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CAN WE GET HAPPIER THAN WE ARE?

Ruut Veenhoven

I. Brdar (ed.). The Human Pursuit of Well-Being: A Cultural Approach,

ISBN: 978-94-0071374-1. © Springer Science, 2011, New York, pp. 3-38.

1 INTRODUCTION

What is the final goal of public policy? Jeremy Bentham (1789/1970) would say:

greater happiness for a greater number. He thought of happiness as subjective

enjoyment of life; in his words, it is "the sum of pleasures and pains." In his time,

the happiness could not be measured. It was, therefore, difficult to assess how happiness

could be furthered and to determine whether attempts to do so were successful or not.

Hence, happiness remained a subject of philosophical speculation.

Today, we can do better. Social scientists have found that happiness can be mea-

sured using questions about life-satisfaction, and they have gone on to apply such

questions in large-scale surveys of general population worldwide. In this paper I take

stock of their findings.

2 HOW HAPPY ARE WE?

Most inhabitants of modern society are happy. This is seen from their responses to the

question: "All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole

nowadays? Please indicate using a number from 0 to 10. where 0 is "extremely dis-

satisfied' and 10 'extremely satisfied'." The responses to this question in Germany are

depicted in Fig. 1.1. More than 50% of the Germans rate their life at seven or higher

and fewer than 15% of Germans rate their lives at five or below five. Studies that use

slightly different questions have yielded similar results. The average "school mark"

3 GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?

Can public policy create greater happiness? Several scientists think not. Some

psychologists maintain that happiness is largely inborn or at least embedded in stable

personality. Hence, a better society will not yield happier citizens, This view is known

as the "set point" theory (Lykken, 1999). Some sociologists draw the same conclusion,

because they think happiness depends on social comparison and that one is not better

off than the neighbors if conditions for everybody improve. In this vein, the case of the

USA is often mentioned as an example: material wealth would have doubled there

since the 1950s, while average happiness seems to have remained at the same level

(Easterlin, 1995). These scientists are wrong, both empirically and theoretically.

Empirical Indications

There is a clear relation between average happiness and societal quality. Think of the

case of Zimbabwe in Fig. 1.1. where this country is at the bottom with an average of

3.3. Apparently, people cannot live happily in a failed state, even if their neighbors

suffer in a similar way. The correlations in Table 1.2 show that this is no exception;

differences in quality of society explain about 80% of the variation in average

happiness in the present day world.

Average happiness has changed in most nations and typically for the better

(Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Figure 1.2 depicts a gradual rise of happiness in

Denmark over the last 30 years and a dramatic fall in average happiness in Russia,

following the Ruble Crisis of 1995. Clearly, happiness is not fixed to a set point!

Figure 1.2 also shows that greater happiness is possible in most nations of the world.

Average happiness is currently highest in Denmark, with an average of 8.2. What is

possible in Denmark should also be possible in other countries. We cannot object that

Danish happiness is a matter of genetic endowment or national character, because Fig.

1.2 shows that happiness has improved in Denmark since 1973.

Present-day happiness in Denmark may be close to the maximally possible level. If

so. there is still a long way to go for most nations of this world, since the world's

average happiness is now about 5.5. If we ever reached the maximum of average

happiness, there is still the possibility to extend the duration of our happiness and

create more happy life years for a greater number (Veenhoven. 2005).

Theoretical Underpinning

The erroneous idea that greater happiness is not possible has its roots in erroneous

theories about the nature of happiness. One of these mistaken theories is that happi-

ness is merely a matter of outlook on life and that this outlook is set in fixed disposi-

tions, which are part of an individuals' personality as well as of their national character.

Another faulty theory is that happiness results from cognitive comparison, in particular

from social comparison. Elsewhere, I have shown that these theories are wrong

(Veenhoven, 1991, 1995).

My alternative theory of happiness holds that we appraise life on the basis of

affective information in the first place. We experience positive as well as negative

affects, and in appraising how much we like the life we live, we assess to what extent

the former outbalances the latter. This theory fits Bentham's concept of happiness as

"the sum of pleasures and pains." In my view, positive and negative affects signal the

gratification of basic human needs, so in the end, happiness is determined by need

gratification. Elsewhere, I have discussed this theory in more detail (Veenhoven.

2009).

Ruut Veenhoven

2

Can we get happier than we are?

How to have a happy and productive office

The founder and CEO of Happy, the training company, explains the secret to creating a happy office.

by Henry Stewart

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Published: 01 Feb 2012

 

Last Updated: 30 Aug 2020

Some six years ago, the restaurant chain Nandos carried out research to find out why sales at some of its restaurants grew faster than at others. After detailed analysis, the company concluded that one factor explained the difference: how happy the staff were, as measured in the firm's annual staff survey. Of course, Nandos still wanted to maximise growth and profits. But the way to achieve this aim, it decided, was not to concentrate directly on those elements but instead to target the underlying factor of employee contentment. It changed the managers' bonus structure so that it was 50% based on their achieving staff engagement. The message for them was: 'Your key focus should be on making your staff happy.'

A similar story is told by David Smith, who as 'people director' was head of personnel management at Asda from 1994 to 2009. At its low point in 1990, Asda had found itself just 10 days away from bankruptcy. But by 2002, it was rated by the Sunday Times as the best place to work in the UK. Today it has 170,000 employees and annual sales of £18bn. How did Asda achieve this? According to Smith, it was by focusing on its people. 'We had 360 separate P&Ls and I have done the calculations,' he explains. 'There is an absolute positive correlation between staff engagement and profitability. If a branch can achieve an engagement level of 94%, I guarantee that the profits will grow exponentially.'

Check out the evidence

The Nandos and Asda examples are backed up by academic evidence. Alex Edmans of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania analysed the results of investing in the companies named in the Great Place to Work listings over the past 25 years. In his paper, 'Does the Stock Market Fully Value Intangibles?', he claims that an investment strategy of changing the portfolio each year in response to the latest list would have delivered 3.5% more per year than a comparable stock market investment from 1984 to 2009.

So, whereas an investment that tracked the stock market produced a fund of £100,000, a strategy based on the best workplaces would have produced a return of £236,000.

The evidence is clear. A happy workplace, where staff feel engaged and valued, is a more productive workplace and leads to greater financial success. So how do you create a happy workplace? Happy, the London-based training business I founded and still run, has been rated in the top 20 workplaces in the UK for five successive years in the Financial Times/Great Place to Work Institute list. We now work with a wide range of organisations to help them create happier and more productive work environments. From our own experience and this work with others, we have come to 10 key principles that we have found can transform an organisation. (See below).

Learn to trust your people and let them get on with the job

Our core belief is that people work best when they feel good about themselves. Most of us agree with that statement. What then should be the main focus of management? If the statement is true, then surely the main focus should be making your people feel good, valued and motivated. I like to ask people how their workplace would be different if that were the main focus of management. Most respond that it would not only be more enjoyable but that it would be easier to get things done, and be more productive. Just think about it. How would your workplace be different?

When are you most productive? I have asked thousands of people to look at their own experience and consider when they worked at their absolute best. They were asked what characterised that time. For a very few, it was at a time when they were particularly well paid. For some, it was a time when communication was strong from management. But for nearly everybody, it was a time when they were challenged but also trusted and given the freedom to do things their way.

In survey after survey, we have found that the biggest complaint people have at work is of micromanagement and not being trusted to do the job. It makes people unhappy and less productive than they could be. A key element of great management is about getting out of the way and letting people get the job done.

Stop approving things

Here is a way you can put this into practice now. It is likely, as a manager, that you ask an individual or group of people to solve problems or come up with new solutions and then bring back proposals for your approval. Instead, try pre-approval. Agree what is to be achieved, what the budget will be and on who needs to be consulted, and then pre-approve the individual or group to put the idea into practice without asking you first.

I received an email from one of our freelance trainers to thank me for three things we'd recently changed that made life easier for her. As I read the examples, a couple of things struck me. First, I had not been aware that these changes had been made. Second, I realised that, if they had gone across my desk for approval, I would have rejected at least two of the three proposals.

I had originally set up most of the systems for training here at Happy. These were all my ways of doing things and, like most managers, I had a natural resistance to changing the methods I had devised. Once a proposal is on my desk it is hard to ignore it and especially difficult to resist the temptation to 'improve' it. Be honest now: how have you felt when one of your ideas or proposals has been 'improved' by your manager?

I realised the only way to ensure you don't get in the way of perfectly good proposals - and I recommend it to you - is to make sure new ideas don't have to go across your desk for approval. The first step to increasing innovation in most organisations is to remove the levels of approval needed to do something new. If this sounds challenging, start with small things and work your way up.

Give your team clear guidelines

The idea is not to give people complete freedom. In the organisations we've worked with, the message from staff is clear: 'Give us clear guidelines and then give us freedom to work within them.' We call it job ownership. We agree principles to work within: 'Don't tell when you can ask' is a crucial one for our trainers. Agree the targets to achieve and then step out of the detail. This approach is about expecting the highest standards and holding people absolutely accountable for their achievement.

Our core business, Happy Computers, provides IT training and I believe has the highest standards in the sector. We've been rated in the top two in our industry awards in five of the past six years. It is the freedom we have given our people, within clear guidelines, that has achieved that level of quality.

Promote those who are good at managing people

I often say that our most radical belief about management at Happy is that people should be chosen to manage on the basis of how good they are at it. Too often, people are promoted to be managers on the basis of how good they are at their core job or how long they have been in the post.

Imagine you have a great programmer in your IT department. She has been there for 10 years and does consistently good work. What will happen to her? It is likely she will one day be promoted to programming manager. The fact that she is a great coder will apparently mean that she is great at supporting and coaching people. That wouldn't happen at companies like Microsoft or Google. They make sure their great programmers are well paid. They will involve them in key decisions and make sure they feel valued. But they won't put them in charge of other people unless that is something they are really good at.

If you ask a group of managers whether they enjoy managing people, you will get two sets of responses. Some will say that they love it - it is what motivates them to come to work. But others give a different response. They are good at the core job but they don't feel they are great at managing people, and indeed it often causes them great stress. Play to your employees' strengths, and find a way to get the latter group out of managing people - it will be liberating for them and for those who manage.

Let people choose their managers

Imagine that one of your most valued colleagues comes to you and says: 'I love my job. I love the people I work with. I am even happy with what I am being paid. But I can't stand my manager.' If the problem can't be resolved then it's likely that he or she will leave. A study by the Chartered Management Institute in 2009 found that 47% of respondents left their last role because they were badly managed and that 49% would be prepared to take a pay cut if it meant working with a better manager.

At Happy, we can solve it in about five minutes. We simply ask people who they would like as their manager. Given how important a manager is to getting the most out of others, we let people choose theirs. This isn't common but Happy is not alone in this approach.

WL Gore, the multibillion company behind Gore-Tex, also lets people choose their managers, arguing that 'if you want to be a leader, you'd better find some followers'.

Other key factors to a happy workplace include a no-blame culture, a good work/life balance, transparency and a genuine commitment to the wider community. I like to think about the question I first heard posed by Professor Julian Birkinshaw of the London Business School: 'What would management look like if it were designed by the people who are managed?' I believe it would look something like what I've described here. And we have found that applying these principles across many organisations we have worked with creates happier and more productive workplaces.

TEN STEPS TO A HAPPY WORKPLACE

Guiding principles of the Happy Manifesto

1. Trust your team. Step out of approval. Instead, pre-approve and focus on supporting your people.

2. Make your people feel good. Make this the focus of management.

3. Give freedom within clear guidelines. People want to know what is expected of them. But they want freedom to find the best way to achieve their goals.

4. Be open and transparent. More information means more people can take responsibility.

5. Recruit for attitude, train for skill. Instead of qualifications and experience, recruit on attitude and potential ability.

6. Celebrate mistakes. Create a truly no-blame culture.

7. Community: create mutual benefit. Have a positive impact on the world and build your organisation too.

8. Love work, get a life. The world, and your job, needs you well rested, well nourished and well supported.

9. Select managers who are good at managing. Make sure your people are supported by somebody who is good at doing that, and find other routes for those whose strengths lie elsewhere. Even better, allow people to choose their own managers.

10. Play to your strengths - make sure your people spend most of their time doing what they are best at.

- The Happy Manifesto by Henry Stewart is available from www.amazon.co.uk. Or contact Happy directly on [email protected] for a copy.

4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS BE RAISED?

Apparently, greater happiness for a greater number is possible. How can this be

achieved? I see possibilities at three levels: (1) at the macro-level of society. (2) at the

meso-level of organizations, (3) at the micro-level of individual citizens.

4.1 Macro-level: Improving the livability of society

Happiness also depends on the quality of the wider society. As we have seen in Table

1.1, there are wide differences in happiness across nations, and these differences are

clearly linked to societal qualities, some of which are presented in Table 1.2.

Will further economic growth make us happier? Table 1.2 suggests so. because

happiness is strongly correlated with the wealth of the nation. Yet. material affluence

appears to be subject to the law of diminishing return, and economic growth yields

more happiness in poor nations than in rich nations. This is not to say that economic

development does not add to happiness at all in rich nations. Happiness is still on the

rise in affluent nations, and it is well possible that this rise is linked to economic

growth, directly or indirectly. We simply do not know what the underlying links are, as

yet.

Still another reason to keep the economy going is that the "playing" may be as

important as the prizes. Happiness is not only found in consumption, it is also found in

productive activity. Like most animals, we have an innate need to use our potentials.

The biological function of this need is to keep us sharp, in the human case, in

particular, to keep the brain in shape. The human species evolved under the conditions

of a hunter-gatherer existence that involved a lot of challenge. In today's conditions, as

an industrial society, we still need some challenges and most of us find them mainly in

our work life. In this perspective, we belter not follow Layard's (2005) advice to

discourage economic competition, though there is a point in keeping the competition

nice and leaving room for other arenas in society.

The data in Table 1.2 do not suggest that a reduction of income differences will add

to happiness; the zero-order correlation is close to zero, and when the wealth of the

nation is taken into account, we even see a positive effect of income inequality.

Though income inequality may be unfair, we can apparently live with it. Likewise, the

data do not suggest that happiness can be advanced by increasing the offerings of a

welfare state. At first sight, (here is some correlation between expenditures for social

security and happiness in nations, but the statistical relationship disappears when we

take into account that big spending nations tend to be richer. For instance, happiness is

fairly high in Sweden, and Sweden is known for its extended welfare stale; yet. it is

equally high in Iceland, which scores equally high and spends much less on social

security (Veenhoven, 2000; Ouweneel, 2002).

The greatest gains seem to be possible in the realms of freedom and justice. Good

governance also appears to contribute much to average happiness in nations,

irrespective of the political color of the parties in the saddle.

4.2 Meso-level: Improving the livability of institutions

Another source of happiness is the institutional settings in which we spend most of our

time, such as at work or at school. Systematic improvements in those realms will

probably add to the average happiness of a nation.

This requires that we know which settings produce the most happiness, for example,

determine the kind of schools where pupils enjoy their school years the most.

Curiously, little investigation has been done in this field as yet, not even for old age

homes. The prime product of such a research would be the number of happy life years.

Ruut Veenhoven

3

Can we get happier than we are?

There is a lot of talk about quality of life in institutions, but little research. This is

probably because there is little incentive to bother about the happiness of pupils and

residents of care homes.

Governments can create an incentive by investigating the happiness output of

institutions. Once differences are visible, the market will do its work. For instance.

most parents will prefer a school where most children are happy over a school where

the majority is not, even if the latter school produces higher grades.

4.3 Micro-level: Helping individuals to live happier

Happiness can be furthered at the individual level in three ways by: (1) training art-of-

living skills, (2) informing people about the probable outcomes of choices, and (3)

improving professional guidance in self-development and life choice. Below, 1 will

expand on these options, since they are particularly relevant for positive psychology.

4.3.1 Training Art-of-living skills

Many people think that they would be happier if they had more money or a higher

position on the social ladder. However, research shows that these things do not matter

very much, at least not in affluent and egalitarian societies. Differences in income and

social status explain only some 5% of the differences in Fig. 1.1. Current images about

condition for happiness are misleading.

What then does matter for happiness? About 10% of the differences can be

attributed to social relations, in particular to a good marriage. Another 10% is due to

good or bad luck, probably more so in countries where life is less predictable. Most of

the difference appears to be due to personal characteristics: about 30% can be

attributed to variation in life ability (Headey & Wearing, 1992). The relative

importance of inner strengths should not be surprising if we realize that living

conditions are typically very good in modern nations: the better the external conditions,

the less they account for differences in happiness. In Paradise, all the difference in

happiness will be due to inner competence, neurotics will quarrel with Angels. In Hell,

the differences in happiness (if any) will largely be determined by closeness to the fire,

because nobody can stand that environment. So the most evident way to advance

happiness in modern society is to strengthen life abilities.

Part of these abilities is genetically determined or little alterable for other reasons.

Still, there are also capabilities that can be improved through therapy and training.

Psychotherapy is now well established in modern nations but still underutilized. There

is also an emerging field of training in art of living in line with the new "positive

psychology." "Art of living" is the knack of leading a satisfying life, and in particular,

the ability to develop a rewarding life style (Veenhoven. 2003). This involves various

aptitudes, some of which seems to be susceptible to improvement using training

techniques. Four of these aptitudes are: (1) the ability to enjoy, (2) the ability to

choose, (3) the ability to keep developing, and (4) the ability to see meaning.

Learning to Enjoy

The ability to lake pleasure from life is partly in-born (trait negativity-positivity). but

can to some extent be cultivated. Learning to take pleasure from life was part of

traditional leisure-class education, which emphasized prestigious pleasures, such as the

tasting of exquisite wines and the appreciation of difficult music. Yet, it is also

possible to develop an enjoyment of the common things in life, such as eating breakfast

or watching the sunset. Training in savoring simple pleasures is part of some religious

practices.

Hedonistic enjoyment is valued in present day modern society and figures promi-

nently in advertisements. Yet. techniques that help us to gain the ability to enjoy are

underdeveloped. There are no professional enjoyment trainers, at least no trainers

Ruut Veenhoven

4

Can we get happier than we are?

aiming at improving our general level of enjoyment. There is professional guidance for

specific types of pleasures, such as how to appreciate fine arts, and often the main goal

is to sell a particular product.

Still, it would seem possible to develop wider enjoyment training techniques. One

way could be to provide training in "attentiveness." possibly using meditation

techniques. Another option could be the broadening of one's repertoire of leisure

activities, which could link up with expertise in various stimulation programs. A third

way could be looking at ways to remove inner barriers to enjoy, which could he linked

to clinical treatment of a-hedonia.

Learning to Choose

Happiness depends on also the choices one makes in life and hence also on one's

ability to choose. The art of choosing involves several skills.

One such skill is getting to know what the options are. This aptitude can be

improved by learning, and this is one of the things we do in consumer education.

Expertise in this field can be used for training in the charting of wider life options.

Another requirement is an ability to estimate how well the various options would lit

one's nature. This requires self-knowledge and that is also something that can be

improved, self-insight being a common aim in training and psychotherapy. Once one

knows what to choose, there is often a problem of carrying through. This phase

requires aptitudes such as perseverance, assertiveness. and creativity, all of which can

be strengthened and are. in fact, common objectives in vocational trainings. The next

step in the choice process is assessing the outcomes, in terms of the above-mentioned

distinction, whether "expected utility" fits "experienced utility." This phase calls for

openness to one's feelings and a realistic view on one's overall mood pattern. Training

in mood monitoring is a common practice in psychotherapy and could possibly be

improved using computer-based techniques of experience sampling.

The problem is not so much to develop such training techniques, but to separate the

chaff from the corn. That will require independent effect studies Once such techniques

have been proven to be effective, a market culture will develop.

Learning to Grow

Happiness depends largely on the gratification of basic needs, and an important class

of such needs is "growth needs" (Maslow, 1954). also referred to as "functioning

needs" or "mastery needs." These needs are not restricted to higher mental functions;

they also concern the use and development of the body and senses. In animals,

gratification of these needs is largely guided by instinct, but in humans, it requires

conscious action. Cultures typically provide standard action patterns for this purpose,

such as providing for vocational career scripts or artistic interests, but people must also

make choices of their own. in particular in multiple-choice societies. Failure to involve

oneself in challenging activities may lead one to diffused discontent or even

depression, this, for example, happens regularly after retirement from work. Thus,

another art of living is to keep oneself going and developing.

Intervention would also seem possible in this case. Mere information will probably

be useful and one can also think of various ways to get people going. Once again

training techniques can build on available experience, and in this case, experience in

various activation programs. There is already an ample supply of "growth trainings" on

the peripheries of psychology, but. as yet. little evidence is available for the

effectiveness of such interventions and certainly no proof of long-term effects on

happiness.

Ruut Veenhoven

5

Can we get happier than we are?

Helping to See Meaning

Probably, but not certainly, happiness also depends on one seeing meaning in one's

life. Though it is not sure that we have an innate need for meaningfulness as such, the

idea of it provides at least a sense of coherence. Seeing a meaning in one's life requires

(hat one develops a view of one's life and that one can see worth in it. These mental

knacks can also be strengthened, and it is possible that one can also learn to live with

the philosophical uncertainties that surround this issue. There is experience on this

matter in existential counseling and in practices such as "life reviewing" (Holahan,

Holahan, & Wonacott. 1999) and "logo therapy" (Frankl. 1946). As far as I know, the

impact of such interventions on happiness has yet to be investigated.

4.3.2 Information: Enabling more informed choice

Another way of improving happiness at the individual level is to inform people about

the consequences of major choices in life. We have to realize that we live in a

"multiple-choice society." in which about 40% of the differences in happiness seems to

be due to "intentional activity" (Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2004. p. 131). Better

informed choices will give rise to greater happiness.

Life choices are for the most part based on expected happiness, for instance, we

typically choose a profession we think we will like. Economists call this "expected

utility," or "decision utility'" and acknowledge that this may differ from later

"experienced utility." because decisions are mostly made on the basis of incomplete

information. An example of a malformed choice is the decision to accept a higher

paying job that requires more commuting. People typically accept such jobs in the

expectation that the extra money will compensate for the travel lime, but follow-up

research has shown that they are mostly wrong and that happiness tends to go down in

such cases (Frey & Stutzer, 2004).

Research of this kind can help people to make more informed choices. Though there

is no guarantee that things will work out in the same was for you, it is still useful to

know how it has worked out for other people in the recent past. Such research is

particularly useful if it concerns similar people. "This policy does not involve

paternalism: it does not push people into a particular was of life, but it provides them

with information for making a well-informed autonomous decision. Paternalism would

only be involved if research is manipulated or its results communicated selectively, for

instance, if the observed negative effect of parenthood on happiness is disguised

(Veenhoven, 2007. World Database of Happiness: Correlational Findings on

Happiness and Having Children).

This approach to the furthering of happiness is similar to the current evidence-based

health education. As in the case of happiness, we are often not sure about the

consequences of life Style choices on our health. How much drinking is too much? Is

eating raw vegetables really good for your health? We cannot answer such questions

on the basis of our own experience, and common wisdom is often wrong. Hence, we

increasingly look to the results of scientific studies that provide us with more

information, the results of which are disseminated systematically.

As yet, the information basis for such a way of furthering happiness is still small.

Although there is a considerable body of research on happiness, this research is

typically cross-sectional and does not inform us about cause and effect. What we need

is panel data that allows us to follow the effects of life choices over lime. Still another

problem is that current happiness research deals mainly with things over which we

have little control, such as personality and social background. What we need is

research into things we can choose, for example, working part lime or lull time or

raising a family or not.

Ruut Veenhoven

6

Can we get happier than we are?

Once such information becomes available, it will quickly be disseminated to the

public, through the life style press and the self-help literature. It can also be included in

organized health education, broadened to become education for "living well" happiness

education. The problem is not in the dissemination of knowledge but in the production

of it.

4.3.3 Professional life counseling

If we feel unhealthy, we go to a medical general practitioner, who makes a diagnosis

and either prescribes a treatment or refers us to a medical specialist. If we feel

unhappy, there is no such generalist. We have to guess about the possible causes

ourselves, and on that basis, consult a specialist who may be a psychologist, a marriage

counselor, or a lawyer. Professional guidance for a happier life is unavailable as yet.

This is a remarkable market failure, given the large number of people who feel they

could be happier. The size of the demand is reflected in the booming sales of self-help

books and the willingness to pay for things that promise greater happiness, such as

cosmetic surgery and second homes. The main reason is probably that the knowledge

basis for such a profession is still small and that trust in happiness counseling is

undermined by the many snake oil merchants operating in this area.

Still there seems to be a future for professional counseling for a happier life and for

related life coaching and trainings. There is demand for such services, but as yet no

proper supply. Much can be gained by developing that supply. One of the ways

forward is to stimulate the professionalization of current activities in that area, among

other things, by following people who use such services to establish what interventions

added to happiness or did not. The development of professional life counseling could

also profit from the above-advised research into long-term changes in happiness

following major life choices.

5 DO WE NEED GREATER HAPPINESS?

If we can create greater happiness for a greater number, should we? Several voices say

"no." Part of the objections comes from preachers of penitence, who like to see us

suffer to clean our sinful souls. Yet. there are also objections from scientists who

believe that the pursuit of happiness involves negative effects. One of their qualms is

that mass happiness will be achieved at the cost of freedom, and another misgiving is

that happy people tend to be passive and uncreative. These notions figure in Huxley's

(1932) science fiction novel Brave New World, in which happiness for everybody is

achieved using genetic manipulations and mind control and where the happy citizens

are short-sighted consumer slaves.

Yet, research into the consequences of happiness shows another picture. It appears

that happiness fosters activity, creativity, and an open mind. Happy people do better as

a spouse and parent. They are also better citizens; they are typically better informed

than unhappy compatriots; they involve themselves more in social action, while being

more moderate in their political views (Lyubomirsky. King. & Diener, 2005). Still

another thing is that happiness lengthens life, the effect of happiness being comparable

to smoking or not (Veenhoven, 2008). This evidence on positive effects of happiness

fits well with the theory that feeling good works as a "go-signal"; it tells the organism

that the situation is OK and it can go ahead. Consequently, happy people "broaden"

their behavioral scope and "build" more resources (Fredrickson, 2004).

So, happiness is worth pursuing for its own sake, and for its positive side effects.

3 GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?

Can public policy create greater happiness? Several scientists think not. Some

psychologists maintain that happiness is largely inborn or at least embedded in stable

personality. Hence, a better society will not yield happier citizens, This view is known

as the "set point" theory (Lykken, 1999). Some sociologists draw the same conclusion,

because they think happiness depends on social comparison and that one is not better

off than the neighbors if conditions for everybody improve. In this vein, the case of the

USA is often mentioned as an example: material wealth would have doubled there

since the 1950s, while average happiness seems to have remained at the same level

(Easterlin, 1995). These scientists are wrong, both empirically and theoretically.

Empirical Indications

There is a clear relation between average happiness and societal quality. Think of the

case of Zimbabwe in Fig. 1.1. where this country is at the bottom with an average of

3.3. Apparently, people cannot live happily in a failed state, even if their neighbors

suffer in a similar way. The correlations in Table 1.2 show that this is no exception;

differences in quality of society explain about 80% of the variation in average

happiness in the present day world.

Average happiness has changed in most nations and typically for the better

(Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Figure 1.2 depicts a gradual rise of happiness in

Denmark over the last 30 years and a dramatic fall in average happiness in Russia,

following the Ruble Crisis of 1995. Clearly, happiness is not fixed to a set point!

Figure 1.2 also shows that greater happiness is possible in most nations of the world.

Average happiness is currently highest in Denmark, with an average of 8.2. What is

possible in Denmark should also be possible in other countries. We cannot object that

Danish happiness is a matter of genetic endowment or national character, because Fig.

1.2 shows that happiness has improved in Denmark since 1973.

Present-day happiness in Denmark may be close to the maximally possible level. If

so. there is still a long way to go for most nations of this world, since the world's

average happiness is now about 5.5. If we ever reached the maximum of average

happiness, there is still the possibility to extend the duration of our happiness and

create more happy life years for a greater number (Veenhoven. 2005).

Theoretical Underpinning

The erroneous idea that greater happiness is not possible has its roots in erroneous

theories about the nature of happiness. One of these mistaken theories is that happi-

ness is merely a matter of outlook on life and that this outlook is set in fixed disposi-

tions, which are part of an individuals' personality as well as of their national character.

Another faulty theory is that happiness results from cognitive comparison, in particular

from social comparison. Elsewhere, I have shown that these theories are wrong

(Veenhoven, 1991, 1995).

My alternative theory of happiness holds that we appraise life on the basis of

affective information in the first place. We experience positive as well as negative

affects, and in appraising how much we like the life we live, we assess to what extent

the former outbalances the latter. This theory fits Bentham's concept of happiness as

"the sum of pleasures and pains." In my view, positive and negative affects signal the

gratification of basic human needs, so in the end, happiness is determined by need

gratification. Elsewhere, I have discussed this theory in more detail (Veenhoven.

2009).

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Can we get happier than we are?

4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS BE RAISED?

Apparently, greater happiness for a greater number is possible. How can this be

achieved? I see possibilities at three levels: (1) at the macro-level of society. (2) at the

meso-level of organizations, (3) at the micro-level of individual citizens.

4.1 Macro-level: Improving the livability of society

Happiness also depends on the quality of the wider society. As we have seen in Table

1.1, there are wide differences in happiness across nations, and these differences are

clearly linked to societal qualities, some of which are presented in Table 1.2.

Will further economic growth make us happier? Table 1.2 suggests so. because

happiness is strongly correlated with the wealth of the nation. Yet. material affluence

appears to be subject to the law of diminishing return, and economic growth yields

more happiness in poor nations than in rich nations. This is not to say that economic

development does not add to happiness at all in rich nations. Happiness is still on the

rise in affluent nations, and it is well possible that this rise is linked to economic

growth, directly or indirectly. We simply do not know what the underlying links are, as

yet.

Still another reason to keep the economy going is that the "playing" may be as

important as the prizes. Happiness is not only found in consumption, it is also found in

productive activity. Like most animals, we have an innate need to use our potentials.

The biological function of this need is to keep us sharp, in the human case, in

particular, to keep the brain in shape. The human species evolved under the conditions

of a hunter-gatherer existence that involved a lot of challenge. In today's conditions, as

an industrial society, we still need some challenges and most of us find them mainly in

our work life. In this perspective, we belter not follow Layard's (2005) advice to

discourage economic competition, though there is a point in keeping the competition

nice and leaving room for other arenas in society.

The data in Table 1.2 do not suggest that a reduction of income differences will add

to happiness; the zero-order correlation is close to zero, and when the wealth of the

nation is taken into account, we even see a positive effect of income inequality.

Though income inequality may be unfair, we can apparently live with it. Likewise, the

data do not suggest that happiness can be advanced by increasing the offerings of a

welfare state. At first sight, (here is some correlation between expenditures for social

security and happiness in nations, but the statistical relationship disappears when we

take into account that big spending nations tend to be richer. For instance, happiness is

fairly high in Sweden, and Sweden is known for its extended welfare stale; yet. it is

equally high in Iceland, which scores equally high and spends much less on social

security (Veenhoven, 2000; Ouweneel, 2002).

The greatest gains seem to be possible in the realms of freedom and justice. Good

governance also appears to contribute much to average happiness in nations,

irrespective of the political color of the parties in the saddle.

4.2 Meso-level: Improving the livability of institutions

Another source of happiness is the institutional settings in which we spend most of our

time, such as at work or at school. Systematic improvements in those realms will

probably add to the average happiness of a nation.

This requires that we know which settings produce the most happiness, for example,

determine the kind of schools where pupils enjoy their school years the most.

Curiously, little investigation has been done in this field as yet, not even for old age

homes. The prime product of such a research would be the number of happy life years.

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Can we get happier than we are?

There is a lot of talk about quality of life in institutions, but little research. This is

probably because there is little incentive to bother about the happiness of pupils and

residents of care homes.

Governments can create an incentive by investigating the happiness output of

institutions. Once differences are visible, the market will do its work. For instance.

most parents will prefer a school where most children are happy over a school where

the majority is not, even if the latter school produces higher grades.

4.3 Micro-level: Helping individuals to live happier

Happiness can be furthered at the individual level in three ways by: (1) training art-of-

living skills, (2) informing people about the probable outcomes of choices, and (3)

improving professional guidance in self-development and life choice. Below, 1 will

expand on these options, since they are particularly relevant for positive psychology.

4.3.1 Training Art-of-living skills

Many people think that they would be happier if they had more money or a higher

position on the social ladder. However, research shows that these things do not matter

very much, at least not in affluent and egalitarian societies. Differences in income and

social status explain only some 5% of the differences in Fig. 1.1. Current images about

condition for happiness are misleading.

What then does matter for happiness? About 10% of the differences can be

attributed to social relations, in particular to a good marriage. Another 10% is due to

good or bad luck, probably more so in countries where life is less predictable. Most of

the difference appears to be due to personal characteristics: about 30% can be

attributed to variation in life ability (Headey & Wearing, 1992). The relative

importance of inner strengths should not be surprising if we realize that living

conditions are typically very good in modern nations: the better the external conditions,

the less they account for differences in happiness. In Paradise, all the difference in

happiness will be due to inner competence, neurotics will quarrel with Angels. In Hell,

the differences in happiness (if any) will largely be determined by closeness to the fire,

because nobody can stand that environment. So the most evident way to advance

happiness in modern society is to strengthen life abilities.

Part of these abilities is genetically determined or little alterable for other reasons.

Still, there are also capabilities that can be improved through therapy and training.

Psychotherapy is now well established in modern nations but still underutilized. There

is also an emerging field of training in art of living in line with the new "positive

psychology." "Art of living" is the knack of leading a satisfying life, and in particular,

the ability to develop a rewarding life style (Veenhoven. 2003). This involves various

aptitudes, some of which seems to be susceptible to improvement using training

techniques. Four of these aptitudes are: (1) the ability to enjoy, (2) the ability to

choose, (3) the ability to keep developing, and (4) the ability to see meaning.

Learning to Enjoy

The ability to lake pleasure from life is partly in-born (trait negativity-positivity). but

can to some extent be cultivated. Learning to take pleasure from life was part of

traditional leisure-class education, which emphasized prestigious pleasures, such as the

tasting of exquisite wines and the appreciation of difficult music. Yet, it is also

possible to develop an enjoyment of the common things in life, such as eating breakfast

or watching the sunset. Training in savoring simple pleasures is part of some religious

practices.

Hedonistic enjoyment is valued in present day modern society and figures promi-

nently in advertisements. Yet. techniques that help us to gain the ability to enjoy are

underdeveloped. There are no professional enjoyment trainers, at least no trainers

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Can we get happier than we are?

aiming at improving our general level of enjoyment. There is professional guidance for

specific types of pleasures, such as how to appreciate fine arts, and often the main goal

is to sell a particular product.

Still, it would seem possible to develop wider enjoyment training techniques. One

way could be to provide training in "attentiveness." possibly using meditation

techniques. Another option could be the broadening of one's repertoire of leisure

activities, which could link up with expertise in various stimulation programs. A third

way could be looking at ways to remove inner barriers to enjoy, which could he linked

to clinical treatment of a-hedonia.

Learning to Choose

Happiness depends on also the choices one makes in life and hence also on one's

ability to choose. The art of choosing involves several skills.

One such skill is getting to know what the options are. This aptitude can be

improved by learning, and this is one of the things we do in consumer education.

Expertise in this field can be used for training in the charting of wider life options.

Another requirement is an ability to estimate how well the various options would lit

one's nature. This requires self-knowledge and that is also something that can be

improved, self-insight being a common aim in training and psychotherapy. Once one

knows what to choose, there is often a problem of carrying through. This phase

requires aptitudes such as perseverance, assertiveness. and creativity, all of which can

be strengthened and are. in fact, common objectives in vocational trainings. The next

step in the choice process is assessing the outcomes, in terms of the above-mentioned

distinction, whether "expected utility" fits "experienced utility." This phase calls for

openness to one's feelings and a realistic view on one's overall mood pattern. Training

in mood monitoring is a common practice in psychotherapy and could possibly be

improved using computer-based techniques of experience sampling.

The problem is not so much to develop such training techniques, but to separate the

chaff from the corn. That will require independent effect studies Once such techniques

have been proven to be effective, a market culture will develop.

Learning to Grow

Happiness depends largely on the gratification of basic needs, and an important class

of such needs is "growth needs" (Maslow, 1954). also referred to as "functioning

needs" or "mastery needs." These needs are not restricted to higher mental functions;

they also concern the use and development of the body and senses. In animals,

gratification of these needs is largely guided by instinct, but in humans, it requires

conscious action. Cultures typically provide standard action patterns for this purpose,

such as providing for vocational career scripts or artistic interests, but people must also

make choices of their own. in particular in multiple-choice societies. Failure to involve

oneself in challenging activities may lead one to diffused discontent or even

depression, this, for example, happens regularly after retirement from work. Thus,

another art of living is to keep oneself going and developing.

Intervention would also seem possible in this case. Mere information will probably

be useful and one can also think of various ways to get people going. Once again

training techniques can build on available experience, and in this case, experience in

various activation programs. There is already an ample supply of "growth trainings" on

the peripheries of psychology, but. as yet. little evidence is available for the

effectiveness of such interventions and certainly no proof of long-term effects on

happiness.

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Can we get happier than we are?

Helping to See Meaning

Probably, but not certainly, happiness also depends on one seeing meaning in one's

life. Though it is not sure that we have an innate need for meaningfulness as such, the

idea of it provides at least a sense of coherence. Seeing a meaning in one's life requires

(hat one develops a view of one's life and that one can see worth in it. These mental

knacks can also be strengthened, and it is possible that one can also learn to live with

the philosophical uncertainties that surround this issue. There is experience on this

matter in existential counseling and in practices such as "life reviewing" (Holahan,

Holahan, & Wonacott. 1999) and "logo therapy" (Frankl. 1946). As far as I know, the

impact of such interventions on happiness has yet to be investigated.

4.3.2 Information: Enabling more informed choice

Another way of improving happiness at the individual level is to inform people about

the consequences of major choices in life. We have to realize that we live in a

"multiple-choice society." in which about 40% of the differences in happiness seems to

be due to "intentional activity" (Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2004. p. 131). Better

informed choices will give rise to greater happiness.

Life choices are for the most part based on expected happiness, for instance, we

typically choose a profession we think we will like. Economists call this "expected

utility," or "decision utility'" and acknowledge that this may differ from later

"experienced utility." because decisions are mostly made on the basis of incomplete

information. An example of a malformed choice is the decision to accept a higher

paying job that requires more commuting. People typically accept such jobs in the

expectation that the extra money will compensate for the travel lime, but follow-up

research has shown that they are mostly wrong and that happiness tends to go down in

such cases (Frey & Stutzer, 2004).

Research of this kind can help people to make more informed choices. Though there

is no guarantee that things will work out in the same was for you, it is still useful to

know how it has worked out for other people in the recent past. Such research is

particularly useful if it concerns similar people. "This policy does not involve

paternalism: it does not push people into a particular was of life, but it provides them

with information for making a well-informed autonomous decision. Paternalism would

only be involved if research is manipulated or its results communicated selectively, for

instance, if the observed negative effect of parenthood on happiness is disguised

(Veenhoven, 2007. World Database of Happiness: Correlational Findings on

Happiness and Having Children).

This approach to the furthering of happiness is similar to the current evidence-based

health education. As in the case of happiness, we are often not sure about the

consequences of life Style choices on our health. How much drinking is too much? Is

eating raw vegetables really good for your health? We cannot answer such questions

on the basis of our own experience, and common wisdom is often wrong. Hence, we

increasingly look to the results of scientific studies that provide us with more

information, the results of which are disseminated systematically.

As yet, the information basis for such a way of furthering happiness is still small.

Although there is a considerable body of research on happiness, this research is

typically cross-sectional and does not inform us about cause and effect. What we need

is panel data that allows us to follow the effects of life choices over lime. Still another

problem is that current happiness research deals mainly with things over which we

have little control, such as personality and social background. What we need is

research into things we can choose, for example, working part lime or lull time or

raising a family or not.

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Can we get happier than we are?

Once such information becomes available, it will quickly be disseminated to the

public, through the life style press and the self-help literature. It can also be included in

organized health education, broadened to become education for "living well" happiness

education. The problem is not in the dissemination of knowledge but in the production

of it.

4.3.3 Professional life counseling

If we feel unhealthy, we go to a medical general practitioner, who makes a diagnosis

and either prescribes a treatment or refers us to a medical specialist. If we feel

unhappy, there is no such generalist. We have to guess about the possible causes

ourselves, and on that basis, consult a specialist who may be a psychologist, a marriage

counselor, or a lawyer. Professional guidance for a happier life is unavailable as yet.

This is a remarkable market failure, given the large number of people who feel they

could be happier. The size of the demand is reflected in the booming sales of self-help

books and the willingness to pay for things that promise greater happiness, such as

cosmetic surgery and second homes. The main reason is probably that the knowledge

basis for such a profession is still small and that trust in happiness counseling is

undermined by the many snake oil merchants operating in this area.

Still there seems to be a future for professional counseling for a happier life and for

related life coaching and trainings. There is demand for such services, but as yet no

proper supply. Much can be gained by developing that supply. One of the ways

forward is to stimulate the professionalization of current activities in that area, among

other things, by following people who use such services to establish what interventions

added to happiness or did not. The development of professional life counseling could

also profit from the above-advised research into long-term changes in happiness

following major life choices.

5 DO WE NEED GREATER HAPPINESS?

If we can create greater happiness for a greater number, should we? Several voices say

"no." Part of the objections comes from preachers of penitence, who like to see us

suffer to clean our sinful souls. Yet. there are also objections from scientists who

believe that the pursuit of happiness involves negative effects. One of their qualms is

that mass happiness will be achieved at the cost of freedom, and another misgiving is

that happy people tend to be passive and uncreative. These notions figure in Huxley's

(1932) science fiction novel Brave New World, in which happiness for everybody is

achieved using genetic manipulations and mind control and where the happy citizens

are short-sighted consumer slaves.

Yet, research into the consequences of happiness shows another picture. It appears

that happiness fosters activity, creativity, and an open mind. Happy people do better as

a spouse and parent. They are also better citizens; they are typically better informed

than unhappy compatriots; they involve themselves more in social action, while being

more moderate in their political views (Lyubomirsky. King. & Diener, 2005). Still

another thing is that happiness lengthens life, the effect of happiness being comparable

to smoking or not (Veenhoven, 2008). This evidence on positive effects of happiness

fits well with the theory that feeling good works as a "go-signal"; it tells the organism

that the situation is OK and it can go ahead. Consequently, happy people "broaden"

their behavioral scope and "build" more resources (Fredrickson, 2004).

So, happiness is worth pursuing for its own sake, and for its positive side effects.