HHS 320 Cultural Awareness in the Human Services

2 The Emerging Self and Social Learning

If society and culture comprise the foundation, lumber, mortar, and brick that form a person’s worldview, then self-concept, or self-view, is the blueprint. In theory, a person’s self-concept consists of countless perceptions incorporated into a unique understanding of oneself and the surrounding world. This incorporation of perceptions is an unconscious process of constructing a self-identity and developing a personality (Hamachek, 1992; Purkey, 1970, 2000; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). As such, this process is common to human development across societies and cultures, and results in a unique and personal understanding that guides each person in daily decisions and lifelong endeavors.

This chapter explores self-concept theory and the influence of society and culture in human development. The hypothesis suggested is that, while society and culture play a prominent role in a person’s development, it is the emerging self-concept, interacting with particular social and cultural influences, that filters experiences, information, traditions, and knowledge, and structures them into a distinctive view of self and the world. Self-concept theory explains the structure and stability of this construct. Social learning theory, presented later in this chapter, explains the behavioral and cognitive processes involved in its construction.

Self-Concept Theory

A person’s perceptions and subsequent construction of a self-concept are processes and products influenced by family, society, and culture. Robinson (2005) highlighted these influences by noting several identity constructs, among them gender, race, social class, and education, that interact with and affect self-perceptions. To appreciate the interaction between self-concept and perceptions of self, family, society, and culture, we begin by understanding the process of self-development.

Numerous educators, philosophers, and theorists have contributed to self-concept theory and there are differences in concepts, constructs, and terms created in all these efforts (Allport, 1937, 1955; Combs, 1962; Cooley, 1902; Dewey, 1930; Goldstein, 1939; James, 1890; Jourard, 1964, 1968; Kelly, 1955; Maslow, 1968; Mead, 1934; Purkey, 1970, 2000; Rogers, 1951, 1986). Nevertheless, common beliefs exist across these views about how the self emerges. For example, we can articulate beliefs about self-concept’s structure, how people create it, and its consistency over time (Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). This understanding is important in comprehending how individuals from divergent backgrounds process perceptions to arrive at their own unique self-views and worldviews.

The Structure of Self-Concept

In theory, the self-concept consists of an orderly structure that provides harmony and concurrence among the limitless perceptions a person accumulates to form a self-view and ultimately a unique worldview. In an early book, Purkey (1970) offered a drawing to illustrate this theoretical structure. His drawing depicted the self-concept as a large spiral consisting of a core (center) and infinite boundary. On this larger spiral, smaller spirals existed displaying similar structure and a harmony with the larger self-concept. Later work expanded this illustration to show more clearly how these smaller units of “sub-selves” not only have many of the qualities of the larger structure, but also exist in a dynamic relationship with each other and the larger, global self-concept (Purkey & Schmidt, 1996).

Figure 2.1 provides an illustration of the self-concept spiral with its core and related sub-selves. Note that the essential structure of the smaller units (sub-selves) is the same as the spiral of the larger, global self-concept.

FIGURE 2.1 Structure of the Self-Concept

Theoretically, the sub-selves within the self-concept are the countless perceptions that people hold about themselves and the world around them. As such, these sub-selves incorporate not only perceptions about objects and events, but also about beliefs, values, and attitudes that surround those things and happenings. For example, a professional counselor might have a sub-self that says, “I am a counselor.” This sub-self gives the counselor a professional identity with which to function in the world of work as a mental health practitioner. At the same time, this counselor might hold the belief that “counseling is not a well-understood profession.” Such a sub-self gives additional meaning to the perception “I am a counselor,” and presents the counselor with a professional challenge. How the counselor uses these sub-selves in defining her or his professional role depends on many other sub-selves within the counselor’s global self-concept. If the counselor has a sub-self of confidence and passion about the chosen profession, he or she might become active in state and national associations to elevate the counseling profession and educate the public about it as an important branch of mental health services. On the other hand, if the counselor lacks confidence and professional passion, but instead holds negative beliefs about the profession, then apathy, withdrawal, or resignation might become the chosen responses.

At the center of the larger, global self-concept is “My Self.” This core of the self-concept is the part that remains a constant sum of all the sub-selves (Purkey, 1970). As such, individual perceptions and beliefs might change during a lifetime, but the core (My Self) always is the collective view offered by the combined sub-selves. In addition, the sub-selves closest to the core are, according to this model, most valued and important to the person. Over time and with life experiences, the positions of these perceptions and beliefs might change, thus assigning them different values as the person develops. In this way, the self-concept is a dynamic structure that, while not usually changing readily, can adjust slowly and deliberately (Purkey & Schmidt, 1996).

Self-Structure and Cultural Influence

Labeling the sub-selves of a self-concept structure (Figure 2.1) enables us to understand the influence of society and culture on the development of a person’s global self-view. Figure 2.2 embellishes the original diagram to show how particular sub-selves, defined by social and cultural factors, play an essential role in a person’s self-concept. In this second illustration, certain aspects of a person’s life have more importance than others do (as indicated by their relative distance from My Self). According to the diagram, the three most important perceptions in this person’s self-concept are closeness to family, the meaning of racial identity, and the value of culture in life. Other perceptions, such as spirituality and gender, are also highly valued by this person. Relatively speaking, perceptions about self-worth, wealth, and prosperity might have less influence on this person’s day-to-day decisions because of their illustrated distance from the core. Nevertheless, they are perceptions that help define the individual to some degree, and as mentioned earlier, might change their relative position depending on immediate situations or on the conclusions the person draws over time about particular life experiences.

Under certain circumstances, perceptions (sub-selves) within the self-concept alter their position, depending on the situation at hand and the decisions an individual needs to make. For example, using Figure 2.2 we can illustrate how family, culture, spirituality, and gender might vie for favored position depending on the situation. Suppose the person is a preadolescent, Islamic female in a family that has immigrated to the United States from the Middle East. Family ties are strong, and respect for parental authority and religious beliefs have guided her early development. As this young woman passes through adolescence and adapts to different American customs and values, the gender role she embraced earlier in life might be tested—not only for her, but also for her family and religious beliefs. As she makes decisions about these competing values, the relative positions of particular sub-selves—family, culture, spirituality, and gender—might change over time. If such adjustment occurs, corresponding changes in behavior and attitudes about being an Islamic female living in American society could occur. Altered dress, emerging relationships with male and female friends, and attitudes about careers are examples of changes that we might observe.

FIGURE 2.2 Influence of Society and Culture on the Self-Concept

Conflicts and challenges between old perceptions and new experiences occur daily in everyone’s life. Most often, these are minor and people readily make adjustments. Occasionally, conflicts occur due to major life changes, traumatic or tragic experiences, or other life-altering encounters. When new experiences do not fit a person’s self-view or worldview, the individual either accommodates the new experience by adjusting or discarding existing perceptions or rejects the new experience by excluding it from the present self-concept structure. Figure 2.3 illustrates this phenomenon. The example shows two experiences (#1 and #2). In the illustration, the individual accepts Experience #2, and makes room for it in the self-concept (belief system) by discarding an older, perhaps competing perception. In contrast, the person considers and rejects Experience #1. Apparently, this event and the perceptions involved did not fit with existing perceptions. The processes involved in accepting new beliefs or rejecting incompatible perceptions are not necessarily conscious operations. They might happen without full awareness of the person. Exercise 2.1 gives you an opportunity to explore the phenomena illustrated by Figure 2.3 more personally.

FIGURE 2.3 Adjusting and Accommodating for New Experiences

By understanding self-concept development through a conceptual model or structure, we comprehend that free people typically have control in creating a unique self-view, and a compatible worldview. Society and culture are tremendously strong influences, but in the final analysis, an individual experiences these conditions, considers their value (consciously and unconsciously), and determines (consciously or unconsciously) whether to include them is his or her life’s view. Through this process, people attempt to balance individual desires and goals with collective values of the society or group to which she or he belongs and identifies. Achieving such balance may relate to specific events and circumstances that influence alterations in the self-concept.

Exercise 2.1

Think of a time in your life when you had an experience or an event occur that you seriously considered, but ultimately rejected. What perceptions allowed you to consider this opportunity? What other strongly held views guided you not to accept it into your worldview? If you had the same experience today, would the outcome be different? If so, how? Share your thoughts with classmates or colleagues, and ask them to share a similar experience.

Altering the Self-Concept

Self-views are dynamic and fluid within the structure of the self-concept (Purkey, 1970; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). We saw this earlier in the example of the Islamic young woman who immigrated with her family to the United States. Her beliefs about family, culture, gender roles, and other self-views possibly shifted in importance and influence as she adapted to experiences in her newly adopted country. If such a shift occurs, it would not mean necessarily that she dismissed past beliefs, but rather that she reorganized them within the structure of her personal belief system. In similar ways, other people adjust their self-structures to fit a direction they want to go in life. As such, “the self-concept serves as a road map for living” (Purkey & Schmidt, 1996, p. 35).

The link between self-concept and behavior is not a causal one, although this is a common misperception (Purkey, 1970; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). For example, we might hear a school counselor mistakenly conclude that a student is doing poorly in school because “he has low self-esteem.” Although the conclusion that the student has low self-esteem might be correct, there are many other factors, including self-responsibility, to consider in determining why the student is performing poorly in school.

The self-concept serves as a guidance system, perhaps a compass, which helps people choose goals in life. Furthermore, people select behaviors that maintain, protect, and enrich their self-view (Combs & Gonzalez, 1994). By returning to the example of the poorly performing student, we might ascertain that he chooses, perhaps unintentionally, to do poorly in school because to try harder would threaten his perception that he is “not very smart.” He might wonder, “If I try harder and succeed, will I be able to maintain that level of performance?” On the other hand, he might think, “I know I’m not smart, so why bother trying?” Sometimes, people maintain self-views of inadequacy when such perceptions are an integral and valued part of their self-belief system. Exercise 2.2 offers an opportunity to explore some of your personal views and explore why you maintain them.

Exercise 2.2

Think of a behavior or belief that you hold about yourself that is unflattering, demeaning, or otherwise unhelpful to you. Write the belief down in your own words. Now think about it. What is it about this belief that encourages you to hold on to it? What would you have to do, or what would have to happen, to alter this belief?

If people strive to maintain the self-concept, yet at the same time want to alter aspects of its organization, the challenge for counselors and other helpers is to understand how self-views change. Brown (1998) noted that most research suggests that the self-concept is relatively stable, and pointed out differences between self-concept activation and self-concept change. Returning to the spiral diagrams in Figures 2.1 and 2.2, we might assume that activation is the constant movement of different beliefs or views in the hierarchy of one’s self-belief system depending on the situation at hand. Such activation allows for flexibility in daily functioning. Substantive change, however, is less frequently observed. As Brown (1998) explained, “The evidence here is clear and straightforward: Numerous factors (e.g., the social context) influence the salience or accessibility of our various self-views” (p. 121). Furthermore, he claimed, “the most reasonable conclusion is that although people’s ideas about themselves can be changed, they typically do not” (p. 122).

In the next sections, we explore five possible ways that self-views might change. Some are external events, while others are internal and initiated by the individual, but they are not exhaustive examples. Furthermore, some of these events are sudden and sometimes tragic happenings, while others might last a lifetime. Each type of event has social or cultural aspects that directly or indirectly influence the impact on individuals and groups of people.

Ecstatic Events

Sometimes, people have life-altering experiences that are ecstatic and joyous events. These might happen suddenly, such as being spiritually reborn due to an emotional event, or could take place over time, such as becoming deeply in love with a partner, acquaintance, or friend. Whatever the occasion, these experiences could have great effect on people’s views of themselves, others, and life. The birth of a child, an unexpected marriage proposal, the survival of a near-death experience, an inspiring commencement address, and a life-saving encounter are a few examples of ecstatic events that might have a powerful influence on a person’s development. Exercise 2.3 gives you an opportunity to reflect on a joyous experience in your life.

Joyous and ecstatic events can be powerful influences. They are also pleasant to recall and remember with others. Another way that self-concept might change is through tragic or traumatic events, which are equally powerful but less enjoyable and comfortable to remember.

Exercise 2.3

Think of an event in your life that you would describe as ecstatic or joyous. Recall the event in as much detail as possible and recount it to a friend or classmate. As you reflect on this event, what impact do you think it had on your self-views at that time in your life? If there were significant changes in how you viewed yourself or others, have you sustained these perceptions?

Traumatic Events

Tragedy and trauma often have an immediate and devastating effect on people’s lives. These experiences not only influence how individuals view themselves, but also how they view others, groups, institutions, and life in general. Most people can recall events when they, or someone they knew, experienced sudden trauma such as a car accident, senseless crime, medical surgery, natural disaster, disease, or other unforgettable happening that caused harm, loss, or death. In most tragic and traumatic experiences, social and cultural influences have an impact on how people deal with the events. For example, religious views about death and the hereafter might help a person accept the tragic and untimely death of a loved one. On the other hand, some social values might hinder self-development, or worse, contribute to human misery suffered through traumatic events. An example is domestic violence, particularly as perpetrated on women. Sadly, stereotypical views, maintained by particular social and cultural beliefs, frequently perpetuate debilitating gender roles and permit the physical, sexual, and emotional abuse of spouses and children in families.

War is a special case of trauma comprised of significant social and cultural aspects and ingredients. As such, war is often the consequence of social and cultural views held by one group and in conflict with the views of another group. Hatred toward different groups of people has borne countless skirmishes, battles, and wars between families, villages, regions, nations, and countries since the dawn of humankind, but we do not have to rely solely on major world conflicts to understand the impact of violent action on self-development. Tormented individuals bullied by predators often live with emotional and psychological scars that inhibit their development and relationships with others. A lifetime of being harassed, humiliated, and degraded takes its toll and influences self-perception. Later in this chapter, we will revisit violent behavior as a social phenomenon related to self-development.

Intervention

As a particular form of human service, counseling encourages people to examine their perceptions and beliefs. Such examination might ultimately enable people to alter behaviors that eventually will help them reorganize their beliefs, let go of long-held counterproductive values, or incorporate new, healthier perceptions into their self-views. For example, through cognitive behavior modification, Meichenbaum (1977) encouraged counselors and therapists to teach specific problem-solving and coping skills to their clients. Through this process, clients learn how to use their internal dialogue, also known as self-talk, to listen and talk with themselves in mediating and changing thoughts and behaviors. Meichenbaum (1977) referred to this process as cognitive restructuring, a way to help clients examine perceptions and beliefs while taking responsibility for altering destructive thought patterns and related behaviors. Other forms of cognitive therapy and counseling approaches founded on self-concept theory also advocate interventions that encourage self-examination of thoughts, beliefs, and perceptions (Ellis, 1996; Purkey, 2000; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996).

Countless interventions through counseling and other professional approaches have potential impact on people’s self-perceptions. Medical intervention, such as surgery or medication, frequently has an effect on patients’ self-views. From a social/cultural perspective, other interventions might include alternative healing methods, which are sometimes performed by laypeople rather than professionals, creative expression through art, dance, and music, and holistic approaches to wellness including emotional, social, vocational, educational, physical, and spiritual aspects of healthy living.

When considering interventions to help clients examine self-views, professional helpers practice from a broad understanding of social-cultural influence and make every attempt to select from a range of approaches that clients might find appropriate and useful. By doing so, counselors and other professionals maintain a respectful posture that recognizes the autonomy of the client within the helping relationship, while at the same time creating a flexible and open approach (Schmidt, 2002).

Self-Determination

Another way that people adjust views is through self-action and self-determination. Most people move through life with minimal counseling or other formal help because they have developed high levels of self-reliance, determination, and perseverance, and these traits are complemented by family ties and community support. They are able to ascertain what views are inhibiting their development, plan strategies to alter these views, and adopt new behaviors to bring about desired change in their lives. Sometimes, people seek out guidance and suggestions from professional helpers, or from family, friends, or another supportive network. Ultimately, however, they choose strategies and determine a direction for change to take place. When successful, such people are able to make significant shifts in their views and behaviors that bring about noticeable differences in their self-concept and lifestyle.

People make countless choices everyday that are illustrations of how self-determination can alter self-concept. Some examples include quitting smoking, eating healthier, ending a destructive relationship, moving away from family, joining or leaving a church, mosque, or temple, proposing marriage or asking for a divorce, coming out to family and friends, going back to school, and changing career direction. When people rid themselves of unhealthy habits, seek more education, leave oppressive relationships, identify their sexual orientation, establish helpful and caring relationships to enrich their lives, or recognize the career they have chosen is unfulfilling, they take the initial step to determine what interventions will enable them to move forward in a responsible manner.

When family, friends, teachers, and others encourage people to establish goals, make plans, and choose strategies for achieving these goals, their confidence becomes stronger and nurtures self-determination. For counselors and other helping professionals, understanding how self-determination emerges and the subsequent social or cultural implications for the client, family, and community is important. Self-concept can change through individual self-determination, but fostering such behavior without understanding its impact on a client’s relationships with family members, friends, and community might not be helpful. Counselors and other helping professionals foster self-determination with clients within the context of particular social and cultural influences each client must consider. For example, clients with a cultural heritage that embraces collective views more that individualistic achievement balance their self-determination with what is best for themselves, family, and community as a whole.

Determination, as with other qualities of the self, is vulnerable to countless experiences. It can be strengthened or weakened by repeated events that influence people’s belief system. Therefore, a fifth way that self-concept might change is through repetition of similar events and experiences.

epeated Life Events

In addition to ecstatic events, trauma, intervention, and self-determination, another way that self-concept might change is by repeated positive or negative events in a person’s life (Purkey & Novak, 1996; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). Classroom teachers and school counselors see the effects of this phenomenon every day with students they teach and counsel. Young students who have learned from their parents, grandparents, and extended family members that they are valued, respected, and capable often succeed in school. In contrast, students who constantly hear how awful, dumb, uncoordinated, and irresponsible they are might conclude that they are worthless and incapable. Understandably, they might rebel against the rigors of academic lessons and high standards expected in school.

When people hear continuously that they have potential and are loved by others, these remarks have a powerful cumulative effect. At the same time, if people observe genuine kind and nurturing behaviors that validate the comments they hear, the positive effect could be magnified. In such instances, we might be more certain that individuals will be successful and productive in their lives. Still, a caveat is important to note here. According to self-concept theory, as mentioned earlier, through unconscious processes, people ultimately determine which perceptions fit and which to reject from the self-views that construct their belief system (Purkey & Schmidt, 1996). For this reason, we occasionally see people who have grown up in seemingly ideal environments, yet nevertheless choose destructive and counterproductive behaviors. Such cases of deviant behavior are often confusing to counselors and other professional helpers. They struggle to understand why people who seem to have everything going for them make such inappropriate decisions or choose such destructive behaviors. Later in this chapter, we will consider deviancy in more detail. For now, suffice to say that these cases show that other factors, such as biological traits and psychological conditions, work in tandem with phenomenological processes to influence people’s choices. Understanding these combined influences gives increased credence to holistic approaches used in counseling and human service—approaches that consider self-perceptions, environmental influences, biological makeup, cultural heritage, social pressures, and other aspects related to human development.

As mentioned, repeated negative events might have a devastating effect on people’s development. This could be particularly true in the early stages of development, as children begin creating belief systems about themselves and the world around them. However, in later years such negative repeated experiences could also take their toll. As an illustration, think of a young man who has excelled in sports during childhood and adolescent years. His relationships with coaches have been mostly positive, helping him develop a strong belief in his athletic abilities. Then, in college, a new coach relies on constant aversive language and physical exercise to motivate players. The young man begins to doubt his athletic ability, eventually becoming so discouraged that he quits the team. Some other players might take the coach’s negative style and fight back by motivating themselves and saying, in essence, “I’ll show him!” They reject the coach’s taunts and comments and succeed in spite of his approach. The young man in question, however, may not have experienced such abuse before, and ultimately accepts defeat by concluding that he does not have the mental and emotional stamina to compete successfully under such stressful conditions.

Repeated experiences are important factors that relate to social and cultural influences in a person’s development of a belief system. Cultural traditions practiced within families and communities and passed on to youth become part of a child’s existence and worldview. Similarly, spiritual beliefs emerge through repeated practice of religious ceremonies or other sacred experiences. Counselors and other professional helpers who practice with social and cultural sensitivity are interested in all the experiences that influence people’s development, and pay particular attention to their clients’ perceptions about these significant events.

Factors that influence change in self-concept include more than the examples presented here. Joyful events, trauma, intervention, self-determination, and repeated experiences offer a sampling of sources for self-concept development and change. Although all these events have significant influence on people’s lives and belief systems, the self-concept is a relatively stable and consistent part of a person’s personality (Hamacheck, 1992; Purkey, 1970, 2000; Purkey & Schmidt, 1996).

Stability of the Self-Concept

In theory, self-concept is a stable structure that perpetuates consistent behavior (Brown, 1998). Without consistency, we might see widespread chaos and unpredictability in people’s behavior. Change, as we have noted, does take place, and people do alter views, but the fundamental beliefs that guide who they are in life demonstrate a reliability that manifests itself in the consistent behaviors people choose. As such, we might expect all the significant “sub-selves” of the self-concept (in Figure 2.1, those closest to the core) to show a degree of stability and dependability in how people view themselves and their surrounding world. Earlier, this chapter discussed how people experience events and either accept or reject them as an illustration of “fitting” or “not fitting” their current belief system. When people accept contrary beliefs or incompatible perceptions, they invite cognitive dissonance, which can lead to behaviors that are inconsistent with the person’s usual pattern. A common phrase used to illustrate these instances is “I’m just not myself today!” However, inviting such dissonance is not necessarily a negative event. Often, contrary circumstances encourage people to make changes, alter views, and take positive steps toward self-development.

Counselors and human service providers understand the stability of the self-concept because they appreciate the consistency that comes from an internal frame of reference. They understand that what might appear to be conflicting perceptions within a client’s belief system are assessed by the counselor and others from an external point of view. If such apparent conflicting sub-selves exist without inner turmoil for the client, then consistency prevails. However, the conflict that exists from external perspectives often causes problems for the person and community. An example is a man who has been unable to hold a job—an external view. From his perspective, he is much better and more talented than what these jobs offer, so by constantly quitting them, he maintains a consistent perspective about himself and the unworthiness of these occupations. Others, especially his spouse and family, draw different conclusions, and wonder if he will ever accept responsibility by keeping a job. Therein lies the conflict.

Understanding the difference between an external assessment and an internal point of view is particularly important when helping people who are from different cultural and social backgrounds, or who have belief systems contrary to the helper. Counselors and other providers who learn about their clients’ traditions and values might have less difficulty comprehending social and cultural perspectives different from theirs. In practice, such professionals may have the potential to be successful with a range of clients. In addition, counselors and human service workers who understand the stability of self-concept and the importance of its consistency also appreciate the time it might take for a person to make changes and bring about transformations in life.

Related Developmental Theories

Over the years, various authorities have created numerous developmental theories to explain psychosocial, cognitive, and other aspects of human growth and maturation (Chickering, 1969; Erikson, 1968; Kohlberg, 1976; Piaget, 1952). In many respects, these developmental theories incorporate factors related to the emerging self-concept and identity development. For example, Erikson’s (1968) ideas about stages of identity development and Piaget’s (1952) work on cognitive development both consider the role of environment and a person’s interpretation of and reaction to external events in the process of growing and maturing from childhood to adulthood.

Likewise, Chickering’s (1969) pioneering study with undergraduate college students is an example of adult development models. Chickering and Reisser (1993) used contemporary research findings to revise this original theory and proposed seven vectors of development, each contributing to a person’s identity development. In his original work, Chickering (1969) selected the term vector to describe the various stages of development (students’ tasks) because of the degree and purpose attributed to each of the vectors. The seven vectors (tasks) in the revised model included (1) Developing Competence, (2) Managing Emotions, (3) Moving through Autonomy toward Interdependence, (4) Developing Mature Interpersonal Relationships, (5) Establishing Identity, (6) Developing Purpose, and (7) Developing Integrity. Regarding the task of establishing an identity, Chickering and Reisser (1993) included several aspects such as body image and appearance, gender role and sexual orientation, clarity of self-concept and lifestyle, an understanding of social and cultural heritage, secure sense of self, self-acceptance, and personal stability and integration (Evans, 2003). Researchers have studied the applicability of this theory across various population groups (e.g., women, Asian Americans, African Americans, those of alternative sexual orientation) and have noted gender and cultural differences in prioritizing the various vectors (Evans, Forney, & Guido-DiBrito, 1998).

Other theories of adult development have proposed stages of life, particular life events, and the timing of life events as different perspectives on the maturation process. Some of these models lend understanding to self-development from a social and cultural perspective. For example, Schlossberg, Waters, and Goodman (1995) suggested a life events’ model that views significant happenings as part of a process over a period of time in which people accomplish certain tasks. Evans (2003) noted that life events’ models consider the manner in which individuals accomplish these important tasks and related the process to many factors including personality traits as well as support networks and resources. Furthermore, she observed that the “focus on variability, interconnectedness, and environmental influence” suggests that life events’ models are “well-suited for explaining women’s development across the life span” (Evans, 2003, p. 185).

Many other theories related to self-evolution (Kegan, 1994), moral development (Gilligan, 1982; Kohlberg, 1976), spiritual development (Parks, 2000), and career development (Super, 1990) exist, and contribute to the knowledge base and understanding of self-concept. A final supposition presented here is that all aspects related to a person’s self-view tie distinctively to that person’s worldview. In a sense, self-view is the core belief system that creates, promulgates, and affirms the belief system that comprises a worldview, which was defined in Chapter 1. Figure 2.4 illustrates one depiction of this relationship. Strongly held values, beliefs, customs, and language of cultural and ethnic groups to which an individual belongs are influential in the formation and organization of a worldview.

FIGURE 2.4 Relationship of Self-View and Worldview

The ideas presented thus far in this chapter explain the organization, function, and stability of self-concept as depicted through various theories. An understanding of how human perception constructs this internal belief system is useful to professional helpers in expressing empathy regarding their clients’ point of view. Counselors and other human service providers might also find self-concept theory and related developmental theories helpful in constructing and appreciating how their clients view the world in which they live. At the same time, they might gain appreciation for the learning processes that comprise the creation of a self- and worldview. The next part of this chapter connects self-development and worldview with social learning theory.

Self-View, Worldview, and Social Learning

If, as theorists propose, people construct self-concepts, they do so within a particular environment, which itself is also created, nurtured, ignored, or harmed by various social and cultural forces. Human development, including an emerging self-concept, is either enhanced and supported or neglected and depreciated by the societies and groups in which, and with whom, people live. In concert with a person’s unique perceptual power, these assorted social and cultural elements contribute to the development of a self-view and corresponding worldview that fill a continuum of human thought and beliefs about oneself, other people, and life in general. For counselors and other professional helpers, an understanding of the dynamic relationship between a person’s view of self and the cultural context in which she or he was born and nurtured is imperative.

The following sections explore two schools of thought related to social learning theory. The first is Vygotsky’s (1962, 1935/1978) social cognition learning model and a second is the social learning theory of Albert Bandura (1971, 1986; Bandura & Walters, 1963), also known as social cognitive theory. Of particular interest for premises put forth in this text is the relationship Bandura (1997) and others (Maddux & Gosselin, 2003) have highlighted between social learning and self-efficacy.

Social Cognition Learning Model

Born in 1896 in Byelorussia of the former Soviet Union, psychologist Len Semyonovitch Vygotsky was a contemporary of notable stimulus-response psychologists including Ivan Pavlov and John B. Watson, and of the Gestalt theorists of that period. In contrast with other speculation of the time, Vygotsky (1935/1978, 1962) attempted to develop a theory of cognitive development with particular relevance to an ever-changing society, the impact of culture on human development, and practical implications for education and learning.

Three basic premises set the foundation for his theory. First is the significant role a person’s culture plays in the process of human development. Everything that people experience from birth through death in the process of developing a personal identity filters through limitless cultural and social contexts. Beginning with the birth setting, trauma, and celebration into which they are born, continuing with family experiences and interactions, and moving through childhood, adolescence, and adult learning, people experience a plethora of cultural events and influences that have a tremendous impact on who they become.

A second important theme in Vygotsky’s theory is the central role of language in human development. Through language, adults teach children. Consequently, language is a fundamental feature of culture. As children learn about culture through the transmission of language (e.g., words, concepts, beliefs), they adapt this knowledge to internalize language in developing their thought processes. In this way, children acquire an internal language by which they learn to direct their thoughts and behaviors. The common term for this internal language or dialogue today is self-talk (Purkey, 2000). A key notion in this theme is that language not only helps people with their cognitive development, it also helps shape society and culture. As people develop the ability to think and solve problems, they create fresh cultural features or adjust old ones to fit new patterns and trends. In this way, culture has significant influence on the emerging person, who in turn has the potential to have an impact on the culture.

The third premise of social cognitive learning theory is the zone of proximal development (Vygotsky, 1935/1978). This idea focuses on what children are capable of doing on their own in comparison to what they are able to do with help from others. As such, this concept defines human functions that are in the process of developing as well as those that are mature. We might expect that children surrounded by social institutions, cultural traditions, nurturing parents, competent teachers, and inviting friends would benefit intellectually. In theory, the more expansive a child’s zone of proximal development, the more potential exists for maximum learning. This concept has implications for assessing children in educational settings and for counseling. Counselors, for example, want to ascertain what their clients currently know and understand, as well as the potential for learning more information and understanding more complex matters. These three principles of Vygotsky’s social cognitive learning theory have relevance for understanding self-development.

Vygotsky’s work (1935/1978, 1962) was cut short by his death in 1934 due to tuberculosis. However, his ideas have had an influence on educational theory and self-concept theory (Purkey, 2000), and may have importance in counseling a broad spectrum of clients, particularly children. Because so much of what children learn is influenced by society and culture, counselors who work with children from diverse backgrounds avoid assessing them in isolation. Parental influence, family experiences, and other important social and cultural considerations are taken into account.

Social Learning Theory

In behavioral theory, operant conditioning maintains that learning occurs through a reinforcement paradigm (Kazdin, 2001). That is, all human learning is an outcome of direct reinforcement schedules. Albert Bandura’s lifetime work has contested this conclusion (1997, 1998). Early in his career as a clinical psychology professor at Stanford University, in the 1960s, Albert Bandura began studying the relationship between modeling behaviors of parents and social aggression by adolescent boys. Over time, his research showed that learning often takes place through observation without any identifiable or direct reinforcement. Furthermore, social learning research found that learning through modeling does not necessarily result in behavior change (Kazdin, 2001). Sometimes, learning through modeling simply is integrated into a person’s pattern of cognitive functioning (i.e., into the construction of self-concept).

During the past decades of social learning research, theorists have placed increased emphasis on the role cognition plays in the understanding and interpretation of human learning and behavior. This makes particular sense when considering cultural learning and the integration of cultural traditions and beliefs into a person’s self-concept. For example, as a young child learns religious rituals and beliefs by observing ceremonies in a mosque, synagogue, or church, we may not see overt behavioral change. Gradually, as the child matures, he or she may incorporate new behaviors based on the earlier observational learning, particularly if family and society encourage and reinforce such behaviors. However, the child may never demonstrate much of the observed learning by specific behavior changes. Rather, the child might simply incorporate these observations into a global belief system that serves as a guide to spiritual and religious functioning.

Reinforcement and Social Learning.

Reinforcement of modeling occurs in several ways. For one, a learner might be reinforced by the model. For example, a young child who has observed parents and older siblings eating with utensils might suddenly pick up a spoon and begin using it. Subsequent praise and encouragement by the parents will likely result in continued use of the spoon and eventual adaptation of other utensils at future meals.

Another example of reinforced modeling is when a third person intervenes. As an illustration, say a basketball player has been observing how a teammate uses a certain technique for shooting foul shots. The player watches and attempts to incorporate this technique into her style of shooting, and while practicing it, is encouraged by the coach, who notes that the new way of shooting will improve her foul-shot percentage. Of course, the ultimate reinforcement for adapting this shooting technique will be increased foul shots scored during the game.

Vicarious reinforcement is another way that people learn through modeling. Sometimes, models win accolades, achieve goals, make money, or perform tasks. Research shows that under certain conditions, observers will adapt behaviors of the model if they perceive those behaviors are valued by people who are important to them. Some of Bandura’s earliest research studied vicarious learning by having children watch films of an inflated plastic doll (the now famous Bobo doll) being hit by a model. Children who observed the model receiving praise began to hit the doll also, without receiving praise themselves (Bandura, 1973).

Imitated behaviors result in self-gratification, fun, or other form of pleasure that reinforces their use. First, the behaviors are observed. Next, the observer concludes that the behaviors might be worth trying, and finally, the individual makes the attempt. If the person feels the expected enjoyment or pleasure assumed from the observations, then the behaviors are reinforced. On the other hand, if those expected feelings are not realized, it is likely the person would not integrate the observed learning into his or her behavioral repertoire.

Social Learning and Cognition.

One factor related to learning that is receiving increased consideration among contemporary learning theorists is the influence of expectation on cognitive functioning. In particular, an individual’s expectation of reward or punishment regarding a particular behavior is influential in determining whether the person ultimately uses the observed behavior. Closely tied to this notion of expected reinforcement is the person’s degree or level of attention during the learning process. With expected reinforcement, therefore, attention might be more likely and learning will result (Bandura, 1997, 1998). Putting this in the context of self-development and cultural identity, we might conclude that when a person finds a particular cultural experience meaningful, she or he will attend to the details of the event more so than will someone who does not find it satisfying or worthwhile.

Social Learning and Self-Efficacy

Much of Bandura’s work in the 1990s focused on development of self-efficacy and its link to social learning theory (1998). Efficacy relates to perceived value, worthiness, and effectiveness. As such, self-efficacy is the sum of perceived beliefs that people hold about their ability to behave in productive ways to have a beneficial influence on their life. A person’s beliefs about self-efficacy, therefore, are important and integral pieces of his or her larger, more global self-concept (Maddux & Gosselin, 2003).

Bandura (1998) highlighted several sources for developing self-efficacy. The first is through mastery learning. As people learn to master certain tasks in life, and repeated successes reinforce this learning, they tend to develop a stronger sense of capability. Such success should include experience in overcoming obstacles. Achievement without challenge may not lead to an efficacy built on fortitude and perseverance, and without those qualities, feelings of self-worth might be short-lived. At the same time, failures, particularly repeated and harsh failures that occur before a strong sense of efficacy develops, tend to demoralize people and weaken their chances to gain self-fulfillment.

Social learning, as we have seen, is another source of self-efficacy, and one that is particularly tied to groups, societies, and cultures. Observing how other people perform, particularly people in groups with which we identify, provides powerful information about our self-efficacy. Behaviors, attitudes, and customs observed in families, peer groups, and through other social encounters are sources of self-efficacy beliefs. When the groups with whom we associate are successful in their endeavors, we integrate our observations of that success into an assessment of ourselves. On the other hand, when our primary groups are unsuccessful or perceived as less valuable by larger segments of society, this might have a negative effect on our feeling of self-worth.

Having our social or cultural group perceived as less valuable by the larger society might have a countereffect if our group is persuasive in convincing us of its true value. Persuasiveness is another source of self-efficacy and one that can counteract beliefs of inferiority whether professed by individuals or groups. Bandura (1998) cautioned that persuasion alone without corresponding success might lead to unrealistic expectation that will quickly deteriorate into disappointment with the onset of a first setback or failure.

As noted above, self-efficacy relates to self-identity. Understanding self-views, and having a structure or model, such as the self-concept spiral or social learning theory, to increase this understanding is valuable in comprehending a clients’ development, appreciating the social and cultural influences on developmental processes, and ultimately understanding the behavioral choices people make in their daily lives.

Because counseling and human services often have a remedial focus in helping people address fears, inhibitions, and behaviors that thwart personal development, negative issues such as deviance, violence, and substance abuse are often central to difficult cases. In contrast, helping professionals also provide access to and acceptance of educational opportunity, including new technology, which complements interventions to help people redirect their lives. The next sections offer a sample of human behaviors and developmental opportunities to help connect self-concept theory with social learning. The sample includes both positive and negative behaviors, presented here to explore how they might relate to self-development. In that regard, while reading each of the following sections, you might consider how the self-view and worldview of people who use these selected behaviors or socially learned traits might be structured (returning to Figure 2.1 might assist you in this analysis). The first topic is deviant behavior.

Deviant Behavior

Sociologists, criminologists, psychologists, and other behavioral scientists have studied deviancy since humankind began observing differences among members of social groups (Kelly & Clarke, 2003). Numerous theories of criminal deviance have been proposed, investigated, analyzed, and criticized over the years (Downes & Rock, 2003). For our purposes here, we consider deviance in a broad sense, not necessarily confined to criminal behavior.

By considering a broad definition of deviance, we acknowledge that not only has deviant behavior existed since the formation of early societies, but it also remains a consistent phenomenon in the study of social structure and individual development. As Curra (2000) observed, “Social deviance is a persistent and common feature of societies, communities, and groups” (p. 1). At the same time, deviance is a social construct uniquely defined by particular groups according to their “ideal culture—shared understandings about exemplary ways of acting, thinking, and feeling” (Curra, 2000, p. 16). Consequently, deviance is socially and culturally defined, and therefore manifests itself in various forms not necessarily evaluated consistently across social groups. Deviancy also includes aspects of motivation, opportunity, continuity, positive reinforcement, and adverse consequences (Kaplan & Johnson, 2001). What motivational conditions, opportunities, reinforcements, or punishment does society have in place that help to define deviant behavior? How these aspects operate in a given society or particular cultural group helps define deviancy and its relativity to proper and improper ways of behaving.

Earlier conceptions that deviancy results from biological characteristics remain unsupported by research findings (Gibbs, 2003). A new emerging view rejects the notion that physical, biological, or other intrinsic features relate to deviant behavior. Instead, deviancy is identified and defined only by the reaction of society to particular acts. Because certain behaviors are considered deviant by one society and not another, this theory maintains that biological or other characteristics alone cannot define deviance. “Purely biological variables may explain why some persons commit certain acts, but they do not explain why the acts are crimes” (Gibbs, 2003, p. 18). Accordingly, we can assume that deviant behavior is socially defined and learned.

Depending on the particular social group and motivations and opportunities that exist, some behaviors defined as deviant by external observers in retrospect might be perceived as noble and even heroic by internal group members. Helms and Cook (1999) reminded us that the early American colonies and the United States of America were established largely due to rebellious opportunities accepted by deviants and misfits from Europe. For example, the Sons of Liberty who staged the Boston Tea Party in 1773 were defying England’s tax policies and their deviant behavior was the precursor to further confrontation that eventually led to a successful rebellion, proudly referred to today as the American Revolution.

Some authorities have proposed the concept of positive deviance (Heckert, 2003). Although there is debate about the existence of positive deviance, its definition includes behavior that society recognizes as superior in nature and that typically deviates from the expected norm. Heckert (2003) offered numerous examples of positive deviance across categories that include innovative and creative people, extremely physically attractive people, Nobel Prize winners, geniuses, and others. Exercise 2.4 offers a list of exceptional historical and contemporary figures. Review the names you know, and decide whether you consider them examples of positive deviants.

Deviance is both socially constructed and situational (or contextual) by definition (Goode, 2002). Social construction, as noted earlier in this text, consists of rules and behavioral norms established both formally and informally and intended for members of a particular society or group. An example of deviant behavior from a social perspective might be the act of arson. Burning down an inhabited building or intentionally torching a forest are crimes and likely to result in punishment by imprisonment.

Exercise 2.4

Positive Deviancy?

Instructions: Review the list below and identify names about which you have some knowledge. Based on that knowledge, decide whether you could appropriately label the person as a positive deviant. Form a rationale for each decision and share with a classmate.

Person

Positive Deviant?

Mother Theresa

_______________

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

_______________

Michelangelo

_______________

Galileo

_______________

Jesus Christ

_______________

Jefferson Davis

_______________

Rosa Parks

_______________

Albert Einstein

_______________

Thomas Edison

_______________

Mahatma Gandhi

_______________

The Dalai Lama

_______________

Socially constructed norms might change over time, and consequently, behavior once thought of as deviant could be redefined or reconsidered. For example, in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s, marital divorce had different social meaning than it does today. Although divorce is still not a positive event in anyone’s life, it no longer has the social stigma attached to it in earlier years.

Situational deviance occurs when a person or people within a group break a rule or violate a norm that relates to a specific circumstance or context. As an illustration, the U.S. Episcopal Church installed an openly gay bishop in 2004. This historic event caused much consternation and fragmentation among church members because it deviated from what some believed to be church doctrine. However, the larger society did not condemn or punish this act, so its deviancy is contextual or situational in nature. Although we might define the act of naming a gay bishop as situational deviance, the act of being homosexual might be defined as a socially constructed deviance because the larger society continues to reject such sexual orientation (Goode, 2002). Within particular communities or cultural groups, however, members view homosexuality as an acceptable orientation, and this is another example of situational rather than social judgment.

Deviant behavior is important to understand from both social and situational perspectives when working with clients from diverse cultures. People who deviate from the normal practices of groups with which they identify, whether with negative or positive deviation, face rejection, punishment, criticism, or other stressors that affect their self-development. Understanding how society, cultural groups, families, and individual clients perceive and evaluate the deviant behavior in question is an important starting point to establishing helpful relationships. Key to this understanding is being able to differentiate between deviant behavior that is destructive to social order, human welfare, or the individual’s self-development and deviant behavior that simply violates cultural norms and customs. This may be an oversimplification of the issue, but perhaps it is the difference between criminal (or destructive) deviance and cultural (or individual) deviance. Consider the examples of deviant behavior in Exercise 2.5 and decide whether each is a destructive deviance or cultural/individual deviance.

Understanding situational deviance could be important when working with clients who violate existing social codes of a dominant culture or reject customs and traditions of their family and culture. Many young people who immigrate with their families to the United States assimilate into Western or American ways of behaving, dressing, and dating, thus causing conflict within their families. Helping young clients understand their actions within the context of social and situational deviance might be an initial step to learning negotiation and compromise skills that enable parents and other family members to view new behaviors in positive ways. Similarly, clients from diverse backgrounds who struggle to adjust in a new society might want to learn how to navigate through new cultural experiences without drawing negative attention to customs and traditions they continue to embrace.

Exercise 2.5

Understanding Deviance

Instructions: Review the list of behaviors and decide whether each is criminal (destructive) or cultural (individual) in nature. Leave blank any you cannot label. Share your responses with the class.

Behavior

Criminal, Destructive, Cultural, or Individual

Dressing in sexually provocative ways

_______________

Robbing a bank

_______________

Protesting at a political rally

_______________

Stealing food from a grocery

_______________

Wearing culturally authentic clothes

_______________

Using profanity in public

_______________

Worshiping in public places

_______________

Preaching on a street corner

_______________

Looking down when talking to someone

_______________

Changing religious affiliation

_______________

Having extramarital affairs

_______________

Marrying more than one spouse

_______________

Children sleeping in same bed with parents

_______________

Driving over the speed limit

_______________

Hitting a child for discipline/punishment

_______________

Hitting a spouse for discipline/punishment

_______________

Not worshiping at a mosque, synagogue, or church

_______________

Boycotting a popular product

_______________

Running away from home

_______________

Achieving the highest academic goals

_______________

Dropping out of school

_______________

Being sexual active as a single adult

_______________

Being sexually active as an adolescent

_______________

Equally important in addressing various forms of deviant behavior are strategies and services that help society, families, and other groups understand and empathize with people from diverse backgrounds or people who chose unconventional behaviors and customs to express themselves. Counselors and other professional helpers not only work with individuals, they also have responsibility to educate the larger group, be it society, family, peer group, or other social group, about behaviors that some might perceive as deviant or simply different. School counselors, for example, are keenly aware of the need to help students understand the behavior, dress, and customs of their classmates who come from diverse backgrounds. Integrating guidance lessons into daily instruction, arranging cultural celebrations, and inviting speakers from various cultures into the school are a few ways that schools inform their communities while teaching tolerance and acceptance of behaviors that appear to deviate from the norm.

Violence and Abuse

Violence and abuse are two factors related to deviancy that social scientists and psychologists have studied for years. Despite volumes of research, full understanding of violent behavior and how people become violent eludes us. As Stewart and Strathern (2002) surmised, violence is “an enduring phenomenon that is part of our lives and cannot be ignored, yet has proved difficult to understand and analyse” (p. 1).

An understanding of the relationship between violent behavior, personal development, and social status variables such as gender and class is important for designing effecting strategies that help clients, communities, and organizations address this issue. At the same time, counselors and other professional helpers want to understand the effects of violence on victims, families, communities, and the larger society.

In addition to commonly known forms of violence condemned by most societies, such as murder and rape, there are also culturally specific forms of violence, which in contrast are often encouraged within certain social groups. These culturally accepted forms of violence include bullfighting, animal sacrifice, cattle raids, public executions, male socialization rituals, hazes, and many types of sport, among other forms of condoned violent behavior. Also, warfare is a specific type of organized violence that, as noted earlier, has been used by social structures such as kingdoms, empires, countries, tribes, and governments throughout history for political, territorial, or social gain. Organized violence perpetuated by social structures, such as states and countries, also takes the form of widespread aggression against ethnic groups (Stewart & Strathern, 2002).

Violence and Homicide

Statistics indicate that “the United States is the most violent industrialized country in the world” (Hoffman & Summers, 2001, p. xiv). In the United States, African Americans tend to be more at risk of violent behaviors than White Americans and Black men are seven to ten times more likely to be murdered than White males (Aponte & Bracco, 2000). Similarly, Black women have a 1 in 194 probability of being murdered, while White females have a 1 in 369 chance (Aponte & Bracco, 2000). In cultural and sociopolitical contexts, violence is perpetuated against women throughout the globe in various forms including genital mutilation and rape. Traditional practices in some cultures and societies raise conflicts for American and other Western cultures and legal processes.

Violence among African American teens is at a rate of 61 percent, as opposed to 36 percent for White youth (Hoffman & Summers, 2001). Among Black youths between the ages of 15 and 19 in 2001, the homicide rate per 100,000 was 58.2, compared with 7.9 for White males. Likewise, among Black females the rate was 6.4, compared to 2.0 for White females (Child Trends Data Bank, 2003). In general, older teens and young adults have the highest rates across age groups as both victims and offenders of homicide. Since 1993, homicide rates in the United States have declined, but they remain higher than rates reported in the 1980s (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002).

In a majority of Black homicides, the murderer is a family member, friend, or associate of the victim. Consequently, most often the murders of African Americans in the United States reflect the phenomenon of Black-on-Black violence “in the context of familiar interpersonal relationships” (Aponte & Bracco, 2000, p. 140).

Homicide is the seventh leading cause of death among Hispanics and the second leading cause of death for Hispanic youth (Violence Policy Center, 2003). Rates among Hispanic youth reported from 1999 through 2001 were higher than non-Hispanic populations (Child Trends Data Bank, 2003). In 2001, the rate of Hispanic homicides among males between the ages of 15 and 19 was three times greater than among non-Hispanic males. Alcohol and substance abuse are often variables in these killings (Aponte & Bracco, 2000).

Suicide

Suicide, a special form of violence, is also significant in the United States, although the rates have been relatively stable for most groups in recent years. The rate of suicide among males ages 15 to 19 in 2001 was almost 13 per 100,000, and under 3 per 100,000 for females (Child Trends Data Bank, 2003). Suicide is a leading cause of death among Native American youth, for whom alcohol abuse is a related factor (Aponte & Bracco, 2000; Harper & McFadden, 2003). The 2001 suicide rate for Native American males in the 15-to-19 age group was 27.7 per 100,000 versus a rate of 14.0 for White males (Child Trends Data Bank, 2003). Rates for male and female African Americans were lower than Whites in 2001, although Porter (2000b) suggested that suicide rates among Black adolescents might be underestimated. Study of suicidal thinking among gays and lesbians indicates about a third of respondents reveal actual attempts (McBee & Rogers, 1997). In these instances, a majority of subjects cited sexual orientation as their reason for attempting suicide.

Age is another correlate of suicide found within some populations. For example, Alston, Rankin, and Harris (1995) wondered about the rising rates among elderly African American males, which increased about 42 percent in the 1980s. Likewise, Baruth and Manning (1999) reported “an alarmingly high rate of drug use and suicide among older Asian Americans … especially in older men without family or ideological ties to the larger community” (p. 184). In 2000, suicide rates for White males, in contrast to females and Black males, climbed sharply after the age of 70 (National Institute of Mental Health, 2003).

Physical and Sexual Abuse

Child and spousal abuse are two areas of violent behavior of major concern in the United States. The law requires that suspected physical, sexual, or emotional abuse and the neglect of children be reported to appropriate authorities. Specifically, the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974 and related statutes require that helping professionals report suspicions of such situations. As the date of passage for the child abuse act indicates, serious attention to this matter is relatively recent—during the past three decades. In part, this is because cultural attitudes about raising children and the rights of children under the law have evolved over time. Not all cultures share these views. Within the United States, a wide range of opinion exists regarding child-rearing practices, discipline and punishment, and children’s legal rights. Variance across cultural groups, religious beliefs, and family traditions contribute to differing views. Professionals who work with families and children from diverse cultures are aware of legal requirements and ethical responsibilities and at the same time balance their knowledge with sensitivity toward subtle and obvious cultural and family differences.

Estimates are that over 3 million reports of child abuse and neglect are made each year in the United States (Child Abuse Data, 2003). Fatalities cross ethnic groups, and depending on the type of statistical analysis performed, African American and Hispanic children may be somewhat more likely to suffer a fatality than White children. Furthermore, younger children have a greater likelihood of dying than older abused children do.

Spousal abuse or battering comes under the rubric of domestic violence. As has child abuse, domestic violence has received increased attention in the United States in recent years. Johnson (2000) reported that between 2 and 4 million women are abused each year—about one incident every 18 seconds. Regarding spousal abuse and battering, the largest percent of cases involved men abusing female partners in either married or live-in relationships. According to Crespi and Howe (2000), about a third of all married couples have physical altercations. Gladding (2002) noted from a number of sources that each year over 1.5 million wives are battered by their husbands, and about 13 percent of murders in the United States are husbands killing their wives. As with other forms of violence, alcohol abuse is closely associated with spousal abuse.

Sexual abuse is another form of domestic violence. Forced sexual intimacy, even in marital relationships, is abusive and considered rape in the United States. Additional forms of sexual coercion and abuse include intimidation and threats to force sexual consent and obligatory exposure to sexual media and activities that the victim would otherwise not want to see or perform (Volpe, 1996).

As do views about child punishment, cultural attitudes about marital relationships interact with the issue of domestic violence. These attitudes become part of social learning processes that distinguish people’s views about domestic violence. For example, adults from nonabusive relationships frequently express confusion and frustration with women who remain in abusive marriages or other partnerships. Such confusion and frustration, however, are not necessarily translated into community action. Theories have proposed several factors that influence a woman’s decision to stay in an abusive relationship, including psychological stress and fear for safety, emotional dependence, economic need, and cultural beliefs such as gender-role differentiation.

The link between violent behavior and self-concept development remains uncertain. Scientists have long considered the possible link between violent behavior and biological characteristics, but no specific gene, brain functioning, or other physical trait has emerged as a clear link thus far.

Substance Abuse

According to the office of Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, an estimated 19.5 million Americans in 2002 used illicit drugs, and 120 million 12 years of age and older indicated they drank alcoholic beverages (SAMHSA, 2003). The rate of illicit drug usage among youth 12 to 17 years of age was over 11 percent and increased to more than 20 percent for young adults ages 18 to 25. Of people who drank alcoholic beverages, nearly 7 percent in the 2002 sample were heavy drinkers (SAMHSA, 2003) and over 22 percent participated in binge drinking. These data do not include people who misuse or overuse prescribed medications, which is another form of substance abuse in U.S. society.

Substance abuse is a correlative factor with certain deviant and violent behaviors. At the same time, research of substance and alcohol abuse indicates, “the stress of coping with poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and inadequate housing could contribute to substance abuse” among various people and across cultural groups (Thurman, Plested, Edwards, Chen, & Swaim, 2000, p. 217). The etiology of the problem varies from case to case, and is, therefore, difficult to ascertain in terms of psychological, social learning, genetic, or other biological factors, or a combination of these contributors as essential determiners of substance abuse behavior.

Although research indicates that substance abuse crosses all cultural and ethnic groups, it is impossible to generalize about the problem due to variances within groups (Thurman et al., 2000). According to U.S. data, the rate of substance dependency or abuse in 2002 was highest among Native Americans including Alaskan Natives—over 14 percent (SAMHSA, 2003). The same data show people of biracial or multiple racial backgrounds with the next highest rate (13 percent), Hispanics at over 10 percent, Whites and African Americans with about the same rate (9.5% and 9.3% respectively), and Asians with the lowest rate of dependency or abuse (over 4%).

Education

In the United States, the more educated a person becomes, the more likely she or he will have opportunity to reap the economic rewards of career success and higher income. In addition, combined educational achievement and career satisfaction can help people acculturate into mainstream society. Consequently, personal attitudes and beliefs about education interact with social policies to create educational pathways and achieve educational goals that benefit both the individual and society.

Various cultural groups and nationalities have strong beliefs about the importance of education in self-development and in bringing honor to the family. At the same time, education offers avenues to free people from oppressive and discriminatory practices of the past against their race, gender, culture, religion, or other social variable. Before the U.S. civil rights movement of the 1960s, educational opportunity and correlated career success were not equally available to all people. School segregation policies deprived African American children of equal advantage due to inferior facilities and outdated resources found in Black schools. Progress made because of school desegregation is evident by the percentage of African Americans completing college and the economic gains made over the past few decades.

Despite the progress made, however, many challenges in the educational arena continue. Some of these challenges come from policies that place certain groups at a disadvantage. Across less educated cultural groups, we find traces of unfair practices and unequal treatment in schools. The relatively high percentage of minority students placed in exceptional children’s classes is an example of well-intended programs being implemented in ways that place students disproportionately in remedial, lower-level classes. At the same time, other challenges come from within cultural groups. For example, the attitudes of some African American students say that to excel in school is to be like White students, thereby criticizing and ostracizing their peers who achieve academically (Polk, 2000).

As each person interacts with educational programs and policies, the perceptions formed from experiences with family background and history, by encouragement or discouragement received in early school experiences, and by beliefs about education learned from associating with relatives, peers, and the community, all contribute to self-concept development as a student. Educational views become established through unique personal perceptions interacting with family beliefs in concert with numerous societal factors.

Technology and Self-Development

An added dimension to educational opportunity is the increasing use of computers and other technology at home and in the workplace. This exploding phenomenon of “high tech” culture introduces another variable to consider in understanding a person’s self-concept development within the larger society. Use of new technology presents several social challenges and opportunities for counselors and other helping professionals to consider (Bloom & Walz, 2000).

Lee (2000) cautioned the counseling profession about relying too heavily on new technology to provide mental health and educational services. Noting that the United States is the most industrialized country with the widest economic gap between wealthiest and poorest groups, Lee commented that “basing the opportunity for quality mental health and educational services on access to the new network technologies is potentially to consign many to marginalization and disenfranchisement” (p. 85). This condition is analogous the medieval times when scribes were about the only people who could read or write and therefore held great social and political power. If the cost of obtaining access to new technology and, subsequently, communication, resources, education, and other services prohibits a large segment of society from participating, then the educational and economic gaps that exist now will widen in the future. Such a result would leave disenfranchised groups and individuals more powerless to make positive gains.

Recent news reports have indicated that the “digital divide”—the increasing social divisions across cultural groups as result of inability to access the Internet—has not been as dramatic as once predicted (Stone, 2003). An increasing number of schools, for example, provide access across student populations. Some experts predict that as new technology continues to decline in cost and economic growth enhances the position of all social groups, Internet usage will greatly expand. Generational differences and normal daily routines may contribute more to decreased Internet usage than other social factors. Still, a digital divide of some degree will exist as long as economic disparities continue. Efforts to ensure equal access might include government sponsored community centers and other initiatives that will eliminate the digital divide across cultural and socioeconomic groups (Lee, 2000; Stone, 2003).

Another factor that new technology has introduced into the human development formula is risk of increased personal isolation. Although new technology has had tremendous impact on information processing and communication, it carries a corresponding risk of people spending more time alone, as noted by the number of children and adults who work or play on the computer a large portion of time and more often than in more social activities. Exercise 2.6 permits you to self-assess the time you spend alone using new technology.

The use of a wide array of technology, from television viewing to Internet chat rooms, also has an effect on public attendance at social events and live performances. Yin (2003) reported that according to findings in the 2002 Survey of Public Participation in the Arts, “Americans are increasingly less likely to go out for a dose of the arts, and more likely to stay home and enjoy performances in front of their home entertainment centers” (p. 1). As such, we might deduce that social interaction might decrease as the use of new technology increases.

Exercise 2.7

Alone with My Technology

Instructions: Keep a log for the next two weeks. On your log, record the time you spend alone or with one other person doing the activities listed. Total the time, and compare results with classmates.

Activity

Total Time

Listening to music

_____

Watching television

_____

Doing school/job-related work on computer

_____

Surfing the Internet

_____

Talking on the phone

_____

Playing on the computer

_____

Watching videos or DVDs

_____

Total Combined Time:

_____

New technology might also contribute to changes in social interaction at the workplace. As computers and robots perform more tasks, people may spend less time in cooperative work experiences. If so, the decrease in social contact might increase workers’ sense of personal isolation. As a university professor who has entered the realm of teaching online courses, I sometimes worry about the lack of student contact and decrease in “real time” student interaction that result from Internet classes. I am not convinced that discussion boards, virtual classrooms, and other high-tech processes fully take the place of face-to-face contact in optimal learning environments, especially in the helping professions. Yet, I understand the power of this new technology to deliver convenient information and instruction to a broader audience.

Access to the Internet and other new technologies also presents challenges to families across cultural groups. Less interaction between spouses and with children is unhealthy for family functioning (Gladding, 2002). Increased individual time working or playing on the computer by husbands, wives, and children likely adds to the challenges of marital relationships and responsible child rearing. In addition, children from diverse families who access the Internet are exposed to cultural attractions that might violate or otherwise threaten traditional values and customs that parents wish to uphold. On one hand, parents want children to use new technology for educational and other advantages, but on the other hand, they want to ensure that accessed information does not interfere with parental guidance and family functioning. Using technology to enhance family functioning and nurture self-development will be a challenge in the future.

Counseling Inferences

This chapter presented the structure of self-concept, certain qualities about this theory, and its relationship to social and cultural influences in human development. It considered a few ways that self-concept changes during a person’s lifetime, and related these events to social and cultural factors that frequently play mitigating roles in the process of growth and development.

For counselors and other helpers, there are a few fundamental teachings about self-concept that are essential. First and foremost is that the self-concept is just that, a concept, a theory. It is not something clients show us. We cannot see, touch, measure (in a literal sense), hear, or smell it. Clients do not carry their self-concepts in a tote bag to have counselors or others examine them. Therefore, we are careful not to be overly precise with, or dependent on, the clinical conclusions drawn based on self-concept speculation. As a theory, self-concept is most helpful in allowing counselors and clients to construct assumptions about influential beliefs and values, explore self-talk that might be inhibiting development, and gain general understanding of how clients view themselves and the world around them. From this exploration, clients then choose aspects of their self-views they want to change in making life decisions.

Another inference from the teachings about self-concept is that, although they can change, self-views, particularly as related to personality, remain relatively stable over a lifetime. Counselors and clients can focus on changing behaviors that might ultimately bring about different self-views. New behaviors might be selected and incorporated expeditiously, but any adjustment to self-concept will usually take time.

Counselors and human service providers also understand the powerful influence they have in establishing an effective helping relationship with clients. How they use that power while respecting the social and cultural background and experiences of each client is the hallmark of ethical and professional practice. Perhaps most importantly, successful professionals take time to learn about and understand their own self-views. Helping people examine and explore their perceptions about themselves and the world is best facilitated by counselors and other professionals who willingly engage in their own self-reflection for the purpose of identifying behaviors, views, and values that might inhibit their performance and helpfulness.

This chapter also introduced different theories of social learning and related them to self-development. For counselors and other professional helpers, the theoretical development and research performed by scholars in the arenas of social learning theory and self-development have provided knowledge of possible processes by which people construct self-views. The inferences of this knowledge for professional helpers touch on four areas of awareness and understanding: (a) awareness of learning processes, (b) understanding of client social learning, (c) awareness of the helper’s own learning, and (d) awareness of the client’s subsequent self-identity and worldview. As noted, counselors and human service providers who attain high levels of self-awareness and understanding of clients’ identity are in position to perform adequate assessment of clients’ situations and concerns, and subsequently to choose culturally appropriate therapeutic approaches (Robinson, 2005). In later chapters, this text examines the competencies of professional helpers in doing assessment and choosing appropriate strategies and interventions.

A significant aspect of self-development is the interaction of the person with society. Final sections of this chapter presented several social aspects that might have an impact on people’s individual development as well as how they function in families and society. Brief treatments about deviancy, violence and abuse, substance abuse, education, and new technology were presented. How counselors and other helping professionals assist clients in handling any or all of these factors is dependent, first, on the knowledge they have about facts and issues related to various social conditions, trends, and behaviors. Second, and equally important, is the professional’s use of appropriate skill and interventions when working with clients who exhibit deviant behavior, are prone to violence, abuse drugs and alcohol, fail to attain educationally, or misuse new technology.

Few professionals are equipped or prepared to handle any or all issues that clients might bring to helping relationships. For this reason, training in specialized areas is important, as is appreciation of one’s limitations as a helping professional. Expertise is needed for many of the social factors covered in this chapter. In particular, certain deviant, violent, and abusive behaviors demand knowledge and practice beyond the usual preparation required to help with normal developmental issues. Knowing your limitations, seeking additional knowledge and skill, or referring clients to more appropriate sources for assistance are essential ingredients in being an intentionally effective counselor or human service worker (Schmidt, 2002).

Helping clients work through various social factors that impede self-development or damage personal relationships must also take into account cultural beliefs and differences. The focus of this text is on social and cultural foundations that relate to and affect helping relationships. When working with clients who exhibit behaviors or face challenges related to any of the variables presented in this chapter, successful counselors and human service providers learn about family and cultural background to help clients work through issues within an appropriate context. Ignoring ethnic or cultural factors places the helper at risk of encapsulation, which inhibits empathic understanding and limits the likelihood of successful helping relationships.

The next chapter continues the discussion of self-concept development and social learning by examining additional theories related to identity. These include models of social identity, racial identity, and cultural identity.