Reading Need help on my assignment
truth-telling and intellectual activism
by patricia hill collins
Speak the truth to the people
Talk sense to the people
Free them with reason
Free them with honesty
Free the people with Love and Courage
and Care for their-Being Mari Evans, from I Am a Black Woman (1970)
Mari Evans’ poem invokes the social and political upheaval of the
Civil Rights and Black Power movements in this country. Like others
of her generation, Evans rejected the separation between scholar-
ship and activism, school and society, thinking and doing. She wrote
poems, plays, children’s books, and a musical adaptation of Zora Neale
Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God. Along with other artists,
intellectuals, and activists at the time, she engaged in multiple forms
of intellectual activism.
37WINTER 2013 contexts
I wonder how effec-
tively today’s scholars
and public intellectuals
speak the truth about
contemporary social
issues. New technolo-
gies have opened up
formerly unimaginable
ways for us to talk to
one another. We are swimming in information, but how much
of that information moves us closer to the truths that will sustain
us? Individuals can now see themselves on YouTube and post
their ideas on blogs with blinding speed. Yet for all this talk
and noise, what are we saying that is of value? Where are the
conversations that will spur contemporary intellectual activism?
Breathing life into ideas requires working across differences and
building communities in which dialogue is possible.
Today, in our increasingly corporate colleges and universities
and monopolistic mainstream media, we confront a contradic-
tory politics of inclusion and exclusion. Some of those from
formerly excluded groups now occupy positions of power and
authority inside the social institutions that once excluded them.
Many of these insiders engage in intellectual work. At the same
time, as the lyrics of global hip-hop remind us, far too many
people remain excluded.
As an American citizen, an African American woman from
a working-class background, and an academic who has expe-
rienced considerable upward social mobility, I am both an
insider and an outsider. Throughout my professional career, I
have struggled to gain clarity about how ever-shifting patterns
of belonging and exclusion have shaped the
contours of my intellectual activism.
Negotiating the contemporary politics of
knowledge production as an “outsider within”
raises some fundamental dilemmas. In a mis-
guided effort to protect standards, many of my
academic colleagues at different colleges and
universities derogate any work that is “popu-
lar” as less rigorous or scholarly. They see such
“political” work as nonacademic. Such norms
suppress the kind of engaged scholarship
that interests me and that is fundamental for
intellectual activism. But because ideas and politics are every-
where, the potential for intellectual activism is also everywhere.
speaking truth to power There are two primary strategies of intellectual activism.
One tries to speak the truth to power. This form of truth telling
uses the power of ideas to confront existing power relations.
On a metaphorical level, speaking the truth to power invokes
images of changing the very foundations of social hierarchy
where the less powerful take on the ideas and practices of the
powerful, often armed solely with their ideas. One can imagine
this process through the David and Goliath story of the weak
standing up to the strong, armed only with a slingshot (as relying
solely on the power of one’s ideas seems to be). A Google search
of the phrase “speak the truth to power” uncovers numerous
hits seemingly focused on confronting those who wield power
within existing social institutions.
My lengthy educational training was designed to equip
me to wield the language of power to serve the interests of
the gatekeepers who granted me legitimacy. My teachers did
not consider that I might choose to use those same weapons
to challenge much of what I learned, at least not as deeply as
I have actually done. While we may think of our educations
as our individual intellectual property, we quickly fi nd out that
powerful groups expect us to place our fancy degrees in service
to conservative political agendas. Power routinely claims that it
has a monopoly on the truth. Yet my education revealed multiple
truths, most of which were co-opted and repackaged to suit the
vested interests of the more powerful. The richness of alternative
points of view remained ignored, neglected, ridiculed, and/or
persecuted out of existence.
Much of my academic writing strives to
speak the truth to power, namely, to develop
alternative analyses of social injustices that
scholarly audiences will fi nd credible. Much
of my career as a sociologist has been spent
speaking the truth to power about race, class,
gender, and sexuality, yet race has been central.
I have focused on anti-racist discourse and prac-
tice that might catalyze people to think about
their worlds differently and, as a result, act
differently within them. My work constitutes
theoretical interventions in what counts as truth
about race and racism.
Contexts, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 36-39, 41. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-6052. © 2013 Temple University Press. Used by permission of Temple University Press. http://contexts.sagepub.com. DOI 10.1177/1536504213476244
Illustrations by Corey Fields
38 contexts.org
This is a difficult time to talk overtly about race; many
American citizens believe that we are living in a post-racial world.
The election of Barack Obama has simultaneously highlighted
the visibility of race and the difficulties of talking about it. In this
context, terms like “family,” “community,” “post-racial society,”
and “color blindness” are invoked by thinkers on both the left
and the right sides of the political spectrum, with racial subtexts
carried within what appears to be a newfound unity across the
historically divisive categories of race and gender. I think that if
we can change our thinking about race, we can do so about
gender, class, sexuality, religion, and citizenship too.
Speaking the truth to power in ways that undermine and
challenge that power is often best done as an insider. Some
changes are best initiated from within the belly of the beast.
Standing outside, throwing stones at the beast, and calling it
names won’t change much, except perhaps, to make the beast
more dangerous because now it no longer believes that its
underlings love it. Challenging power structures from the inside,
and working cracks in the system, requires learning to speak
multiple languages of power convincingly.
speaking truth to the people A second strategy of intellectual activism aims to speak the
truth directly to the people. In contrast to directing energy to
those in power, a focus that inadvertently bolsters the belief that
elites are the only social actors who count,
those who speak the truth to the people
talk directly to the masses. The distinction
here is critical. It’s the difference between
producing a memo that documents the
many cases of a boss’s bad behavior and
beseeches him or her to change his or her
ways and having a meeting with the staff to strategize ways
that they, individually and collectively, might deal with the boss
and the lines of authority that put them in the situation to begin
with. The former strategy speaks the truth to power—the latter
strategy speaks the truth to the people.
Mari Evans’ poem exemplifies this second form of truth tell-
ing. Evans demands much from intellectual activists by arguing
that ordinary, everyday people need truthful ideas that will assist
them in their everyday lives. Such truth-telling requires talking,
reason, honesty, love, courage, and care. For academics whose
horizons have been narrowed to preparing for the next reap-
pointment, promotion, and tenure committee meeting, or their
lecture for the huge introductory sociology class that meets at
9:00 a.m. three days a week like clockwork, this conception of
truth-telling constitutes a luxury that may be reserved for only
the most privileged faculty members. Who has time to talk with
every student, reason with the students, give them an honest
assessment of the required textbook, love them in ways that
empower and not demean, show the courage to try something
radically different, and express a level of basic care?
Intellectual activists who devote their attention to the public
can pay a high price. In the United States, scholars and activists
who place their education in service to their local publics are
routinely passed over for cushy jobs, fat salaries, and the chance
to appear on National Public Radio. In some areas of the globe,
speaking the truth to the people lands you not on cable television
but under house arrest, in jail, or killed. Contemporary American
intellectuals must remember that, when it comes to our ability
to claim the power of ideas, we are the fortunate ones. For
our parents, friends, relatives, and neighbors who lack literacy,
work long hours, and/or consume seemingly endless doses of
so-called reality television, the excitement of hearing new ideas
Because ideas and politics are everywhere, the potential for intellectual activism is also everywhere.
39WINTER 2013 contexts
that challenge social inequalities can be a rarity.
I am an intellectual whose scholarly work aspires to speak
the truth to power. Yet a sizable portion of my intellectual work
has also aimed to speak the truth to the people. Both forms of
truth telling are intertwined throughout my intellectual career,
with my books, journal articles, and essays arrayed along a
continuum with speaking the truth to power and speaking the
truth to the people on either end. Engaging these two forms of
truth telling within a singular work is challenging.
speaking in multiple registers My book, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Conscious-
ness and the Politics of Empowerment is written in multiple
registers, for scholarly audiences as well as non-academic Afri-
can American women. I faced a difficult challenge in crafting
this book. How could I write a book about African American
women’s intellectual production that would be accepted by
scholarly audiences that had long excluded and derogated this
group? How might I write a book that spoke directly to African
American women that they would find truthful, yet avoid the
risk of being dismissed by scholarly audiences (who controlled
publishing resources)? I had to find ways to examine the everyday
creativity and resistance of African American women within the
constraints of an academic discourse that
would not be seen by scholars as being too
popular or political. I also had to consider
how my arguments would be recogniz-
able to and useful for African American
women. And I had to sharpen my skills of
translation.
Because the material at that time was so new and I was
an unknown scholar, I knew that my publisher would recruit
scholarly reviewers to give my manuscript a thorough assess-
ment. Yet to shield my book from the power relations that
made African American women objects of scholarly knowledge,
I also developed ways of including African American women as
reviewers of my material.
I invited a few Afri-
can American women
undergraduates from
my University of Cin-
cinnati Africana Studies
courses to serve as
readers for chapters of
my manuscript. They
were bright, energetic,
primari ly working-
class students whose
childhoods in the Cincinnati metropolitan area had provided
them broad, heterogeneous networks of African American
friends, neighbors, and relatives. I was not interested in my stu-
dents’ ability to correct my English or inform me of how my book
might benefit from additional citations from the top scholarly
journals. Instead, I asked them to tell me what thoughts and
emotions the ideas in my book raised for them. Did the ideas
in Black Feminist Thought ring true for them? Could they think
of examples from their own experiences that illustrated and/or
contradicted the book’s main ideas? As I wrote and revised my
manuscript, I tried to incorporate both forms of truth-telling into
this one volume.
Black Feminist
Thought became
an award-winning
book. A fundamen-
tal reason for its
success has been its
ability to engage in
dual forms of truth
telling. The format
of the book enables
In heterogeneous democratic societies, finding ways to share important ideas with diverse groups of people is important.
40 contexts.org
the maquiladora syndrome by gloria gonzález-lópez
“So are you like all the
other researchers who
have been here, people
we have helped, who
collected their data and
then left, disappeared,
and never came back?
Are you like that?” The
director of a community-
based agency in Mexico
City confronted me with
this question when I
approached her about my recent research project.
“No, no!” I wanted to shout in response. “I am not that
kind of researcher, I am a feminist sociologist, an intellectual
activist!” But even as I heard myself refuting her accusations, I
knew that I would have to work hard to convince her that I was
not just another knowledge invader who was visiting Mexico
to interview people, extract their histories and collect a wealth
of rich data, all for her own professional benefit, and that of a
small intellectual elite.
This conversation haunted me as I traveled and lived in
four large Mexican urban centers (Ciudad Juárez, Guadalajara,
Mexico City, and Monterrey). Well endowed with prestigious
research grants, I was conducting ethnographic research on
incestuous relationships in Mexican families. In recent volunteer
work, I had learned from activists and mental-health profession-
als in Ciudad Juárez that research on sexual violence within the
family was completely invisible. This also validated my preliminary
research on this theme, led by my original interest in studying
this topic with immigrants.
With that research, I hoped to make good on my commit-
ments as a feminist and intellectual activist; I wanted to conduct
research that was urgently needed and useful. But I had heard
many complaints from local community workers about research-
ers from the north (as well as some Mexican institutions) who
make careers out of research on local communities in the global
south without giving anything back. The situation sounded
like the academic equivalent of the renowned maquiladoras,
or Mexican assembly plants that exploit cheap local labor to
produce goods for northern markets.
This “maquiladora syndrome,” as I came to think of it,
troubled me deeply and motivated me to explore ways to engage
in some form of professional reciprocity. I asked the director
how I could return the generous support her agency had given
me in identifying potential informants for my project. I was
startled when she responded, “Teach me what you know.” “But
what do I have to offer you?” I wondered. I thought about all
the knowledge I have accu-
mulated through years of
studying, teaching, and
writing in top-ranked U.S.
universities. Though I am
a tenured professor with a
hefty record of accomplish-
ment, when confronted
with the question of how to
genuinely give back to the
communities from which
I was “extracting” data, I
found myself speechless.
This humbling experience compelled me to rethink what
I know, and what I teach, and how knowledge circulating in
our intellectual communities might be of use to those situated
outside of them. I thought about all the work I have done on
Mexican immigrants and their sex lives, men and masculinity,
sexuality and violence, and feminist research methods. I shared
this list with the agency director, and together we designed
seminars and workshops for the professionals, activists, and
other women and men who were working in the trenches of
Mexico City.
In preparing for and participating in these seminars, I felt
deeply vulnerable. Rather than simply impose “northern know-
ing,” I struggled to figure out how to share ideas in ways that
would resonate with the complex social realities of these profes-
sional activists. I realized that if I really wanted to be a feminist
intellectual activist, I had to allow myself be transformed by the
ways of knowing that emerged from my conversations with
these people. As a Mexican immigrant myself, I have frequently
felt marginalized in intellectual circles located on the north side
of the border; now I was in a situation of privilege vis-à-vis these
community workers in the global south. For many of them, I
was “la doctora de Texas,” the Mexican who had made it in
the United States. I was the borderless immigrant, una feminista
without fronteras going back and forth both intellectually, and
in my own heart.
In refusing to participate in the intellectual maquiladora
syndrome, I learned that creativity and collaborative knowledge
production is rooted in vulnerability and openness. The con-
frontational woman who later became a supportive and loving
friend, the woman who moved me deeply when she said, “teach
me what you know” taught me many valuable lessons about
the politics of intellectual reciprocity and engaged research.
Gloria González-López is in the sociology department at the University of Texas at
Austin. She is the author of Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrants and Their Sex Lives.
Contexts, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 40. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-6052. © 2013 American Sociological Association. http://contexts.sagepub.com. DOI 10.1177/1536504213476245
41WINTER 2013 contexts
undergraduate and entering graduate students to access the
challenging concepts that they need to speak the truth to
power in the academy. To assist them in translating social theory,
I chose to use theoretical language in volume, and included a
glossary of terms that would encourage my readers to tackle
difficult ideas. Graduate students and scholars can access more
theoretical arguments about how oppressed groups can produce
oppositional knowledge that assists in their survival. The book
also serves as a point of entry for readers who are interested in
intersectional scholarship on race, class, gender, and sexuality.
Over the years, I have come to appreciate how people
apply the general arguments raised by the experiences of Afri-
can American women to their own situations. Black Feminist
Thought provides its readers with a shared space that validates
what each one brings to the table, yet enables them to gain
access to the knowledge of the other. It shows that, via pro-
cesses of translation, it is possible to bring these two seemingly
antithetical traditions of truth-telling closer together.
The recent rediscovery of public sociology in the United
States has provided institutional support, or at least a vocabulary,
for talking about issues of intellectual activism. In the current
climate of academic sociology, this idea of public sociology has
been elevated to a level of increased visibility that has given it
some legitimacy. Public sociology speaks to the desire that many
sociologists have to talk with and educate the public.
In heterogeneous democratic societies, finding ways to
share important ideas with diverse groups of people is impor-
tant. I have tried to make the main ideas of my intellectual
work accessible to broad, nontechnical audiences both inside
and outside of academia, combining academic rigor with acces-
sibility. I believe that our analyses of important social issues are
strengthened when we engage in dialogues, and speak with
people and not at them.
Those of us who participate in intellectual activism must
do a better job of engaging the public. How different our ideas
about families, schooling, immigration, and government would
be if we presented them not simply at academic conferences
but also at neighborhood public libraries, to groups of college
students, returning students, at parent education classes—and
even to our own families.
Patricia Hill Collins is Distinguished University Professor of Sociology at the Uni-
versity of Maryland. The preceding is adapted from her book, On Intellectual Activism
(Temple University Press, 2012).
AD