial expression more difficult. Botox not only immobilizes the face but also has been shown to decrease empathy. Research has indicated that being unable to imitate the expressions of another person reduces the accuracy of judgments of that individual’s feelings. Ph

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ers, can we still identifyy how they’re feeelelining?g? TThesese questioonsns wweree ssci- enentifically invesestitigag tedd byby NNeaal annd ChChara trand (220011).

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MMETETHHOODSDS In a first experiment 31 female partic-

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WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 339

the Capilano bridge), they suggested that interpreting these states requires another step. Any emotional arousal signals us to make a conscious, cogni- tive appraisal of our circumstances, which then allows us to identify the emotion we’re experiencing. Physical sensations may lead to several dif- ferent interpretations, based on the way an individual assesses a situation.

Returning to our example of the bear entering your room, we can see how the Schachter-Singer two-factor theory differs from James-Lange and Cannon-Bard. For Schachter and Singer, the sight of the bear would initiate a general state of arousal. To identify the source of your arousal, you would assess your situation, attribute your arousal to the presence of a bear in your room, and identify your feelings as fear (with considerable accuracy, we would assume.)

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Botox Reduces the Ability to Identify Facial Expressions in Others. Following treatment for wrinkles with either Botox or an injected dermal filler (Restylane), participants were asked to identify the emotional expression of faces presented on a computer screen. The dermal filler group was significantly better than the Botox group at correctly identifying the emotions. This result suggests that by reducing the ability to imitate another person’s facial expressions, Botox limits a person’s perception of the emotions of other people. Source: Adapted from Neal and Chartrand (2011).

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Schachter-Singer two-factor theory A theory of emotion in which general arousal leads to assessment, which in turn leads to subjective feelings.

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tests—identifying emotion in voices, which is unlikely to be affected by facial expression, and a set of arith- metic questions.

RESULTS In experiment 1, the Botox group performed significantly more poorly on the identification of emotions task than the control group that had received the dermal filler instead of Botox. In experiment 2, participants with the restricting gel placed on the face performed better than those with the gel on their arms.

CONCLUSIONS Both experiments support the idea that feedback from facial expressions of emotion influences the ability to identify emotional states in other peo- ple. The participants in the first experi- ment who used Botox had less facial mobility than the participants who had used the dermal filler. The lack of facial mobility caused by Botox appears to have interfered with the participants’ ability to accurately assess another person’s emotional state as indicated by a facial expression. In the second experiment, making the muscles work

harder to imitate a facial expression by applying a restrictive gel actually improved the participants’ ability to identify the facial expressions of oth- ers. These results are quite consistent with the James-Lange theory’s empha- sis on feedback from the body as important to the subjective identifica- tion of emotion, not just in ourselves but in other people. These results suggest that an important side effect of Botox might be a reduction in social competence and empathy due to an inability to read the emotions of other people correctly.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION340

Schachter and Singer (1962) directly tested this approach by inject- ing volunteers with epinephrine (adrenalin), which causes a high level of arousal. The participants had been told that they were getting an injection of a vitamin and that their vision would be tested as soon as another volunteer arrived to participate in the experiment. The second volunteer was actually an actor employed by the researchers. In half of the trials, the actor behaved in a happy, silly manner, while in the other half, he acted angry and stomped out of the room. The results supported a role for cognitive assessment of the environment in the identification of emotion. Participants who were exposed to the happy actor rated themselves as feeling happy, while participants exposed to the angry actor felt more negative. Importantly, when the partici- pants were accurately informed that they were getting a drug that produced arousal instead of a vitamin, the behavior of the actor did not influence their assessment of the situation. Instead, they attributed their feelings to the drug.

A later attempt to replicate Schachter and Singer’s study did not suc- ceed (Marshall & Zimbardo, 1979). As we discussed in our chapter on research methods, a failure to replicate a study casts very serious doubts on the results. Nonetheless, Schachter and Singer’s theory has provided considerable insight into how we identify our subjective feelings. Schachter and Singer account easily for the Capilano bridge study. Once aroused by being on the scary bridge, the male subjects assessed their circumstances and attributed their feelings to sexual attraction. Additional support is pro- vided by research that demonstrates that arousal produced by one emotion can transfer to and intensify a second emotion. People who have just exer- cised (producing physiological arousal) are more likely to become angry or sexually aroused when exposed to relevant stimuli (Reisenzein, 1983).

Contemporary Approaches Each of these theories offers important insights into our experience of emotion, yet none definitively resolves our original question regarding the relationship between physical sensations and subjective feelings. The same patterns of physical activity may occur during a variety of emotions, and a single emotion may be associated with a variety of physical states. That mistakes can and do happen is certain. Nonetheless, we seem to manage quite well at interpreting our emotions in the majority of situations.

A more contemporary model reconciles the debate regarding the impact of physical sensations on subjective feelings (Cacioppo, Berntson, & Klein, 1992). The Somatovisceral Afference Model of Emotion (SAME) begins with a recognition that physical responses to a stimulus can range from quite specific to quite general. For example, the physical sensations associated with disgust can be more precise than the physical sensations associated with pride.

The initial degree of specificity of the physical response leads to dif- ferent cognitive processing. A highly specific physical response leads to unambiguous recognition of a subjective feeling. This is the situation that appeared most interesting to William James. A bear walks in, I react physically, I know I’m scared. At the other extreme, instead of specific physical responses, a situation might produce very general arousal, which will require significant cognitive processing and evaluation. For example, a valedictorian giving a graduation speech might not understand her

Perceived stimulus

Subjective feeling

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Assessment of surroundings

The Schachter-Singer Two-Factor Theory.

F i g u r e 7 . 3 2

Somatovisceral Afference Model of Emotion (SAME) A model of emotion in which a range of physical sensations from precise to general requires varying degrees of cognitive processing prior to subjective feelings.

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being on the scary bridge, the male subjects assessed their circumsta and attrtribibututede theheirir ffeeliingngs to seexuaall atattrtraactionn. AdA ditiononalal ssuupportrt iiss vided d byby researcch h ththata dememononsttratees that aroussalal ppror duucced byy one eemom can trrannsfer to anandd intensnsify y a a sesecoondnd emomotionon. PePeopoplee wwho hhaavee juust ccised (p(proroduducic ngg pphyhysiolloogicalal aaroussalal) ) araree momore likikeely toto bbececomome e anangg sexually aroused when exposed to relevant stimuli (Reisenzein, 1983).

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WHY ARE WE EMOTIONAL? 341

arousal until she sees her parents and other members of the audience clapping and realizes the emotion she is feel- ing is pride. This scenario is closest to that proposed by Schachter and Singer (1962).

SAME provides for middle ground between James- Lange and Schachter and Singer. If a physical response is only partially specific, an ambiguous message is sent for- ward that is clarified by the presence of additional cues or information (see ● Figure 7.33). The model correctly pre- dicts that emotional responses range from immediate to delayed, based on the amount of cognitive processing that is required. Emotions that are associated with a precise set of physical responses, like fear, occur very quickly, but emotions that are associated with more general arousal, like pride, occur relatively slowly.

Contemporary cognitive approaches to emotion place little emphasis on the physical correlates that are featured so prominently in the classical theories. Instead, these approaches emphasize the role of appraisals, or interpreta- tions, of stimuli in eliciting emotion. For example, Ellsworth (1994) expresses some frustration with the approach taken by William James when she says, “Bears do not automati- cally cause us to run or tremble.” Instead, the interpretation of the stimulus, the bear in this case, forms the starting point for the emotional cascade. Appraisal theories further assume that interpretation requires a sequence of judgments, rather than a single decision about a stimulus (Ellsworth, 1991). For example, attention may be aroused by some change in the environment. No recognizable emotion has yet occurred, and if the appraisal of the stimulus determines it to be of no significance, arousal will return to baseline. However, if the stimulus is found to have positive or negative value (a source of food or a predator, for instance), feelings and physiological responses change yet again.

An emphasis on appraisal as a starting point for emotion may help us account for the vast range of emotional reactions that individuals might have to the same event. One person may view material wealth as essential to happiness, whereas another will view successful relationships with others as a primary goal. These different cognitive patterns may be expected to pro- duce different emotional responses to the same event. A letter to an advice columnist described a situation in which a man’s wife had wrecked his very expensive antique automobile in a serious accident (“Dear Abby,” 2006). Our first person, who values money, is likely to respond with dismay at the loss of the expensive car. Our second person, who values relationships, is likely to be very happy that his beloved wife survived the accident in one piece.

A variation of the appraisal approach to emotion suggests that emo- tions frequently occur in response to an individual’s progress toward a goal (Carver & Scheier, 1990). According to this view, failure to reach a desired goal in the anticipated amount of time will lead to negative emotions. For example, a sprinter competing in a 100-meter event may be distressed when she is passed by another runner, even though she is on pace to a new personal best.

The Somatovisceral Afference Model of Emotion (SAME). This ambiguous image (you should find yourself alternating between seeing a young woman and an old woman) can serve as a model for how the mind processes a range of emotional situations, from very simple to very complex. If we look at a very simple image, we need very little cognitive assessment to respond appropriately. As images become more complex, we require increasing amounts of cognitive assessment before we respond. Processing the simple emotion of fear is similar to processing an unambiguous image. Processing more complex, ambiguous emotions, like pride, requires more cognitive assessment, just like viewing this ambiguous image does.

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Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION342

Summary 7.2 Theories of Emotion

Name of theory Major features James-Lange

Specific physical

responses

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Subjective feeling

Specific physical sensations lead to an identification of the subjective feeling.

Cannon-Bard

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Subjective feeling

Physical sensations and subjective feelings occur simultaneously and independently.

Schachter-Singer two-factor theory

Perceived stimulus

Subjective feeling

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General arousal, not specific physical states, leads to an appraisal of our surroundings, which allows us to identify our subjective feelings.

Somatovisceral Afference Model Different emotional states produce physical responses ranging from specific to ambiguous. Ambiguous responses require more appraisal than specific responses before a subjective feeling is identified.

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INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF EMOTION 343

Interpersonal Relationships From the Perspective of Emotion The idea that good relationships are characterized by positive emotional interactions and that bad relationships feature many negative emotions sounds obvious. However, it is unrealistic to think that happy couples never experience any conflict. They do, but the way they fight can have a big influ- ence on the likelihood they will stay together.

Psychologist John Gottman uses a combination of heart rate, facial expression, and an analysis of the way people talk about their relation- ships to each other and to others to predict whether a relationship will last (Gottman, 2011). He is correct over 90% of the time. One of Gottman’s key observations is the ratio of positive to negative comments in a couple’s discussion of a problem. Happy couples make 5 times more positive com- ments about each other and their relationship during these discussions (e.g., we laugh a lot versus we never have any fun).

In several places in this textbook, we have emphasized how the human mind is skewed toward the negative, like noticing bitter tastes over sweet. This slant suggests that it is all too easy to focus on your partner’s negative qualities, which will lead to negative emotions and conflict. If we put our relationships on evolutionary cruise control, the ratio of positive to nega- tive comments might drop to a point where the relationship is in danger. Maintaining a more positive outlook on your partner requires attention and work.

Try observing how people you know talk about their significant others (or watch your own behavior, if you’re brave enough). Are you achieving Gottman’s 5:1 ratio of positive to negative?

Research by John Gottman shows that happy couples do experience negative emotions with each other. However, for every negative incident, they tend to experience 5 times as many positive emotional interactions with each other.

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Chapter Reflections

Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION

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Before reading this chapter, you might have believed that moti- vation and emotion were primarily private, individual sets of behaviors. We often feel that others really can’t get inside our heads well enough to under- stand us. Now, however, we hope you see that although motivations and emotions might begin at the individual level, these behaviors are stimulated and shaped by the social world around us. Our Olympic silver medalists, described at the beginning of the chap- ter, would probably feel quite elated to win such a prestigious award if motivation and emotion were purely individual experiences. After all, very few of us ever reach a level of achievement that allows us to be second in the world out of nearly 7 billion people. The fact that the silver medalists did not feel elation at all, but instead experienced a quite negative state of disappointment, only occurs because of social comparisons. Because they are comparing themselves with the gold medal winners instead of the many other athletes they beat, they feel the pain of defeat. The bronze medal winners do feel happy, and once again, we need to zoom out to the social perspective to see why. We might say that they’re happy because they beat a lot of other athletes, but we’ve already seen that this explanation is not sufficient in the case of the silver medalists, so it is unlikely to work here. Instead, by comparing themselves with the “might have been” of going home without a medal, like the unfortunate fourth-place finishers, the bronze medalists become very happy indeed. Motivation and emotion originate in the less voluntary, less conscious aspects of the mind and usually proceed in a bottom-up fashion to influ- ence behavior. Athletes continually hear about the importance of display- ing good character and being a gracious loser, but these cognitive values

are not enough to help our silver medalist accept defeat with grace. At the same time, how-

ever, the cognitive abilities of the human mind can exert top-down influence on emotion and motivation, like William James’s attempts to remedy his depres- sion by “sitting up cheerfully.” <

344

ter, would pprobably y feel quite elated to win such a prestigig ous awa motivaatitionon aannd emomottionn wwere e pupurelyly iindndivividual l exxperienenceces.s AAfterer aallll, few oof uus ever reachch a levevelel oof acchihievevemmenent thhatat aalll owws uss ttoo beb seconon tht e woorlrld out of nnearly 77 billllioionn peeopople. TheThe ffacactt ththatt ttheh siilvver mmed did not fefeelel elatiionon aat alll,l but insnsteadd eexpxpeerieennced aa quitete nnegegativvee ststaa disappoiointment, only occurs because ofof social comparisons. Because are compmparinng g ththemmseselvlves wwitith h ththee gogoldd mmededalal wwinnenersrs iinsnsnsnstead of the m other atathletteses tthehey y bebeatt, ththey feeel thhee papainn oof deefefeatat. TheTh bronze m winnerrs s dodo ffeeeell hahappppy,y, aandd onccee aggaiinn, wwee nneeded ttoo zozoom out to the s perspective to see why. We might say that they’ree hahappppyy because they

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

CHAPTER REFLECTIONS

KEY TERMS The Language of Psychological Science Be sure you can define these terms and use them correctly. achievement, p. 313 affiliation, p. 315 anorexia nervosa, p. 302 body mass index (BMI), p. 297 bulimia nervosa, p. 302 Cannon-Bard theory, p. 337 catharsis, p. 334 display rule, p. 330 drive, p. 290 drive reduction, p. 290

emotion, p. 288 extrinsic reward, p. 290 glucose, p. 294 homeostasis, p. 290 incentive, p. 290 insula, p. 323 intrinsic reward, p. 290 James-Lange theory, p. 333 leptin, p. 295 motivation, p. 289

satiety, p. 296 Schachter-Singer two-factor theory,

p. 339 self-actualization, p. 318 set point, p. 290 sexual orientation, p. 308 Somatovisceral Afference Model of

Emotion (SAME), p. 340 testosterone, p. 306 Yerkes-Dodson law, p. 320

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345

Psychology Courrses Mate brings course conceptp s to e ith inteterar ctivee learnning, study, andd eexaxamm preppararatatioion thatt ssupuppoort thhe ppririntn edd textboook.k. A textboook-k fic website, Psychologogyy CoCourseMaMate includees an e ratated iintn eractive eeBBook aannd other iintntereracactivee lleaearnrning inincllududing quizzes, flflasashhcards, videos, and more.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Learning something new produces structural changes in neurons.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

The Adaptive Mind

Learning

1 Compare and contrast reflexes, instincts, and learned behaviors in terms of complexity, flexibility, and the effects of experience.

2 Analyze the components of a classical conditioning experiment, identifying the unconditioned stimulus, conditioned stimulus, unconditioned response, and conditioned response.

3 Evaluate whether a classical conditioning scenario has the features needed to produce acquisition of a conditioned response, extinction, spontaneous recovery, conditioned inhibition, generalization versus discrimination, and/or latent inhibition.

4 Differentiate operant conditioning from classical conditioning and implement operant conditioning principles in real-life learning scenarios (e.g., training a pet or child).

5 Compare and contrast positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, positive punishment, and negative punishment in terms of learning process and effects on behavior.

6 Analyze the ways in which animals’ evolved instincts appeared to constrain learning in some studies of classical and operant conditioning (e.g., Garcia & Koelling, 1966; Breland & Breland, 1961).

7 Analyze the classic “Bobo Doll” study and other examples of observational learning, identifying the cognitive processes necessary to produce learning and differentiating

observational learning from operant conditioning.

8 Apply learning principles and terminology to analyzing problems with interpersonal relationships, phobias, addiction, and other behaviors.

Learning Objectives

347

Although you may not have had an opportunity to learn to surf, we’re assuming that in your role as a student you are very familiar with the process of learning. Knowing how to learn, however, is differ- ent from understanding how and why learning occurs. What is going on in the minds of these people as they

learn to do something new? A behavior like learning to surf is very complicated,

so scientists interested in learning have often begun their examinations using animals that are much simpler than

humans as they learn to do much more simple behaviors than

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 348

Animals, like this “ferocious” kitten, use reflexive piloerection to make themselves look bigger, the evolutionary purpose of which is to appear so menacing that they can avoid conflict altogether.

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surfing. Scientists have zoomed in to observe changes that happen in sin- gle neurons, like the image at the beginning of this chapter, found in sim- ple animals like the sea slug Aplysia californica. The sea slug is capable of learning to anticipate an electric shock that happens every time it is touched, and it demonstrates this knowledge by protectively withdrawing its body in response to touch before the shock is administered. Because the slug has such a simple nervous system compared to ours, scientists have been able to identify which neurons are involved in this learning and to describe what changes take place in the neuron’s functioning that make new behaviors—like withdrawing prior to shock—possible.

Is it possible that human learning shares anything in common with learning in slugs? The answer to this question is yes and no. Some types

of learning are common across animals with vastly different evo- lutionary histories and complexities, like humans and sea slugs.

In other cases, we see interactions between nature and nur- ture. Experience, or nurture, frequently interacts with the nature of the organism exposed to the experience. You can talk to your kitten and to an infant, but only the infant will respond to this experience by learning to understand

what you’re saying and how to reply. Each species brings its own unique and innate building blocks of learning,

accumulated over many generations, to any given situation. Zooming out still farther, we will see how learning in groups can often be different from learning as an individual.

Even the lowly sea slug learns differently when alone than when in a group of fellow slugs. Slugs in isolation seem to have a ter-

rible time learning to stop trying to eat food that is too tough to swallow (Schwarz & Susswein, 1992), but they learn this task eas- ily when in the presence of other slugs (Susswein, Schwarz, &

Feldman, 1986). Apparently, the slugs can communicate with each other using pheromones, and the presence or absence of these chemicals has a powerful effect on their ability to

learn (Schwarz, Blumberg, & Susswein, 1998). The people on the previous page who are learning to surf in a group might have a very different experience if they were taking individual lessons.

How Do Animals Use Reflexes, Instincts, and Learning to Respond to the Environment? Animals, including ourselves, behave in response to the environment. Behavior can take the form of either externally observable actions or inter- nal processes, such as emotions, thoughts, and physiological responses. These behaviors fall into three broad categories: reflexes, instincts, and

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

HOW DO ANIMALS USE REFLEXES, INSTINCTS, AND LEARNING TO RESPOND TO THE ENVIRONMENT? 349

learned behaviors. Each type of behavior has its role in helping us survive but differs dramatically in its ability to adapt to a changing world.

Reflexes are inevitable, involuntary responses to stimuli. In casual con- versations, we sometimes attribute a baseball player’s high batting average or our ability to step on the brake in time to avoid an automobile accident to great reflexes, but in fact, these examples involve learned behaviors that have become very fast and automatic as a result of lots of practice. Nobody is born knowing how to hit baseballs or use the brakes of a car, so these behaviors do not meet our definition of a reflex.

In human beings, most reflexes are controlled by nervous system cir- cuits located in the spinal cord and brainstem, described in our chapter on biological psychology. Your physician checks one of these reflexes by tapping your knee with a hammer. The tap stretches your leg muscles, and the stretch is sensed by neurons in the spinal cord. Motor neurons in the spinal cord tell your thigh muscle to contract to compensate for the stretching, and your foot kicks out. No experience with knee-tapping is necessary to produce this behavior, nor can you voluntarily prevent it. By the time your brain realizes your knee was tapped, you have already reacted. Other reflexes pull our bodies away from painful stimuli, as when we step on a tack or piece of glass or touch a hot stove, turn our heads in the direc- tion of loud sounds, and help us stand upright and walk.

Reflexes produce very fast, very reliable responses that serve to pro- mote your welfare. If you’ve ever touched a hot stovetop and found yourself pulling your hand back seem- ingly before you even knew what you had done, you know at least one ben- efit of reflexes.

Reflexes have the disadvantages of being inflexible and not very adapt- able to change, however. For example, we respond to stress or cold by form- ing goose bumps, or bumps on the skin. This reflex appears to be a leftover from a time in which our species had more body hair. Goose bumps raise each strand of hair, which in times of stress makes an individual look larger, scaring off predators or competitors, and in response to cold, traps more insulating air near the skin. As humans lost most of their body hair over time, the advantages of this reflex decreased, but we still retain the behavior.

Instincts, also referred to as fixed action patterns, are inborn patterns of behavior elicited by environmental stimuli. Instincts share the reflex’s reliability and lack of dependence on experience, but the resulting behav- iors are much more complex, requiring many more neurons than the num- ber involved in a reflexive kick of your foot. Instinctive behaviors occur in the mating and parenting behaviors of many species (Tinbergen, 1951). For example, a mother dog will instinctively lick clean her very first litter of

Goose bumps are what is left of piloerection in humans. These signals of arousal are remnants of a time when we had enough hair to make this an easily noticeable response.

reflex Inevitable, involuntary response to stimuli.

instinct An inborn pattern of behavior elicited by environmental stimuli. Also known as a fixed action pattern.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING350

Instinctive contagious yawning might provide survival advantages by synchronizing the arousal state and behaviors of groups.

learning A relatively permanent change in behavior or the capacity for behavior due to experience.

pups immediately after birth. An example of a human instinct is contagious yawning, or yawning in response to seeing others yawn (Provine, 1986). Although yawning has multiple functions, including cooling the brain, contagious yawning might be related to empathy, helping to synchronize the arousal state of whole groups. Children with autism, a psychological disorder in which empathy is distinctly impaired, fail to show contagious yawning (Senju et al., 2007).

Psychologists define learning as a relatively permanent change in behav- ior (or the capacity for behavior) due to experience. The core of this defi-

nition is “change in behavior.” After learning, we can do something new that we couldn’t do before, providing

us with enormous advantages in surviving a chang- ing world. Not all changes in behavior are due to

learning, however. Our behavior changes as we mature from infancy through adulthood, as we will see in our chapter on development. Behav- ior can be changed by brain damage or by hav- ing a psychological disorder. So our definition of learning limits the changes we consider to be learned to those that result from experi- ence. The other qualification in our definition,

“relatively permanent,” prevents the labeling of brief or unstable changes—such as when we

experience different moods or suffer from an ill- ness—as learning. Exactly how permanent learning is

will be discussed in our chapter on memory. Twentieth-century psychology was dominated by the beliefs that com-

pared to other animals, human beings have relatively few reflexes and instincts and that most human behavior results from learning. William James actually argued that human beings have more instincts than other animals, although we are usually unaware of them (James, 1887). Accord- ing to James, our behavior simply appears more complex and thoughtful because we often face the need to choose between competing instincts. Animals with fewer instincts experience fewer conflicts, so their behavior appears to be more automatic and less thoughtful.

James’s approach to instinct and learning is echoed in the writings of contemporary evolutionary psychologists, who argue for an innate learning instinct that prepares human beings to learn certain things in particular ways based on our evolutionary history (Cosmides & Tooby, 1997). Cognitive psy- chologists also revive the flavor of James by suggesting that learned behavior resulting from experience can look very automatic and instinctive (Bargh & Chartrand, 1999). For example, prejudice toward a group of people requires learning, but prejudiced behavior often occurs without much conscious awareness, as we explore further in a later chapter on social psychology. Peo- ple who consciously believe that they are without prejudice toward members of a minority group will nonetheless sit farther away from an individual from that group than from members of the majority (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2005).

The interactions between instinct and learning also provide an expla- nation for another observation: experience has different effects at different

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WHAT ARE THE THREE MAIN TYPES OF LEARNING? 351

times in an organism’s lifespan, as we discuss further in our chapter on development. We do not attempt to teach philosophy to 2-year-old chil- dren because they are not yet capable of learning this material. Imprinting, the tendency of young animals to bond with and follow an adult, is very dependent on timing. Birds that see a human immediately upon hatching follow that person everywhere, but birds who first see a human after hav- ing been hooded for their first few days out of the shell attempt to flee in terror (James, 1887).

What Are the Three Main Types of Learning? Learning is traditionally divided into three categories: associative, nonas- sociative, and observational. More than one type of learning can operate simultaneously in the same situation.

Associative learning occurs when we form associations, or connec- tions, among stimuli and/or behaviors. Associative learning helps us to pre- dict the future based on past experience. In other words, if A happens, then B is likely to follow. The ability to anticipate the future provides enormous survival advantages, as animals gain time to prepare. Psychologists who

Imprinting, in which a young organism bonds with adults, provides an example of how experience has different effects at different times in the lifespan. These baby swans are following their parents because the parents were the first things they saw when they hatched. After a very short delay of a day or two, exposure to the parents would not lead to following. If the baby swans saw a human experimenter instead of their parents upon hatching, they would follow the human instead.

Organisms usually show imprinting by the time they are mobile, which for swans means the first day of life, but for human children means closer to one year. Because these children have imprinted on their primary caregivers instead of their preschool teacher, the teacher needs a bit of technological help to encourage his charges to follow him on a walk.

associative learning The formation of associations or connections among stimuli and behaviors.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING352

It is likely that the first time this dog’s owner attempted to dress it up the dog was a bit upset. After repeated experiences of being dressed up, however, the dog probably has habituated, which means that it has learned that no harm results from the process. Now it remains calm.

Many universities offer special programs for students who are the first in their extended families to attend college, in recognition of the need to level the playing field with students who enter college having already learned a great deal about college life from observing their college- educated family members.

classical conditioning A type of learning in which associations are formed between two stimuli that occur sequentially in time.

operant conditioning A type of learning in which associations are formed between behaviors and their outcomes.

nonassociative learning Learning that involves changes in the magnitude of responses to a stimulus.

habituation A simple form of learning in which reactions to repeated stimuli that are unchanging and harmless decrease.

sensitization An increased reaction to many stimuli following exposure to one very strong stimulus.

observational learning Learning that occurs when an organism watches the actions of another. Also known as social learning or modeling.

Following an earthquake, this little boy is likely to be extra jumpy for awhile in response to other stimuli, like loud noises, due to sensitization.

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study learning describe two types of associative learn- ing: classical conditioning and operant conditioning. In classical conditioning, we form associations between pairs of stimuli that occur sequentially in time. If a child sees a bee for the first time and then gets stung, the child will form a connection between seeing bees and the pain of being stung. The next time a bee flies by, the child is likely to feel quite frightened. In operant conditioning, we form associations between behaviors and their consequences. If you study hard, you will get good grades. We will discuss each of these forms of associative learning in more detail in later sections.

Nonassociative learning involves changes in the magnitude of responses to a single stimulus

rather than the formation of connections between stimuli. Two important types of nonassociative

learning are habituation and sensitization. Habitua- tion reduces our reactions to repeated experiences that

have already been evaluated and found to be unchanging and harmless. For example, you might sleep much better the second night than the first in the same hotel, because you have adapted to the new noises in that environ- ment. Sometimes, we habituate to things that we should, ideally, still be noticing. A major concern about exposing children to violent media is the possibility that their emotional responses to violent images will habituate, leading to higher tolerance for violent behavior (Gunter, 1994).

In contrast to habituation, sensitization increases our reactions to a wide range of stimuli following exposure to one strong stimulus. Following an earthquake, people often experience exaggerated responses to move- ment, light, or noise. If you are awakened by a loud crash, even if you figure out it’s just your roommate coming home late at night, it might be harder to get back to sleep due to your suddenly increased state of arousal. Every little sound now seems magnified.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT ARE THE THREE MAIN TYPES OF LEARNING? 353

Watching others is a very efficient way to learn new skills, like dancing. Imagine for a moment how difficult it would be to write a description of how this dance should be performed. Watching others is also a very useful way to learn what is harmful to do.

Summary 8.1 Types of Learning

Classical conditioning

• Signal ➝ Important event • Snakes ➝ Snake bite Operant conditioning

• Behavior ➝ Consequences • Practice ➝ Successfully riding a wave

Habituation

• Responses to repeated, unchanging stimuli • Reduced response to neighbor's loud television every evening Sensitization

• Responses to many stimuli • “Jumpiness” to many stimuli following an earthquake

Watch ➝ Imitate

• Copy new dance moves from your favorite music video Watch ➝ Avoid imitating

• Watch friend get sick from alcohol—don’t drink as much

Associative learning

Nonassociative learning

Observational learning

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Why would we show habituation to some stimuli and sen- sitization to others? In general, habituation occurs in response to milder stimuli, whereas sensitization occurs in response to stronger stimuli. Habituation ensures that we do not waste pre- cious resources monitoring low-priority stimuli. Sensitization is particularly useful in dangerous situations. After detecting one harmful stimulus, raising our overall level of responsive- ness should improve reaction time should other dangers arise.

Observational learning (also known as social learning or modeling), occurs when an organism learns by watching the actions of another. If your knowledge of table manners does not extend to the many forks, knives, and spoons at a very fancy dinner, you might want to watch what others do before diving into your own food. Observational learning provides the advantage of transmitting information across generations within families and cultures.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING354

What Is Classical Conditioning? As we discussed in our introductory chapter, Ivan Petrovich Pavlov (1849– 1936) is so tightly connected to the study of classical conditioning that the phenomenon is frequently referred to as Pavlovian conditioning. Pavlov switched his interests from the study of digestion to the study of learning after noticing that his dogs had learned to anticipate the arrival of food. Instead of salivating when presented with food, Pavlov’s dogs began to sali- vate as soon as the lab assistant retrieved them from the kennel or strapped them into their experimental harnesses in the laboratory. Most people would probably not have noticed the differences in the dogs’ behavior. Pavlov not only noticed but realized the full significance of his observations: the dogs had formed an association between stimuli preceding the food and the arrival of the food itself. In other words, the dogs had learned that certain stimuli served as signals for the eventual appearance of food (see ● Figure 8.1).

If you are like most people reading about classical conditioning for the first time, you are probably wondering why we are spending so much time and effort discussing salivating dogs. If classical conditioning were that lim- ited in its scope, it probably wouldn’t warrant more than a small footnote in the history of psychology. Instead, classical conditioning explains many of our learned emotional responses to our environment. It forms the basis for many practical applications from prepared childbirth methods to the treatment of drug addiction and unrealistic fears.

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response

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Classical Conditioning Terminology. 1 and 2. Before conditioning, food (unconditioned stimulus—UCS) reliably produces salivation (unconditioned response—UCR) and the sound of the metronome produces no reliable responding. 3. During conditioning, the sound of the metronome is followed by the food (UCS), which again produces salivation (UCR). 4. After conditioning, the sound of the metronome (conditioned stimulus— CS) by itself is sufficient to produce salivation (conditioned response— CR). Learning has occurred.

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of our learned emotional responses to our environment. It forms the for maanyny praractiicalal appliicacatit ons fromom preeppared d chchildbirirthth mmeethoodsds tto treatmmeent of druug g adaddicttioonn anandd unnrrealalisistitic c feearars..

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 355

Classical Conditioning Terminology

In describing the process of classical conditioning, Pavlov distinguished between conditioned and unconditioned stimuli and responses. “Conditioned” refers to something that must be learned, while

“unconditioned” refers to factors that are reflexive or that occur without any learning. Therefore, a conditioned stimulus (CS) refers to an environ- mental event whose significance is learned, while an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) has innate, built-in meaning to the organism. In a typical experiment by Pavlov, dogs heard the sound of a ticking metronome just before food appeared through a small door. The ticking sound was the conditioned stimulus, while the food was the unconditioned stimulus. Dogs do not have an innate response to the sound of ticking metronomes, but they generally are born knowing what to do with food. An unconditioned stimulus (UCS) may be pleasant, like food, but it may also be unpleasant, like electric shock. The important features of a UCS are its innate biological significance and its reliable ability to elicit a response without prior expo- sure. Just as our dog didn’t require training in order to salivate in response to meat powder, few of us need any experience with electric shock before we respond with fear and other negative emotions.

Conditioned responses (CRs) are learned reactions, while uncondi- tioned responses (UCRs) don’t need to be learned; they appear without prior experience with a stimulus. Salivating when food is put in your mouth is unconditioned, because we do this reflexively without any prior experience, but salivating to ticking metronomes only occurs as a result of experience. Our definition of learning requires behavior to change, so the appearance of conditioned responding tells us learning has occurred. Once learning has taken place, the organism now responds to conditioned stimuli that reliably predict the arrival of the unconditioned stimulus. This ability to anticipate future stimuli provides significant advantages to an organism in the struggle for survival.

As we’ll see in this section, understanding classical conditioning will illuminate a wide range of behaviors you might have seen in yourself or others, from the avoidance of foods that you associate with feeling sick to the butterflies you feel in your stomach before a big performance to the development of social prejudices.

Classical Conditioning Phenomena

Pavlov and those following in his footsteps have extended the usefulness of classical conditioning by exploring its features and development in more detail.

Acquisition Acquisition refers to the development of a conditioned response. Pavlov argued that acquisition requires contiguity, or close prox- imity in time between the conditioned stimulus (CS) and the unconditioned stimulus (UCS). If the CS occurs long before the UCS, the organism may not view the two stimuli as related. A CS that occurs simultaneously with a UCS or, worse yet, following a UCS, is obviously not a very useful signal.

Learning without thinking is useless. Thinking without learning is dangerous. —Confucius

conditioned stimulus (CS) An environmental event whose significance is learned through classical conditioning.

unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A stimulus that elicits a response without any prior experience.

conditioned response (CR) A response learned through classical conditioning.

unconditioned response (UCR) A response to an unconditioned stimulus that requires no previous experience.

acquisition The development of a learned response.

Conditioneed ressponses (CRs) are learned reactions, while uncondi- ed respop nssese (UUCRs) don’t neneeded tto bebe lleaearneded;; they appepearar wwiti houtt exxpep rieencee witthh a stimullusus. Salivattingng wheen n fofood iss pput in youurr th is uncondiditioneded, beb causse e we do thhisis reflexxiivelely y wiwithhouout anny prrioior r ririeencee, but saliivvatingng to tickkining g mmetrrononomomes oonly ococcurss aass a a reresusult

xppereriience. Our ddefiefinition of learning requires behavior to change, so ppeararannce oof cocondnditioned reesspondingg tells us learningg has oocccurred.

e learnningg haass tat keen place, thehe orggananisismm nonoww rrespspoondsds ttoo ccondndittioonenedd uli that reliably predict the arrrrival ofof thhe uncncononddittioneded sttimumulluss. ThThiss y to anticipate future stimulili provividedes sisigngnifiificant addvanttages tto an

nism in the struggle for survival

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING356

A dinner bell sounded after food has been served is not very helpful (see ● Figure 8.2).

Acquisition also requires contingency, or a correlation between the conditioned stimu- lus (CS) and unconditioned stimulus (UCS). Learning about a reliable signal is easier than learning about a signal that only occurs some of the time. To demonstrate the contingency factor, Robert Rescorla (1968) exposed rats to sound followed by a mild electric shock, which quickly produced fear of the sound. For some rats, a shock was administered only after a sound, while for other rats, shocks were administered following the sound on some occasions and without any sound on others. All the rats had the same number of contiguous sound-shock pairings. They dif- fered in the correlation between sound and

shock. Sound signaled shock 100% of the time for some rats, while others experienced some unsignaled shocks (i.e., shocks without being paired with a sound). Learning was faster for rats experiencing signaled shocks 100% of the time. As the percentage of signaled shocks decreased, learning about the signal slowed. If your migraine headaches are always preceded by exposure to bright light, you are much more likely to fear bright lights in the future than if your headaches follow exposure to bright lights only once in awhile (see ● Figure 8.3).

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Acquisition of Conditioned Responses. With each pairing of the conditioned stimulus (CS) and unconditioned stimulus (UCS), conditioned responses (CRs) become more likely.

F i g u r e 8.2

Contingency Predicts Conditioning. Imagine the experience of the two dogs in this experiment. Food (unconditioned stimulus—UCS) always follows hearing the bell (conditioned stimulus—CS) for both dogs, which demonstrates contiguity. However, the first dog only receives food after the bell, while the food is not always signaled by the bell for the second dog. Robert Rescorla predicted correctly that the dog in the first line would learn the association between bell and food faster than the dog in the second line, because the first dog’s bell is a more reliable signal for food (contingency).

F i g u r e 8.3

Contiguity + Contingency = Better Learning

Contiguity + Less Contingency = Reduced Learning

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with a sound). Learning was faster for rats experiencing signaled sh 100% ooff ththe e tit mee. AsAs thee ppere centntage e ofof ssigignnaled shshocks ddececrereaasedd, lelearar about t ththe signall sslolowew dd. IIf f yoy urur mmiggraine headadacacheh s arare always pprerecc by expxpoosure to bbriri hght lighght, yyouou arere mmuch h moorere llikkele y y tto ffeaear r brigighht ll iin the ffututururee thanan iif f yourur headadachess ffololloloww exexposuurre ttoo brbrigighht lligighthtss once in awhile (see ● Figure 8.3).

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 357

Extinction and Spontaneous Recovery Conditioned responses will disappear, or undergo extinction, if the association between the conditioned stimulus (CS) and the unconditioned stimulus (UCS) is broken. When Pavlov continued to expose his dogs to the ticking of the metronome without providing any food, the dogs eventually stopped salivating in response to the sound of the metronome (see ● Figure 8.4).

Pavlov believed that extinction is not the same thing as forgetting but is actually new learning that overrides old learning. As evidence for this belief, Pavlov pointed to the occurrence of spontaneous recovery, or the reappearance of conditioned responses (CRs) follow- ing periods of rest between sessions of extinction training. Even if a dog has completely stopped salivat- ing to the sound of the metronome by the end of an extinction session, conditioned salivation will reappear at the beginning of the next session. In other words, the conditioned responding is decreasing during a session of extinction training not because the dog is forgetting the relationship between ticking and food, but because the dog is now learning that ticking no longer predicts food, and it may take several sessions for this new learning to completely replace the old. The phenomenon of spontaneous recovery is consistent with our definition of learning as a relatively permanent type of change.

Without the ability to extinguish conditioned responses, adjusting to further changes in the environment would be difficult, if not impossible. We would not be able to learn to enjoy dogs again after being bitten by one. An addict whose associations between needles and the effects of using heroin never extinguished would have an even harder time overcoming addiction.

Inhibition So far, we have been discussing examples of excitatory classical conditioning, in which the organ- ism learns that a conditioned stimulus (CS) predicts the occurrence of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS).

extinction The reduction of a learned response. In classical conditioning, extinction occurs when the unconditioned stimulus no longer follows the conditioned stimulus. In operant conditioning, extinction occurs when the consequence no longer follows the learned behavior.

spontaneous recovery During extinction training, the reappearance of conditioned responses after periods of rest.

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Extinction and Spontaneous Recovery. Addiction often involves the association of conditioned stimuli (CSs), such as the syringe, with the unconditioned stimulus (UCS) of a drug. Recovering addicts can be exposed to extinction—viewing the syringe (CS) without receiving the drug (UCS). This process reduces any conditioned responses (CRs) that might be contributing to cravings for the drug. However, extinction typically requires multiple sessions. When the recovering addict returns for the next extinction training session after a period of rest, he or she is likely to show CRs again. Eventually, with enough training, extinction will be complete and no further spontaneous recovery will be observed.

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Inhibition learning helps an organism behave adaptively when they’ve learned that something important will not occur. These zebras may have learned that when lions act a certain way, they are already full and unlikely to hunt again. These inhibitory signals tell the zebras that they can drink in safety, at least for a little while.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING358

Pavlov was also quite interested in the classical conditioning of inhibition, in which a conditioned stimulus (CS) predicts the nonoccurrence of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) (Pavlov, 1927). To demonstrate inhibition, we can begin by establishing excitatory conditioning by pairing a signal—a light—with shock. After some experience with this pairing, a rat will have learned to fear the light. Now we continue to present light-shock pairings, but we add other training trials that include the inhibitory CS—a sound— by presenting the light and sound together followed by no shock. Even though the light is present, the rat learns that it is not going to be shocked in the presence of the sound, and it shows no fear.

For a vulnerable animal in the wild, it is important to know not only that a predator at a water hole is in hunting mode (the sight of the prowling predator is an excitatory CS signaling fear) but also that a predator relaxing after a recent kill is unlikely to kill again soon (the sight of a predator calmly drinking water is an inhibitory CS that tells the animal that the predator is unlikely to attack soon and that it is safe). For drug addicts, establish- ing inhibitory conditioned stimuli (CSs) associated with the lack of an expected drug effect might provide a more powerful method for rehabili- tation (Kearns, Weiss, Schindler, & Panlilio, 2005). If an addict learns that drugs are never available in the presence of a certain signal, turning the sig- nal on whenever the addict’s resolve is weak might help prevent a relapse.

Generalization and Discrimination Once a conditioned response is suc- cessfully acquired, organisms often show a tendency to respond to stimuli that are similar to the conditioned stimulus. For example, the child who learned to be afraid of bees after being stung might also begin to fear wasps and yellow jackets, a process that Pavlov referred to as generalization.

Generalization has obvious survival value. If our ancestors had one bad experience with a lion, it would make sense to avoid all lions, as well as other animals with lion-like characteristics. If you felt sick after eating chocolate

bacon at the fair, it probably would be a good idea to avoid other weird chocolate-covered foods, at least for a while. Unfortunately, our tendency to generalize can have negative outcomes. For example, a soldier traumatized in combat might react with unnecessary fear to sounds that are similar to gunfire on the bat- tlefield, such as the backfiring of a car back at home.

Counteracting our tendency to generalize is another learning process known as discrimination, which allows us to make fine distinctions between the implications of stimuli. In the laboratory, if you present food following a high tone but never following a low tone, a dog will initially learn to salivate following both tones due to generalization. As learning progresses, the dog eventually learns to discriminate, or differentiate, between the abili- ties of the two stimuli to predict food. As a result, salivation to the high tone will continue, but saliva- tion to the low tone will stop (see ● Figure 8.5). If

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Low tone (CS–)

Generalization and Discrimination. The dog is receiving food after the high tone, but receives nothing after the low tone. Early in training, the dog salivates after both tones due to generalization. Further along in training, the dog learns to discriminate between the abilities of the two tones to signal food and now salivates only after the high tone.

F i g u r e 8.5

inhibition A feature of classical conditioning in which a conditioned stimulus actually predicts the nonoccurrence of an unconditioned stimulus.

generalization The tendency to respond to stimuli that are similar to an original conditioned stimulus.

discrimination A learned ability to distinguish between stimuli.

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WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 359

generalization had led the soldier to react with fear to the sound of a backfiring car, further experience with the sound would help distinguish it from real gunfire in combat. Because the sound of a backfiring car is not followed by any fear-producing unconditioned stimuli, it will eventually lose its ability to elicit fear.

Higher Order Conditioning We have seen how conditioned responding spreads to similar stimuli through generalization. In addition, conditioned responding can occur in response to stimuli that predict the conditioned stimulus (CS), a process known as higher order conditioning. Higher order condition- ing allows us to make even more distant predictions about the occurrence of significant events. A person who was bitten by a dog might show fear the next time the dog is seen, since the sight of the dog (conditioned stimulus—CS) is now associated with the pain of the bite (unconditioned stimulus—UCS). Sub- sequently, the sight of the dog (conditioned stimulus—CS) might begin to act more like an unconditioned stimulus (UCS), produc- ing fear in response to other stimuli (the sight of the dog’s yard or doghouse, the dog’s barking) that might signal the appearance of the dog.

Latent Inhibition In most of the research we have reviewed so far, the stimuli used as conditioned stimuli (CSs) are unfamil- iar. Pavlov’s dogs had probably never heard a metronome before participating in his experiments. What happens when you are already familiar with a conditioned stimulus (CS)? The answer is you will take a longer amount of time learning to respond to it. It takes more time to learn about a familiar conditioned stimulus (CS) than about an unfamiliar conditioned stimulus (CS), a phenomenon known as latent inhibition (Lubow & Moore, 1959). The phenomenon is latent in the sense that its effects are not seen right away (when the stimuli are first presented) but emerge later when the rate of learning is examined. The inhibition part of the term refers to the relatively poor learning that occurs in response to familiar stimuli.

If you have eaten lots of pizzas over time (familiar conditioned stimu- lus), but get sick after eating one, you are not very likely to associate the pizza with feeling ill. It is more likely that you would need to be sick many times after eating pizza before you learned to connect eating pizza with being ill. In contrast, if you get sick the first time you eat chocolate covered ants (unfamiliar conditioned stimulus), assuming these are not already your favorite treat, you’ll associate eating ants with feeling ill very quickly.

Cognitive and Biological Influences on Classical Conditioning

Early behaviorists concentrated their study of learn- ing on external behaviors that they could observe directly. As new technologies became available, such as brain imaging methods and more powerful computers used to model thinking and reasoning, psychologists interested in learning began to explore

Higher order conditioning occurs when stimuli associated with a conditioned stimulus (CS) gain the ability to elicit conditioned responses (CRs) on their own. If a child has learned to fear dogs (CS) because of a previous bite (unconditioned stimulus—UCS), anything that signals “dog” might now produce fear, too, including the sight of a doghouse, a dog’s feeding bowl, or a chew toy.

higher order conditioning Learning in which stimuli associated with a conditioned stimulus also elicit conditioned responding.

latent inhibition The slower learning that occurs when a conditioned stimulus is already familiar compared to when the conditioned stimulus is unfamiliar.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING360

internal processes, leading to revolutionary advances in our understanding of cognition and biology.

Early behaviorists also limited most of their studies to simple animals rather than humans. This restriction resulted from strong beliefs that behavior followed the same general rules in all organisms, which meant that it was safe to apply experimental results from studies using rats to the behavior of humans and that having more control over your experimental subjects (food, housing, etc.) led to bet- ter science. Although the latter may be true, psychologists

discovered that treating the learning animal as some kind of interchangeable black box was overly simplistic. Some learn-

ing processes have clearly been conserved over the course of evo- lution, allowing us to make conclusions relevant to humans about the changes at a synapse that accompany classical conditioning in the sea slug Aplysia californica (Carew & Kandel, 1973). In other cases, species bring their unique biology into the learning situa- tion, as we will see in a later section on taste aversion learning. Psychologists have learned to be cautious about generalizing their conclusions across species.

The Element of Surprise In our earlier discussion of the acquisition of classically conditioned responses, we talked about the contributions of contiguity (closeness in time) and contingency (the correlation between the conditioned and

unconditioned stimuli). It should be easy to learn about a sig- nal that both precedes and is predictive of an important event. The bell on your microwave both precedes and predicts the availability of food, and we would not be surprised if your mouth started watering a bit whenever you hear it.

What happens, however, if you already possess one really good signal but add another one that also precedes and predicts an unconditioned stimu- lus (UCS)? Based on past experience, you have learned that if your computer monitor suddenly goes dark (conditioned stimulus—CS), something terrible (unconditioned stimulus—UCS) has happened to your computer. Whenever you see a dark screen, you feel extremely stressed (conditioned response— CR). Let’s assume that the next time a dark screen appears, the computer also emits a funny sound. Even though the sound both precedes and predicts a hard drive crash, it’s unlikely that you will learn much about the sound and its relationship with hard drive crashes. We don’t bother to learn much about new signals that provide no additional information, even if they meet our requirements for contiguity and contingency (Kamin, 1968, 1969).

How can we account for this failure to learn under circumstances that should produce strong learning? Robert Rescorla and Allan Wagner (1972) proposed a model of classical conditioning in which learning will occur as a function of how surprising the association between the conditioned stimu- lus (CS) and unconditioned stimulus (UCS) appears. If you already know that eating peanuts makes you sick, you would not be surprised to learn that a protein bar that made you sick contained peanuts. You don’t need to

Due to latent inhibition, classical conditioning proceeds more slowly when a new conditioned stimulus is familiar than when it is unfamiliar. If you got sick after eating a familiar food (perhaps pizza), you are less likely to associate your illness with the food than if you got sick after eating an unfamiliar food, like these insect- containing lollipops.

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WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 361

learn anything new about protein bars, because peanuts already work per- fectly well as a signal for illness. It is likely that you will check protein bar ingredient labels more carefully for peanuts in the future, but you haven’t been conditioned to feel nauseated while eating protein bars that do not contain peanuts (see ● Figure 8.6).

We can’t imagine early behaviorists using terms like expect, surprise, and predict, as these represent internal states they believed were impossible to investigate scientifically. But today, it seems unreasonable to discuss some aspects of learning without using this vocabulary.

Taste Aversion We have already used some examples of classical condi- tioning involving food that you really dislike because you got sick after eat- ing it. These classically conditioned taste aversions result when the sight, smell, or flavor of the food (conditioned stimulus—CS) has been paired in the past with illness (unconditioned stimulus—UCS). Dislike of the food is the resulting conditioned response (CR).

Taste aversion isn’t just another interesting example of classical con- ditioning. Its demonstration led to a substantial rethinking not only of classical conditioning but of behaviorism in general. Pavlov believed that any stimuli that met the criteria for conditioned or unconditioned stimuli could be successfully paired to produce classical conditioning. He made no provisions in his theory for any special interactions between particular types of stimuli. John Garcia, who had a background not only in psychology but also in biology, did not believe that stimuli were so interchangeable. In what became known as a classic taste aversion study, Garcia and Koelling (1966) demonstrated that the types of stimuli used as conditioned and unconditioned stimuli do matter and that some combinations are learned much faster than others. Garcia and Koelling presented groups of rats with either saccharin-flavored water (“tasty water”) or plain water. When the rats consumed the plain water, their drinking triggered a light and a

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING362

clicking sound, which the researchers referred to as “bright-noisy water.” After drinking either tasty or bright-noisy water, half the rats were given an injection of lithium chloride, which produces strong sensations of nausea, and the other half received an electric shock (see Table 8.1).

This type of experiment should look very familiar to you by now as an example of classical conditioning. Tasty water or bright-noisy water served as conditioned stimuli (CSs) while shock or lithium chloride served as unconditioned stimuli (UCSs). Garcia and Koelling subsequently presented tasty and bright-noisy water to see if either would be avoided, with avoid- ance serving as an indication of the conditioned response of disgust with or dislike of the water. Rats immediately learned associations between tasty water and subsequent illness, but had difficulty learning to use the bright-

noisy water as a signal for illness. Conversely, bright-noisy water, but not tasty water, became an effective signal for shock. After all, if you feel sick, you are much more likely to decide that your ill- ness was a result of eating “mystery” leftovers for breakfast rather than the flickering of the fluores- cent lights in your classroom.

This experiment had far-ranging implications. Not only did these findings challenge Pavlov’s

views of the relative interchangeability of stimuli, but they prompted a renewed interest in the biological predispositions of organisms, or their “preparedness” to learn certain things. Although rats readily formed asso- ciations between taste and illness but not between visual stimuli and illness, birds easily formed associations between visual stimuli and illness but not between taste and illness. Rats see very poorly, so they usually are depen- dent on taste and smell for identifying food. Birds have excellent vision and typically identify food sources using visual cues, such as the markings of particular species of butterfly.

The willingness of behaviorists to treat organisms as interchangeable black boxes with irrelevant internal features was severely challenged by this work, paving the way to an aban- donment of the rigid behaviorism that had dominated psychology for most of the 20th century. Many learning theorists closed down their rat and pigeon labs and turned their attention to emerging cognitive, biological, and evolutionary approaches.

The Experimental Design Used by Garcia and Koelling (1966)

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Garcia and Koelling’s work on taste aversion helped to explain why butterflies have evolved to mimic the coloring of species that taste bad to birds. If the bird has become ill after eating a butterfly with a certain appearance, it will avoid eating butterflies that look the same way. Note that the taste of food was important to the rat, which doesn’t see well, but the sight of the food is important for birds, which have excellent sight and whose sense of smell is not particularly useful when they are flying high above potential prey. ©

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 363

Applying Classical Conditioning

Although strict behavior- ism no longer dominates research in psychology as it did for the first half of

the 20th century, it still provides powerful expla- nations of human behavior and very effective therapeutic tools for producing change. The per- vasiveness of classical conditioning in everyday life is quite remarkable. When your palms get sweaty and you feel butterflies in your stomach before a big exam, awaken just before your alarm clock goes off, or feel more awake just because you smell coffee brewing, you can blame your responses on classical conditioning. If you are a clinician working with a traumatized combat veteran who is frightened by the smell of diesel fuel or a coach working with an athlete to over- come “choking” in big games, classical condi- tioning gives you some of the answers you need to produce positive change.

Overcoming Fear In 1920, John Watson and Rosalie Raynor conducted an experiment with an 9-month-old infant named Albert. By today’s stan- dards, this experiment hardly appears well designed or ethical, but the results of the experiment led to research that shed a great deal of light onto human fear. While Albert played with a tame, white laboratory rat (con- ditioned stimulus—CS), Watson and Raynor made a loud noise (uncondi- tioned stimulus—UCS) by hitting a steel bar with a hammer. Albert was quite frightened by this noise (unconditioned response—UCR). A week later, Albert was once again offered the rat, but this time he was afraid (conditioned response—CR). His fear gen- eralized to other white, furry objects, including a rabbit, a dog, a fur coat, and a Santa Claus mask. Watson and Raynor had successfully demonstrated that fears could result from classical conditioning.

Although Albert left Watson and Raynor’s labora- tory without any treatment for his fear, one of Watson’s students, Mary Cover Jones, demonstrated how clas- sical conditioning procedures could be used to reduce learned fears. Her experiment featured a 3-year-old named Peter, who had a serious phobia, or intense, unrealistic fear, of rabbits (Jones, 1924). Could classi- cal conditioning provide a way to reduce Peter’s fears? One possible approach would be to use extinction. As we mentioned previously, conditioned responding will extinguish if the conditioned stimulus is presented alone, without the unconditioned stimulus. Treating phobias by exposing people to fear-producing stimuli in a manner that is safe until they no longer respond (i.e., extinction)

Understanding classical conditioning provides insight into many situations where our emotional responses seem to be triggered by the environment. Following a poor performance, an athlete and a coach might be able to figure out how to avoid the same mistakes in the next big competition.

John Watson and Rosalie Raynor observe Little Albert’s generalization to a bunny mask worn by Watson. The mask is similar to the original conditioned stimulus (CS) in their experiment—a white laboratory rat—which stimulated Albert’s conditioned fear.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING364

is known as flooding. Although flooding works, it is often traumatic. Being exposed to a stimulus you find very frightening until you are no longer afraid is not fun. Imagine forcing a person afraid of heights to bungee jump until the fear of heights is gone.

Instead of using extinction/flooding, Mary Cover Jones treated Peter with counterconditioning, or the substitution of one conditioned response for another, opposite response. Jones associated food, a new unconditioned stimulus (UCS), with the presence of a rabbit (conditioned stimulus—CS). Eventually, Peter was able to stroke the rabbit while eating. While not particularly hygienic, this achievement represented a big improvement in Peter’s life.

Counterconditioning has many useful applications. Aversion therapy can be used to replace inappropriate positive reactions to a stimulus with negative reactions. For example, a compound containing silver interacts with nicotine to make a tobacco cigarette taste terrible. Substituting a nega- tive outcome for a positive outcome of smoking helps some smokers quit more easily (Rose, Behm, Murugesan, & McClernon, 2010).

A variation of counterconditioning used to treat fear is known as sys- tematic desensitization. Associations between a phobic stimulus and fear are replaced by associations between the phobic stimulus and relaxation. The person undergoing treatment is first trained to achieve a state of physi- cal and mental relaxation, usually by tensing and relaxing muscle groups from head to toe. Once relaxation is achieved, the fear stimulus is gradually introduced, either in physical form or through guided imagery in which the person is asked to imagine the stimulus. If relaxation falters at any point, the person retreats to an earlier stage of exposure to the fear stimulus until he or she can relax again.

Addiction in addition to the influences on addiction dis- cussed in our chapter on consciousness, classical conditioning can contribute to dependence on a drug or behavior. Stimuli associated with drug use often become conditioned stimuli for the effects of a drug. For example, peak caffeine levels occur about 45 minutes after drinking a cup of coffee (Liguori, Hughes, & Grass, 1997), yet most coffee drinkers report feel- ing more awake as soon as they take that first sip in the morning, or possibly even smell the coffee brewing.

One of the challenges faced by people recovering from addiction to substances is the fact that environmental cues (condi- tioned stimuli—CSs) associated with the effects of substance use (uncon- ditioned stimuli—UCS) continue to elicit craving (conditioned response—CR) for the drug of

systematic desensitization A type of counterconditioning in which people relax while being exposed to stimuli that elicit fear.

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WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 365

choice. Note that most treatments for substance abuse involve simply abstaining from a drug as opposed to extinction or counterconditioning. There is nothing about avoiding the use of a drug that substantially weak- ens the previously formed associations surrounding its use. Consequently, being exposed to previously established conditioned stimuli (CSs), includ- ing the people with whom one did the drugs previously or the context in which one used the drugs, often leads to a former addict’s relapse (Chaudhri, Sahuque, & Janak, 2008). The sight, smell, or taste of a recovering alcoholic’s favorite drink or even a visit to a favorite bar is often enough to undermine the person’s abstinence from drinking. Reducing these associations can help the addict continue to abstain.

Attitudes and Prejudice Classical conditioning contributes to the formation and change of attitudes (Cacioppo & Berntson, 2001). After all, advertisers have been using classical condition- ing for years to influence consumer attitudes about products. By forming associations between the products and other stimuli we value, like celebrities, advertisers hope that our opinions of their prod- uct will improve. Consider all the product placements in movies. If Tony Stark of Iron Man drives an Audi, that brand takes on a whole new level of glamour.

Marketers hope that associations between their products and images of glamorous celebrities will boost their sales by making their products appear more valuable.

Human beings, who are almost unique in having the ability to learn from the experience of others, are also remarkable for their apparent disinclination to do so. —Douglas Adams

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Prejudice, which is discussed further in our chapter on social psychol- ogy, is a negative attitude about a group of people. Like other attitudes, prejudice is influenced by classical conditioning, although it has many other roots as well. In particular, latent inhibition can contribute to the development of negative attitudes (Cacioppo, Marshall-Goodell, Tassinary, & Petty, 1992). Consider the following. Because of latent inhibition, if a child has grown up with little exposure to people outside his or her own race, people of the child’s own race are more familiar, and learning to asso- ciate their race with other attributes should be slow. In contrast, the child will have had much less pre-exposure to people of other races. Latent inhi- bition effects would predict that children exposed to news reports about crime would form stronger associations between people of unfamiliar races and crime than between people of their own race and crime.

Psychology as a Hub Science

Classical Conditioning Informs Medicine

hile reading about Pavlov’s experiments with salivat-

ing dogs, it might be dif- ficult to grasp the full significance of Pavlov’s results, but there were some very good reasons why his labora- tory continued to receive consider- able resources during difficult times of war and revolution (Gantt, 1928).

Pavlov himself understood many of the possible applications of his work.

Pavlov was the first to describe conditioned placebo effects. A pla- cebo is a sham treatment, like a sugar pill, and a placebo effect occurs when administering a placebo actually seems to produce an improvement in health. After receiving the opiate painkiller morphine in a particular lab- oratory, Pavlov’s dogs began to show effects of the drug whenever they returned to the room. Simply entering the room (a placebo condition) was enough to reduce pain. This response should look familiar to you by now. The laboratory had taken on the abil- ity to signal (conditioned stimulus— CS) the eventual administration of the drug (unconditioned stimulus—UCS) and the pain relief produced by the drug (unconditioned response—UCR).

Exactly why placebos work remains the subject of debate (Eccles,

2002). In human patients, the cog- nitive expectation that taking a medicine will make you feel better probably plays a strong role. How- ever, classical conditioning has its part to play as well. If a patient with a bad cold is mistakenly prescribed an antibiotic, which is not effective against the viruses responsible for the cold, eventually the patient will recover. On subsequent occasions, taking an antibiotic might actu- ally make the patient feel better right away, due to expectations of improvement and the development of the antibiotic as a conditioned stimulus for improved health. This “trap” might account for the deliber- ate use of placebos by physicians, the demand for ineffective treatments by patients, and the trends to overpre- scribe certain medications (Dixon & Sweeney, 2000).

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WHAT IS CLASSICAL CONDITIONING? 367

Creativity and Schizophrenia Due to latent inhibition, most of us form associations with unfamiliar stimuli faster than we do with familiar stimuli. This quality helps us focus our energy toward dealing effectively with nov- elty and change in our environments.

Less latent inhibition is seen in very creative people and in people diagnosed with schizophrenia than is seen in the general public (Baruch, Hemsley, & Gray, 1988a, 1988b; Lubow, Ingberg-Sachs, Salstein-Orda, & Gewirtz, 1992). This difference means that creative people and people with schizophrenia form new associations with familiar stimuli faster than most people do. They make connections under circumstances in which most of us would not. Reduced latent inhibition might account for the creative person’s ability to see familiar things in new ways, which is a positive out- come, but it also might lead to the tendency of people with schizophrenia to make odd, inappropriate connections among ideas. In our chapter on psychological disorders, we will refer to this tendency as a “loosening of associations.” For example, a person with schizophrenia might suggest that a painting has a headache. Needless to say, this is not the type of association between stimuli that most people would make.

Pavlov’s research also forms the basis for prepared childbirth techniques. In 1951, a French physician named Fer- nand Lamaze was invited to tour medi- cal facilities in the Soviet Union, where he was exposed to methods for reducing pain during childbirth using Pavlov- ian concepts. In most cases, pain is an important signal for injury, and as such, most of us respond to pain with fear and anxiety. Counterconditioning can be used to help mothers respond to painful contractions, not with fear and anxiety, which heighten the sense of pain, but with a sense of calm produced by pro- gressive muscle relaxation.

Although Lamaze’s claims for pain- free childbirth have not been confirmed (the vast majority of women request anesthetics during childbirth whether trained or not), women who receive training prior to giving birth report somewhat lower pain scores, making training a useful addition to other medi- cal techniques (Melzack, Taenzer, Feld- man, & Kinch, 1981).

Prepared childbirth is an example of counterconditioning, in which women are trained to respond to contractions with relaxation rather than with fear and anxiety.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING368

Summary 8.2 Classical Conditioning Phenomena

Classical conditioning phenomenon Description Example Acquisition Gradual development of

conditioned responding Pavlov’s dog salivates on a higher percentage of trials as training progresses.

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The dog shows no salivation at the end of the day’s extinction training, but after a night of rest in the kennel, the dog salivates at the beginning of the next extinction session.

Inhibition CS predicts the nonoccurrence of the UCS

As long as a gauge is “in the green,” your equipment will not explode. You do not feel fear.

Generalization Responding to stimuli that resemble the CS

Little Albert’s fear of white rats generalized to a Santa Claus beard.

Discrimination Responding to the CS but not to similar stimuli that have not been paired with the UCS

A combat veteran learns to distinguish between the sound of gunfire and the backfire from a car.

Higher order conditioning Conditioned responding to stimuli that predict the occurrence of a CS

A child who has been bitten by a dog begins to fear the street where the dog lives.

Latent inhibition Acquisition is slower to a familiar CS.

An American forms a taste aversion faster to fruit bat pie than to hamburgers.

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 369

What Is Operant Conditioning? In our discussion of behaviorism in our introductory chapter, we intro- duced you to Edward Thorndike and his Law of Effect. To recap, Thorndike had observed the learning that took place when a cat tried to escape one of his “puzzle boxes.” According to Thorndike, the cats learned to escape by repeating actions that produced desirable outcomes and by eliminating behaviors that produced what he called “annoying” outcomes, or outcomes featuring either no useful effects or negative effects. Consequently, the Law of Effect states that a behavior will be “stamped into” an organism’s reper- toire depending on the consequences of the behavior.

The association between a behavior and its consequences is referred to as operant or instrumental conditioning. In this type of learning, organ- isms operate on their environment, and their behavior is often instrumen- tal in producing an outcome. B. F. Skinner extended Thorndike’s findings using an apparatus that bears his name—the Skinner box, a modified cage containing levers or buttons that can be pressed or pecked by animals.

Operant conditioning differs from classical conditioning along several dimensions. By definition, classical conditioning is based on an association between two stimuli, whereas operant conditioning occurs when a behav- ior is associated with its consequences. Classical conditioning generally works best with relatively involuntary behaviors, such as fear or salivation, whereas operant conditioning involves voluntary behaviors, like walking to class or waving to a friend.

Types of Consequences

As we all know from experience, some types of con- sequences increase behaviors and some types decrease behaviors. Skinner divided consequences

into four classes: positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, positive punishment, and negative punishment. Both types of reinforcement increase their associated behav- iors, whereas both types of punishment decrease associated behaviors (see Table 8.2).

We all have our own unique set of effective reinforcers and punishers. You might think that getting an A in a course is very reinforcing, mak- ing all those extra hours spent studying worth- while, but top grades may be less meaningful to the student sitting next to you who came to college for the social life. A parent might spank a child believing that spanking is an effective form of punishment, only to be surprised to find that the child’s unwanted behavior is actually becoming more rather than less frequent. For some children, the reward of getting the parent’s attention overrides the discom- fort of the spanking part of the interaction. In other words, the identity of a reinforcer or punisher is defined by its effects on behavior, not by some intrinsic quality of the consequence itself. The only accurate way to deter- mine the impact of a consequence is to check your results. If you think

Types of Consequences

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you’re reinforcing or punishing a behavior, but the frequency of the behav- ior is not changing in the direction you expect, try something else.

Positive Reinforcement

By definition, a positive reinforcement increases the frequency of its associated behavior by providing a desired outcome. Once again, it is important to note

that each individual has his or her own menu of effective reinforcements. In a common application of operant conditioning, children with autism are taught language, with candy serving as the positive reinforcement. Benja- min Lahey tells of his experience trying to teach a child with autism to say the syllable “ba” to obtain an M&M candy (Lahey, 1995). After 4 hours

without progress, Lahey turned to the child’s mother in frustra- tion, asking her what she thought might be the problem. The mother calmly replied that her son didn’t like M&Ms. Lahey switched to the child’s preferred treat, chopped carrots, and the child quickly began emitting “ba’s.” Chopped carrot is probably not the first reinforcer you would try with a 4-year-old boy, but in this case, it made all the difference.

horndike’s Law of Effect stipulates that behav- iors followed by positive

consequences are more likely to be repeated in the future, and behaviors followed by negative consequences are less likely to be repeated. Why then, do large numbers of people, particularly in adolescence, engage in self-injury, or deliberate physical damage without suicidal intent (Klon- sky & Muehlenkamp, 2007)? In one study, an astonishing 46% of 9th and 10th graders reported a self-injury in the previous year (Lloyd-Richardson, Perrine, Dierker, & Kelley, 2007).

As we will learn in this chapter, reward and punishment are in the eye of the beholder. The first challenge we face in our analysis of self-injury is the assumption that pain is always a negative consequence. For most of us, it is. However, adolescents who engage in self-injury report feelings of relief or calm, in spite of the obvious pain they inflict on themselves. Such feelings probably serve to reinforce further bouts of self-injury. Self-injury often occurs in response to feelings of anger, anxiety, and frustration, and as we will see, alleviation of these negative feelings might also reward

the injurious behavior (Klonsky, 2007; Klonsky & Muehlenkamp, 2007). Finally, injury is associated with the release of endorphins, our bodies’ natural opiates. The positive feelings associated with endorphin release also might serve to reinforce the behavior.

Self-injury frequently but not always occurs in people diagnosed with psychological disorders, such as depression, anxiety disorders, eating disorders, or substance abuse, which we discuss further in our chapters on motivation and emotion and psy- chological disorders. Others engag-

Why Do People Deliberately Injure Themselves?

Thinking Scientifically

The Premack Principle can help you maintain good time management. If you prefer socializing to studying, use the opportunity to socialize as a reward for meeting your evening’s study goals.

Do People Deliberately

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 371

If the consequences of a behavior influence how likely a person is to repeat the behavior in the future, how can we explain the prevalence of self-injury? Why don’t the painful consequences of this behavior make people stop? In situations like this, operant conditioning tells us that we need to look for possible reinforcers for the behavior that override any of the painful outcomes. In the case of self-injury, people report feeling “calm” and “relief.” To treat such behaviors effectively, psychologists need to understand what advantages they provide from the perspective of the person doing the behavior.

If everyone has a different set of effective reinforcers, how do we know what to use? A very simple technique for predicting what a particular ani- mal or person will find reinforcing is the Premack Principle, which states that whatever behavior an organism spends the most time and energy doing is likely to be a very important behavior to that organism (Premack, 1965). It is possible, therefore, to rank a person’s free time activities accord- ing to his or her priorities. If Dr. Lahey had been able to observe his young client’s eating habits before starting training, it is unlikely that he would have made the mistake of offering M&Ms as reinforcers. The opportunity to engage in a higher priority activity is always capable of rewarding a lower priority activity. Your grandmother may never have heard of David Premack, but she knows that telling you to eat your broccoli to get an ice cream generally works.

Both Thorndike and Skinner agreed that positive reinforcement is a very powerful tool for managing behavior. In fact, in our later discussion of pun- ishment, we will argue that the effects of positive reinforcement are much more powerful than the effects of punish- ment. Unfortunately, in Western culture, we tend to provide relatively little positive reinforcement. We are more likely to hear about our mistakes from our boss than to hear about all the things we’ve done correctly. Much of our time and effort go into controlling unwanted behaviors with punishment. It is possible that we

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ing in the behavior have a history of sexual abuse. Observations that captive animals in zoos and labora- tories are often prone to self-injury might provide additional insight into the causes of this behavior (Jones & Barraclough, 1978).Treatment usually consists of therapy for any underly- ing psychological disorders along with avoidance, in which the person is encouraged to engage in behaviors that are incompatible with self-harm. To assist these individuals further, we need to be able to see reward and punishment from their perspective, not just our own.

According to the Premack Principle, a preferred activity can be used to reinforce a less preferred activity. Most children are likely to prefer candy over carrots, so rewarding a child with candy for eating carrots will often increase carrot consumption. One little boy with autism, however, preferred carrots to M&Ms, and his training proceeded much more smoothly when carrot rewards were substituted for candy rewards.

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Many superstitious behaviors, like wearing your “lucky socks,” can be learned through operant conditioning. Operant conditioning does not require a behavior to “cause” a positive outcome in order to be strengthened. All that is required is that a behavior be followed by a positive outcome. Unless you suddenly have a string of bad performances while wearing the lucky socks, you are unlikely to have an opportunity to unlearn your superstition.

Actress Natalie Portman “loves” her Oscar, not because of its intrinsic value (you can’t eat it, etc.), but because the award has become a conditioned reinforcer.

feel entitled to good treatment from others and therefore feel we should not have to provide any reward for reasonably expected behaviors. The problem with this approach is that extinction occurs in operant as well as in classical conditioning. A behavior that is no longer reinforced will drop in frequency. By ignoring other people’s desirable behaviors instead of reinforcing them, perhaps with a simple thank you, we risk reducing their frequency.

Some reinforcers, known as primary reinforcers, are effective due to their natural roles in survival, such as food. Others must be learned. We are not born valuing money, grades, or gold medals. These are examples of conditioned, or secondary, reinforcers that gain their value and ability to influence behavior from being associated with other things we value. Here we see an intersec- tion between classical and operant conditioning. If you always say “good dog” before you provide your pet with a treat, saying “good dog” becomes a conditioned stimulus (CS) for food (uncondi- tioned stimulus—UCS) that can now be used to reinforce com- pliance with commands to come, sit, or heel (operant behaviors). Classical conditioning establishes the value of “good dog,” and operant conditioning describes the use of “good dog” to reinforce the dog’s voluntary behavior.

Human beings are capable of generating long chains of condi- tioned reinforcers extending far into the future. We might ask you why you are studying this textbook right now, at this moment. A learning psychologist might answer that you are studying now because studying will be reinforced by a good grade at the end of the term, which in turn will be reinforced by a diploma at the end of your college education, which in turn will be reinforced by a good job after graduation, which in turn will be reinforced by a good salary, which will allow you to live in a nice house, drive a nice car, wear nice clothes, eat good food, and provide the same for your family in the coming years.

Negative Reinforcement

Negative reinforcement, which sounds contradictory, involves the use of unpleas- ant consequences to increase the fre-

quency of an associated behavior. Negative reinforcement increases the frequency of behaviors that allow an organism to avoid, turn off, or postpone an unpleasant consequence, or so- called escape and avoidance behaviors. Let’s look at a laboratory example of negative reinforcement before tackling real-world examples. If a hungry rat in a Skinner box learns that pressing a

bar produces food, a positive consequence, we would expect the frequency of bar pressing to increase. This would be an instance of positive reinforce- ment. On the other hand, if pressing the bar turns off or delays the admin- istration of an electric shock, we would still expect the frequency of bar pressing to increase. This would be an instance of negative reinforcement.

Be careful to avoid confusing negative reinforcement with punish- ment, which we cover in the next section. By definition, a punishment

conditioned reinforcer A reinforcer that gains value from being associated with other things that are valued. Also known as a secondary reinforcer.

negative reinforcement A method for increasing behaviors that allow an organism to escape or avoid an unpleasant consequence.

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 373

decreases the behaviors it follows, whereas both positive and negative reinforcers increase the frequency of the behaviors they follow. Returning to our Skinner box example, the rat’s bar pressing will increase following both positive reinforcement (food) and negative reinforcement (turning off a shock). If we shocked the rat every time it pressed the bar (punish- ment), it would stop pressing the bar very quickly.

Many everyday behaviors are maintained by negative reinforce- ment. We buckle up in our cars to turn off annoying beeps, open umbrellas to avoid getting wet, scratch an insect bite to relieve the itch, take an aspirin to escape a headache, apply sunscreen to avoid a sunburn or skin cancer, and apologize to avoid further misunderstandings with a friend.

In many real-world cases, positive and negative reinforcement act on behavior simultaneously. A heroin addict uses the drug to obtain a state of euphoria (positive reinforcer), but also to eliminate the unpleasant symp- toms of withdrawal (negative reinforcer). You might study hard to achieve high grades (positive reinforcers), while also being motivated by the need to avoid low grades (negative reinforcers).

Punishment A punishment is any consequence that reduces the frequency of an associated behavior. Positive pun- ishment refers to applying an aversive consequence that reduces the fre- quency of or eliminates a behavior. As we observed previously, we can demonstrate that a rat will quickly stop bar pressing if each press results in an electric shock. Negative punishment involves the removal of some- thing desirable. In the Skinner box, we can change the rules for a rat that has learned previously to bar press for food. Now, food is made available unless the rat presses the bar. Under these conditions, the rat will also stop bar pressing quickly (see ● Figure 8.7).

Both Thorndike and Skinner were in agreement about the relative weakness of punishment as a means of controlling behavior. Part of the weakness of punishment effects observed by these and other psychologists arises from the difficulties of applying punishment effectively in real con- texts. Three conditions must be met for punishment to have any observable effects on behavior: significance, immediacy, and consistency (Schwartz, 1984).

As we observed with reinforcement, consequences have to matter to the person or animal receiving them (i.e., significance). If we use a punisher that is too mild for a particular individual, there is little incentive for that person to change his or her behavior. College campuses usually charge a fairly significant amount of money for parking illegally. However, there will typically be some students for whom that particular punishment is not

Putting up an umbrella to avoid getting wet from the rain is an example of a negatively reinforced behavior.

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positive punishment A consequence that eliminates or reduces the frequency of a behavior by applying an aversive stimulus.

negative punishment A method for reducing behavior by removing something desirable whenever the target behavior occurs.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING374

sufficient to ensure that they will park legally. How high would a parking fee have to be to gain complete compliance on the part of the university community? What if you risked the death penalty for parking illegally? We can be fairly certain that most people would leave their cars at home altogether rather than risk that particular consequence. The point is that punishment can work if a sufficiently severe consequence is selected, but using the amount of force needed to produce results is rarely considered practical and ethical. Free societies have long-standing social prohibitions against cruel and unusual punishments, and these conventions are incom- patible with using the force that may be needed to change the behavior of some individuals.

Immediate punishment is much more effective than delayed punish- ment (i.e., immediacy). For the rat in the Skinner box, delays of just 10 sec- onds can reduce the effectiveness of electric shock as a punisher. Human beings, of course, are much more capable than rats at bridging long inter- vals. Nonetheless, the same principle holds true. Delayed punishment is much less effective than immediate punishment. We should not be too surprised that the months or years that are required to try and convict a serious criminal may greatly reduce the impact of imprisonment on his or her subsequent behavior.

Our final requirement for effective punishment is its uniform applica- tion (i.e., consistency). College students are a prosocial, law-abiding group as a whole, yet many confess to determining their highway speed based on the presence or absence of a police car in their rearview mirrors. The experience of exceeding the speed limit without consequence weakens the

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F i g u r e 8.7

The likelihood of getting a ticket influences drivers’ behavior. At an intersection with cameras, drivers are very unlikely to run a red light, but at other intersections, behavior might be determined by whether or not a police officer is nearby.

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 375

ability of the possibility of tickets and fines to influence behavior. On the other hand, at intersections known to be controlled by cameras, compli- ance is generally quite high. If you are absolutely certain that running a red light will result in an expensive ticket, it would be very foolish indeed to test the system.

Skinner recommended extinction as an alternative to punishment (Skinner, 1953). In our discussion of classical conditioning, we used the term extinction to refer to the disappearance of conditioned responding that occurs when the conditioned stimulus (CS) no longer signals the arrival of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS). Extinction in operant conditioning has a similar meaning. Learned behaviors stop when they are no longer followed by a reinforcing consequence. Obviously, parents and teachers cannot look the other way when one child is being physically aggressive toward another, but in many other instances, Skinner’s approach is quite successful in reducing the frequency of unwanted behaviors (Brown & Elliot, 1965). Although ignoring a child’s tantrums can be embarrassing for many par- ents, this can be an effective strategy for reducing their frequency.

Schedules of Reinforcement

Reinforcing a behavior every time it occurs is known as continuous reinforcement. Although it is highly desirable to use continuous reinforcement when a

new behavior is being learned, it is obviously inconvenient to do so forever. Most employers expect workers to show up every day, but do not want to pay them more than once or twice per month. Once we deviate from continuous reinforcement, however, the manner in which we do so may have a dramatic impact on the target behavior. To obtain the results we want, it is helpful to understand what happens when we use partial reinforcement, or the rein- forcement of the desired behavior on some occasions but not others.

Psychologists have identified many ways to apply partial reinforcement, but we will concentrate on two variations: ratio schedules and interval schedules. In a ratio schedule of par- tial reinforcement, reinforcement depends on the number of times a behavior occurs. In an interval schedule of partial rein- forcement, reinforcement depends on the passage of a certain amount of time. Either type of schedule, ratio or interval, can be fixed or variable. In fixed schedules, the requirements for reinforcement never vary. In variable schedules, the requirements for reinforcement are allowed to fluctuate from trial to trial, averaging a certain amount over the course of a learning session.

Fixed Ratio Schedules A fixed ratio (FR) schedule requires that a behav- ior occur a set number of times for each reinforcer. Continuous reinforce- ment, discussed earlier, is equivalent to a fixed ratio (FR) of 1. If we now raise our requirement to two behaviors per reinforcer, we have a schedule of FR 2, and so on. Using the Skinner box, we can investigate the influence of fixed ratio schedules on the rate at which a rat will press a bar for food. To do so, we will track cumulative responses as a function of time. Fixed ratio schedules produce a characteristic pattern of responding. In general, responses are fairly steady, with a significant pause following each reward.

Concerns about the effects of piecework on worker well-being contributed to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, which included a provision for a minimum hourly wage.

partial reinforcement The reinforcement of a desired behavior on some occasions but not others.

fixed ratio (FR) schedule A schedule of reinforcement in which reinforcement occurs following a set number of behaviors.

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As the amount of work for each reward is raised, respond- ing becomes slower (see ● Figure 8.8).

In early industrial settings, workers were often paid “by the piece,” a real-world example of the use of a fixed ratio schedule. In other words, a worker would be paid a fixed amount every time he or she produced a certain number of products or parts on an assembly line. Most workers find this system less than ideal. If equipment malfunctions, the worker cannot earn any money. Lunch breaks would also then be viewed as loss of income rather than a helpful time of rest. Some examples of piecework remain today, including the work of most physicians, who get paid by the procedure, and building contractors, who get paid for con- structing a fixed number of homes in a new development.

Variable Ratio Schedules As in fixed ratio schedules, variable ratio (VR) schedules also involve counting the number of times a behavior occurs. However, this time the required number of behaviors is allowed to fluctuate around some average amount.

In the Skinner box, we might set our variable ratio (VR) schedule to 10 for a one-hour session. This means that over the course of the session, the rat must press an average of 10 times for each food pellet. However, this schedule may mean that only one press will deliver food on one trial, but 30 presses will be required on the next. The rat is unable to predict when reinforcement is likely to occur, leading to a high, very steady rate of responding in our cumulative record. We do not see the characteris- tic pausing observed following reinforcement in the fixed ratio (FR) sched- ule because the rat cannot predict when the next reward will occur.

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Schedules of Reinforcement. The schedule used to deliver reinforcement has a big impact on resulting behavior. In general, the variable schedules produce higher rates of responding than do their fixed counterparts. The fixed interval (FI) schedule produces a characteristic pattern of low rates of responding at the beginning of the interval and accelerated responding as the end of the interval approaches. We see this same pattern of response in the rate with which Congress passes bills in a session.

F i g u r e 8.8

Workers in the garment industry are often paid “by the piece,” or with a set amount of money for each finished garment. This compensation system is an example of a fixed ratio schedule. Because workers cannot make money when their equipment breaks down and they tend to view lunch and other breaks as costing them money, this schedule is not considered to be fair to workers.

variable ratio (VR) schedule A schedule of reinforcement in which reinforcement occurs following some variable number of behaviors.

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 377

One of the most dramatic real-world examples of the variable ratio schedule is the programming of slot machines in casinos. Slot machines are human versions of Skinner boxes that use variable rate (VR) schedules. The casino sets the machine to pay off after some average number of plays, but the player doesn’t know if a payoff will occur after one coin is inserted or after thousands. You don’t have to observe the behavior of people playing slot machines very long in order to see a demonstration of the high, steady responding that characterizes the variable rate (VR) schedule. The programming of slot machines can be very sophisticated. Slot machines that are located in places where people are unlikely to return (airports, bus stations) pay off less frequently than those in places people are more likely to play regularly.

Fixed Interval Schedules Unlike the ratio schedules, reinforcement in interval schedules depends on the pas- sage of time rather than the number of responses produced. In a fixed interval (FI) schedule, the time that must pass before reinforcement becomes available following a single response is set at a certain amount. In the Skinner box, a rat’s first bar press starts a timer. Any responses that occur before the timer counts down will not be reinforced. In a sense, the interval serves as a time-out, or a period during which reinforcement is not available. As soon as the timer counts down to zero, the rat’s next bar press is reinforced, and the timer starts counting down again. In the fixed interval (FI) schedule, the interval is the same from trial to trial. Animals and people have a good general sense of the passage of time, leading to a very characteristic pattern of responding in fixed interval (FI) situations. Reinforcement is followed by a long, postreinforcement pause. As the end of the interval is anticipated, responding increases sharply. A graph of the number of bills passed by Congress as a function of time looks very similar to the rat’s performance on an FI schedule in the Skinner box (Weisberg & Waldrop, 1972). Very few bills are passed at the beginning of a session, but many are passed just at the end.

Variable Interval Schedules As you may have already guessed, the vari- able interval (VI) schedule is characterized by an interval that is allowed to fluctuate around some average amount over the course of a session. This time, our bar-pressing rat will experience intervals that range around some average amount, say, 2 minutes. On one trial, the rat may obtain reinforcement after only 30 seconds, whereas the next trial may involve an interval of 5 minutes. Over the session, the average of all the intervals will be 2 minutes. As in the variable ratio situation, we see a high, steady rate of responding.

You are probably quite familiar with variable interval (VI) schedules in the form of pop quizzes administered by your professors. Your professor might tell you that there will be five quizzes given during the term, but the timing of the quizzes remains a surprise. You might have the first two only

Most casinos feature a large number of slot machines, which are essentially Skinner boxes for people. The slot machine is programmed on a variable ratio (VR) schedule, which means that the player cannot predict how many plays it will take to win. In response, players exhibit the same high, steady rate of responding that we observe in rats working on VR schedules in the laboratory.

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one day apart, followed by a two-week interval before the next quiz. Your best strat- egy, like the rat in the Skin- ner box on a variable interval (VI) schedule, is to emit a high, steady rate of studying behavior.

Partial Reinforcement Effect in Extinction Many a parent has regretted the day that he or she unintentionally put an unwanted behavior on a par-

tial reinforcement schedule by uttering the words, “Okay, just this once.” Perhaps the parent is strongly opposed to buying candy for a child at the supermarket checkout counter (where, of course, thanks to John Watson and his applications of psychology to advertising, candy is displayed con- veniently at child-eye height). Then comes a fateful day when the parent is late coming home from work, the child is hungry because dinner is delayed, and, unintentionally, the parent gives in “just this once,” putting begging- for-candy on a variable schedule. Subsequently, when the parent returns to his or her previous refusal to buy candy, a high, steady rate of begging behavior will occur before it once again extinguishes.

Back in the laboratory once more, we compare the behavior of two rats in Skinner boxes. One is working on a continuous, or fixed ratio (FR 1), schedule of reinforcement. The other is working on a partial schedule of

reinforcement, perhaps a variable ratio (VR 3). After several sessions of training, we now stop reinforcement altogether for both. It may come as a surprise to you that the rat working on the continuous schedule will stop pressing long before the rat accustomed to the variable ratio (VR 3). In other words, extinc- tion occurs more rapidly following continuous reinforcement

than following partial schedules. This outcome is known as the partial reinforcement effect in extinction.

The partial reinforcement effect is probably due to one of two factors or a combination of both. First, the transition from continuous reinforcement to extinction is more obvious than the transition from a partial schedule to extinction. If you are accustomed to being paid for a babysitting job every time you work, you will definitely notice any of your employer’s failures to pay. In contrast, if your neighbor typically pays you about once a month for raking his yard, you might not notice right away that he hasn’t paid you for awhile. Second, partial schedules teach organisms to persist in the face of nonreinforcement. In a sense, partial schedules teach us to work through periods in which reinforcement does not occur. Consequently, we might view extinction as just another case where continuing to perform might eventually produce reinforcement. In cases where positive behavior is occurring, such as working on your senior thesis regularly in spite of a

Fishing works according to a variable interval (VI) schedule of reinforcement. Fish (the reinforcers) are caught after periods of time-out that vary in length. As in laboratory demonstrations of the VI schedule, fishing usually produces a steady rate of responding.

partial reinforcement effect in extinction The more rapid extinction observed following continuous reinforcement than following partial reinforcement.

Repetition is the mother of learning. —White Mountain Apache Indians

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Backk iin the lal bboratory once more, we compare thhe behhavior off two in Skinnnner boxes. One is working on aa continuous, or fixed ratio (F scheduulee of rereininfof rcrcememene t.t. ThThe e ototheher isis wwororkikingn oon n a a papapapartial schedu

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 379

Children are not born with terrific table manners, and parents would wait a long time to see perfect table manners to reinforce. Instead, we can use shaping, or the method of successive approximations, to gently move behaviors in the desired direction.

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much-delayed grade, persistence is an enormous advantage. On the other hand, as shown in our earlier example of begging for candy, placing an undesirable behavior on partial reinforcement will make it much more dif- ficult to eventually extinguish.

Comparing Schedules What happens if you are exposed to two or more schedules of reinforcement at the same time? This scenario is realistic, as we face these types of choices every day. Which is a more rewarding use of my time—studying for my midterm or making some extra money by work- ing overtime? In making choices, animals and people follow the matching law, which states that the relative frequency of responding to one alterna- tive will match the relative reinforcement for responses on that alternative (Herrnstein & Heyman, 1979). The law powerfully accounts for the effects on behavior of frequency, magnitude, and delays in reward.

Time spent playing online video games provides an interesting example of the effects of simultaneous schedules of reinforcement. The millions of users of massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs), such as Everquest and Star Wars Galaxies, spend an average of 22 hours per week on their games (Yee, 2006). What could possibly compel these people to make such a lopsided choice between online interactions and real-life social experience? One clue to this choice is the fact that substantial num- bers of players report that “the most rewarding or satisfying experience” they had over the last 7 or 30 days took place while gaming. We would assume that if the frequency and magnitude of rewards available in gaming were higher than those in real life socializing, the person would choose to spend his or her time accordingly.

Shaping: The Method of Successive Approximations

So far, our discussion of operant conditioning has centered on increasing or decreasing the fre- quency of a particular behavior. What happens if you want to increase the frequency of a behavior that rarely or never occurs? Most

parents would like to teach their children to use good table manners, but you could wait a long time for the opportunity to reward young children for using the cor- rect utensil to eat their food.

Fortunately, we have a method for increasing the frequency of behaviors that never or rarely occur. Using shaping, or the method of successive approximations, we begin by reinforcing spontaneous behaviors that are somewhat similar to the target behavior we want to train. As training continues, we use gradually more stringent requirements for reinforcement until the exact behavior we want occurs. You can think of shaping as a funnel. We start out with generous criteria for reinforcement (thank you for picking up the spoon) and gradu- ally narrow our criteria (thank you for putting the spoon in the food) until we are reinforcing only the target behavior (thank you for using the spoon

Children are not born with table mmannnnerers,s, andd pararenentt wait a llong time to seee pep mmannneers too rreie nnforcce. IIn tst cacan usse shshapapiingg, orr thhee mm of successive approximati gently move behaviors in didirerectctioionn.n.

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to eat your applesauce). One of the most positive features about the shaping process is that we don’t have to be perfect before we obtain reinforcement.

The rats in Skinner boxes that have been described in this chapter did not spontaneously start pressing levers. Somebody had to teach them to do so. We begin by making sure the hungry rat understands that food is available in the Skinner box. Using a remote control, we activate the food

dispenser a few times. Quickly, the rat forms a classically conditioned association between the sound of the food dispenser and the arrival of food in the cup. If we continue to feed the rat in this manner, it is unlikely that it will ever learn to bar press. There is no reason for it to do so, as it already is obtaining the food it needs. So, we narrow our

criteria for obtaining food from simply existing in the box to standing in the corner of the box that contains the bar. If we press our remote control every time the rat is in the correct corner, it will begin to stay there most of the time. Now we want the rat to rear on its back feet so that it is likely to hit the bar with its front feet on the way down. If we begin to reinforce the rat less frequently for staying in the corner, it will begin to explore. Eventually, the rat is likely to hit the bar with its front feet while exploring, producing a bar press. Now it will begin to press on its own. In the hands of an experienced trainer, this process takes about half an hour.

Shaping involves a very delicate tightrope walk between too much and too little reinforcement. If we reinforce too generously, learning stops, because there is no incentive for change. If your music teacher always tells you that your performances are perfect, you will stop trying to improve them. On the other hand, if we don’t reinforce frequently enough, the learner becomes discouraged. Reinforcement provides very important feedback to the learner, so insufficient reinforcement may slow down or stop the learning process.

Teaching more complex behaviors requires chaining, or the breaking down of the complex behavior into manageable steps. Chaining can be done in a forward direction, such as teaching the letters of the alphabet from A to Z, or in a backward direction, such as teaching the last step in a sequence, then the next to the last, and so on. Chaining can be very use- ful when training new skills, such as working independently on academic projects, to children with special needs (Pelios, MacDuff, & Axelrod, 2003). Backward chaining is used by most trainers of animals used in entertain- ment. For example, dogs have been taught to perform the Macarena (Burch & Bailey, 1999). The trainer uses a verbal, gestural, or clicker cue while shaping the last step in the dance. When the dog performs this last step reliably, the trainer adds the next-to-the-last step, and so on until the entire complex sequence is mastered.

Cognitive, Biological, and Social Influences on Operant Conditioning

Even the most radical behaviorists, including B. F. Skinner, did not deny the existence of cognitive, social, or biological influences on learning (Jensen & Burgess, 1997). Instead, behaviorists believed that internal processes followed the same rules as exter- nally observable behavior. Skinner wrote, “We need

Learning is not child’s play. We cannot learn without pain. —Aristotle

of an experienced trainer, this process takes about half an hour. Shapapining g ini voolvlveses a vverery y deliliccate ttigighthtrorope wwalalk betwweeeenn totoo mumuchch

too liittttlle reinfoorcecemem ntt. IfIf wee reeininfforce too gegenneroususly,, learningng ss becauusee there iss nno incentivvee foforr chhaange. Iff youourr mumusicc tteacheh rr allwways yyou thhatat yyouour peperfrforormaannces aarere perrfefectct,, yoyou u willl sstot pp trtryiyingng to o imimpp them. On the other hand, if we don’t reinforce frequently enough learnerr becomes discourageg d. Reinfororccement providess very impo feedbaackk to ththe e leleararnener,, so iinsufficfficieent reeinfnfororccemementnt mmmaay slow dow stop thehe learnrnining g prproocesess.

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not suppose that events which take place within an organism’s skin have special properties. . . . A pri- vate event may be distinguished by its limited accessibility but not, so far as we know, by any spe- cial nature or structure” (Skinner, 1953, p. 257). However, as we saw in the case of classical condi- tioning, the results of some operant conditioning experiments stimulated greater interest in the cog- nitive, social, and biological processes involved in learning.

Cognitive Influences on Operant Conditioning One of the important principles of operant condi- tioning is that consequences are required for learn- ing to occur. Edward Tolman challenged this notion by allowing his rats to explore mazes without any food reinforcement (Tolman, 1948). Subsequently, when food was placed in the goal boxes of the mazes, the previously unreinforced rats performed as well as rats that had been reinforced all along. Tolman referred to the rats’ ability to learn in the absence of rein- forcement as latent learning. He argued that the rats had indeed learned while just exploring, but they did not demonstrate their learning until motivated by the food reward to do so. We usually judge whether learning has occurred by observ- ing outward behavior. Tolman’s rats remind us that there is a difference between what has been learned and what is performed. Students are all too familiar with the experience of performing poorly on exams in spite of having learned a great deal about the material.

In addition to challenging the role of reinforcement in learning, Tol- man also disputed traditional behaviorist explanations of the nature of the learning that occurred in mazes. Tolman believed that instead of learning a simple operant “turn right for food” association, rats learned “this is where I can find food” (Tolman, 1948, 1959). After training rats to follow a path in a maze to find food, Tolman blocked the path, and the rats were allowed to choose from a number of additional paths. If the rats had learned a simple turn–get food response, they should have chosen the paths that were more similar to the training path. In fact, they showed evidence of choosing paths that required them to turn in a very different direction compared to their previously trained path (Tolman, Richie, & Kalish, 1946) (see ● Figure 8.9).

To account for his results, Tolman suggested that the rats had formed cognitive maps, or mental representations of the mazes. Map formation was viewed as a unique, nonassociative learning process that didn’t follow the previously established rules of associative learning (O’Keefe & Nadel, 1978). For example, in contrast to the gradual acquisition of learning that usually occurs in classical and operant conditioning, cognitive maps are instantly updated when new information becomes available.

Chimpanzees show considerable abilities in forming cognitive maps (Menzel, 1978). After being carried around a circuitous route in their one- acre compound as nine vegetables and nine fruits were placed in 18 locations,

Tolman’s Maze. Tolman did not believe that rats wandering around a maze learned “turn right for food” in the way that early behaviorists believed they did. Instead, Tolman believed the rats were learning a more cognitive map for where they can find food. Tolman provided evidence for his approach by blocking a learned pathway to food. If the behaviorists were right, the rats should choose the path most similar to the trained one. However, the rats did not do that. They showed evidence of having formed cognitive maps and were willing to turn in a very different direction if that led to food.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING382

chimpanzees were released in the center of the compound. They not only navigated to each food location using the shortest pathways, but, given their preference for fruit over vegetables, they visited the spots containing fruit first. They showed no indication that they were attempting to retrace the pathway over which they were carried as the food was put in place.

Biological Influences on Operant Conditioning Just as the work of Gar- cia and Koelling highlighted the need to consider biological limitations on classical conditioning, biological boundaries in operant conditioning were described by Keller and Marion Breland, two of B. F. Skinner’s former stu- dents. In their 1961 book, The Misbehavior of Organisms (a wordplay on Skinner’s classic book, The Behavior of Organisms), the Brelands outlined some of the challenges they encountered while using operant conditioning to train animals for entertainment.

In one instance, the researchers described how they sought to train a pig to pick up large wooden coins and to deposit the coins in a large wooden “piggy bank.” Initially, all went well. The pig would quickly learn to deposit four or five coins (an example of a fixed ratio schedule) for each food reward. Eventually, however, the pig began to work slower and

slower, to the point where it couldn’t obtain enough food for the day. Instead of taking the coins to the piggy bank, the pig would repeatedly toss them in the air and sniff around to find them. Rac- coons trained with the coins ultimately tried to wash them instead of depositing them in the bank. The animals’ natural approach to food, the rooting by the pigs and the washing by the raccoons, began to interfere with their handling of the coins. You may already have suspected that the coins had become the object of some higher order conditioning due to their relationship with food. The Brelands concluded “that these animals are trapped by strong instinctive behaviors, and clearly we have here a demonstration of the prepotency of such behavior patterns over those which have been conditioned. We have termed this phenomenon ‘instinctive drift.’” (Breland & Breland, 1961, p. 683).

Social Influences on Operant Conditioning So far in our discussion of classical and operant conditioning, we have focused on the individual in isolation. Learning can certainly take place when people or animals are alone, but it often occurs in the presence of others, especially in a species as social as ours. As we will see in a later section, people are particularly likely to learn by observing others. What do we know about the impact of others on our operant learning?

The presence of others may not just promote learning, it may be neces- sary for learning. Human infants learn more about language when they are listening to another person face-to-face than when they are watching a per- son speak on television (Kuhl, 2007; Meltzoff, Kuhl, Movellan, & Sejnowski, 2009). Although operant conditioning alone cannot account for language learning, as we discuss in our chapters on development and cognition, these results emphasize the importance of social interaction in producing the arousal, focus, and motivation that contribute to effective learning.

Keller and Marian Breland watch one of their star pupils from their I. Q. Zoo attraction. Unfortunately, the intrusion of animals’ instinctive behaviors often interfered with the behaviors they had acquired through operant conditioning, and they could no longer perform. The Brelands referred to this phenomenon as “instinctive drift.”

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WHAT IS OPERANT CONDITIONING? 383

As we mentioned previously in our discussion of cognitive maps, learning and the performance of learned behavior are not always identical. Our per- formance of learned behaviors varies depending on an interaction between the presence of others and the complexity of the learned task. For very sim- ple tasks, like pedaling a bicycle or reeling in a fishing line, the presence of others makes us perform faster, a phenomenon known as social facilitation (Triplett, 1898). In complex tasks, such as taking a difficult college entrance exam, the presence of others can make us perform slower and more poorly. Once again, this effect is not restricted to complex organisms like ourselves, as the same results can be observed in the lowly cockroach (Zajonc, 1965). In a straight maze leading to food, cockroaches with an audience of other cockroaches ran faster. In a more complex maze involving several turns, the cockroaches responded to an audience by running more slowly.

Applying Operant Conditioning

Important applications of operant conditioning may be found in contemporary approaches to psycho- therapy, education, advertising, politics, and many other domains.

Quite possibly one of the oddest applications was B. F. Skinner’s secret World War II defense project code-named Project Pigeon. Lagging well behind the Nazis in the area of guided missile technology, the United States invested $25,000 (worth about $400,000 in today’s dollars) in Skinner’s “organic homing device” (Capshew, 1993). Skinner, who had considerable experience training pigeons to peck at visual stimuli in his laboratory, now trained them to peck at a projected image of a missile’s target. Riding in a chamber within the missile, the pigeon’s pecks would be translated into updated commands for correcting the path of the bomb. Unfortunately for Skinner (but fortu- nately for his pigeons), Project Pigeon elicited laughter from military officers instead of approvals (Skinner, 1960). Although never implemented, Project Pigeon stimulated Skinner and his intellectual descendents to look outside the laboratory for useful extensions of their work on learning.

Experienced whale trainer Dawn Brancheau was killed by one of her favorite killer whales during a 2010 show at Sea World in Orlando, Florida. Animal experts believed that the whale had simply reverted to normal whale behavior, similar to the instinctive drift observed by the Brelands.

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Token Economies A widely used application of operant learn- ing is the token economy. Money, in the form of coins, bills, or bank statements, is fairly useless. You can’t eat it, wear it, or shelter in it. Nonetheless, people do value it because it takes on secondary reinforcing qualities due to its history of association with other things that have intrinsic value. The use of money to buy things of personal value is an example of a token economy. You earn money for doing certain things, and then you have the opportunity to trade the money you earned for items of value to you. This system meets the best practices criteria we described for positive reinforcement. Each person can obtain reinforcement that has unique personal value. One friend may spend all of his discretionary money on going out to dinner, while another invests in the stock market. Both find money reinforcing for doing work.

An informed approach to compensating employees should include consideration of learning principles. “Menu” approaches to employee benefits provide an excellent example

of this application. Historically, employers offered a set program of health, retirement, and other benefits to their entire workforce regardless of indi- vidual needs. We would expect this approach to be minimally reinforcing, as it does not match reinforcers to worker priorities. Catering a benefits

token economy An application of operant conditioning in which tokens that can be exchanged for other reinforcers are used to increase the frequency of desirable behaviors.

Token economies can be very effective ways of managing behavior. Tokens, including money, can be traded for a valued reinforcement of the worker’s choice. This woman’s purchase might motivate her work, but another worker might use the same paycheck to buy a motorcycle or go on vacation.

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ment. Maybe we eat poorly, drink too much, smoke, or lash out angrily at others. An understanding of the processes of learning provides us with powerful tools for changing behavior. Let’s assume that your eat- ing habits, like those of many stu- dents, do not exactly meet the “my mom would approve” standard. Yet you are learning in your psychology course that good health habits are essential tools for managing stress. How do we bring about the neces- sary changes?

Before doing anything to pro- duce change, we need to understand your current behavior. Many people have a very poor understanding of what they actually eat during a day, so we will start by keeping a diary. What foods and how much do you eat? What else is going on when you eat well or poorly? What possible reinforcers or punishers are influenc- ing your eating patterns? For the sake of example, let’s say that you observe a tendency to eat high-calorie snacks late at night while studying, even when you are not hungry. Your goal, then, is to eliminate these late-night

snacks. Your baseline shows that your snacking is a social behavior. You only consume these extra foods when studying with a group. The social camaraderie and good taste of the food serve as powerful reinforcers for the behavior.

Now that we have a better understanding of our problem behav- ior, we are in a good position to con- struct a plan. Some people might say that we should depend on willpower to avoid late-night snacks by just saying that we won’t have any. Unfor- tunately, we appear to have limited

How Do I Break a Bad Habit?

Experiencing Psychology

vidual needs. We would expect this approach to be minimally reinfor as it dooeses nnoto mmatatchch reieinfnforceerss to woworkrkeer priiororities. CCatatererining a bebenn

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package to individual needs is much more sensible. A young worker in good health might be more motivated by a benefits package that includes childcare, while a more mature worker may worry about long-term care in the event of a disability. By allowing workers to select their benefits from a menu, everybody can find something worth earning.

All of us respond positively to token economies, but they are especially useful in educational and institutional settings. Teachers provide frequent rewards in the form of checks, stars, or tickets that can be exchanged later for popcorn parties or a night without homework. The key to an effective token economy is to offer ultimate rewards that are truly valuable to the people you wish to motivate. If students don’t care about popcorn parties, offering these will have little effect. Token economies are equally useful in prison settings and in institutions serving people with intellectual disability or mental illness.

Behavior Therapies As we will see in our chapter on psychological thera- pies, learning theories have also been applied successfully to the clinical setting in the form of behavior therapies. After all, our formal definition of learning states that it involves a change in behavior, and changing behavior is precisely what therapists seek to do. In addition to the extinction and coun- terconditioning applications of classical conditioning, behavior therapies make use of operant conditioning concepts such as extinction, reward, and, on rare occasions, punishment. Coupled with cognitive methods designed to address the way people think about their circumstances, these methods comprise the most popular and effective means for treating many types of disorder, from substance abuse to depression. One of the most dramatic applications of behavior therapy is the treatment for autism pioneered by Ivar Lovaas (Lovaas, 1996; Lovaas et al., 1966). Autism is a lifetime condition characterized by severe language and social deficits. Although behavior ther- apy doesn’t cure autism, behavioral interventions, like the use of chaining described previously, typically improve an individual’s level of functioning.

quantities of willpower, and using some up temporarily reduces our supply for use on subsequent deci- sions (Gailliot et al., 2007). Given the fact that the average person makes a stunning 200–250 food-related deci- sions per day, many requiring will- power, anything we can do to lessen the load should be helpful (Wansink & Sobal, 2007). Consequently, engi- neering our environment to reduce the need to make choices and to use some of our limited supply of willpower would be helpful. This goal could be accomplished by scheduling group study sessions for earlier times in the day, ensuring that you no lon- ger keep high-calorie snacks in your room, substituting healthy food items

for high-calorie snacks, or using eve- ning socialization time to engage in activities that do not provide much opportunity for snacking, such as sports.

Our next step is to agree on appropriate consequences for our behavior. Once again, it is essential that we design consequences that are meaningful to each individual. As we have argued in this chapter, positive reinforcement has many advantages over punishment. We might try plac- ing the money we’re saving on junk food in a designated jar to buy a special (nonfood) treat at the end of a successful week or allow ourselves an extra study break each night we meet our goals. If you are convinced

that the only way you will change is through punishment, we could take an alternate approach. One of the most successful stop-smoking programs in the country punishes its clients by collecting money from them in advance, then making sizable donations to a political candidate the client loathes for each cigarette smoked.

As you implement your program, track your progress and make any modifications that seem necessary. In addition to the improvement of your target behavior, a very beneficial side effect of applying learning methods to your behavior is the knowledge that given the right tools, you can be in control of your behavior.

An important application of operant conditioning principles is their use in behavior therapies for conditions like autism. Operant conditioning can be used to increase the frequency of language use and socially appropriate behaviors, like eye contact.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING386

What Is Observational Learning? The ability to learn by watching others, known as observational learning, provides considerable advantages, especially in a social species like our own. Learning occurs without personally experiencing negative conse- quences. This ability to learn from observing others greatly expands our learning capacity, especially when we then generalize from these concrete examples (watching successful students) to produce effective rules (good time management is important to being a successful student). Observa- tional learning can also have a dark side, as we will see in our later discus- sion of the pioneering work by Albert Bandura (1965) on the modeling of aggression by children.

Not only do we learn by observing others, but it appears that obser- vational learning can override other influences on behavior, possibly due to our being such a social species. Parents learn, often the hard way, that children are much more likely to pattern their own behavior after what they observe their parents doing than what they hear their parents say.

Summary 8.3 Schedules of Reinforcement

Schedule Features In the lab Everyday example Fixed ratio Reinforcement occurs after a

set number of responses. A rat presses 3 times for each food pellet.

A garment worker is paid for finishing 10 shirts.

Variable ratio Reinforcement occurs after a variable number of responses, which average a set number for a session.

A rat is fed on average after 3 responses, but the number of responses required for obtaining food varies between 1 and 15.

People play slot machines and win sometimes on the first play and other times after thousands of plays, on a schedule determined by the casino.

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A rat’s first press after each 1 min interval has timed out will be reinforced.

Students study more hours right before finals than during the beginning of the term (although unlike in the rat’s case, this behavior does actually contribute to reinforcement).

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A rat’s first press after an interval will be reinforced. The interval will average 1 min over the session, but reinforcement could be obtained after intervals ranging between 10 sec and 3 min.

A fisherman trails his line behind the boat, and at various intervals of time, a fish will be caught.

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WHAT IS OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING? 387

A wide variety of behaviors, both positive and negative, appear to be influenced by observation, including aggression, achievement motivation, language development, phobias, cognitive development, moral judgment, and suicidal behavior. People benefit greatly from exposure to positive role models, especially those with whom they can identify. We worry about the relatively small number of women in university math and sci- ence faculties not only because of the possibility of discrimination but also because seeing women in these positions might inspire young girls to follow in their footsteps. On the other hand, the use of steroids by sports heroes might lead to role modeling of a different sort by young people.

It is easy to find examples of observational learning in our daily lives. New college students identify successful, more experienced students in their classes and copy their behavior. Stumped by your new computer

Babies learned more Chinese when listening to a person face-to-face than while watching the same person speak on a television monitor.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING388

software, not to mention the manual that came with it, you watch as a tech-savvy friend shows you how to make it work. Young athletes pore over films of superstars to perfect their technique. Popular cooking shows on television teach you to prepare a special meal. Cross-generational cycles of domestic violence persist as children continue the patterns of aggres- sive behavior they observe in their parents and grandparents. Our task in this section is to identify the circumstances in which this type of learning occurs and the variables that affect its outcomes.

Albert Bandura and Aggression

Albert Bandura’s work on the observational learn- ing of aggression provides one of the strongest argu- ments against exposing children to violent media

(Bandura, 1965). Bandura was interested in imitation, which is defined as the copying of behavior that is unlikely to occur naturally and spontane- ously (Thorpe, 1963).

In a series of classic studies of the imitation of aggression in children, Bandura observed children’s interactions with a toy known as a Bobo doll. This is an inflatable toy clown with sand in the bottom, allowing it to rock back and forth when pushed. Bandura showed three groups of 4-year-olds a film in which one of his female students physically and verbally assaulted an unfortunate Bobo doll. The adult yelled, “Pow, right in the nose!” when punching the doll in the face, “Sockeroo, stay down!” when hitting the doll with a mallet, and “Bang!” when throwing a ball at the doll. The first group of children saw the adult being rewarded for aggression with candy and soda. A second group of children saw the adult being verbally reprimanded. The third group did not see any consequences for the adult’s actions. Sub- sequently, when the children were allowed an opportunity to play with a Bobo doll, they displayed a significant amount of aggression. In all cases, boys were more likely to behave aggressively than girls. The group that wit- nessed the reprimand of the adult model showed slightly less aggression.

Bandura identified four necessary cognitive processes in the modeling of others’ behavior: attention, retention, reproduction, and motivation.

imitation The copying of behavior that is unlikely to occur naturally and spontaneously.

After watching an adult model assault the Bobo doll, young children copied the adult’s movements and verbalizations. Children who did not see an adult attack the doll did not show spontaneous aggressive behavior when given a chance to play with the doll.

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Bandura identified four necessary cognitive prorooceeessses in the mod e copying of behavior to occur naturally and

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WHAT IS OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING? 389

Models that get our attention are more likely to elicit imitation. A person must retain a memory of what the model did. We must be able to reproduce the behavior. Many of us enjoy watching elite athletes perform, but no mat- ter how long and often we watch Maria Sharapova or Lebron James, few of us have the talent to duplicate their movements. If you happen to play tennis or basketball, however, you can learn to improve your game if you carefully observe these superstars. Finally, a person must have a motivation for imitating the behavior. Either past or anticipated reinforcement will encourage us to model another person’s behavior. In vicarious reinforce- ment, witnessing somebody else getting reinforced for a behavior raises the likelihood that we will imitate the behavior. At the same time, witnessing the other person getting punished for the behavior should reduce the likeli- hood that you will copy it.

Imitation Imitation is not limited to the copying of aggres-sion. It occurs frequently in the animal world, which suggests that this behavior provides some adaptive advantages. When rats have observed another rat bar-pressing for food, it takes them less time to learn to bar-press themselves (Del Russo, 1971). Laboratory- raised monkeys quickly learn to fear snakes when exposed to a wild mon- key who reacts to snakes with fear (Mineka & Cook, 1988). Imitation of gestures occurs in a number of species in addition to our own, including chimpanzees (Custance, Whiten, & Bard, 1995), dolphins (Harley, Xitco, Roitblat, & Herman, 1998), octopuses (Fiorito & Scotto, 1992), and parrots (Moore, 1992).

As we mentioned in our chapter on motivation and emotion, imitation of facial expressions might serve as a building block on the road to achiev- ing empathy (Iacoboni & Dapretto, 2006; Iacoboni & Mazziotta, 2007). Individuals with autism do not participate in the back-and-forth imitation of gestures and facial expressions typically found in infants (Dapretto et al., 2006). Later in life, these individuals usually experience severe deficits in empathy and social skills (Williams, 2008).

Mirror Neurons Imitation in monkeys and humans involves special neurons known as mirror neurons, which we dis- cussed in our chapter on biological psychology. Mirror neurons in mon- keys show similar patterns of activity when the individual performs an action or watches another individual perform the same action (Rizzolatti, Fadiga, Gallese, & Fogassi, 1996; Ruby & Decety, 2001). Identification of mirror neurons in humans has been complicated by ethical concerns about the methods used. In monkeys, mirror neurons were observed through surgically implanted electrodes, as we described in our Connect- ing to Research feature in the chapter on biological psychology. Obviously, this type of invasive procedure would be difficult to do in humans. How- ever, recent recordings taken while patients were undergoing surgical treatment for seizures provided researchers with an opportunity to inves- tigate the existence of mirror neurons in humans. This investigation led to the conclusion that mirror neurons do, in fact, exist in humans as well as in monkeys (Keysers & Gazzola, 2010).

Imitation forms the basis of much observational learning. A remaining question is whether imitation involves mirror neurons that activate whether you perform a behavior or see another perform the same behavior.

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING390

What purposes might be served by mirror neurons? One suggestion is that mirror neurons would help us predict the actions of others, allowing us to understand intentions (Fogassi et al., 2005). Once again, the ability to predict future circumstances would contribute significantly to the survival of an organism. Mirror neurons might also form the basis of empathy. Indi- viduals who appear to be high in empathy show stronger activation than other people in identified mirror systems in the human brain (Gazzola, Aziz-Zadeh, & Keysers, 2006; Jabbi, Swart, & Keysers, 2007).

Children use gestures, like pointing at a cookie jar to indicate “I want a cookie,” long before they learn to use words to convey the same meaning. It is likely that preverbal hominins also used gestures to communicate. Mirror neurons might have played a role in the development of language, both for our species and for individual learners (Ramachandran, 2006). Consistent with this argument, mirror neurons in monkeys are located in a part of the brain that is quite similar to the human Broca’s area of the frontal lobe (Petrides, Cadoret, & Mackey, 2005). As we discussed in our chapter on biological psy- chology, activation in Broca’s area is correlated with the production of speech.

Because individuals with autism do not show typical imitative behaviors in childhood, a natural extension would be to look for possible correlates in the mirror neuron systems in autism. Some researchers have presented evi- dence that mirror neuron function is disturbed in individuals with autism, especially when they are engaged in emotional or social tasks (Perkins, Stokes, McGillivray, & Bittar, 2010). Others argue that a “broken mirror”

e have seen that imitation occurs in many species and

might have special advan- tages for human children. To quickly absorb the benefits of culture, chil- dren can watch adults use objects and tools and then replicate those actions. This tendency is so strong that children across many different cultural settings have been shown to “over-imitate.” In other words, they copy movements performed by adults that are not required to carry

out a task successfully (Nielsen & Tomaselli, 2010).

The Question: Why would children over-imitate adults? Do they trust adults so much that they copy everything adults do? Or are they over-imitating in order to build stronger relationships and be better liked by adults? This second explanation is consistent with other research suggesting that we like people who imitate us, discussed

previously in our chapter on consciousness (Lakin, Chartrand, & Arkin, 2008).

METHODS Thirty-six children between the ages of 4 and 5 years participated in the study. They observed two adults open a box to obtain a toy. One adult would open the box using only the move- ments that were completely neces- sary, while the other adult would

Why Do Children Over-Imitate?

Connecting to Research

dence that mirror neuron function is disturbed in individuals with au especialallyly wwheh nn ththeyey arre engagaged iinn ememoto ionaall or socociaial l tataskss (P(Perer Stokeses, McGillivvraray,y, & BBitittatar,r 2200100).. Others aargrgueue thaat t a “brokeen mimi

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WHAT IS OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING? 391

explanation for the social deficits observed in individuals with autism is overly simplistic and that further research is necessary before making strong conclusions about mirror neuron function in this population (Fan, Decety, Yang, Liu, & Cheng, 2010).

Cultural Transmission of Learning

An individual’s learning may serve him or her well throughout a lifetime, but the invention of culture provides opportunities to pass the benefits of expe- rience along for many generations. A society is a

group of people living together. Culture, in contrast, consists of all the socially transmitted information used by the group of people, including ideas, concepts, and skills. Observational learning in particular provides a powerful tool for transmitting this information over time.

Richard Dawkins (1976) envisioned a way to break culture down into observable parts. He referred to the basic unit of cultural transmission as a meme. Memes, he said, are transmitted by observational learn- ing from one person to another and can take the form of ideas, symbols, or practices. Melodies, religious beliefs, catch-phrases, and the technology for building arches are examples of memes. Dawkins viewed memes as the cultural equivalents of genes— they replicate from one person to the next, and they respond to selection pressure. Memes that provide an advantage, such as knowledge of the use of fire, are likely to continue. Those that do not confer much advantage, such as some fads, are likely to die out quickly. Still others, such as pagers, are abandoned when more effective replace- ments (cell phones) emerge.

Among the most social of memes are the Internet memes, which are “inside jokes” passed along to others using technologies such as social net- working sites and e-mail. Special websites that chronicle Internet memes allow viewers to provide updates of their favorite memes, which, of course, contributes to their popularity. In 2008, teachers grading student essays

open the box after performing some irrelevant actions, such as tapping the right side of the box three times or swiping the top of the lid. After the demonstration, one adult would leave the room, and the other adult would tell the child, “Now it’s your turn.”

RESULTS All the children were able to open the box. If the adult who remained with the child was the one who opened the box without any unnec- essary movements, the child was very unlikely to demonstrate the unnecessary movements. If the adult who remained was the one who had

performed the unnecessary move- ments, however, the child was very likely to over-imitate and reproduce the unnecessary movements, too.

CONCLUSIONS The results of this study support the social affiliation explanation of over- imitation. Children only showed over- imitation when the adult remaining with them in the room was the one who had performed the unnecessary actions. The researchers suggest that imitation in humans is not just about learning new skills efficiently—imi- tation promotes shared experience with other people and builds rapport.

Over-imitation has been recently observed in chimpanzees (Price, Lambeth, Schapiro, & Whiten, 2009). Chimpanzees that watched videos of another chimpanzee assembling a tool out of two parts to reach a food reward were more likely than chim- panzees that did not see the video to assemble the tool themselves, even when the tool was unneces- sary for obtaining food. We need more research to identify whether the same motives for over-imitation observed in children also apply to the chimpanzees.

The beautiful thing about learning is that no one can take it away from you. —B. B. King

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Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING392

from the Advanced Placement English literature exam were puzzled by insertions of the defiant phrase “This is Sparta!” (from the movie 300) in many of the essays. In each case, the students had written the phrase, then carefully crossed it out with a single line (students are instructed that AP readers will ignore anything that is crossed out). The source of the prank was a 30,000-member-strong group on Facebook dedicated to inserting a bit of humor into the dreaded testing situation. As Dawkins would predict, the Sparta meme self-replicated. To urge the 1,100 weary teachers to finish their essays on the last day of readings, the AP Chief Reader pumped his fist and shouted “This is Sparta!”

Summary 8.4 Features Promoting Observational Learning and Imitation

Feature Description Example Attention We are more likely to model the

behavior of people who get our attention.

Children wear the jerseys of the best players in the sport.

Memory We must retain a memory of the behavior to be imitated.

A student re-creates from memory a math proof demonstrated earlier that day by a professor.

Reproduction We must have the ability to reproduce the behavior.

An athlete works on her technique after watching films of an elite athlete in her sport.

Motivation Past or anticipated reinforcement for the behavior will motivate us to perform it.

One student received extra credit for participating in an experiment, so his friends also signed up to participate.

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INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS FROM THE LEARNING PERSPECTIVE 393

If you hold a cat by the tail, you learn things you cannot learn any other way. —Mark Twain

Interpersonal Relationships From the Learning Perspective Knowledge of the way we learn can actually improve your social life and possibly even your love life. Operant conditioning can help you decrease unwanted behaviors and increase desired behaviors toward you by people with whom you interact. Your behavior influences the way others behave toward you. If you are regularly finding that you are treated poorly in rela- tionships, understanding the learning perspective provides powerful tools for change.

In this chapter, we have recommended an emphasis on regularly notic- ing and rewarding desired behaviors. It is easy to fall into the trap of feel- ing entitled to good behavior from the people who are close to us, which can lead to these behaviors being taken for granted and ignored. Without positive reinforcement, these good behaviors might be extinguished. It takes very little time and energy to thank people for the nice things they do for us, and this simple courtesy can increase the frequency of positive interactions in the future.

When the inevitable undesirable behaviors occur, many people turn to punishment. Skinner believed that part of the love affair we have with punishment is due to the reinforcing properties of punishment to the punisher. Skinner (1971) stated, “We ‘instinctively’ attack anyone whose behavior displeases us—perhaps not in physical assault, but with criticism, disapproval, blame, or ridicule” (p. 190). Punishing a partner for bad behavior might make you feel better, but at a significant cost. These behaviors are not exactly endearing, and frequent use of them is likely to end relationships.

If punishment is out, what then do we recommend you do when you experience negative behavior from a partner? If possible, try to ignore neg- ative behaviors, putting them on extinction. Unfortunately, some people would rather have negative attention from you than no attention at all and will prefer punishment from you to being ignored. This is particularly likely to be the case if you have forgotten to reinforce positive behaviors. If you combine positive reinforcement of good behavior and extinction of nega- tive behavior, you should notice quite an improvement. Obviously, some behaviors like aggression cannot be ignored and require either a complete end to the relationship or professional counseling.

Thoughtfully observing the way you treat other people and their reac- tions to your behavior, using the learning principles described in this chap- ter, should provide you with the understanding you need to improve your relationships.

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le turn to puniishment. Skinner believed that part of the affairr we hahave wwith punishmementnt iiss ddue e toto thhe rreinfforcingng ertiiese of ppunnishmment to the puunisher. SkSkininnen r (1(197971)1 sttateedd, ‘instinctively’ attatack aanyonne whose bebehavior ddisplpleaeassess uus—pperhaapsps nn phyysical assaauult, butut with crcrititicicisism, ddisisapapprovoval, blblaame, oorr rirididicuulle” 990)0). Punishing a papartner for bad behavior might make you feel better, at a ssiigninificaant cocosts . These bbeehavioorsrs are nnoto exaactctlyy eendndeariringg,, anand uent uuse oof ththemem iiss likely to enend reelalatitiononshhipipss. f punishment is out, what thehen doo wwe reecocommmmenend yoyou dodo wwhehen yoouu rience negative behavior from a parttner? IIff possibible, trt y to iignore neg- behaviors putting them on extinction Unfortunately some people

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter Reflections

Chapter 8 | THE ADAPTIVE MIND: LEARNING

This chapter explored the mind’s ability to adapt to its environ- ment as a result of its experience with that environment. This ability to adapt spans the range of animal life from the simple sea slug we examined in the introduction to this chapter to the remarkable ability of the human mind to tackle the most complex academic subject matter. In some cases, we use the same processes to learn as the sea slug (you hopefully by now recognize that the learning described at the beginning of the chapter was an example of classical conditioning). Also like the sea slug, our ability to learn varies with our social circumstances. We learn differently in isola- tion than we do in groups, or differently when interacting with another person face-to-face than when watching that person on a television screen. In other instances, our learning is quite different from that of the sea slug. We often use learning processes like imitation that are not found in many other animals. The different types of adaptation described in this chapter began with relatively unconscious, nonassociative processes such as habituation, sen- sitization, and classical conditioning and proceeded to the more conscious

control of behavior through operant conditioning and the use of observation to adapt. In each

case, these adaptations have served us well by promoting our chances for survival.

Because learning is all about changes in behavior, understanding these

processes provides us with pow- erful tools for further adapt- ing our behavior to meet our needs. <

Some types of learning, such as nonassociative learning and classical conditioning, characterize most living things, from the simple sea slug to human beings. Other types of learning, such as operant conditioning and observational learning, are restricted to species with more complex nervous systems.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

CHAPTER REFLECTIONS

KEY TERMS The Language of Psychological Science Be sure you can define these terms and use them correctly. acquisition, p. 355 associative learning, p. 351 classical conditioning, p. 352 conditioned reinforcer, p. 372 conditioned response (CR), p. 355 conditioned stimulus (CS), p. 355 discrimination, p. 358 extinction, p. 357 fixed interval (FI) schedule, p. 377 fixed ratio (FR) schedule, p. 375 generalization, p. 358 habituation, p. 352 higher order conditioning, p. 359 imitation, p. 388

inhibition, p. 358 instinct, p. 349 latent inhibition, p. 359 latent learning, p. 381 learning, p. 350 negative punishment, p. 373 negative reinforcement, p. 372 nonassociative learning, p. 352 observational learning, p. 352 operant conditioning, p. 352 partial reinforcement effect in

extinction, p. 378 partial reinforcement, p. 375 positive punishment, p. 373

punishment, p. 373 reflex, p. 349 sensitization, p. 352 shaping/method of successive

approximations, p. 379 spontaneous recovery, p. 357 systematic desensitization, p. 364 token economy, p. 384 unconditioned response (UCR),

p. 355 unconditioned stimulus (UCS), p. 355 variable interval (VI) schedule, p. 377 variable ratio (VR) schedule, p. 376

MEDIA RESOURCES Log in to CengageBrain to access the resources your instructor requires. For this book, you can access:

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395

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

The hippocampus, a seahorse-shaped region of the brain, plays an important role in memory. In the case of Henry Molaison, discussed in this chapter, surgical removal of a large part of the hippocampus reduced his seizures, but left him with serious memory deficits.

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

The Knowing Mind

Memory

1 Describe the importance of attention to memory.

2 Define encoding, storage, and retrieval.

3 Differentiate between sensory memory, working memory, and long-term memory.

4 Describe the subtypes of long-term memory, including procedural, declarative, episodic, and semantic memories.

5 Explain the models describing the organization of long-term memories.

6 Summarize the variables influencing retrieval from short- and long-term memory.

7 Describe forgetting, decay, interference, motivated forgetting, and confabulation.

8 Summarize the biological correlates of memory.

Learning Objectives

397

In our chapter on research methods, we introduced you to one of the most famous case studies in psychology—the case of Henry Molaison (1926–2008), known in the scientific literature as “the amnesic patient H.M.” To reduce Molaison’s severe seizures, possibly resulting from

a minor head injury caused by a childhood accident, his neuro- surgeons carried out an experimental procedure that would

be considered radical today but was even more so in 1953. They removed the majority of Molaison’s hippocampus in

both hemispheres, along with some of the surrounding neural tissue. As a result, Molaison’s memory functions declined dramatically, although his personality and intellect remained intact. What made Molaison and his famous brain so important to our understanding of memory? Psycholo- gists have learned a great deal from people with brain

damage, from the unfortunate Phineas Gage to con- temporary patients with Alzheimer’s disease or damage

from strokes. In most of these cases, however, correlating observed damage with observations of behavior is difficult.

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2 Define encoding, storage, and retrieval.

3 Differerentntiaiatete bettweweenen senssoryry memmoory, wwororkikingng memoory,y, and lonong-g-tetermrm mememororyy.

4 Desscriribe the subbtyypep ss of lonong-g-tetermm mememory,y, iincnclul dingng prorocec duuraal, ddececlalaratiive, , epep semaantntic memorriees.

5 Explain ththee modells ddescribbiing the organizatitionon of long-term memooririeses.

6 Summmara ize the variables influencing retrievalal ffrom short- and long-term memory.

7 Descrribbe forgegettttining, ddececayay,, innteerfrfeerenencece, , mmotitivvattedd foforgrgetttitingng,, anand d d cconfabulation.

8 Summmaarize ththee bibioologogicicala ccorrreelatess oof mmememorry.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 398

Accidents, disease, and stroke are messy and do not leave behind neat areas of damage on both sides of the brain. Molaison’s case, in contrast, featured the precision that would characterize a planned experiment, which of course it was not. The areas of damage were exact and symmet- rical on both sides of the brain, which has now been confirmed by brain imaging and the study of Molaison’s dissected brain.

Zooming in to view the results of this type of surgery, we can ask what scientists learned from their study of Molaison. Brenda Milner, fol- lowed by her student Suzanne Corkin, studied Molaison for more than four decades. His case produced a string of surprises, which we discuss in more detail later in this chapter. Certain structures in the brain are important for memory, but more so for some types of memories than for others. Some tasks we can perform automatically; that is, we can remem- ber how to do something without remembering that we know how to do it. This ability supports our observations of a range of consciousness, which we discussed in our chapter on consciousness. As scientists at MIT, the Massachusetts General Hospital, and the University of California, San Diego, continue to study Molaison’s brain, it is likely that further surprises

are in store. Zooming out to Molaison the individual, we can see that his story is more extensive than the study of his brain. According to people who knew him, he was a really nice man who loved animals, watching trains, and doing crossword puzzles. His favorite television show was the 1970s hit All in the Family, which ironically featured a main character, Archie Bunker, who was unable to adapt to the changing world around him. In spite of Molaison’s being the subject of decades of study, many questions about him remain. Why did he seem less affected by pain than other people? Why

could he eat two complete dinners in a row, as long as they were presented a few minutes apart, without feeling too full? Why could he accurately rate the intensity of an odor but be unable to tell the difference between a rose and something rotten? Although his ability to learn new facts follow- ing his surgery was remarkably impaired, why did he know scattered facts from the following decade—that a president was assassinated in Dallas or that “Bob Dylan” was the correct way to complete “Bob Dy—”? Which of these observations shows the effects of his surgery? Of his accident? Of his seizures?

Zooming out still farther, we ask ourselves how our social interactions would be affected by being unable to remember new people we have met. Molaison remembered people, like his surgeon, whom he had met prior to his surgery, but never learned to recognize Brenda Milner, Suzanne Corkin, or other scientists who met him later, even though he saw them regularly for decades. He retained a genuine concern for other people and took great pride in the fact that his case was helping science, but it is hard to imagine that his life was not somewhat lonely and socially isolated. During a 1969 interview, Molaison told a scientist, “Right now, I’m won- dering, have I done or said something amiss? You see, at this moment, everything looks clear to me, but what happened just before? That’s what

The careful slicing of Molaison’s preserved brain took over 53 straight hours and was broadcast live on the Internet.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT ARE THE ADVANTAGES OF MEMORY? 399

worries me. It’s like waking from a dream” (Milner, Corkin, & Teuber, 1968, p. 217).

We often think of memory as something we need to suc- ceed on exams, but in this chapter, you will be learning that memory means much, much more to our human experience. It is our memories that allow us to form new connections with people, places, and things; to experience a new acquaintance, over time, becoming an old friend; to experience the continuity of time rather than living one’s life, again and again, as a single, isolated moment.

What Are the Advantages of Memory? Memory is defined as the ability to retain knowledge. The prob- lems encountered by Henry Molaison provide us with a glimpse of how our lives would be altered without certain memory abilities, but can we make more general conclusions about how memory helps animals adapt and survive?

Memory and the Continuum of Information Processing

Memory does not exist in isolation. Instead, cogni- tive psychologists see memory as part of a contin- uum of information processing that begins with attention, sensation, perception, and learning, which we explored in previous chapters, and pro-

gresses to the use of stored information in thinking, problem solving, lan- guage, and intelligent behavior, which we discuss in our next chapter (see

Figure 9.1). Information flows in both directions along this continuum, leading to the bottom-up and top-down processing we observed in our chapter on sensation and perception. Memories of the characteristics of Dalmatian dogs helped you identify the photograph of one in our chapter on sensation and perception and should also help you interact with one appropriately (thinking and problem solving).

Memory can be divided into three steps: encoding, storage, and retrieval. In today’s digital environment, it is common for psychologists to illustrate these processes by comparing the way the brain and computers process information. In both the brain and the computer, encoding of incoming information must occur before the information can be processed further. Encoding refers to the process of acquiring information and transferring it into memory. The computer acquires data entered as strokes on a keyboard, touches on a screen, recorded sounds, or mouse clicks, and translates this information into the zeros and ones that the computer can process and store. In our chapter on sensation and perception, we described how the sensory sys- tems translate or transduce electromagnetic energy, sound waves, pressure,

memory The ability to retain knowledge. information processing A continuum including attention, sensation, perception, learning, memory, and cognition.

encoding The transformation of information from one form to another.

The Information Processing Continuum. Memory is located on a continuum of information processing that flows both from the bottom up and from the top down. We use our memories of Dalmatian dogs to recognize one in an ambiguous photograph and interact with a new one you happen to meet. Illustration: © Cengage Learning 2013; photos, top to

bottom: from Richard L. Gregory, “The Medawar

Lecture 2001 Knowledge for vision: vision for

knowledge,” Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B 2005 360,

1231–1251, © The Royal Society; © AnetaPics/

Shutterstock; © Steve Smith/Taxi/Getty Images

Take a minute and write down the five most important things you need to remember today. How would your life be affected if you couldn’t remember these things?

F i g u r e 9 . 1

Problem solving

Thinking

MEMORY

Learning

Perception

Sensation

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY400

and chemical stimulation into action potentials that can be processed by the nervous system.

Both computer and brain must store incoming data. In both sys- tems, storage, or the retention of information, can vary in time from very brief traces to essentially permanent storage (if you know where to look). As we will see later in this chapter, storage of memories in the brain can last anywhere from fractions of a second (sensory memory) to several seconds (short-term and working memory) to indefinitely (long-term memory). However, storage in a computer and storage in the mind differ in one very important respect. Computers store encoded information in very reliable and unvarying ways, like putting socks in a drawer or papers in a file. What you retrieve is essentially identical to what was stored. In contrast, human memory does not generate such exact records. Instead, bits of information are stored that are later reconstructed into usable memories. Although this pro- cess typically results in a useful memory, errors and distortions can occur. We will explore these variations in later sections of this chapter.

The culmination of the memory process for both brain and com- puter is the retrieval of stored information. As you have no doubt experienced in using both your computer and brain, storing informa- tion is no guarantee that you can find the information again when you need it. Later in this chapter, we will discuss the many ways that mem- ory retrieval can fail. Two of the most common causes of retrieval fail- ure are interference and stress. For example, we seem to know all the

storage The retention of information. retrieval The recovery of stored information.

Information processing for both brain and computer begins with encoding, in which data are acquired and transferred to memory. Just as computers can encode information from many sources, including touch, keystrokes, mouse, and voice, the brain encodes information from different sensory channels, including vision, hearing, touch, taste, and smell.

Both brains and computers feature the ability to store memories, with one critical difference. The computer stores exact copies of data, but the brain does not. Instead, the brain stores bits of data that are reconstructed later for use. This photo shows the high-security computer memory storage at the Swedish Bahnhof, a facility located 100 feet underground in a concrete bunker. The facility manages servers for many secretive organizations, including WikiLeaks.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHAT ARE THE ADVANTAGES OF MEMORY? 401

answers when watching Who Wants to Be a Millionaire in the safety of our own homes, but when actually put on the spot, we might be lucky to remember our own names. Fortunately, understanding the strengths and weaknesses of the brain’s memory functions may be one of the more practical topics for students that we cover in psychology. Once you understand what can go wrong, you will have an easier time ensuring that your study habits will maximize your performance in school.

Memory Provides an Adaptive Advantage

Evolutionary psychologists view mem- ory as “a component of a neural machine designed to use information acquired in the past to coordinate an organism’s behavior in the present” (Klein, Cos-

mides, & Tooby, 2002, p. 308). The evolution of memory allowed animals to use information from the past to respond quickly to immediate chal- lenges, a monumental advance in the ability to survive. Instead of reacting to each predator or source of food as an entirely new experience, an animal with the ability to remember past encounters with similar situations would save precious reaction time.

As we discussed in our chapter on nature and nurture intertwined, useful adaptations often come with a price, like the unwieldy antlers of the male deer that require energy to build yet help the deer fight successfully for mates. The development of a memory system is no exception to this rule. Forming memories requires energy. For memory systems to flourish within the animal kingdom, the survival advantages needed to outweigh the energy costs. Given the 81 years or so of human life expectancy, it would be difficult to demonstrate the energy costs of memory in people, but we can observe the costs in a simpler organism, the fruit fly (Drosoph- ila), which has a life expectancy of only 10 to 18 days. Fruit flies are capable of learning classically conditioned associations between odors and electric shock. After experiencing pairings of odor and shock, the flies will fly away from the odor 24 hours later (Mery & Kawecki, 2005). However, to form memories about odor and shock, the flies must use more energy than they use for activities that do not require memory. When deprived of food and water, the flies that remembered how to avoid shock died about 4 hours faster than flies that did not form memories. The fact that nearly all animals have the capability of forming memories in spite of the high energy costs is a testament to memory’s benefits to survival.

How Are Memories Processed?

Psychologists have proposed a number of models to try to describe how memory works. One of the most influential models of memory was proposed by Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968, 1971). According to

this classic model, information flows through a series of separate stages of memory (see Figure 9.2). The idea of memory stages paralleled the devel- opment of computers, where distinctions between an active window on the desktop and the information saved on a hard drive or other media provided models for memory storage areas that differ in capacity and duration. The

Encoding and storing memories do not guarantee that they can be retrieved when you need them. Stress can make retrieving even the simplest of memories surprisingly difficult.

Even though processing memory requires energy, the benefits to survival far outweigh the costs. Without memory, this squirrel would be unable to retrieve the acorns stored weeks ago.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY402

model also included control processes, a person’s active interventions that influence memory. For example, you might use certain strategies, like repeating a bit of information, that help you remember it later. We will consider these stages and control processes in detail in this section.

Contemporary cognitive psychologists have continued to modify this original model, while retaining the basic ideas that memories can be stored for very different periods of time and that control processes influence the system.

To illustrate the flow of information in this model, let’s consider what happens when you use your memory to complete a specific task—remem- bering a phone number provided to you by a new acquaintance.

Sensory Memory While settling into your seat before class, you are having a nice conversation with one of your class- mates about getting together to study for an upcoming exam. Your class- mate gives you her cell phone number so you can arrange a good time to meet. This incoming information, the auditory signals of your classmate’s voice in this case, is processed in a first stage, the sensory memory. This stage holds enormous amounts of sensory data, possibly all information that impacts the sensory receptors. However, the data remain for very brief periods of time, usually a second or less, or as long as the neural activity produced by a sensation continues. The information held in sensory mem- ory has been compared to a rapidly fading “echo” of the real input. You can demonstrate the duration and “fade” of sensory memory information by rapidly flapping your hand back and forth in front of your eyes. When you do this, you can “see” where your fingers were at a previous point in time.

Sensory input is translated, or transduced, into several types of code or representation. A representation of a memory refers to a mental model of a bit of information that exists even when the information is no longer available. Visual codes are used for the temporary storage of information about visual images (Baddeley, Eysenck, & Anderson, 2009). Haptic codes are used to process touch and other body senses. Acoustic codes represent

sensory memory The first stage of the Atkinson-Shiffrin model that holds large amounts of incoming data for very brief amounts of time.

Sensory input Long-term memorySensory memory

Forgetting Forgetting

Short-term memory

Rehearsal

The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model of Memory. According to this classic model of memory, information flows through a series of stages. If memory is not transferred to the next stage, it is permanently lost. Source: Adapted from Atkinson & Shiffrin (1971).

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consider these stages and control processes in detail in this section. Contntemempporaaryy ccoogninititivev psysycholologogisiststs havee coc ntinnueued d toto mmododififyy

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To illustrate the flow of information in this model, let’s consider happennss when yyou use your memory ttoo compplete a spep ciific task—rem bering aa phoonene nnumumbeber prrovovidideded ttoo yoyou bby aa nnewew aacqcquauaainiinintance.

Sensory Memory WhWhilile seetttlingng iintnto yyourur sseaeatt bebefore class, youhaving a nice conversationn wwitithh one of your c

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Sperling’s Demonstration of the Duration of Sensory Memory. George Sperling briefly presented a matrix of letters to participants. When asked to recall the whole matrix (a), most participants could remember about four or five letters. However, when tones instead of verbal commands were used to signal which row to remember (b), participants were able to recall whole rows at a time, which implies they could remember more than four or five items. Sperling concluded that they could “see” the entire matrix in sensory memory for a very brief time, which allowed them to respond correctly. Source: Adapted from Sperling (1960).

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sound and words. Psychologists believe that input from different sensory systems remains separate in sensory memory, and although these differ- ent sensory streams are processed fairly similarly, there are some differences. Acoustic codes, also known as echoic memories, last somewhat longer than visual codes, also known as iconic memories, possibly to meet our needs to hear entire words and phrases before we can begin to understand spoken language.

George Sperling demonstrated the duration of iconic memories by testing recall for briefly pre- sented matrices of 12 to 16 letters. Participants were usually able to identify four or five. However, the process of verbally instructing participants to do this task takes time, during which the sensory memory for the matrix fades rapidly. If different tones were used to signal a row of the matrix to be recalled instead of verbally asking for a response, participants demonstrated recall for as many as 12 of the original 16 items (Averbach & Sperling, 1961; Sperling, 1960). If the tone was sounded less than a quarter of a second after presentation of the matrix, participants could usu- ally recall all four letters in a row. After a quarter of a second delay or more, recall fell to one letter (see Figure 9.3).

Why do we have a sensory memory? Only a very small subset of this incoming data will be processed by the next stage. It is likely that we need to collect incoming data until it makes enough sense to process further. The first number in your classmate’s phone number might be very simple (two), but it still contains two speech sounds (the “t” and “oo”) that must be combined to make sense.

Short-Term Memory A tiny amount of information in the sensory memory will move to the next stage, short-term memory (STM), for further pro- cessing. When you focus on your new friend’s phone number, the informa- tion will move from sensory memory to short-term memory. Consider all the other information that might be processed by your sensory memory

Our ability to “see” what we have written with a sparkler results from the remaining traces in our sensory memories. The actual light is long gone.

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ecall all fouur lettters in a row. After a quarter of a second delay or e, recall fell to onne letter (see FiFigugure 99.3.3).).

Why y do wwe hhave aa sensory mmeemory? OOnlnlyy a veeryry ssmamall sububset of thiss ming ddatta wiillll be pprococessedd byby the neextt stage.. IIt isis llikikeely y thhatt wwe neeedd olllelectt iincoming g ddata uuntil it mamakekes ennououghg senense ttoo proccesess s fufurttheher. fifirsrstt number in yoyouur classmate’s phone number might be very y simple ), butt iit sstill contntaiains two sppeeech sounds ((the “t” and “oo”) ththat must ombinned tot mmaka e ssense.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY404

at the same time. Perhaps you are aware that the profes- sor’s PowerPoint has just appeared on the screen or that the heater in the classroom just cycled on or that your stomach growled because you didn’t have time for breakfast. None of these bits of information will be processed in short-term memory unless you pay attention to them. If you are dis- tracted by one of these, it is likely that you will need to ask your friend to repeat her number.

Like sensory memory, short-term memories feature dif- ferent types of representations. Acoustic codes, represent- ing sounds, and visual codes, representing images, occur in short-term memory along with semantic codes, which represent the meaning of words.

We can demonstrate the existence of separate types of codes by examining the errors people make when retrieving information from memory. Many errors are based on sound (acoustic codes) rather than on other sensory features (Con- rad, 1964). For example, if an experimenter shows a partici- pant a card with the letters B R X T and asks the participant to recall the last letter, errors are most likely to involve let-

ters that sound like “tee” when pronounced, such as C, D, or P. Note that none of these letters looks anything alike. These error analyses suggest that part of the encoding process involves the immediate translation of some sensory experiences into the sounds of language. However, visual codes in short-term memory are easily demonstrated by asking participants to recall features of maps (Kosslyn, 1980). Other experiments demonstrate the influence of word meanings in encoding. For example, when partici- pants were presented with lists of words with similar meanings (such as big, huge, large, wide, tall) or lists without this type of similar meanings (dog, light, peace, apple, shirt), their memory for the similar lists was best (Baddeley, 1966).

Short-term memory, like the sensory memory that precedes it, appears to have remarkable limitations in duration. Without additional processing, information in short-term memory usually lasts 30 seconds at most (Ellis & Hunt, 1983). In a classic experiment, participants were shown stimuli consisting of three consonants, such as RBP (Peterson & Peterson, 1959). After seeing one of these triplets, participants counted backward by threes for periods of zero to 18 seconds to prevent their processing the consonant triplet further. As shown in Figure 9.4, accuracy dropped rapidly. It is very likely that the Petersons’ task actually overestimates the length of time material may be stored in short-term memory. The Petersons’ participants were aware in advance that they would be tested on the items, and in spite of the distraction of counting backward, they may have been able to engage in deliberate efforts to retain the triplets in memory.

You are probably thinking right now that you know exactly what to do to prevent this loss of information. If you repeat the information over and over, a process known as rehearsal, information stays in short-term mem- ory indefinitely as long as you are not asked to think about anything else. During rehearsal, data are easily displaced by new, incoming bits of data. rehearsal Repetition of information.

Because our short-term memory holds a limited amount of information for a short time, we often rely on creative solutions, like this To-Do tattoo, to maintain the information we need.

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ount of informaation foor a we oftenn rely on creativve e thiss To-Doo tatttoo, to informatitioon we neneed.

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While you are getting ready to program your classmate’s number into your phone, you can rehearse the number in your short-term memory. However, if your attention is diverted from rehearsing the number when the profes- sor calls on you, the phone number will be gone. The incoming information of the professor’s question seems to push the previous data out of the sys- tem. If rehearsing the information has been insufficient for moving it into the next stage, long-term memory, the data will be lost.

In addition to limitations of duration, short-term memory is characterized by severe limitations in capacity. George Miller argued that we can process somewhere between five and nine items or “bits” (digits, letters, words, etc.) in short-term memory simultaneously, or in his words, “the magic number 7 plus or minus 2” (Miller, 1956). More recently, other psychologists have set the limit at about four items (Cowan, 2000). Obviously, memory capaci- ties do vary from individual to individual, and memory tasks appear promi- nently in standardized tests of intelligence, discussed in a later chapter. People who enjoy larger than average short-term memory capacity excel at a number of cognitive tasks, including reading (Baddeley, Logie, Nimmo- Smith, & Brereton, 1985).

You might be wondering how short-term memory could be useful, given these limitations. However, it is exactly these limitations that make short-term memory an ideal solution for the tasks we ask it to complete. Most tasks for which we use short-term memory require us to search its contents to find the right information. If short-term memory were capable of holding dozens of pieces of information instead of nine or fewer, this search process would be lengthy and difficult. The brief duration of short- term memories ensures that room will be freed up regularly for incoming information. It is also convenient to have a mechanism that allows you to use information and then discard it. You may not wish to devote precious room in your memory banks to the telephone number of a plumber you need only once or twice. Short-term memory allows us to use information without overburdening our storage capacities.

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I wish I could take credit for it [a good memory] but it’s just my genes, I think. —Brenda Milner

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next stage, long-terrmm mem mooryry, the datta w lill bee llost.t. nn addditi ion to limimitatioions of duduraratition,, shshorort-teerrm mmememorryy aararactcterized by sevevere limitations in capacity. George Miller ed thahat wwe ccan pprorocess sommewwhere between five and nine s or “bbits”” (ddigigiti s, lleetters, wordrdss, etctc.).) iin n shshoort-t ttermrm mememororyy ltaneouslly, or in his words, “the mmagigic nunumbmber 7 ppluus oror

us 2” (Miller, 1956). More rececentntlyly, ototheher pssycychholologists s haveve he limit at about four items (Cowan 2000) Obviously memory capaci

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY406

Nonetheless, it is often desirable to expand our capac- ity for information in short-term memory. The best way to accomplish this is to redefine what a “bit” of data is by grouping, or chunking, similar or meaningful informa- tion together (Miller, 1956). If the last four digits of your friend’s phone number are “one,” “five,” “seven,” and “nine,” she could reduce these four bits to two by saying “fifteen seventy-nine.” Trying to remember the following sequence of letters—FBIIRSCIAEPA—appears to be an insurmount- able task. After all, remembering 12 letters lies well outside the capacity of short-term memory. The task is greatly sim- plified by chunking the letters into meaningful batches of common abbreviations—FBI IRS CIA EPA. Now you have only 4 meaningful bits to remember rather than 12, which is safely within the capacities of short-term memory. Failure

to use chunking as a strategy occurs frequently in people with verbal learn- ing disabilities (Koeda, Seki, Uchiyama, & Sadato, 2011). In the absence of chunking, each item to be remembered is processed as a single, unrelated bit of information, which rapidly overwhelms the capacity of short-term memory.

Working Memory The classic description of short-term memory viewed this stage as a place to store information for immediate use. As investiga- tions into memory advanced, researchers proposed an adaptation of this model called working memory, shown in Figure 9.5 (Baddeley & Hitch, 1974). Short-term memory and working memory differed in two ways. First, short-term memory involves the passive storage of information, while working memory involves an active manipulation of information. Second,

chunking The process of grouping similar or meaningful information together.

working memory An extension of the concept of short-term memory that includes the active manipulation of multiple types of information simultaneously.

Chase and Simon (1973) presented images of chess pieces on chessboards for only 5 seconds to chess masters and people who didn’t play chess. When the images were from real games, the chess masters recalled the placement of the pieces much better than the nonplayers, because they were able to use their knowledge of chess to chunk the images of the pieces’ locations in short-term memory. When the pieces were placed randomly on the boards, however, the chess masters were unable to use chunking and performed no better than the nonplayers.

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WHAT ARE THE ADVANTAGES OF MEMORY? 407

short-term memory was viewed as managing a single process at a time, whereas working memory was more complex, allowing multiple processes to occur simultaneously.

To illustrate the difference between a passive and active memory sys- tem, we might consider the following exchange between you and your new friend:

You: “So we can meet to study on Tuesday and Thursday night next week?”

Your friend: “No, Tuesday doesn’t work for me. Can we meet on Wednesday instead?” Passively storing the two sentences that you heard your friend say with-

out actively thinking about them together would not allow you to process their meaning accurately. You need to combine “Tuesday doesn’t work” with “meet on Wednesday instead” to understand the meaning of this conversation. Passively storing “meet on Wednesday instead” would not help you understand whether Wednesday was a substitution for Tuesday or Thursday or possibly both.

The idea that working memory could manage more than one process at a time resulted from observations that participants could manage two short-term memory tasks at the same time (Baddeley & Hitch, 1974). For example, participants could read a list of numbers followed by reading a paragraph. This task should quickly overwhelm the limited capacity of short-term memory, as reading the paragraph should displace the earlier list of numbers. However, this outcome was not what the researchers observed. Participants had no difficulty remembering the numbers, sug- gesting that the numbers were stored separately from the words in the paragraph.

After further exploration of the types of information that could be maintained separately in short-term memory, four components were pro- posed (Baddeley et al., 2009): a phonological loop, a visuospatial sketch pad, a central executive, and an episodic buffer.

The phonological loop is the working memory component responsible for verbal and auditory information. As you repeat your friend’s phone number (maintenance rehearsal) while reaching for your phone, you are using your phonological loop. The visuospatial sketch pad holds visual and spatial information. When you describe the route from your friend’s dorm to your favorite coffee shop, where you plan to hold your study session, you use your visuospatial sketch pad to help you describe the way. The central executive manages the work of the other components by directing attention to particular tasks (Baddeley, 1996). Divided attention, which we discussed in our chapter on sensation and perception, requires the skills of the central executive. While discussing the route to the coffee shop with your friend (phonological loop), you visualize the route (visuospatial sketch pad), and your central executive parcels out just the right amount of atten- tion to allow you to do both tasks well.

The episodic buffer provides a mechanism for combining information stored in long-term memory, which we discuss in the next section, with

It is much easier to remember FBI, IRS, CIA, and EPA in chunks than to remember FBIIRSCIAEPA.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY408

the active processing taking place in working memory. This component helps explain why chunking the string of letters earlier (FBI IRS CIA EPA) is easier than remembering the letters as individual bits of information— FBIIRSCIAEPA. Without information from long-term memory about what FBI and the other abbreviations mean, making these chunks would not provide any advantage.

Scientists have made progress in their search for brain activity that cor- relates with working memory. Parts of the prefrontal cortex, along with the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), appear to be responsible for the functions of the central executive (Kaneda & Osaka, 2008). Activity in the ACC might

explain some individual differences in working memory abilities. People with large working memory capacities show more ACC activation during memory tasks than people with smaller working memory capacities (Osaka et al., 2003).

Observations of patients with brain damage also support a role for the pre- frontal cortex as the central executive (Barceló & Knight, 2002). Patients with prefrontal damage can learn to sort play- ing cards according to a rule, such as “put all the cards having the same color (red or black) together.” However, when they are asked to switch to a new rule, such as “sort the cards by number (aces together, twos together, and so on),” they experi-

ence a great deal of difficulty and continue to sort according to the original rule instead of switching their attention to the new one.

Further support for the importance of the prefrontal cortex in work- ing memory comes from observations of the development of memory in infants. The appearance of object permanence, which we discuss further in our chapter on development, coincides with increased maturity of the fron- tal lobes in human infants (Diamond & Goldman-Rakic, 1989). Prior to the age of 8 months or so, human infants will not search for a toy that is hidden from them while they watch. This behavior is definitely a case of “out of sight, out of mind.” After the age of 8 months, however, human infants will immediately search for the hidden toy, indicating that they have formed a mental representation of the object in memory. Monkeys with prefrontal lesions perform like the younger human infants and do not show a sense of object permanence (Diamond & Goldman-Rakic, 1989).

Long-Term Memory

The final stage of memory processing is long-term memory (LTM). Unlike sensory, short-term, and working memory, long-term memory seems to have

few, if any, limitations in either capacity or duration. We do not appear to run out of room in long-term memory for new data, and information can last a lifetime. The oldest person alive can still recall significant childhood memories and learn new things. Although old memories may become

long-term memory (LTM) The final stage of the Atkinson-Shiffrin model that is the location of permanent memories.

Maturation of the prefrontal lobes in human infants is correlated with their development of object permanence, a task that requires working memory. Prior to the age of 8 months or so, infants will stop looking for an object when it is hidden from view, suggesting that they are unable to retain memory of the object. A few weeks later, the infant will actively search for the object.

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WHAT ARE THE ADVANTAGES OF MEMORY? 409

more difficult to retrieve, this process is much differ- ent from losing them altogether simply because of the passage of time.

Moving Information Into Long-Term Memory In most cases, information moves from short-term or working memory to long-term memory through rehearsal. You might find that after you see your new friend’s number several times as you text her, you have some- how memorized it without trying to do so. Rehearsal can be divided into maintenance rehearsal, which means simple repetition of the material, and elabora- tive rehearsal, which involves linking the new material to things you already know.

Of the two types of rehearsal, elaborative rehearsal is a more effective way to move information into more permanent storage. The benefits of elaborative rehearsal can be explained using a levels of processing theory (Craik & Lockhart, 1972). When we look at written words we want to remember, we can attend to many “levels” of detail: the visual appearance of the word (font, all caps, number of letters, etc.), the sound of the word, the meaning of the word, or the personal relevance of the word. These char- acteristics may be placed along a continuum of depth of processing from shallow to deep, with the encoding of the appearance of a word requiring less processing and effort than the encoding of the sound of a word, which in turn requires less processing and effort than the encoding of the meaning or personal relevance of a word, and so on. Accord- ing to the levels of processing theory, words encoded according to meaning would be easier to remember than words encoded according to their visual appearance, because encoding mean- ingfulness produces a deeper level of attention and processing (Craik & Tulving, 1975).

In one study designed to test the levels of processing theory, partici- pants recalled more words when their instructions elicited the encoding of word meanings than when they were instructed to determine more surface features of each word, such as whether it appeared in capital letters

levels of processing The depth (shallow to deep) of processing applied to information that predicts its ease of retrieval.

The accumulated knowledge of a long life, like this Australian aborigine tribal elder’s familiarity with his harsh surroundings, probably meant the difference between life and death for many of our ancestors. There is no evidence that very old people are unable to add new information to their long-term memories or necessarily lose information they have known a very long time.

Our ATM machines usually deliver our cash in $20 bills, but handling these on a regular basis does not mean that we remember exactly what they look like. Which president is pictured on the bill? Whose signature as Secretary of the Treasury appears on the bill? Are the fonts used for all the 20s the same or different? Most people can’t answer these questions from memory.

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(see Figure 9.6; Craik & Tulving, 1975). In another study, deeper levels of processing were accompanied by more subvocal speech (reminiscent of “talking to yourself”), indicated by measurements of tiny activities in the muscles of speech (Cacioppo & Petty, 1981). However, the levels of pro- cessing theory is not very specific about the meaning of “deep” or “shallow” processing. How would we apply this approach to evaluate participants’ recall for music, touch, or visual images? Further work on this theory needs to identify exactly what determines “depth” of processing during encoding.

Differences Between Working and Long-Term Memory In addition to not sharing limitations of duration and capacity with working memory, long- term memory appears to be unique in other ways. Given the enormous amount of data stored in long-term memory, we cannot retrieve informa- tion by using the item-by-item search strategies that we use in working memory. Instead, we have a system of associations or cues that we use to locate data, like your computer uses folders to organize separate files. We will discuss the organization of long-term memory in more detail in later sections of this chapter.

Differences between working and long-term memories can be seen in classic experiments demonstrating the serial position effect. This phenom- enon can be observed when participants are asked to learn a list of words and recall them in any order they choose. As shown in Figure 9.7, recall of items takes on a U-shaped appearance when retrieval is plotted as a function of an item’s position in a list during presentation (Murdoch, 1962).

The superior recall for the first items on a list is known as the primacy effect, which is believed to result from the storage of these items in long- term memory. Using a typical list of 20 words, participants would have the most rehearsal time for the first word, a bit less for the second, and so on through the list. Because rehearsal can move information from working to long-term memory, the earlier words with their greater share of rehearsal

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Levels of Processing Theory. Craik and Tulving (1975) tested the levels of processing theory by investigating their participants’ recognition of words they had seen only briefly (about one fifth of a second) following one of three types of questions. The three types of questions focused the participants’ attention on aspects of the word they were about to see. The questions pointed to very surface features (Is the word in capital letters or not?), acoustic features (Does the word rhyme with another word or not?), or semantic features (Does the word make sense in this sentence or not?). Theoretically, deciding that a word is in capital letters or not takes less processing than deciding whether it rhymes with another word, which in turn takes less processing than thinking about its meaning to answer the sentence question. The results supported the levels of processing theory. Recognition of words preceded by a semantic question was better than for words preceded by a rhyme question, which were recognized better than words preceded by a font question. Source: Adapted from Craik and Tulving (1975).

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would be more likely to be stored in long-term memory than the later words on the list, which probably were not rehearsed much at all.

The superior recall for the last words on the list is known as the recency effect, which probably occurs because these items remain in working memory at the time of recall. The recency effect, but not the primacy effect, disappears if recall is delayed by 30 seconds (Glanzer & Cunitz, 1966). After 30 seconds, items in long-term memory will still be available for recall, but items in working memory will be long gone.

One of the strongest arguments in favor of the separation of working and long-term memory is the occurrence of clinical cases in which one capacity is damaged, while the other remains intact. Henry Molaison (the amnesic patient H.M.), whom we met at the beginning of this chapter, was able to remember a small amount of information for a few seconds but experienced enormous difficulties when trying to store new information in his long-term memory. In another case study, a patient with brain damage appeared to have the opposite problem. Patient K.F. had normal long-term memory, as indicated by his ability to form new memories. However, his working memory was seriously impaired (Shallice & Warrington, 1970). When asked to recall a list of digits (a typical working memory task), he could remember only one or two digits at a time, a big deviation from the typical ability to recall five to nine digits.

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A final difference between working memory and long-term memory relates to the coding of information. Earlier, we identified three types of codes that occur in short-term and working memory: acoustic, visual, and semantic codes. Research evidence suggests that these same types of codes are also found in long-term memory. For example, we can use acoustic codes in long-term memory to recognize the ringtone we’re using, visual codes to recognize our friends, and semantic codes to remember the main points of the page we just read. Of these three, the semantic codes play a dominant role in long-term memory but a relatively minor role compared to acoustic and visual codes in short-term and working memory.

The importance of semantic codes in long-term memory can be illus- trated by an experience many of us have had in the classroom. Once in awhile, a professor uses just the right wording to explain a difficult concept, and a student desperately trying to capture that wording might ask the professor to repeat what was just said. Although the professor can repeat the general idea, it is unlikely that the wording will be the same. Long-term memory has taken a snapshot of the meaningfulness of what was said, but not the acoustic qualities of the exact words.

Summary 9.1 Types of Memory

Type of memory Major features Sensory memory

• Large capacity • Brief duration • Separate channels for different sensory types (acoustic,

visual, etc.)

Short-term memory/working memory

• Limited capacity (5–9 bits) • Limited duration (30 sec maximum) • Expansion of capacity through chunking • Expansion of duration through rehearsal • Central executive, visuospatial scratchpad, episodic

buffer, phonological loop

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• Very large capacity • Very long duration

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What Are the Different Types of Long-Term Memory? Long-term memory can be divided into several different categories (see

Figure 9.8). These categories not only help us describe memory more precisely but also represent the activities of different parts of the brain.

Long-term memory can be divided into declarative or conscious mem- ories and nondeclarative or unconscious memories. Declarative memo- ries are easy to “declare,” or discuss verbally. Declarative memories are also referred to as explicit memories because they are typically accessed in a very conscious, direct, and effortful manner. In contrast to declarative memories, nondeclarative memories are difficult to discuss. For example, classical conditioning, which we examined in our chapter on learning, produces nondeclarative memories. We might find it difficult to explain to another person why we get nervous right before an exam or dislike a food we ate once before becoming ill. Nondeclarative memories are also known as implicit memories because they affect our behavior in subconscious, indirect, and effortless ways. We are aware of their outcomes—“I don’t want to eat that food”—but we are usually consciously unaware of the information processing that led to that outcome.

Declarative Memories

Declarative, or explicit, memories are further divided into semantic and episodic memories (Tulv- ing, 1972, 1985, 1995). Semantic memory contains

declarative memory Consciously retrieved memories that are easy to verbalize, which include semantic, episodic, and autobiographical information; also known as explicit memories.

explicit memory A conscious memory; also known as a declarative memory.

nondeclarative memory Unconsciously and effortlessly retrieved memories that are difficult to verbalize, including memories for classical conditioning, procedural learning, and priming; also known as implicit memories.

implicit memory An unconscious memory; also known as a nondeclarative memory.

semantic memory A general knowledge memory.

PrimingClassical conditioning

Declarative (explicit)

Long-term memory

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Procedural memory

Episodic memory

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Autobiographical memory

Types of Long-Term Memory. Long-term memory can be divided into several different categories, beginning with a distinction between declarative, or explicit, conscious, memories and nondeclarative, or implicit, unconscious, memories. Declarative memories are further divided into semantic and episodic memories, which are combined when we use autobiographical memories. Examples of nondeclarative memories are procedural memories, classical conditioning, and priming.

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your store of general knowledge in the form of word meanings and facts. Using your semantic memory, you can answer questions such as “Which NFL team won last year’s Super Bowl?” or “What is a churro?” Episodic memory is a more personal account of past experiences.

We can distinguish between semantic and episodic memories along four dimensions: the type of information processed, the organization of the information in memory, the source of the information, and the focus

of the memory (Williams, Conway, & Cohen, 2008). Semantic memory contains general knowledge about the world, whereas episodic memories include more specific information about events, objects, and people. Semantic memory, as we will see later in this chapter, is organized in memory according to cat- egories. For example, we have a category for birds that contains our semantic knowledge of birds. Episodic memory, in contrast, is organized as a timeline. To answer a question from episodic memory, we often use time as a cue—“When I was in the eighth grade, my family took a vacation at the beach.” Semantic knowledge originates from others, like your professors, or from repeated experience—“The ocean is colder in California than in Florida, because every time I’ve gone to the beach in either loca- tion, this is what I have observed.” Episodic memories can result

from a single, personal experience. Finally, the two types of memories serve different purposes. Semantic memory provides us with an objective understanding of our world, whereas episodic memory provides a refer- ence point for our subjective experience of the self.

In spite of the differences just outlined, semantic and episodic memo- ries often overlap. You could form an episodic memory of where you were when you stored a specific semantic memory. A colleague was introduced to a student’s parents as follows: “Mom, Dad, this is Professor Jones. He’s the one I told you about who taught us that rats can’t barf.” Not only did the student retain a semantic memory about rat behavior (which incidentally is true and is relevant to understanding the classical conditioning of taste aversion in rats), but the student correctly retained an episodic memory of when and where the fact was learned.

We can see that semantic and episodic memories usually interact dynamically to provide a complete picture of the past. Our semantic knowledge of the relative temperatures of the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans depends on the personal experiences of either hearing the fact in a geology classroom or vacationing on both coasts of the United States. At the same time, we use our semantic knowledge to interpret our episodic memories. Without semantic knowledge of ocean, temperature, Atlantic, and Pacific, we would be unable to organize our experience into a coherent conclu- sion—the ocean is colder in California than in Florida.

This type of blending of semantic and episodic memories character- izes autobiographical memories (Williams et al., 2008). Autobiographical memories can contain factual, semantic aspects of personal experience without any episodic aspects. You might know you were born in Pasadena, California, but of course, you would not have any memory of being born. On the other hand, your autobiographical memories of Pasadena might

episodic memory A memory for personal experience.

autobiographical memory Semantic or episodic memories that reference the self.

I’ve never tried to block out the memories of the past, even though some are painful. I don’t understand people who hide from their past. Everything you live through helps to make you the person you are now. —Sophia Loren tion, this is what I have observed. Episodic memories can r

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In spite of the differences just outlined, semantic and episodic me ries oftteen overlap. You could form an epepisodic memory y ofo where you when yyoou stotorered d a a spspeecifii cc sesemam ntntici mmemmorryy. AA ccololleleagagueuue was introd to a stuuddentt’s’s pparenntsts aass foolllowws:: “MoMom,m, DDaad, thhiss iiss PProfessor Jones. the one e II totoldld yyouou aboboutut whoho tauugght t uus tthahat t rratss ccanan’tt bbararf.” Not only di student retain a semantic memory about rat behhavavvioorr (which inciden

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also include episodic memories of attending the Rose Parade on New Year’s Day as a child, complete with images of the sights, sounds, and emotions of that experience.

Autobiographical memories appear to be accessed from two points of view. In some cases, we “relive” an experience very vividly, viewing our memory of an experience from a personal vantage point. In other cases, we seem to be seeing our life’s history as if we were watching a highlights reel, from the vantage point of an observer rather than a participant. Newer memories are more likely to be viewed from the personal perspective, whereas older memories are viewed from the observer perspective (Robin- son & Swanson, 1993).

Cognitive psychologists are curious about the functions of an auto- biographical memory. Unlike storage of semantic memories about course- work, we do not seem to store autobiographical memories intentionally. We work hard to memorize facts about our world, but the process of stor- ing autobiographical information seems effortless. What do we accomplish by storing our experience in this very personal way? Like other memories, autobiographical memories help us organize our experience in ways that help us respond to current challenges. If you can recall what you did to solve a problem successfully in the past, you know what to do when you see that problem again. Having an autobiographical memory also provides a sense of continuity or consistency in the self, which we explore in more detail in a later chapter (Bluck, Alea, Haberman, & Rubin, 2005).

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, an autobiographical memory helps us build social bonds with others throughout our lifespan. Think for a moment about the conversations you have with people you just met. What do you talk about? We might start a conversation with very general top- ics, such as the weather, but to achieve greater intimacy, people eventually begin to disclose more personal information (Robinson & Swanson, 1990). The source of that information is usually your autobiographical memory.

Nondeclarative Memories

Earlier, we defined nondeclarative, or implicit, mem- ories as unconscious memories. In other words, nondeclarative memories influence our behavior

without our conscious awareness of having used a memory. You might have

You might have semantic memories that tell you about the characteristics of Labrador retrievers, and episodic memories about the day you chose your first puppy. Your autobiographical memories combine these two elements to give you an account of your own life. A semantic

element of your autobiographical memory might be the fact that your dog’s parents were champions. The episodic elements of your

autobiographical memory for the event might include memories of your puppy’s warmth and the happy way you felt that day.

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had the experience of just being able to do something, like using roller blades for the first time in many years, without really know- ing how you are doing it (Tulving, 1985). We also described non- declarative memories as being difficult to describe in words (Smith & Grossman, 2008).

Cognitive psychologists have studied three types of nonde- clarative memories in detail: classical conditioning, which we discussed in our chapter on learning, procedural memories, and priming. Procedural memories are also referred to as “skill memories,” because they contain information about how to carry out a skilled movement, like driving a car. Priming occurs when exposure to a stimulus changes a response to a subsequent stimu- lus. For example, people who listened to rude words were more likely to interrupt a researcher than those who listened to polite words (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996). Hearing the rude words had primed these individuals to respond rudely to the investigator.

Classical Conditioning Classical conditioning results when we learn that a stimulus signals an important upcoming event. As

we discussed in our chapter on learning, classical conditioning prob- ably accounts for many of the involuntary and unconscious emotional responses we have to the world around us, such as feeling tense or fearful when we enter a dentist’s waiting room. We experience these emotions without deliberately remembering our previous visits to the dentist, and it is likely that we would find it difficult to explain why we feel this way (unless

we remember the information we learned about classical conditioning in our introductory psychology course).

Procedural Memories Procedural memories, which are memories for how to carry out motor skills and proce- dures, are especially difficult to describe in words. Imag- ine for a moment having to write an essay about how to use scissors for a person who had never seen a pair of scissors. In contrast, few of us experience any difficulties demonstrating procedures (Squire, 1987). Consider the differences between showing somebody how to use scis- sors (procedural memory) and writing an essay about how to use scissors (semantic and episodic memory). Which would be faster and easier?

One great advantage of procedural memories is their ability to automate our performance. When a novice driver first learns to operate a car with a manual trans- mission, a great deal of conscious effort must go into the

correct sequence of procedures—clutch, gas, shift. Once the skill is well learned, it is doubtful that the driver is aware of this sequence; the person “just drives.” When procedures become automatic, we are free to direct our limited capacities for divided attention to other aspects of the task. A musi- cian who has mastered the procedure of playing a difficult piece can direct attention to the finer points of expression. Unfortunately, if a procedure is

procedural memory An implicit memory for how to carry out skilled movement.

priming A change in a response to a stimulus as a result of exposure to a previous stimulus.

It might have been years since this grandfather last put on a pair of ice skates, but to help his granddaughter learn to skate, he’s willing to get back out on the ice. He might be a little wobbly at first, but procedural memories for skilled movement are very persistent. He’ll quickly be skating as if he’d done it every day.

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The distinction between nondeclarative procedural memories and declarative memories is one reason why it is so challenging to be a computer help desk technician who must talk users through a repair procedure over the telephone. It would be much easier to demonstrate how to fix the computer, which is why some software companies prefer to have the technician take over the computer remotely and apply the needed fixes as opposed to verbalizing procedures for the user. It also explains why few star athletes go on to be good coaches. Performing a task is not the same as talking about it.

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learned incorrectly, like a bad golf swing, considerable effort must be expended to think about fixing the swing, which will slow down performance. The golfer must put in sufficient prac- tice time to make the new, correct swing automatic again.

Priming Priming, or the change in our response to a stimulus due to pre-exposure to related stimuli, explains many everyday effects of familiarity. We may believe very strongly that our behavior is unaffected by exposure to advertising. However, people rate advertisements they have seen more positively than those that they have not seen, even if they can’t consciously remember having seen any of the advertisements before (Per- fect & Askew, 1994). We agree that the unconscious way our attitudes can be manipulated is a bit unsettling.

Priming can influence our responses to stimuli that are per- ceptually related (two visual stimuli, for example) or conceptu- ally related (two words having a related meaning). For example, researchers investigated the effects of perceptual priming on participants’ responses to both possible figures (shapes that could exist in the real world) and impossible figures (shapes that could not physically exist; Soldan, Mangels, & Cooper, 2008). Previous exposure to the possible shapes did show a priming effect, but exposure to the impossible shapes did not (see Figure 9.9).

Conceptual priming is often studied using a technique called the lexical decision task (see Figure 9.10). In this task, a participant views two rapidly presented stimuli and must decide whether the stimuli are both real words (such as “roof”)

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Perceptual Priming. Priming occurs when stimuli are related perceptually or conceptually. In this experiment demonstrating perceptual priming, prior exposure to a possible object (one that could really exist) increased memory for the object later. However, no priming effects were seen among impossible objects (those that could not really exist). Source: Adapted from Soldan, Mangels, and Cooper (2008).

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Conceptual Priming. Conceptual priming can be investigated within the lexical decision task, in which participants were asked to judge whether two words appearing together were both real words or not. Some examples of real and non-real words can be seen in (a). Non- real words are made by switching one letter from a real word, like flame and plame or fork and lork. Pairs of real words were either related to each other by meaning or not. The participants’ reaction time in this task, shown in (b), demonstrates that participants responded faster to related word pairs (bread–butter) than to unrelated word pairs (nurse–butter). These results support the idea that we organize items in long-term memory based on their meaning.

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Perceptual Priming. Priming occurs wh ststimimuli are rerelated perccepeptutualallyly or coconcncepep In thih s expeperirimment dememoonstrating peercep prprimiming, ppririorr eexpx ossurre too aa pposo sibble bobjeje thaat couu dld rreaealllly exe isst)t) iincreaaseed mmemory obobjejecct llatater. Howewever, nnoo prprimimiing effeffecectsts seen among impossible objects (those th nonot really exist). Source: Adapted from Soldan anand CoCoopeoper (r (2002008).8).

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY418

or not (such as “loof”). Reaction time, in the form of hitting one key for real words and another for nonwords, serves as the dependent variable. When the two stimuli are related words (e.g., doctor–nurse), reaction time is faster than when the stimuli are unrelated words (e.g., butter–nurse) (Meyer & Schvanevelt, 1971).

Priming not only explains many of our unconscious daily responses to familiar stimuli but has contributed to our understanding of how informa- tion is organized in long-term memory, which we discuss in a later section. In addition, priming experiments have been helpful in identifying the ways the brain manages different aspects of long-term memory, which we turn to in the next section.

f we can process some types of information implicitly, or without con-

scious awareness, is it possible to sell us a product or change our behavior without our knowledge? The idea of subliminal messages suggests that information can enter the memory system below the threshold of con- scious awareness and influence the behavior of the unsuspecting recipi- ent of the message. The word sub- liminal means “below threshold,” and in this case, the term refers to the threshold for conscious awareness of a stimulus.

In 1956, social psychologist James Vicary claimed that he could boost sales of popcorn and Coca-Cola by flashing the messages “Eat Popcorn” and “Drink Coke” for a third of a mil- lisecond (a millisecond is 1/1000th of a second) at five-second intervals during a film, which is too short an exposure to be seen consciously. In the ensuing uproar, several nations passed laws banning subliminal

advertising. By 1962, Vicary confessed in an interview that he had made up the whole thing. Controlled, indepen- dent research found no increase in sales using Vicary’s technique (Prat- kanis, 1992). Nonetheless, controver- sies continue regarding the use or suspected use of subliminal messages to influence people’s behavior with- out their awareness. From the $50 million per year subliminal recording industry, which claims its products can help you lose weight, improve your memory, or become an extro- vert, to claims about the ability of “backward masking” in popular music to influence behavior, this concern has not been laid to rest easily.

To provide some scientific insight into this question, psychologists distinguish between subjective and objective thresholds of awareness (Vokey, 2002). In our sensation and perception chapter, we defined a threshold as the smallest amount of a stimulus that can be detected reliably. Any stimulus below the

objective threshold is so weak that a person is not able to guess about its occurrence above a chance level. Above the objective threshold, we see a continuum of stimuli intensity that will be detected with increasing accuracy and conscious awareness. The subjective threshold is reached when detection becomes better than chance, yet participants still believe they are “just guessing” about whether an event occurred. At a fur- ther point along the continuum, the participants consciously detect the stimulus and no longer believe they are guessing. Subliminal messages would be located above the subjec- tive threshold but below the thresh- old for conscious awareness.

Considerable evidence suggests that stimuli occurring below a per- son’s objective threshold have no effect on behavior at all. In contrast, stimuli falling between the subjec- tive threshold and the point where stimuli become clearly conscious do indeed appear to have the ability to

Can Subliminal Messages Influence Our Behavior?

Thinking Scientifically

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WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF LONG-TERM MEMORY? 419

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Long-Term Memories and the brain

Through the careful observation of patients with brain damage along with brain imaging studies in healthy participants, scientists have discovered cor- relations between activity in parts of the brain and

specific components of long-term memory. These discoveries support the distinctions made by cognitive psychologists between declarative and non- declarative memories based on observations of behavior.

Declarative Memories and the Hippocampus In our chapter on biological psychology, we described the important role played by the hippocampus in memory. The hippocampus itself is unlikely to serve as a storage location for memories, but it clearly participates in the consolidation of information into long-term memory.

Now that we are familiar with some of the distinctions between declarative and nondeclarative memories, we can examine the case study of Henry Molaison (the amnesic patient H.M.) in more detail. Molaison’s extensive loss of tissue in the inner part of both temporal lobes included

influence behavior. These findings are a far cry from the claims made for subliminal recordings, however. No empirical studies have been able to demonstrate any effectiveness for these products. Participants who were told they were using a “self- esteem” recording, when they had actually been given an “improve your memory” recording, nonethe- less rated their self-esteem as having improved (Greenwald, Spangenberg, Pratkanis, & Eskenazi, 1991). This result is probably another example of a placebo effect, which we discussed in our chapter on research methods. Our expectations for many treat- ments (I’m taking an aspirin so my headache will disappear) often influence our cognitive assess- ment of the results.

Psychologists have also attempted to clarify the possible impact of backward messages (backmasking) inserted into popu- lar music. Backward messages can be produced by reversing a sound recording, which is very easy to do with today’s digital recording software. Backward messages have been viewed by some people as

subliminal, although there is a strong likelihood that any words in a back- ward message fall below our objec- tive thresholds.

Careful analyses of backward messages in rock and roll songs con- cluded that some were coincidental (backward speech still sounds like speech), while others were inserted by artists like the Beatles as obvious jokes or artistic statements (Pound- stone, 1983). Backmasking has been featured in recordings ranging from Britney Spears to Pokemon Rap to

Bloodhound Gang to Missy Elliott (Backmaskonline.com, 2011).

Regardless of the heavy weight of scientific evidence against the effectiveness of subliminal messages in influencing behavior, several law- suits have alleged that subliminal messages in music led to suicide. The group Judas Priest was the target of a wrongful death suit for the group’s use of backward lyrics. Expert tes- timony failed to demonstrate any evidence that listening to subliminal messages actually affected any sub- sequent behavior, and the suit was

unsuccessful (Moore, 1996).

The Beatles were one of the first groups to use deliberate backmasking of both instruments and vocals in their 1966 album Revolver. With the use of digital recording, the process of backmasking has become very simple and has been used by a diverse set of more recent recording artists including Missy Elliott and Bloodhound Gang. Because we cannot perceive the backmasked messages consciously as words, it is very unlikely such messages could influence behavior.

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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY420

the hippocampus and amygdala in both hemispheres (Corkin, Amaral, Gonzalez, Johnson, & Hyman, 1997). In follow-up observations of Molai- son, Brenda Milner discovered that not all his memories were equally affected by his surgery (Milner, 1966, 2005). Molaison retained most of his memory for events leading up to his surgery, but his ability to form new memories was profoundly reduced. The inability to form new memories is known as anterograde amnesia. Remarkably, Molaison was unable to transfer any new information about people, places, events, and numbers to long-term memory. For example, he failed to remember having met anyone he encountered following his surgery even though he might interact with them repeatedly. His working memory was sufficient for holding normal conversations, as long as there were no large delays between responses. Much to Milner’s surprise, Molaison learned a new procedural task, mir- ror tracing, as well as typical control participants did. In one of these tasks, Molaison was asked to draw the shape of a star while looking at a sample star and his own hand in a mirror. After three days, Molaison mastered the task. However, if asked, he would deny ever having performed the task. His procedural memories were intact, but his declarative memories for the details of the task were nonexistent (see Figure 9.11).

Circuits connecting the hippocampus and adjacent temporal lobe memory areas with the cortex (see Figure 9.12) are believed to participate

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Separating Declarative and Nondeclarative Memories. The mirror-tracing task requires a participant to trace a five- pointed star, which is mounted on a wooden board that blocks the participant’s view of the star and his or her hand. The participant must view the star and his or her hand in a mirror. This task is especially challenging because the mirror reverses the image, so if you want the pencil to trace around the star away from your body, you have to move your pencil toward your body instead. Brenda Milner was surprised to observe that Henry Molaison learned the mirror-tracing task at a normal rate, even though he didn’t remember the details of the task. This outcome suggested to Milner that nondeclarative, procedural memories like the mirror-tracing task were not managed by the brain the same way as declarative memories.

F i g u r e 9 . 1 1

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WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF LONG-TERM MEMORY? 421

Motor cortexOccipital lobe

(a) Naming animals, but not tools (b) Naming tools, but not animals

Semantic Memories Are Widely Distributed in the Brain. Different patterns of activity in the cerebral cortex are correlated with various types of semantic memories. Naming animals (a) is associated with activity in the visual cortex of the occipital lobe, suggesting that we think about what an animal looks like in order to name it. Naming tools (b) activates areas associated with hand movements, suggesting that we think about how we would use a hammer or saw in order to name one.

F i g u r e 9 . 1 3

Cerebral cortex

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in long-term memory consolidation. Damage to these struc- tures or their connections typically results in antero- grade amnesia similar to that experienced by Henry Molaison.

Declarative Memories and the Cerebral Cortex Semantic, episodic, and autobio- graphical memories involve the partici- pation of the cerebral cortex.

Semantic memories appear to be widely distributed across the cerebral cortex (see Figure 9.13). Using brain imaging, researchers can observe which parts of the cerebral cortex are active when a person is thinking about particular memo- ries. Naming animals is associated with activity in the occipital lobes, suggesting that visualizing an animal’s appearance might be helpful in this task (Martin, Wiggs, Ungerleider, & Haxby, 1996). Naming tools activated areas of the frontal and parietal lobes normally associated with movements and action words. To name a hammer, for example, we might consider the hand movements associated with using hammers and words such as pound or hit.

Episodic memories are affected by damage to the prefrontal cortex. Dam- age in this area can produce a condition known as source amnesia. Patients with source amnesia maintain their semantic knowledge, but do not recall how they acquired it. A patient who experienced damage to his prefrontal cortex as the result of a traffic accident retained his semantic and procedural knowledge of the game of chess, but he could not remember how old he was when he learned or who taught him to play the game (Tulving, 1989).

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The Hippocampus and Memory. Damage to the hippocampus or to the pathways connecting it to the cerebral cortex frequently produce the type of declarative memory problems experienced by Henry Molaison.

F i g u r e 9 . 1 2

ements andd actiiono words. To name a hammer, for example, we might ider tthehe hannd momovements asassosociciatated wwitithh usiing g hammmmerrs anandd wworddss as popounu dd orr d hiitt.. pissodo ic memorieess are affa ecteed d byb damagage to thee pprefrfronontal l cocortexx. DaDam-m- nn this s area can pproduucce a condidititionon knonownwn as sosource aammnessiaia. PaPatienents ssouource amnesia mam intain theeiri semantic knowledge, but do nonot recall they acqquiu reed it. A A patient whwho expepeririencecedd dad mamageg ttoo hihis prpreffrorontntala x as ththe reresultlt ooff aa traffic acciident rretetaiainned d hihiss ssemam nticic andnd prooceedudurrall

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY422

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My Life History or Yours? The brain responds differently when you’re listening to your own autobiographical information (a) than when you’re listening to another person’s autobiographical information (b). Source: Adapted from Fink et al. (1996).

F i g u r e 9 . 1 4

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n addition to its role in the consolidation of new long-

term declarative memories, the hippocampus participates in another important memory func- tion—the maintenance of spatial maps for navigation. Finding your way around your environment is a problem common to most animals, including human beings (especially in the many thousands of years before GPS and Mapquest).

Animal research suggested that the hippocampus can change in response to navigation experience, but similar research had not been done with human participants. The

researchers believed that London cab drivers, because of their extensive use of navigation, would be an inter- esting group to observe.

The Question: Will differences be observed between human participants with extensive navigational experience (London cab drivers) and others who do not have this experience?

METHODS Sixteen London taxi drivers and 50 control participants were ana- lyzed using structural magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), which allowed researchers to compare the

volume of different parts of the brain between the two groups.

RESULTS The posterior, or rear, portion of the hippocampus had significantly larger volume in the taxi drivers than in the controls, and the anterior, or front, portion of the hippocampus had significantly larger volume in the controls than in the taxi drivers (see

Figure 9.16). No other parts of the brain showed any differences in vol- ume between the two groups. Among the taxi drivers, hippocampal volume in the right hemisphere correlated significantly with years of experience

What Does Driving a Cab in London Do to Your Brain?

Connecting to Research

Does Driving a Cabb iinn LLoonnddoonn Your Brain?

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WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF LONG-TERM MEMORY? 423

Experience Changes the Hippocampus. To navigate successfully across the complex city of London, cab drivers must form spatial maps. Considerable evidence shows that the hippocampus plays an important role in forming spatial memories in many species, including humans. What was surprising about the results found by Maguire et al. (2000) was that the navigation experience seemed to have changed the structure of the cab drivers’ hippocampus compared to those of control participants. Cab drivers had more volume in the posterior hippocampus than did controls, and controls had more volume in the anterior hippocampus than did cab drivers. No differences between the groups were observed in the body of the hippocampus.

F i g u r e 9 . 1 6

Thalamus

AmygdalaBasal ganglia

Autobiographical memories are perhaps the most widely distributed of all types of memory in the cerebral cor- tex (Svoboda, McKinnon, & Levine, 2006). Because these memories capture perceptual, factual, and emotional details of past experience, we find acti- vation not only in the prefrontal areas associ- ated with episodic memories but also in the relevant areas of cerebral cortex associated with perception and movement. Can we distinguish between episodic memories and autobiographi- cal memories? People do show different patterns of brain activity when listening to their own autobiographical stories than when they listen to the autobiographical stories of other people (see

Figure 9.14; Fink et al., 1996).

Procedural Memories and the Basal Ganglia Procedural memories are correlated with activation of the basal ganglia, fore- brain structures that are part of the brain’s motor systems (see Figure 9.15). Patients with Huntington’s disease and with Parkinson’s disease, both of which produce degeneration in the basal ganglia, typically experience great difficulty with learning new procedures (Knowlton et al., 1996; Krebs, Hogan, Hening, Adamovich, & Poizner, 2001). In contrast, their declarative memories remain relatively intact. Recall that Henry Molaison experienced the opposite outcome. His procedural memory abilities were intact, but his declarative memory abilities were severely impaired.

driving a taxi. As we discussed in our biological psychology chapter, right hemisphere activity appears to be correlated with spatial thinking.

CONCLUSIONS The researchers were able to deter- mine that extensive use of naviga- tional abilities changed the structure of the hippocampus. Their results were consistent with previous reports relating navigation to the hippocam- pus in rodents, monkeys, patients with hippocampal damage, and imag- ing studies. The researchers’ analysis did not allow them to make any con- clusions about how the hippocampus had actually changed at the micro- scopic level, although it is likely that they were observing the results of adult neurogenesis, or the production of new neurons.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY424

Summary 9.2 Types of Long-Term Memory

Memory type

Declarative/explicit or Nondeclarative/ implicit?

Features

Correlated brain structures

Semantic memory Declarative, explicit • General knowledge • Organized by category

Sensory and motor cortex

Episodic memory Declarative, explicit • Personal history • Organized

chronologically

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• References self

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• Difficult to verbalize • Easy to demonstrate • Automated skills

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HOW IS LONG-TERM MEMORY ORGANIZED? 425

How Is Long-Term Memory Organized? Little research exists regarding the organization of nondeclarative memo- ries in long-term memory, but significant efforts have been made to under- stand the organization of declarative memories. Within the category of declarative memories, far more is known about semantic than about epi- sodic organization. However, both types of memory appear to follow some of the same basic principles. Memories that share characteristics appear to be more closely linked than memories that show very little overlap between their various features.

For example, let’s assume that over the past weekend, you attended a basketball game on campus, made a trip to the library to work on a term paper, and went hiking with friends. These experiences have some elements in common (you may have used your car on all three occasions or some of the same people may have been present) and other elements that are quite different (the level of enjoyment you experienced or whether you were indoors or outdoors). Theoretically, the experiences that have more overlapping features are likely to be more closely associated in your memory than are the experiences that are quite different from one another.

Connectionist Theories

More formal explanations have evolved to account for this tendency to group memories that share overlapping features. These explanations fall under

the heading of connectionism, or the view of the mind as an interconnected network made up of simpler units.

A doctoral dissertation in computer science by Ross Quillian, later refined with cognitive psychologist Allan Collins, was one of the first efforts to apply a connectionist approach to memory (Collins & Quillian, 1969; Quillian, 1966). Quillian was actually attempting to program a com- puter to recognize language, and in so doing, described the organization of semantic memory as a hierarchy of concepts, or categories. For example, a hierarchy of concepts about living animals could include “bird” and “fish.” These categories in turn include “canary” and “ostrich” and “shark” and “salmon,” respectively. Concepts are also linked to relevant specific proper- ties, such as “has wings” or “has fins.” The model is “connectionist” because it suggests that thinking about one concept will automatically lead to think- ing about related concepts and their properties.

Collins, along with Elizabeth Loftus, modified the original Collins and Quillian model to produce a spreading activation model (Collins & Loftus, 1975). The spreading activation model recognized that we do not organize concepts according to strict hierarchies and that people form their own organizations in memory based on their personal experiences (see Figure 9.17). For example, if you ask people to report the first words that come to mind when they see the word red, you are likely to get many different sets of answers.

spreading activation model A connectionist theory proposing that people organize general knowledge based on their individual experiences.

The difference between false memories and true ones is the same as for jewels; it is always the false ones that look the most real, the most brilliant. —Salvador Dali

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY426

The spreading activation model also suggests that concepts and proper- ties differ in the strength of their connections. For example, even though avocados and oranges are both examples of the concept “fruit,” it is likely that most people have a closer link in their memories between “orange” and “fruit” than between “avocado” and “fruit.” If asked whether an avocado or an orange is a fruit, we would assume that reaction time to the second statement would be much faster.

The spreading activation model does an excellent job of accounting for the results of the lexical decision experiments demonstrating priming that we described earlier. Using the spreading activation model, we could assume that seeing the first word activates a concept. This activation would spread to connected concepts and properties. For closely related concepts like “doctor” and “nurse,” activating the “doctor” concept would lead to activation of the “nurse” concept even before the participant actually sees the word nurse, allowing for a very quick decision to be made as soon as the word appears. In contrast, with unrelated words like butter and nurse, the “nurse” concept would not be activated until the word actually appears, resulting in a relatively slower decision.

Inferences: Using Schemas

As early as 1932, psychologist Frederic Bartlett observed that memory does not work like a video recording of events (1932/1967). Bartlett read long,

involved stories to his participants, and then asked them to recall the sto- ries 20 hours later. Not too surprisingly, the recalled stories were shorter

RED

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engine

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SunsetsFlowers

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Spreading Activation. According to the spreading activation theory, thinking about “red” will activate nearby concepts (“orange,” “green,” and “fire”) faster than more distant concepts (“sunsets,” “roses”). This network suggests that a person would answer the question “Is a bus a vehicle?” faster than the question “Is an ambulance a vehicle?” Source: Adapted from Collins and Loftus

(1975).

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The spreading activation model also suggests that concepts and pro ties diffffeer in the strength of their connneections. For example, even th avocaddoos andnd ooraranggeses aarer bbototh h exexamampplees of f ththee coconcncepepttt t ““fruit,” it is l that mmost pepeopoplele hhavave e aa clcloserr link inn tthheiir mmemmororieies between “ora and “fruruitit” ththanan bbeetweweenen “avavocadado” aandnd ““frruiuit.” IfIf aaskskeded wwhether an avo or an orange is a fruit, we would assume that reacactitit onno time to the se

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and had less detail than the original story. Somewhat more surprisingly, participants added features to the recalled stories that had not actually appeared in the original. These additions were not random. In most cases, the details added by participants fit the theme or meaning of the story.

Bartlett concluded that memory storage does not occur in a vacuum. When we encounter new information, we attempt to fit the new information into an existing schema, or set of expectations about objects and situations. Details that are consistent with our schemas are more likely to be retained, whereas inconsistent details are more likely to be left out. Details may be added in memory if they make a story more consistent and coherent. For example, you are more likely to recall having seen books in a photograph of a professor’s office than in a photograph of a farmer working in the fields. Even if no books appeared in the professor’s office, you might recall seeing some anyway, as most professors have offices filled with books. In a later chapter, we will explore the development of schemas and the formation of concepts during childhood.

Schemas appear to be very important in the process of memory storage, as demonstrated by a clever experiment in which participants were asked to read the following passage:

The procedure is actually quite simple. First you arrange things into different groups depending on their makeup. Of course, one pile may be sufficient depending on how much there is to do. If you have to go somewhere else due to lack of facilities that is the next step, otherwise you are pretty well set. It is important not to overdo any particular endeavor. That is, it is better to do too few things at once than too many. In the short run this may not seem important, but complications from doing too many can easily arise. A mistake can be expensive as well. The manipulation of the appropriate mechanisms should be self-explanatory, and we need not dwell on it here. At first the whole procedure will seem complicated. Soon, however, it will become just another facet of life. It is difficult to foresee any end to the necessity for this task in the immediate future, but then one never can tell. (Bransford & Johnson, 1972, p. 722) At this point, you are probably scratching your head in confusion.

Reading this passage is bad enough, and remembering much of it later seems impossible. However, what if we tell you that the passage is about doing your laundry? With the laundry schema in mind, try rereading the passage. It is likely to make a lot more sense than when you read it the first time, and you will remember much more of what you read.

schema Set of expectations about objects and situations.

We are more likely to remember details that are consistent with our schemas than those that are not. We will remember books in the professor’s office and brushes and canvases in the artist’s studio.

The “self” is one of the most important schemas we have for organizing our thinking. If you can think about how the material you study is reflected in your own experience, it will be much easier to remember.

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How Do We Retrieve Memories? Storing information, whether in memory or on the hard drive of a com- puter, does us little good unless we can locate and retrieve the informa- tion when we need it. Without a system of retrieval, our stored memories would be no more useful to us than a library in which books were placed on shelves at random. You might get lucky sometimes and find what you are looking for, but in most cases, the search would take so long that the information would no longer be needed.

Retrieval From Short-Term Memory

Imagine that you were told to remember the follow- ing letters for a subsequent test:

c a f h k During the test, you are shown a series of letters one at a time. If the

letter you are shown matches one on your list, you pull the “yes” lever as quickly as possible. If the letter is not on your list, you pull the “no” lever. This is exactly the type of procedure used by Saul Sternberg (1966, 1967, 1969) to investigate recall from short-term memory.

Because of the small number of items that we can hold in short-term memory, it is tempting to assume that we can bring them all up simultane- ously to perform Sternberg’s task correctly. However, this probably is not the way memory works. Sternberg varied the length of the lists of letters from one to five and found that reaction time on his task increased a con- sistent 38 msec for each additional item added to the list. In other words, if you were asked to say whether or not “h” was on your list, you would first consider “c,” then “a,” then “f,” and so on until you reached the target letter.

artlett observed that using schemas to frame

our memories can result in our adding details that improve a memory’s consistency and coher- ence. In other words, we can “remember” things that did not actually occur because they fit our

schemas. We can demonstrate this “fill in the blank” tendency in mem- ory by asking you to memorize some word lists.

Step 1: Read through both lists of words in order, and try to remember as many as you can.

List One: sheets, pillow, mattress, blanket, comfortable, room, dream, lay, chair, rest, tired, night, dark, time

List Two: door, tree, eye, song, pillow, juice, orange, radio, rain, car, sleep, cat, dream, eat

Schemas and False Memories

Experiencing Psychology

Retrieval systems help us find the information we need, whether we are searching online, looking for a book, or trying to remember something important. Organized information is always easier to find than disorganized information.

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Sternberg’s results suggest that we search through short-term memory one item at a time rather than retrieving its contents all at once.

Retrieval From Long-Term Memory

The popularity of games like Trivial Pur- suit, crossword puzzles, and television game shows highlights an interesting aspect of memory retrieval. It feels really

good when you can remember something. At the same time, most students are all too familiar with the intense feelings of frustration that accompany the inability to retrieve information. You know the answer, but it just isn’t coming to mind.

The Role of Cues Students are quite familiar with the impact of cues on the ability to retrieve information. A cue is any stimu- lus that helps you access target information. Most students find recognition tasks, such as true-false or matching exam items, relatively easy. These tasks provide very complete cues (the cor- rect information is right on the page in front of you). All you need to do is make a judgment about how well the presented information matches what is stored in memory. Compared to recognition tasks, recall tasks, such as essay exams, require an additional step. Information must be retrieved from memory and then recognized as correct. Recall tasks provide many fewer cues than recognition tasks and are typically more difficult as a result.

In addition to the amount of information provided, what makes a stimulus an effective cue for recalling a particular bit of information? The most effective cues are those we generate ourselves, a finding that provides a practical application to student life. In one experiment, one group of students wrote down three words of their choosing for every one of 600 words they were expected to learn while another group studied the same 600 words accompanied by three words for each term selected by another person (Mäntylä & Nilsson, 1988). Although recall in the second group was an excellent 55%, the students who selected their own retrieval cues remembered a remarkable 90% of the words. In a later section on improv- ing your memory, we will emphasize the benefits of incorporating your

Step 2: Without looking back at the list, write down as many words as possible from List One in any order.

Analysis: Check your list of recalled words for any that did not appear in List One. “Pillow” and “dream” appear in both lists, but “sleep” appears in

List Two only. Many people insert “sleep” into their List One responses (a false memory) because so many of the words on List One fit the sleep schema. It is unlikely that you will insert words into your recalled list that are not related to the schema of sleep. See if you can construct some

lists on your own that produce other “false memories.” We return to the issue of false memories and retrieval later in this chapter.

The popularity of memory games, like Trivial Pursuit, probably results from the rewarding feeling we get when we retrieve a sought-after memory.

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own experience when forming new memories. If you are able to put con- cepts to be learned in your own words and associate them with personal experiences, it is very likely that they will be easier to remember.

Why are cues helpful? Cues might work due to a process known as encoding specificity (Flexser & Tulving, 1978; Tulving, 1983; Tulving & Thomson, 1973). Each time you form a long-term memory, bits of informa- tion are encoded along with other important bits that were present at the same time. As a result, each memory is processed in a unique and specific way, as this exact same combination of bits is unlikely to occur together again. Any stimulus that was present and noticed during this encoding process could serve as a cue for retrieving the target memory. Because greater numbers of cues aid retrieval, the more similar your retrieval cir- cumstances are to your encoding circumstances, the more likely you are to successfully retrieve the target memory. We know from experience that if we have forgotten something, retracing our steps is the fastest way to remember what we forgot. By returning to the situation where we last pro- cessed the target information, we surround ourselves with cues that should lead to successful retrieval.

Among the bits of information that get encoded along with target memories are features of the surrounding environment, leading to context- dependent memory. You are probably familiar with advice about studying in a well-lit, quiet, professional environment in order to perform your best on exams. Duplicating your testing situation when you study should pro- vide the greatest number of retrieval cues. When participants were asked to learn lists of words in one of two distinctive rooms while either stand- ing or sitting, recall was best when participants were tested in the same room and position as when they learned the information (Greenspoon & Ranyard, 1957). As shown in Figure 9.18, scuba divers who learned words

encoding specificity Memories incorporate unique combinations of information when encoded.

Our Surroundings Are Encoded in Context-Dependent Memories. Features of our environment get encoded along with target memories. Participants learning lists of words either on land or while underwater recalled more words when tested in the same context compared to when they were tested in the opposite context. This diver might find it more difficult to retrieve information about the types of fish if tested on dry land instead of underwater. Source: Adapted from Godden and Baddeley (1975).

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either on land or underwater retrieved the most words when their encod- ing and testing circumstances were the same (Godden & Baddeley, 1975). Although these effects are small, it is still a good idea to study in a quiet classroom-like environment, which may help explain why studying in the library has remained popular through the years.

Context-dependent memory not only is relevant to retrieving declara- tive memories but also explains some of the advantages of simulation in learning new procedures, such as flying a helicopter or driving a tank. The goal of simulation technologies is to produce the most realistic training experience possible. The more similar the simulation environment is to the real thing, the more transfer of learning we might expect to see.

Context-dependent memory can extend beyond a person’s physical environment and body position to include cues from inter- nal physiological states. The most dramatic of these instances of state-dependent memory occur in response to drugs. Participants were asked to learn word lists after smoking either marijuana or a placebo cigarette (Eich, Weingartner, Stillman, & Gillan, 1975). As we discussed in our chapter on research methods, a placebo is an inactive substance that cannot be distinguished from an active substance. Once again, participants experiencing the same conditions during encoding and retrieval (marijuana–marijuana or placebo–placebo) performed the best. This finding is especially surprising given the fact that the marijuana–marijuana group outperformed the marijuana–placebo group.

In addition to drug-related internal states, mood can serve as an encoding cue. In one creative study, patients with bipolar disorder (described in our chapter on psychological disorders), whose moods swing from mania to depression, learned words in one state (mania or depression) and tried to retrieve them in either the same state (mania–mania or depression–depression) or the opposite one (mania–depression or depression–mania) (Weingartner, Miller, & Murphy, 1977). The participants were most successful when learning and retrieving occurred in the same state, whether that was mania or depression. College students were able to recall more happy events from their diaries when they were already in a happy mood (Bower, 1981). It should not be too surprising, therefore, that once people are feeling depressed, they tend to focus on their more negative memories, further reinforcing their negative moods.

The ability of a cognitive state to serve as a retrieval cue has been demonstrated by clever experiments using bilingual speakers. Russian immigrants to the United States showed bet- ter recall for episodic memories when the language used to recall the memories was the same as the language used when the memories were encoded (Marian & Neisser, 2000). Another cognitive cue, achievement motivation, has also shown context- dependent effects (Woike, Lavezzary, & Barsky, 2001). If you read stories with achievement motivation cues, your recall will be best when your own state of achievement motivation matches that of the story.

Drugs, including the caffeine in coffee, can produce strong state-dependent effects on memory. If you study while drinking coffee, taking a test without coffee is likely to make retrieval more difficult.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY432

Tip-of-the-Tongue Retrieval is not an all-or-none phenomenon. Instead, retrieval proceeds in a step-by-step manner, with each new step bringing you closer to the target. This incomplete retrieval is best illustrated by the Tip-of-the-Tongue (TOT) phenomenon. TOT is probably a very familiar experience for you. You are trying to remember a word or name, and you might retrieve another word that either starts with the same letter or has the same meaning. You know that the retrieved word is not the one you’re looking for, but you’re close.

In a classic series of experiments, more than 200 TOT experiences were induced in research partici- pants by presenting definitions of relatively rare English words (Brown & McNeill, 1966). For example, partici- pants were asked to supply a word for “a navigational instrument used in measuring angular distances, espe- cially the altitude of the sun, moon and the stars at sea.” You may be picturing the object right now, or thinking about a movie of an old salt using this instrument . . . it starts with an s . . . but most of you will have difficulty retrieving the word sextant.

Participants in these studies showed considerable evidence of partial recall during their TOT experiences. They were able to identify words that they recognized instantly, as opposed to words they did not know. Many

were able to identify the first letter and the number of syllables in the tar- get word. Incorrect words that were retrieved frequently sounded like the target, although their meanings were usually quite different. In some cases, retrieving the incorrect word appeared to block the retrieval of the correct item, but in other cases, the incorrect word served as an additional cue.

Reconstruction During Retrieval What exactly is happening when we retrieve a bit of stored information?

When retrieved, information to be used flows from long-term memory back into working memory. The computer analogy of memory sees this process as similar to opening a saved document stored on the hard drive of your computer in the active window on your desktop. However, there are some big differences between opening a file on a computer and retrieving a memory. As we mentioned previously, instead of storing and retriev- ing accurate files like a computer, the mind reconstructs a memory out of the stored bits. The mind accomplishes this task by blending retrieved information with new content currently present in working memory (Bartlett, 1932/1967). When you retrieve the target information, you are reconstructing something sensible to fit the occasion, as opposed to simply reproducing some memory trace.

In the case of either the computer or the mind, memories are prone to change. As you probably know from your own experience, any document that is currently active on the desktop can be modified. When the modi- fied document is then saved under the same filename, future retrievals will bring up the modified file, not the original one. Memory might possibly work in the same way. Once a memory is activated for use, it will interact

reconstruction The rebuilding of a memory out of stored elements.

Tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) experiences were elicited in volunteers by describing rare words in English. One of the items was the name of this weird-looking instrument this naval cadet is learning to use. Participants often are able to retrieve the first letter of the word (s) and the number of syllables (two) without necessarily retrieving the whole word (sextant), which demonstrates retrieval is not all-or-none.

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with all other data currently in working memory. Any changes that result during this activation will then be re-encoded as a new long-term memory.

As a storyteller begins, he or she discovers that certain aspects of the story provoke more of a reaction from the audience. These aspects are emphasized and perhaps exaggerated for even greater effect, and the new, more exciting story replaces the original version in long-term memory. Fish become larger, vacations are more exciting, and heroes become more heroic. When participants were asked to repeat a complicated story on several occasions, they had a tendency to simplify the story, highlight some aspects more than others, and adjust the story to fit their own world- views (Bartlett, 1932/1967). Such alterations probably form the basis of mythology. In the retelling of the adventures of Odysseus or King Arthur, accounts of the original true events are lost or hopelessly distorted.

Most of us would like to believe that our memories, especially for important life events, are relatively accurate. Elizabeth Loftus set out to evaluate the reliability of eyewitness testimony in courtroom settings and discovered that memories are rather flexible. In one experiment, partici- pants watched a video of an automobile accident and answered a number of questions about what they had seen (Loftus & Palmer, 1974). One group heard the question “How fast was the white sports car going while travel- ing along the country road?” while the other group heard the same ques- tion with a slight addition—“How fast was the white sports car going when it passed the barn while traveling along the country road?” There was no barn in the video, but when participants were asked one week later if they had seen a barn, 20% of those who had heard the barn question answered yes, while fewer than 5% of the other participants did so. One must assume that skilled attorneys are quite aware of this feature of memory and could certainly use such leading questions to the advantage of their clients (see

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Memory Reconstruction. After participants viewed a short video of an automobile accident, Loftus and Palmer (1974) asked one group, “About how fast were the cars going when they hit each other?” while a second group was asked, “About how fast were the cars going when they smashed each other?” One week later, both groups were asked if they recalled seeing glass on the road after the accident. There was no glass on the road in the video, so the correct answer was no. Hearing the word smashed instead of hit increased the likelihood that a participant would “remember” glass on the road and answer yes. Source: Adapted from Loftus and Palmer (1974).

F i g u r e 9 . 1 9

Memory, of all the powers of the mind, is the most delicate and frail. —Ben Jonson

d the questtion How fast was the white sports car going while travel- long g the coountryy road?” whiilele tthehe othherer ggrouup hheardd thee ssamame e ques-- withh a slligi htt addiition—“Howow fast was thhee whw ittee spsportsts carar goingg whenen ssed thhe barn whililee trtravelinng g along thhee counttryy roroadad??” ThThere wwas noo iinn thhe e video, bbuut whehenn particicipipanantts wwereree aaskeedd one e wweekk llataterer iiff ththeey

seeenen a barn, 20%% ooff those who had heard the barn question answered whilee ffewwer tthahan n 5%5% of the otther participants did so. One musstt assume skilledd attttorrneneysy aare quite awaware ooff ththisis ffeaeatuturre of f mememomoryy aannd cououldld inly use such leading questiionns too ththe adadvvantntaggee of thheir clientts (seeee ure 9.19).

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These findings raise two possible explanations, but do not inform us about which is more likely. The first explanation suggests we might over- write the old memory (no barn) with the new (barn), effectively erasing the original. The second explanation suggests we simply form a new memory (barn) that coexists with the old, original memory (no barn). However, deliberate efforts to change memories and then retrieve the original have been unsuccessful (Bekerian & Bowers, 1983). This does not, of course, mean that it can’t be done, but simply that it has not yet been done. How- ever, these unsuccessful efforts to retrieve original memories may shift our opinion more to the overwriting hypothesis.

If you began this psychology course believing, like many people do, that memory works like a video of life, it might surprise you to learn that this is definitely not the case. It may be quite unsettling to realize that memories are open to change and revision, and that those distinct and confident child- hood memories we cherish may be somewhat inaccurate or even flat out wrong. However, it also doesn’t make sense to think that we would evolve a system of memory that was usually wrong. Instead, fuzzy trace theory sug- gests that we use precious resources to form different types of memories based on our needs, ranging from “verbatim,” or exact, accounts to “gist,” which means we retain the general idea of events (Reyna, 2008). We use gist in situations where a relatively vague level of information is sufficient, because this is a more efficient use of resources. We use the more energy- intensive verbatim memories for situations that require very detailed, accu- rate recall, such as remembering the periodic table of the elements in your chemistry class. This system works well for us most of the time, but later in this chapter, we will see how relying on gist instead of retrieving verbatim information can lead to false memories (see Figure 9.20).

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The Use of Gist Increases With Age. Older children, with their improved language skills, use gist more effectively than younger children (Odegard, Cooper, Lampinen, Reyna, & Brainerd, 2009). When children attended birthday parties with a theme (e.g., Harry Potter or SpongeBob Squarepants), older children appeared to be able to use the theme of the party to provide gist, leading to their successful recall of more events. Younger children, however, could not remember theme-related events (magic potions at Hermione’s party) any better than generic birthday party events (blowing out candles on a cake), suggesting that forming a theme gist was not helpful. Source: Adapted from Odegard, Cooper, Lampinen, Reyna, and Brainerd

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gist in situations where a relatively vague level of information is suffic becaussee ththisis is aa momorre eefficfficientt uuse ooff reresosourcess. WWe ussee ththee mmorere eenene intenssivve verbatimm mmemmorrieies s foorr situtuaations thaatt rereqquiree vveryy detaiileed,d, aa rate rececall, such aas rememembeeriringng thehe perioioddicc taablble ofof tthhe elelemmenntss in cchemisstrtry y clclaass. ThThisis sysstetem woworrks wewellll fforor uuss mostt oof ththee titimeme, bubutt lalatt this chapter, we will see how relying on gist instead of retrieving verb informmattion can lead to false memoriess ((see Figure 9.20)0).

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

HOW DO WE RETRIEVE MEMORIES? 435

A checkpoint for the accuracy of our memories results from source monitoring (Johnson, Hashtroudi, & Lindsay, 1993). Under normal cir- cumstances, we do a good job of distinguishing between external and internal sources of information, as in “I said that” or “I thought about say- ing that.” Once again, this system works well for us most of the time, but it can produce false memories when we attribute a memory to the wrong source. For example, you might think you told your roommate you would be coming in late, but you may have only mentally reminded yourself to do so. You have mistaken an internal source of information (I thought that) with an external source (that happened).

We can also use our memories to make distinctions between fantasy and reality. When participants were asked to imagine having a conversa- tion with either former president George W. Bush or Cinderella, different patterns of brain activation occurred (Abraham, von Cramon, & Schubotz, 2008). While considering a realistic possibility (talking to George Bush), the prefrontal cortex areas associated with episodic memory processing became more active. When considering fantasy (talking to Cinderella), areas of the brain that participate in semantic processing became more active. Semantic memories are important for determining if something is logically possible. Some false memories might involve confusion between these patterns of activation, allowing the fantasy to seem real.

Retrieval of Emotional Events

Take a moment and write down the most important five events in your life last year. Do these events have anything in common with

each other? We’re willing to guess that each of the events on your list is associated with strong emotions. From an evolutionary perspective, this makes good sense. In our chapter on emotion, we argued that emo- tions provide quick guidance for approach and avoid- ance decisions. Many of our emotional experiences, while not all life-threatening, do have significance for us, and forming strong memories of these events will help us respond effectively to similar situations in the future.

Emotions, and negative emotions in particular, do not have a simple relationship with memory retrieval. In some cases, we seem to have difficulty remembering negative events, which we discuss in a later section on motivated forget- ting. Some individuals report that they can recall few if any of the details of having been sexually molested as children. In other cases, memories for negative events seem much more vivid and intrusive than other types of memories. Most adults in the United States seem to have formed a flashbulb memory of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, or an especially vivid memory including details of where they were and what they were doing when they first heard the news. Individuals diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) often experience intrusive flashbacks of the events that originally traumatized them. How do we reconcile these differences in retrieval for emotional events?

flashbulb memory An especially vivid and detailed memory of an emotional event.

People often report especially vivid episodic memories about where they were and what they were doing when they first heard news that evoked a strong emotional response, although research evidence suggests that these memories are not always as accurate as we think they are.

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otherer?? We’r’re e wiwilling to gueuess that each of the ts on youur llisist t is aassociated wwith sstrtronong ememototioonsns.

m an evolutionary perspecttivve, ththisis mmakakeses gooood e. In our chapter on emotionn, wewe argrgueued ththatat emomo-

provide quick guidance for approach and avoid-

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY436

To answer this question, we need to consider what happens to the hip- pocampus and to the amygdala during a negative emotional experience. As we have mentioned previously, the hippocampus plays an essential role in the formation of new declarative memories, whereas the amygdala helps us assess emotional situations, and negative situations in particular. The independence of these two structures in memory formation can be demonstrated by a case in which a man nearly died from being buried in the sand (Diamond, Campbell, Park, Halonen, & Zoladz, 2007). Follow- ing his rescue, the man reported feeling constantly fearful during the day and troubled by nightmares at night, but he had no idea why. His fear had been processed by his amygdala, but lack of oxygen during the event had produced damage to his hippocampus, making it impossible for him to process the declarative details of his experience. The opposite result occurs in patients with an intact hippocampus but a damaged amygdala (Cahill, Babinsky, Markowitsch, & McGaugh, 1995; Hurlemann et al., 2007). These patients show good memory for nonemotional details of a story, but do not show the typical enhanced memory for negative events in a story.

In most emotional situations, the hippocampus and amygdala will work in tandem to produce a memory that has both declarative and emotional detail. Flashbulb memories might seem extra vivid because the amygdala is even more active during memory formation than usual. Although people tend to be overconfident in the accuracy of their flashbulb memories, and even flashbulb memories appear to fade over time, retrieval of these mem- ories continues to be more accurate than other, less emotional, everyday events that occurred at about the same time (Davidson, 2008).

We start to see extremes in retrieval, such as complete failure to recall an emotional event or an intrusive, overly vivid amount of recall, when an event has been encoded during unusually high levels of stress.

Researchers have demonstrated that sudden stress produces a decrease in activity in the prefrontal cortex, which in turn impairs working memory function (Qin, Hermans, van Marle, Luo, & Fernández, 2009). High stress also initiates the release of cortisol into the blood circulation, which produces a general arousal but also specifically increases the activity of the amyg- dala (LeDoux, 1996). Very high levels of cortisol are correlated with the reporting of more false memories (Payne et al., 2007).

A further understanding of the coordinated processing of declarative and emotional aspects of memory should help us gain a better understanding of the retrieval of emotional memories.

Why Do We Forget? Now that we understand the processes involved with the formation, stor- age, and retrieval of memories, we can turn our attention to the trouble- some topic of forgetting. For students, whose job description involves committing large amounts of information to memory, an understanding of the processes leading to forgetting is the source of much practical advice for improving memory and avoiding memory failure.

Scientists are experimenting with chemicals that either block the formation of or erase existing traumatic memories (Cao et al., 2008; Pitman et al., 2002). What are the ethical implications of using these techniques with people?

even more active during memory formation than usual. Although pe tend to o bebe oovverccononfidfidennt inin thee accururacacyy ofo theeirir flashbbululb b mmemmoririeses even flflaashbulb mememomoriees aappppeaarr too ffaade over ttimime,e, rettririeeval of thhessee mm ories coontinues too bbe momore aaccccuuraatee thhanan oththerer, , leesss emomotitiononal,, eever eevents tthahat t ooccuurrrreded at ababout ththe saameme ttimime e (D(Davididsson, 2200008)8).

We start to see extremes in retrieval, such as complete failur recall ann emotional event or an intrususiive, overly vivid ama ount of r when aann evvenentt hahas bebeenn encncododeded ddururinngg ununususuaalllly hihighghhgh levels of st

ReReses archcheerss hahavve dememononststrarateedd thhaat ssududdden stress prod aa dedecrcreasese iinn acactivityty inn ththee prpreefroontntalal ccorortex, which in impairs working memory function (QQininn HeHeH rmans van M

are experimenting with that either block the formation

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY DO WE FORGET? 437

For the purposes of our discussion, we define forgetting as a decrease in the ability to remember a previously formed memory. The key here is that to “forget,” a memory has to have been formed in the first place. This definition excludes a number of instances that we have discussed previ- ously. For example, many students maintain that they “forgot” information needed for an exam, when in fact they were daydreaming during the lecture covering the material and never learned it in the first place. This example is better under- stood in terms of lack of attention and encoding failure than as an example of forgetting. Using our definition, you can’t forget something you never learned. When forgetting is the result of brain injury or disease, we usually refer to the loss of information as amnesia.

Understanding forgetting is complicated by the fact that we measure memory indirectly by looking at performance. As most students are all too aware, actual memory for a topic can be quite different than performance on an exam. Stress, illness, time pressure, and distractions can temporarily reduce our ability to recall information. When we discuss true forgetting, we are not considering the effects of these tem- porary difficulties. It would be very handy for both students and instructors if some sort of modern imaging technology would allow us to “see” whether introductory psychology had been adequately stored in the brain, but alas, this is not currently possible.

Although forgetting can be frustrating, it also has its adaptive benefits. Forgetting might provide a way to prioritize the things we should remem- ber. For example, we are often asked to change our computer passwords to maintain security. At first, this can lead to annoying competition in memory between the old and new passwords. Over time, however, the strength of the old password weakens. Functional MRI studies have shown that prefrontal areas of the brain appear to actively suppress memories that are used less frequently (Kuhl, Dudukovic, Kahn, & Wagner, 2007). By sup- pressing these lower-priority memories, we can avoid confusion and reduce the amount of work we have to do to recall higher-priority memories.

Decay Decay occurs when our ability to retrieve informa-tion we do not use fades over time. Imagine taking last term’s final exams today. How would you do? It might seem to you that the material you learned last term is gone forever, but just because you can’t retrieve something doesn’t mean the memories are lost.

A classic method of measuring the retention of material in long-term memory over time is the method of savings. This method compares the rate of learning material the first time to the rate of learning the same material a second time. It might take you 50 practice trials to learn the periodic table of elements for your chemistry class. Perhaps you don’t study chemistry again for a year or two. In a subsequent course, you once again need to memorize the table. This time, it only takes you 20 trials. The greater speed

forgetting A decrease in the ability to remember a previously formed memory.

decay Reduction in ability to retrieve rarely used information over time.

If we were never able to forget where we parked all the previous times we used this lot, finding our car today would be extremely difficult.

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actions cann tempporarily reduce our ability to recall information. When iscuss true fof rgetetting, we aree nnotot ccono sisidederiring tthehe effeectc s ofof tthehesese tem-- ry ddiifficuultiees.s It wwould be vereryy handy ffor r boboth stutudedenttss anndd instructororss me sort of moddernn iimamaging ttecchnologyy wwould aalllow w usus tto “s“seee”” whwhetheherr dduuctotory psycholology hahad beenn aadedeqquatatelelyy sts oreded in ththee braiain,n, bbutut aalalas, s s nonot currently poosssible.

Althouughgh forggettttining g can be frrusstratingg, it also has its adapptivee bbenefits. ettingg migightt pprovividde a way tto prioorirititizeze tthehe tthhingngss wewe sshohouuldd rerememem-m- For example, we are often aaskked ttoo hchanngege ourur ccommpputeer ppasssswow rddss aintain security. At first, thihiss cacan leleadad ttoo anannonoyyingg commpeettitiioon iinn

mory between the old and new passwords Over time however the

p p used this s lolott, fifindinngg ouourr cc would d bebe extreemelyy dd ffiifficu

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY438

of learning the table the second time indi- cates that you retained, or “saved,” some prior memories of the table. Using this technique, we can demonstrate that people who studied high school Spanish, but never used it later on, retained most of their memories for Span- ish vocabulary words 50 years later (Bahrick, 1984). Instead of a large amount of “forget- ting” due to the passage of time, we usually see that most of the material we learn is actually retained nearly indefinitely.

Although the idea of decay fits our everyday experience of “forgetting” quite well, most contemporary psychologists believe that the simple pas- sage of time does not do a very good job of predicting memories that are easy or difficult to retrieve (Berman, 2009). It is likely that forgetting occurs due to a combination of factors, which may or may not include decay.

Interference A significant factor in forgetting is interference, or the competition between new and older informa- tion in the memory system. The brain requires a measurable amount of time to consolidate a memory, or to produce a physical representation. In the window of time in which memories are being processed but not yet fully consolidated, they may be subject to distortion, loss, or replacement by interference from other bits of information.

How long is this window? Synaptic consolidation, the physical changes related to memory that occur at the level of the synapse, might take min- utes or hours. Memory loss usually occurs when this consolidation is inter- rupted. Individuals who experience unconsciousness as a result of a head injury rarely remember much about the immediate circumstances leading to the injury. Procedures such as general anesthesia or electroconvulsive shock therapy (ECT, described in our chapter on therapies) often produce slight memory deficits spanning a period of hours or possibly a day or two before and after treatment. Storage of memories in the cerebral cortex, might take years, during which time information can be lost or distorted (Dudai, 2004).

Interference can be demonstrated by comparing performance in a list- learning task. The more lists a participant must learn, the more difficult it becomes for the participant to remember words on the first list (Tulving & Psotka, 1971). In other words, learning new lists of words interfered with memory for the first list.

Does this mean that the first list is somehow erased from memory by the incoming information? To test this hypothesis, researchers gave partic- ipants in one experiment a little help in the form of memory cues. The lists all contained categories of items, such as types of buildings (e.g., house, barn, garage, hut). If the experimenters provided their participants with a cue in the form of the category (types of buildings), the effects of having learned additional lists were quite small. It appears that the words on the first list were maintained in memory, but that learning additional lists made them hard to retrieve.

interference Competition between newer and older information in memory.

It’s likely that the people attending this high school reunion might have forgotten the names of some of their classmates whom they hadn’t seen for 60 years.

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time to consolidate a memory, or to produce a physical representatio the windndowow of itimeme in whwhich mmemomoririeses aare beieingn proocecesssseded butut nnoo fully coconsolidateded,, ththey mmayay bee suubjbject to distotortrtioion, llooss,, or repplacaceme by intterrference frfrom othheer bbititss oof iinfnformam ttionn.

How w lolongng is ththisis wwinnddow? SSyynapptitic c coconnsololiidatioonn, ththee phphysysicalal cchaha related to memory that occur at the level of the synapse, might take utes orr hhours. Memory y loss usuallyy occcururs when this conssolidation is i ruptedd. Indiivividuduala s whwhoo exxpeperirienncece uuncncononscscioiouusnenessss aas s aaa result of a injury raarely y rremembmberr much ababouut thhe immmemeddiatte e cicirrcumstances lea to the iinjnjurury. PProroceedudureres susuch aas gegeneerral aanessththessiaia oor r electroconvu shock therapy (ECT described in our chapter on ththherrraapies) often pro

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY DO WE FORGET? 439

To make matters worse, interference can work in two directions (Underwood, 1957) (see

Figure 9.21). Let’s assume your foreign lan- guage class is assigned one list of vocabulary words to study each night. You have procras- tinated a bit on your homework, and to catch up for a quiz the next day, you now have three lists of vocabulary words to study instead of the usual single list. Our interest will be on how well you can remember the second of the three lists. If we compare your memories for the second list to those of students who studied the first list when it was assigned, we find that your perfor- mance is relatively poor. In other words, learning the first list on the same night as the second list produces proactive interference for the second list. Proactive interference refers to reduced memory for target information as a result of earlier learning.

At the same time, we can compare your memories for the second list to the performance of your classmates who studied the third list the night after they studied the second list. Again, your performance is likely to be worse. Reduced memory for target information due to subsequent learn- ing is known as retroactive interference. This is the type of interference that was demonstrated in the multiple lists study we discussed previ- ously (which you may recall unless too much retroactive interference has occurred).

Motivated Forgetting

The Internal Revenue Service reports that many more people who owe money fail to sign their tax returns than those who are due a refund. Assuming

that the failure to sign the return is not a conscious act of defiance, how can we account for this lapse in memory?

Theories of motivated forgetting, or the failure to remember or retrieve unpleasant or threatening information, suggest that the nonsign- ers are protecting themselves from further unpleasantness by “forgetting” to sign their tax forms.

Memory is a servant to our overarching goals. Retrieval, for better or worse, is often influenced by our motivations, and our motivations can distort the memories we retrieve. While not exactly forgetting in the sense of our earlier definition, moti- vated distortions of memory can be so extreme that the original information is essentially lost during the process.

In one example of the influence of motivation on recall, participants were presented with a list of choices, such as between two internships, roommates, or cars for sale, with equal numbers of corresponding posi- tive and negative features (high resale value or some rust in the case of the cars). Subsequently, they remembered the positive features associated with their ultimate choices better than the negative features (Henkel & Mather, 2007). When they were deceived into thinking they had actually chosen the other option instead (due to a friendly “reminder” from the experimenter), they continued to remember the false choice more positively. In related

motivated forgetting Failure to retrieve negative memories.

Target learning

Proactive interference

Retroactive interference

Learned first Learned last

Proactive and Retroactive Interference. If we measure recall of a target list of words, we find that it is worse both when preceded by learning another list (proactive interference) and when followed by learning another list (retroactive interference).

F i g u r e 9 . 2 1

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Advertisers definitely want you to remember their ads, yet strings of ads in a row are likely to produce significant proactive and retroactive interference effects in the minds of consumers (Burke & Skrull, 1988).

s known ass retrroactive interference. This is the type of interference was demonnstraatet d in the mmulultitiplp e liliststss studdy y we ddiscuusssseded pprevi--

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ThThe Internal Revenue Service reports that many mom re peoplple who owe money y fail to signgn tthheir tax returns thanan thoosese wwhoho aarere dueue aa refefunundd. AAsssumuminingg

the faiillure to sign the return iis not aa consccioiouus acct of dedefiancnce, hhowow canan ccount for this lapse in memmorory?y?

Theories of motivated forgetting or the failure to remember or

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY440

research, participants conveniently demonstrated less recall for ethical rules after they had been given an opportunity to cheat (Shu, Gino, & Bazerman, 2011). In our later chapter on social psychology, we will explore how these types of discrepancies between behavior and attitudes can change the attitudes themselves, not just the memories for them.

Identifying the presence of motivated forgetting can have serious prac- tical implications. Beginning in the 1970s, largely due to greater public recognition that incest was more common than previously believed, many adults began to report having been a victim of sexual abuse during child- hood. These cases represented a range of possible motivated forgetting, from suppression, in which the individual consciously remembered the incidents but had not reported them to parents or other authorities, to repression, in which the individual reported no conscious memory of the incidents until the memories were suddenly recovered during therapy or while reading a news report of a child molestation case.

Psychology as a Hub Science

How Reliable Are Eyewitnesses?

ur legal system relies very heavily on the testimony

of eyewitnesses, especially those who have nothing to gain by telling a lie. Given the flexible nature of human memory as discussed in this chapter, is the trust we place in eyewitness accounts reasonable?

Carefully controlled research by Elizabeth Loftus into the use of

eyewitness testimony (Loftus, 1979; Loftus & Palmer, 1974), along with the development of forensic DNA testing in the 1990s, seriously compromised trust in eyewitness testimony. Out of all cases in which an innocent person has been cleared of a crime due to DNA evidence, about 75% involved mistaken identification of the per- petrator by an eyewitness (Wells, Memon, & Penrod, 2006).

Psychologists have used research on eyewitness behavior to make sci- entifically based recommendations to law enforcement officials. For example, the manner in which pho- tograph lineups of possible suspects are shown to witnesses affects the likelihood of mistaken identification. In the typical procedure, witnesses view lineup photographs simultane- ously, which allows them to compare all the people and choose the per-

son who looks most similar to their memories of the perpetrator. Unfor- tunately, this procedure makes mis- taken identification more likely in the event that the real suspect does not appear in the lineup. The witness will simply choose the person who looks most like the remembered perpetra- tor. If a sequential procedure is used, in which the witness must respond “yes” or “no” to each picture before moving on to the next, mistaken identifications occur less frequently (Steblay, Dysart, Fulero, & Lindsay, 2001).

Perhaps juries could evaluate eyewitness testimony more accu- rately if they took the witness’s apparent confidence into account. In other words, a person who seems very confident about identifying a suspect might be expected to be

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RReelliiabble AAree EEyewittnnesses?

ur legaal sysystem reeliliees very heavily on the testimony f eyewitnesses, especially h thi t i b

eyyeewitnenessss ttesstiimomonyny (LoLoftus,, 19799; Looftftusus && PPalalmem rr, 1197974)), aaloong wiwith thhe development of forensic DNA testing i th 1990 i l i d

soson whwho lolookokss most similar to th memorieses off tht ee perpetrator. Un t t l ththiss d k m

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

WHY DO WE FORGET? 441

A number of psychologists studying memory suspected that not all reports of recovered memories of child abuse were true and that some might represent confabulation, or a confusion between imagined and true memories. As we mentioned earlier in this chapter, our source monitoring abilities usually prevent us from mistaking false for true memories, but the system does not perform perfectly. Under the right set of circumstances, it is relatively easy for people to believe very strongly in a memory that is simply not true.

We demonstrated in an earlier section on schemas that false recall for verbal stimuli can be produced by present- ing words that are associated by meaningfulness (e.g., bed, rest, awake). In this case, most participants form a false memory for the presentation of the word sleep (Deese, 1959). Perhaps you are thinking that memorizing strings of words in a laboratory has little relevance to the experience of traumatized victims of child abuse. Elizabeth Loftus, whom we met earlier in our discussion of memory reconstruction, addressed that concern by demonstrating that much more complex false memories were rather easy to implant in her participants. Loftus (2003) described how imagining an event had happened or even just reading the testimonials of witnesses could increase a person’s confidence that a false event had actu- ally occurred. Most persuasive of all is the use of photographs. When a real family photo was superimposed on a hot air balloon, 50% of participants

Elizabeth Loftus (2003) demonstrated that it was relatively easy to implant a false memory in her participants of having taken a hot air balloon ride during childhood.

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more accurate than a witness with less confidence. Unfortunately, such an appealing idea has major flaws. Even witnesses who express a 95% confidence in their judgment (expecting to be wrong only 5% of the time) are correct only 70 to 75% of the time (Brewer, Keast, & Rish- worth, 2002). In addition, witness confidence can be easily manipulated by feedback that confirms an iden- tification. Simply telling witnesses, “Good, you identified the suspect,” retroactively changes the witnesses’ recollections of how confident they were about an original identification, how good a view they had of the per- petrator and events, and how much attention they paid to the suspect’s face during the crime (Wells & Brad- field, 1998).

Special consideration must be given to cases in which the eyewit- ness is a child. An understanding of children’s memory development is

critical for evaluating the child’s abil- ity to serve as a witness to a crime. Some data indicate that children’s memories for significant events, like a trip to an emergency room, are quite reliable as long as four to five years later (Peterson & Whalen, 2001). On the other hand, young children are accustomed to pleasing adults with their answers and are more suggestible than adolescents and adults. Fortunately, understand- ing the strengths and limitations of children’s memory systems has allowed experts to develop meth- ods for obtaining the most accurate reports possible from child witnesses (Bruck & Ceci, 2009).

Further improvements should accompany the development of new, more reliable measures of recogni- tion, such as brain imaging, reaction time, rapid presentation of faces, and analyses of eyewitness eye move- ments (Wells et al., 2006).

The traditional lineup used in the criminal justice system is very likely to produce a mistaken identification when the real perpetrator is not included. The witness simply picks the most similar person. Psychologists have shown that giving “yes” or “no” answers to one photo at a time reduces the risk of a mistaken identification.

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esses couldd incrrease a persons confidence that a false event had actu- occurred. MMost ppersuasive of alall l isis ttheh usese oof phhototograaphp s. WWhehen n a realal ly pphhoto wass supuperimposed d oon a hot airir bballooonon, 500%% ofof pparticipantntss

accuratatee than aa wwitness with onfideence.. Unnffortunatately, an appepealinng ideaa hhaas major Even witnesses who express confidence in their judgment cting to be wrong only 5% of

critical for evaluating the child’s ababil- ity toto serervee aas aa witntnesesss toto aa ccrir meme. . Soomeme ddatta inindidicaatee tthat chchildreen’ss mememomoririese foror ssiggnificficant evenntss, like a trip to an emergency room, are quite reliable as long as four to

F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY442

long-term potentiation (LTP) The enhancement of communication between two neurons resulting from their synchronous activation.

Learning Changes Neural Structure. Neurons have smaller numbers of axon terminals following habituation, but larger numbers following sensitization (Bailey & Chen, 1983).

F i g u r e 9 . 2 2

Axon terminal of sensory neuron

Dendrite of motor neuron

Normal Long-term habituation

Long-term sensitization

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“remembered” the ride, including details about how old they had been at the time and the fact that the photo was taken by a particular person.

Until we understand more about the nature of confabulation, a cautious approach to repressed memories is probably the best course of action. We can neither prove nor disprove these memories without additional evi- dence, so any therapy should be aimed at relieving distressing symptoms without reference to their source.

What Is the Biology of Memory? In our previous discussions of working and long-term memory, we out- lined some of the brain areas believed to coordinate those processes. In this section, we will zoom in for a closer look to see how the brain in general appears to manage memory at the cellular and biochemical levels.

Memory at the Level of the Synapse

Forming new memories requires changes in the connections neurons make with one another at the synapse, or synaptic consolidation. You might find it strange to think that such a process is going on in

your own brain as you read this chapter. Eric Kandel and his colleagues have demonstrated persistent changes

in the strength of synapses responsible for several types of learning in the sea slug, including classical conditioning (Antonov, Antonova, Kandel, & Hawkins, 2003; Brunelli, Castellucci, & Kandel, 1976; Carew & Kandel, 1973). In addition to changes in synaptic strength, it appears that learning stimu- lates a cascade of gene expression, which in turn produces the long-term structural changes in neurons that represent memories. The number of axon terminals increases following sensitization and decreases following habitua- tion (Bailey & Chen, 1983). These observations are consistent with the behav- ior observed in each case—lower levels of responses to stimuli in habituation and higher levels of responses to stimuli in sensitization (see Figure 9.22).

One of the major processes responsible for change at the synaptic level during learning is long-term potentiation, or LTP, which enhances

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WHAT IS THE BIOLOGY OF MEMORY? 443

Baseline Stimulation 1 week later

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Long-Term Potentiation (LTP). Long-term potentiation (LTP) can be demonstrated by applying a series of electrical pulses (center) and observing the increased reactions of cells receiving input (right) compared to their previous baseline (left). LTP shares many features with memory, such as being long-lasting and formed after a very brief exposure to stimuli.

F i g u r e 9 . 2 3

Acetylcholine and Memory. Research on honeybees has implicated the neurotransmitter acetylcholine (ACh) in the formation of new memories. Honeybees that were allowed to forage (forming new memories about the location of food) and those trapped in a hive yet given drugs that promote ACh activity showed the same amount of structural growth in their nervous systems (Weinberger, 2006).

F i g u r e 9 . 2 4

communication between two neurons. This phenomenon can be demonstrated experi- mentally by applying a rapid series of elec- tric pulses to one area of the nervous system and observing the increased reactions of cells receiving input from that area (Bliss & Lømo, 1973) (see Figure 9.23). Results from dem- onstrations of LTP suggest that the relatively simultaneous activation of a neuron sending information and the neuron receiving this information produces changes that make the synapse more efficient. LTP shares many fea- tures with memory, which makes it an attrac- tive candidate for being one of the processes underlying memory phenomena. LTP lasts a very long time, possibly indefinitely, which is similar to our thinking about long-term memories. Second, both memories and LTP can be formed after only very brief exposure to stimuli.

Biochemistry and Memory

Psychologists have long suspected that the neurotransmitter ace- tylcholine (ACh), discussed in

our chapter on biological psychology, plays an impor- tant role in memory and attention. Evidence for acetyl- choline’s role in memory takes many different and interesting forms.

Drugs that inhibit systems using ACh as a major neurotransmitter typically interfere with memory formation (Atri et al., 2004). Patients with Alzheimer’s disease, which is characterized by severe memory deficits, typically show degeneration of neural cir- cuits that use ACh. Medications prescribed to reduce the symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease typically boost ACh activity (Holzgrabe, Kapkova, Alptuzun, Scheiber, & Kugelmann, 2007). Elderly rats that performed well in a maze had higher levels of ACh synthesis than their less capable peers (Zyzak, Otto, Eichenbaum, & Gallagher, 1995). Finally, honeybees treated with drugs that interfere with the breakdown of ACh learn faster than untreated bees (Shapira, Thompson, Soreq, & Robinson, 2001) (see Figure 9.24).

Researchers are also interested in the role of the neu- rotransmitter glutamate in memory formation. One type of glutamate receptor, known as the NMDA receptor, is a prime candidate for learning-related changes such as those observed in long-term potentiation (LTP) (Qiu & Knopfel, 2007). Not too surprisingly, chemicals that enhance the activity of glutamate receptors have been shown to boost memory formation in rats (Balschuna, Zuschrattera, & Wetzel, 2006). Similar compounds are being tested for possible use in treat- ing Alzheimer’s disease.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY444

How Can We Improve Memory? Most college students by definition have very good memory skills—this is an essential component of academic success, and those who lack these skills generally do not end up in higher education. However, we can always improve, and the observations made by psychologists studying memory provide many practical suggestions.

We have already discussed several lines of research that have practical implications for improved memory. The structure of long-term memory implies that organized material will be easier to remember than disor- ganized material. Elaborative rehearsal, especially when you can connect material to your own experience, anchors new material in your existing memory stores and makes it easier to retrieve. The effects of state, mood, and context on retrieval suggest that studying in circumstances that are most similar to those where you will retrieve your memories will give you the best outcome.

In addition to these basic suggestions, we would like to offer a few more tips that might be especially useful, both during and after your college experience.

Distribute Practice Over Time

Psychology professors will never give up trying to convince students that cramming is a terrible mem- ory strategy. Persistent faith in cramming is surpris- ing, given that we all know that concert pianists and

basketball players are better off practicing an hour a day each day for a week than practicing six hours straight the night before a performance. The mind works in similar ways whether it learns to play basketball or whether it learns the periodic table of elements, so the same learning strategies should work in either case.

Nearly all forms of learning show evidence of an advantage of distrib- uted practice (practice spread out over time) as opposed to massed practice

Most of us realize that the best way to improve our music or athletic skills is to practice every day (distributed practice). We would think it very odd if an athlete or musician crammed practice in the night before a game or performance (massed practice). The same advantage of distributed over massed practice holds for academic work, too, but unfortunately, that fact does not deter some students from cramming for exams.

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HOW CAN WE IMPROVE MEMORY? 445

(practice condensed to a short period of time) (Russo & Mammarella, 2002). In other words, spacing the input of information to the brain over time produces better memory than cramming. Whether we are discussing the learning of classically conditioned responses by sea slugs or the learn- ing of complex semantic information by college students, the advantage of distributing learning over time is a constant. By giving the brain more time to consolidate each memory, less is likely to be lost to interference.

Take Tests We usually think about tests as measuring a stu-dent’s ability to retrieve memories, but test-taking is actually a powerful tool for forming memories, too (Roediger & Butler, 2011). In fact, research demonstrates that test-taking produces superior long-term memory when compared with repeated studying of material. In addition, test-taking improved partici- pants’ ability to think about learned material with greater flexi- bility and to apply material to new situations.

We are not advocating that you abandon reviewing your textbook and lecture notes, but we do hope you will take advan- tage of the online testing opportunities that accompany this textbook.

Sleep Initially, many psychologists believed that the positive role of sleep in memory formation resulted from a lack of interference. If you learned something right before going to sleep, no further information would enter the system to cause interference. More sophisticated research, however, has demonstrated that sleep plays an active role in the consolida- tion of memories. Changes related to memory that occur in the brain dur- ing sleep might be different than the changes that occur when we learn something while awake. Wakeful learning might serve to strengthen new connections, but sleep-related processing might reorganize existing mem- ories to accommodate new information (Stickgold & Walker, 2007).

Declarative and procedural memories appear to be stronger following a period of non-rapid eye movement sleep (N-REM; see our chapter on con- sciousness) (Gais & Born, 2004; Smith & Fazekas, 1997). Other research has indicated that rapid eye movement (REM) sleep benefits the retention of highly emotional material (Wagner, Fischer, & Born, 2002; Wagner, Gais, & Born, 2001). Further research is needed to provide a clearer picture of the relationship between different phases of sleep and the formation of different types of memories. Nonetheless, we can say with confidence that students who pull “all-nighters” are not doing their memory systems a favor. In one experiment, staying up all night produced very poor memory for a previous task, and two additional nights of adequate sleep did not compen- sate for the original deprivation (Stickgold, James, & Hobson, 2000).

Recite Most students recognize that a certain number of rehearsals of reading and lecture notes are required for success on exams. One of the traps in a dependence on rehearsal is that we can easily mistake the ease with which we cover familiar material for

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY446

actually knowing the material. Just because you can read some- thing doesn’t mean you “know” it.

A somewhat more efficient method is recitation, or the ver- balizing of the material to be learned in your own words. Recita- tion takes advantage of a general superiority for self-referential information. Participants who processed words in reference to themselves (e.g., “Does the word ‘honest’ describe you?”) are more likely to remember the word honest than are participants who processed the definition of the words (e.g., “Does ‘hon- est’ mean the same thing as ‘trustworthy’?”) (Rogers, Kuiper, & Kirker, 1977). This result has obvious relevance for students wishing to improve their memories. If you can think about the

information you are trying to learn in self-referential ways (“This example of episodic memories in my textbook reminds me of something that hap- pened to me the other day”), your memory for the information will be enhanced. By putting information in your own words, you make it more relevant to yourself.

Recitation is still used as a classroom technique in very small classes, but you can duplicate this process on your own. After you have a reason- able grasp of the material, try talking about it. The most significant benefit of recitation is that you quickly realize what you do not understand when you try to explain the material to someone else. Most of us with classroom teaching experience are well aware of this phenomenon. You can think that you understand something, but when you try to explain it, it just doesn’t come out right. This is a signal that more work on the topic is needed.

Use Mnemonics The early Greeks devised a number of methods, known as mnemonics, for improving memory. Mnemonic devices expand memory capacity by linking the material to be remembered to information that is relatively effortless to retrieve. The “first letter” approach takes advantage of chunking. You condense a large amount of information into an acronym. For example, the four types of processes in working memory start with the letters P, V, C, and E, for phonological, visuospatial, control, and episodic.

Even more effective is the use of first letters to make some type of phrase or sentence. This approach allows you to recall lists of items that must be in a correct order.

For example, it is easy to remember the 12 pairs of cranial nerves in the proper order if you use this sentence: On old Olympus’ towering top a Fin and German viewed some hops (olfactory, optic, occulomotor, trochlear, trigeminal, abducens, facial, vestibulocochlear, glossopharyngeal, vagus,

mnemonics Memory aids that link new information to well-known information.

Putting information you need to remember in your own words is a very effective memory strategy. Recitation takes advantage of our tendency to remember things better when they’re associated with the self. If they are your words, you will remember them.

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HOW CAN WE IMPROVE MEMORY? 447

spinal accessory, and hypoglossal). Perhaps easy is not the correct word, but at least recall should be easier. Many similar mnemonic devices take advantage of the ease of remembering rhymes (“one is a bun, two is a shoe”) or even use your body (counting on your fingers).

One of the classic Greek techniques was the method of loci, or places. This technique is particularly handy when you are trying to memorize a list of items in order, such as the planets in our solar system or the cranial nerves. The method takes advantage of the fact that we form excellent rep- resentations of visual images in memory. You begin by imagining a familiar place, perhaps your childhood home. As you imagine yourself walking through your home, you visualize each item in a particular location. If you wish to remember your grocery list (although writing the items down is probably much easier), you might imagine a carton of eggs on the little table in your entry, a loaf of bread on the sofa, a box of cereal on the tele- vision, and so on. To recall your list, all you need to do is to take another imaginary walk through your house, recalling the items you placed as you go. If all goes well, you should remember all your items in the correct order.

This technique may sound like a lot of work, but it can be very effective. One of us had a colleague in graduate school who performed so perfectly on her neuroanatomy exams that her professors actually accused her of cheating. She related to them how she had been taught the method of loci as a childhood game and had practiced the technique throughout her aca- demic career. After they posed several difficult lists to her, all of which she recalled perfectly, they were convinced of her honesty.

The ancient Greek mnemonic device, the method of loci, takes advantage of our superior memory for visual images of familiar places. Although the method involves consciously imagining things in a particular place, we often use location as a memory aid less consciously. You are probably familiar with the layout of your favorite grocery store and use that mental image to guide your memories for the food you need to purchase. If the store reorganizes its layout between trips, you might forget something.

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Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY448

Interpersonal Relationships From the Perspective of Memory Shared memories are a characteristic of close relationships. You may know people in close relationships who seem to know intuitively what the other is thinking, perhaps even finishing the partner’s sentences. According to a theory of transactive memory, couples in long-term relationships also develop a division of labor in regard to memory, where each partner knows certain things, but also knows what information can be retrieved from the partner if needed (Wegner, 1986; Wegner, Giuliano, & Hertel, 1985). For example, one partner might not keep track of where candles are stored in the house, but knows that the other partner does know where the candles are and can be called upon to provide that knowledge in the event of an emergency.

How do couples develop systems like this? Three major strategies have been identified (Wegner, Erber, & Raymond, 1991). First, one part- ner can explicitly agree to take on an area of expertise, such as managing the household finances. Second, as people get to know each other better through self-disclosure, they also learn about each other’s relative areas of

Summary 9.3 Types of Forgetting

Type of forgetting Features Assessment

Decay

Reduced ability to retrieve infrequently used material over time

Assessed using savings technique

Interference

Target learning

Proactive interference

Retroactive interference

Learned first Learned last

Competition between newer and older information in the memory system

Assessed by comparing performance in a list-learning task

Motivated forgetting Failure to retrieve negative information Comparison of recall for memories associated with positive or negative emotions

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INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF MEMORY 449

knowledge and expertise. One partner might have an interest in computer science, while the other thinks that computers work by magic. If something goes wrong, the second person will turn to the first. Finally, couples learn about their partner’s access to information. If you know that your partner discussed holiday plans with your families, you are likely to assume that your partner knows more about your holiday options than you do.

From an evolutionary standpoint, what are the advantages of working out this division of memory labor? One major advantage of this type of transactive memory is that a couple working well together has access to far more knowledge than either individual could manage separately. We can also assume that the convenience of these systems, in contrast to managing knowledge individually, would contribute to further bonding. Transactive memory is negotiated over long periods of time between each couple in ways that are unique and not interchangeable with others.

More recently, the concept of transactive memory has been extended from intimate couples to larger groups (Peltokorpi, 2008). In the context of larger groups, transactive memory contributes to group cognition, or infor- mation processing that differs from individual cognition. As in the case of intimate couples, transactive memory contributes to the group’s ability to manage more information than any one individual could be expected to do in an efficient manner based on the relevant specialties of the individuals making up the group.

Whether transactive memory takes place at the couple or large organi- zational level, it takes time to develop. People beginning a new relationship can expect some miscommunications and misunderstandings (and over- due bills and lost candles) until their transactive memory system begins to take shape.

People in close relationships form transactive memories, or a division of labor for remembering certain things. She might remember how to do certain home repair tasks, and he might remember others. Together, they have access to far more information than either individual could manage separately.

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Chapter Reflections

Chapter 9 | THE KNOWING MIND: MEMORY

At the beginning of this chapter, we argued that memory meant so much more than the ability to succeed on exams. The people you have met in this chapter with various memory deficits have illustrated some of the memory functions we usually take for granted. Henry Molaison was trapped in time, unable to learn much of anything that occurred in his life after his surgery when he was 27 years old. Patient K.F. has good long-term memories, but cannot remember more than one or two digits at a time. The man who was nearly buried alive in sand experiences nearly constant fear, but cannot remember the accident that made him feel that way. Patients with prefrontal cortex damage can learn how to sort cards according to a rule, but have tremendous difficulty switching to a new rule. Still other patients with Huntington’s disease and Parkinson’s disease, both of which damage the basal ganglia, struggle to learn new skills and procedures. More globally, patients with Alzheimer’s disease experience a progressive decline in all memory functions, to the point where they no longer recognize their loved ones and possibly even themselves. As we have zoomed in for a close-up look at the structures of the brain correlated with memory functions, even to the level of a single synapse, and back out again to individual memory capacities and farther still to group cognition, we have seen how memory connects time, general knowledge, skilled patterns of behavior, emotion, and a sense of self to provide us with the remarkable advantage of being able to use the past to understand the present and predict the future. <

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CHAPTER REFLECTIONS

KEY TERMS The Language of Psychological Science Be sure you can define these terms and use them correctly. autobiographical memory, p. 414 chunking, p. 406 cue, p. 429 decay, p. 437 declarative memory, p. 413 encoding, p. 399 encoding specificity, p. 430 episodic memory, p. 414 explicit memory, p. 413 flashbulb memory, p. 435 forgetting, p. 437

implicit memory, p. 413 information processing, p. 399 interference, p. 438 levels of processing, p. 409 long-term memory (LTM), p. 408 long-term potentiation (LTP), p. 442 memory, p. 399 mnemonics, p. 446 motivated forgetting, p. 439 nondeclarative memory, p. 413 priming, p. 416

procedural memory, p. 416 reconstruction, p. 432 rehearsal, p. 404 retrieval, p. 400 schema, p. 427 semantic memory, p. 413 sensory memory, p. 402 short-term memory (STM), p. 403 spreading activation model, p. 425 storage, p. 400 working memory, p. 406

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