Women Gender Study Writing Intensive Essay

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Heteropatriarcy.pdf

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Heteropatriarchy and th

This framework has proven to be organizing. First, it tends to presun by white supremacy in the same w: our communities will share similar strategies often run into confict. Fr US-born communities of color adc impoverished communities, is to joi oppressing and colonizing commur ple from other countries often adop to advance economically, without c, lands ofindigenous peoples that are

Consequently, ft may be more I women of color and people of colo "Three Pillars of Vhite Supremacy.'' and white supremacy is enacted in r constituted by separate and distincr pillars, one labeled Slavery/Capitalis the last one labeled Orientalism/Wa lars together.

Slavery/Capitalism One pillar of white supremacy is th, and Angela P. Harris note, this lo1 able-as nothing more than proper Blackness becomes equated with sla whether it is through the formal sys current prison-industrial complex-

This logic is the anchor of capiti commodifies all workers-onet owr sell in the labor market while the pr To keep this capitalist system in pla< ple-the logic of slavery applies a ra archy tells people that as long as yor escape the commodification of capit accept their lot in life, because they bottom of the racial hierarchy-at le slaveable.

The logic ofslavery can be seen plex (PIC). Vhile the PIC generally be structured primarily on an anri-l most people in prison where white wsa passed-which banned slavery , viously enslaved through the slaver; system. Black people who had beer property, through the conflict leasir criminalization of Blackness as a log

HeteroPatriarcand the Three Pillars of White SuPremacy Rethinking Women of Color Organizing

A n d r e a S m i t h a l

Scenario #1 A group of women of color come together to organize' An.argu-

ment ensues about whethe' o' "ot A'"b *omen should be included'

Some argue that Arab women are "white" since they have been

classifieJas such in the US census. Another argument erupts over

whether or not Latinas qualify as "women of color"' since some

-"y U. classified as "whiie" in their Latin American countries of

orilin and/or "pass" as white in the United States'

Scenario #2 In a discussion on racism, some people argue that Native. peoples

suffer from less racism than other people ofcolor because they gen-

erally do not reside in segregated-neighborhoods within the United

States. In addition, 'ornJ "'gttt that since tribes now have gaming'

Native peoples are no longer "oppressed'"

Scenario #3 A multiracial campaign develops involving diverse communities

of color in which some participants charge that we must stoP tne

black/white binary, and end Black hegemony over peoPle-or color

pottat., to develop a more "multicultural" framework' However'

this campaig,t .o'nti"t"' to rely on strategies and cultural motifs

d.'r.lop.i b| the Black Civil Rights struggle in the United States'

T h e s e i n c i d e n t s , w h i c h h a p p e n q u i t e f r e q u e n t l y i n . . w o m e n o f c o l o r , ' o r . . p e o p l e ^ of color" political .rg;;iti;;tilgglt" "tt 9{tt"

explained as a consequence of "oooression olympics." That is to say' one Problem *t htut is that we are

too busy I I

fighting over who ,, -or. opp""ti' In thi' t""y' I wanl to argu€ that these inci-

dents are not so much the result of ..oppression olympics,' but are m'ore about how

],!^h;;;il.qu"t.ly fr;;;; :+.t".r, of .olor" o'.

"peopl. of.color' politics' That

is, the premise behind ;;;i '*o-en of color" organi'ing is that women from

communitiesvictimizedbywhitesupfemacyshouldunitetogetheraroundtheir ;;;.d d;t;rior,. Thir?o;t*o'tt *ight

be represented by a diagram of five over-

lapoins circles, each marked Native *J*t"' Black women' Arab/Muslim women'

ili;;:,;;ri*t A^.ti""n women' overlapping like a Venn diagram'

Sarah Miraglia
Selection From: (2006) Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology. Ed. INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence. Cambridge, Mass: South End Press.

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3o rr8ol ag1 'elgea^els

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'tualsrsuof paureurar ser{JIasrr cr3o1 aqr rng-xaldurof IBrrlsnpur-uosrrd tuerrnc

aqr r{Snorgr ro'Surddorcareqs'freaels3o tuarsls leurroJ aqr g8norqt sr 1r rar{raq^4, -a8ueq_c leur lraztels30 sruroJ aq1 drrlrgee,rels qrr^\ parrnba saruorag sse*Il?lg 'fceruardns arrq^{Jo or3o1 srqr ur (sr teql

,drredord ueql arou Burqrou s'-elg' -aae1s dpuaraqur s€ aldoad >ltelg srapuar cr3o1 srqt ,atou srrreH

7 rla8uy pue 'uotxes peref'uep1 eros sV dra.r.eysgo cr3o1 agr sr lceuardns etrq.rrJo relpd eug

ustlellde)/&a^els

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IIIIS lnq 'lf,unsrp pue areredas dq parnrrrsuoc sr lceuardns alrr{,rl 'Jer{rEJ :uorqspJ reln8urs e ur perfeua sr lczruerdns alrq.Aa pu? ursr)Er rer{l aunsse lou saop >lro^\atu?ry srql ...dcrwerdn5 arrq163o srellld aeJql, eqt >lro,i 1reurEu qrns auo IIEf, 1 .Surzrue8ro rolol

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L9 {:euardn5 a1rq6

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3o acuanbasuol ? se peureldxo uarJc a1doed,, ro ,.rolor 3o uauo,r.,, ur dllr

'serets Parlun aqr ul e133nr: sJlrour lernllnc Pue sat8aterl 'ro^a.uoH'>lJo1t\elu?U ((l?Jn: rolot Jo aldoad .ro,ro luoruo3 aqr dors tsnlu a.l'r reqr a3req salllunulluof, aS.rO,rrP 3U1rr1O

"'P 'Surure8 a.{?q r'rou saglrl atr

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'salers Porll JO SarJtuno) uEf,IlatuY uIlS' euos ef,uls ,,'JoloJ Jo ueuo ra,ro stdnle tuerun8re raqlo' ueeg e^EI{ degt acuts ,.elrq 'PaPnllul aq PFoqs ueuro l -n8re uy 'aaue3to ol JOI{li

6urzruebrg to1< [reuetdn

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Color of Violence and the T

I For example, the United States fer racial profiling ofArab Americans so tl on terror." Orientalism also allows the and genocide, as these practices enablr to fight these constant wars. !ilhat be< the United States is not at war; the Ur $upremacy to stay in place, the United

Because we are situated within d. misunderstand a racial dynamic if we si supremacy with another logic. For in opens this essay: if we simply dismiss I to understand how a racial logic of Or and Arabs are often situated in a racia people. However, while Orientalist lo1 they are still cast as inferior yet threa Their privilege is not a signal that the marked as perpetual foreign threats to

O r g a n i z i n g l m p l i c a t i o n s Under the old but still potent and dom based on the notion oforganizing arou ever. we see that we are victims ofwhitr survival strategies and resistance to wh supremacy itself.

'What keeps us trap

supremacy is that we are seduced wit in the other pillars. For example, all n to join in the colonial project ofsettlir are promised that if they comply, they archy. And Black, Native, Latino, and economically and politically advance i Thus, people of color organizing must with each other, based on where we a omy. Thus, for example, Native peopl and genocidal practices committed by in their struggle if they also organize a tary recruitment of indigenous people end US colonial practices at home, but we are strengthening the state's ability ple of color here and all over the world

This way, our alliances would nc but where we are complict in the victir help us to develop resistance strategier in place for all ofus, and keep all ofus check our aspirations against the aspir our model of liberation does not becor

These practices require us to be n

G e n o c i d e / C o l o n i a l i s m n ,..ona pillar of white suPremacy is the logic. of genocide' This logic holt:ll indigenous peoples must disappear. ln fact,,tlt{ Tlt'

always, berdrsapPearrng'

in order to allow non-indigenirrs p.opl., rightful claim over this land. Through-

,fri, f.gi" of genocide, .,o.rlN",lu.'p.opl.. tf,..tt become the rightful inheritors of

all thai *", i.rdig..rous-land, ,.*t"tt'' indigenous spirituality' or "culture' As

K"t. Sha.rl.y noies, Nati.,,e peoples "r. " p.r-inent "present absence" in the US

colonial imagination, "r ""brarr"." that reinforces, at every turn, -the

conviction

that Native p"eoples are indeed vanishing and.that the conquest of Native lands is

iustified. Ella Shoat and Robert Stam iescribe ihis absence as "an ambivalently

;;;.;[""ir- [which] dispels the anxiety.in the faceof the Indian, whose

,r.ry p..r..r". is a reminder of the initially precarious grounding of the American

nation-state itself.... t., " ,.-po'"I p"'"io*, living Indians were induced to 'play

J."J: ", it were' in order,o p.'fo'* " narrative ofhanifest destiny in which their

role, ultimately, was to disappear."2-- 'R;t;. Green furthe, .i"bo.",., that the current Indian

"wannabe" phenom-

enon islased on a logic of genocide: non-Native peoples imagine themselves as the

,innrf"f inheritors of"all th"at previously belonged to nvanished" Indians, thus enti-

;iil;;;;;; ;;;ilt ;i,i i, r"nd. lrh. I iii ng perform ance o.f 'playin g I nd ian'

;;;'.;-i;;;n o.opt.,l.p.nd, upon rhe physical and psychological removal, even ;(;;,h,;i..'"iilii""rl In thai...rr., ,i.'p.rformance, purportedly often done out of a stated and i-fii.i, love for Indians, is really the^obverse of anotherwell-

known cultural ph..r#.rror, 'Indian hating,' as most often expressed in another,

deadly p..fo.-"rr". genre called 'genocide'"'3 After all' why would non-Native

o.ool., ,r..d to play tndian- whiJh often includes acts of spiritual appropriation

I;ff,,j;;f,-ii',i.t thought Indians were still alive and perfectlv capable of f.r"fi"ai"" themselrrls? rnJpitt". of genocide serves as the anchor for colonial- ism-it is what allows non-N"tiu. p.oil., to feel they can rightfully own

indig-

.r,o,r. p.opt.s' land. It is okay to i"k land from indigenous peoples, because

indigenoui peoples have disappeared'

Orientalism/War A ,iirJ fill.. of white supremacy is the logic of Orientalism. Orientalism

was defined by Ed*ard Said as tht p'ottt' of the'West de6ning..itself as a

superior

civilization by .onrtr,r"ting itself in opposition to an "exotic" but inferior

"ori-

ent.,, (Here f "- ,r.i.f ii. Lr* "Ori.ttt"lism" more broadly than to solely signify

what has been historiially named as the Orient or Asia.) The logic of Orientalism

*".k, ...,"i., peoples o, .,"tio"' as inferior and as posing-a constant threat to the

well-being of .-pi... These peoples are.still seen as "civilizations"-they are not

property "o, "dis"pp.ared"--however, they will always be imaged as Permanent

?'or.igrr,hr."ts to empire. This logic is evident in the anti-immigration movements

within the United States that tar"get immigrants of color. It does not matter how

;;; i_;ig;".,,, of color reside i"n the United states, they generally become tar-

geted as foreign ,hr."t., particularly during war time. consequently, orientalism

:;;;r;h. "?ho, fo, *"r, b."*rrr. it allows the United States to justify being in

a constant state of war to protect itself from its enemies'

-lEuratur e^eq leur r^ 1g,{ ur lueSrlr^ arour ag ol sn arrnbar sef[ferd eseql

'srar{]o roJ uorsserddoJo Iepotu aql e.uofaq lou seop uonsregrlJo Iaporu rno

lEql eJnsua ol sallluntuluof rel{loJo suollerldsB al{t tsulege suouerrdsB Jno >llaqf plno.& a^\'sasef, esarltJo IIe uI .elqelunolr? snJo

Ile daal pue ,snJo IIe roj arrld ur

warsds eqr deal-lyruarra^peur ]ou op leql ser8elerrs af,ueisrsar d;r;p or sn dlaq rq8nu saqoeordde asaql 'srar{roJo uonBz^unfr^ aqr ur rcrlduro, ,r" "^ arer{.r\

rnq 'uoDEzrr.unfr^ pareqs uo paseg d1a1os ag tou plno,&\ sasuBrlle rno .le,v, srql

-oadrsuresesalcllodpplco_ue',norrrer",?ilff l]i1l".ff fJ;li:il:1,",'#:f 'lrn1y1ur aqr Sururof dq_arldura grl rroddns lnq (*uoq re sacrrrerd pr.ro1o,

Sn pua or lrr an31 'sre.n

ler.radurr 5n rroddns or saldoad snoua8rpur jo rrr*rinrr' ir"r -lllu* aqr llrepcrrred '.'suerrlrur g11 rsuge8e azlue4rc osp daqi jr al88nrrs rreqr

ur e^'rreJa aroru eq III'\ lueuura oS 5n eqr dq parrnuuoo sacrlcerd pplcouaS pue IBruolof, aqr rsure8e Surzrue8ro erB or{,{i saldoad e rlEN ,aldruexa ro3'snq1 dtuo -uof3 lEf,nrlod ra8rel aqr urqlr.& pelEnlrs ere a.ry, eraq^\ uo paseg ,rar{to r{f,Ee r{1r^. seru'rlle cr8alerrs 8ul1eu uo pesruard eq rsn.', BuIiwelto rolor

Jo aydoad ,snq1 ,.'doercoruap,, peards ot_srz,!\ Sn ulol laqr3r r)ue^pe fl1eo'r1oi prie llprruouooe 11rm laqr reqr posnuord are saldoad uersypue ,ounrJ',a,rneg

lcelgpuy lqcrv -relq le,r)er eglJo ruollog aqr re ag rou

1r.u daqr llduoc laqr3l regr pasnuord are saydoad >Icelg-uou ilV .spuel snoua8rpur B.rtrrjxJo rcaford j"i"oyo, aqr

ur uro{ or lrrlrge aqr pasruord are seldoad_arrpe51-.ro.t lp 'Jlduexa rog .sre1[d rar.{ro aq] ur aled'rrred or alq' Sureg go nadsord rqr qrt^ palnpes arp a.^\ reqr sr lceuaidns arrr{l1\ Jo srellrd relncrrred rno urglr^r padderr sn sdaal leqlN

Jpslr dcetuardns ttrq,r\Jo rualsls aqr lq ras are lceurardns alrq./( ot aouersriar p.r, mi8rr"rrs

IEArArns Jno 'lla./v\ se 1r ur rDrldruor rnq lrruardns allq,r\Jo srunfr^ eJE er\ lEqr aas e.&\ .Ja^a

-,{\or{ ' lapour srr{r uI 'pooq-urlrll^ parer{s punore 8urzrue8ro30 uonou eql uo paseq

se,r Surzrue8ro rolorJo aldoed ,laporu lueururop pue rualodllrrs tnq plo er{r rapun suorle:r;dr.u; 6ulzrue616

'rapro plro,{r sn arF ol slBerqt uSraro3 pnradred sE pa{rEru

eq llrr\ laqr reqr rnq 'perelrurrsse eqJIr,r degr regr jeu8rs r-rou sr a8a[arrd riaql 'serers p_allun aql ur

(,suorleulr^n,, Suruarearqr ral rolraJur se lsBr 11ns are laqr 'a8alrlrrd

I'rrer auros ureqr ,{orsaq leru cr8ol rsrleruarro allq { .re^a,r\og 'aldoad llElg ra^o uraqr saSalrarrd reqr lqcrererq lerfEr e ur par?nrrs uauo arp sgErv pue sB/ouDe'J 'sr reql 'uorlerado ur sr rusrlEruerro

30 rr301 Ierf,Er e ̂oq puerrrrpun or IIeJ ar ,.'alq.a\,, se saldoad gprv ro se/ourlel ssrusrp dldrurs a^3t ,iess, srqt suado leql ouEusJs lsrg eql rnogE >lurql (afuersur rog 'cr301 rer{]oue grrrrr dreruardns erlql''Jo rr3o1 auo_ureldxa or lrr llporrsrldrurs e.rt3r cnueulp

i"rr", "'p,r"rrrapunsr.,, leur a.tt 'lceruerdns errqa

Jo sor8o1 lueragrp urqrr,,la per'nrrs eJE e \ asn'f,ag 're.&{' re aq slerrtp rsn.'' sel'ls parrun aqr .aor1d

ur lers or beurJrdns errq {Jo ualsls rqr Jo{ ,'tal st serers parrun aql :re,er 1B rou sr serels palrun ar{l -serErs UEH eros lprld\ sr uaqr rBalf sar.uoseq rBqlN .sr€.& luBlsuof, asaqr

rgSg or ,,q8noua 3uo-rts,, lets ot sar'rs parrun eqt alg,ue ,"rrtr"rd asar{l se ,rprro,rr'B "p.r" lrorrelsjo scl8o1 erF pueJT ot setets parlun aqt s^\olJe osl€ {usrletuarro

((.rorral uo ,."^" tl{t rq8g or q8noua Suorrs eg uer lr reqr or r.r"rir..rry qervJo Br-rlgord

Frr", d3rrsnf or crSoy rsrleruerro asn ol pellrua slaeJ sarBrs prrr.rq'"qi;"1d*r*r rog

alrqMJo slPllrd aatql aqt puP

'saIulaue

ur Suraq lglrsn( ol serels parlun ai rusrletuarro'dpuenbasuo3'eull Jl -ret aruoraq dlpraueS lagr 'sarer5 1r\ol{ Jalleul lou saoP rI 'Jolol

Jo sl stuauraloul uorler8nurut-ItuE oql t tuaueurrad se pa8erut aq slerrqe 1 lou oJ€ daql-,,suotlezlllllr,, sE ue aqr or reeJl{l tu?lsuof t Sulsod se 1 usrlelualro Jo cr3o1 ag1 (ersy ro ,{3ru8rs d1a1os or ueqr dlpeorg arou -rJO,, JOTJaJUI lnq (<flloxe,, u? ol I rorredns E se JIostI Surugap rsa.,46 sp-/( usrlEluarro 'tuslPluelro

Jo

esmraq rsaldoad snoua8tpul ruor -8rpur u,tro llryrq8rr ueo laqr 1a: leruoloJ JoJ roqJue aql se se^Jas i 3o eygedec dpca3rad pue e IF IIIrs uonerrdordde lenrrrrds3o slst sePl a^rrBN-uou plnon,tqn ' lle JarJV 'Jar{toup ur passardxa uauo lsotu s 1le^r raqrouBJo asro^qo eqr ̂lPal euop uauo llpatrodrnd 'af,ueLuJo3 ua^a'l?Aotu)r pcrSoloqrdsd pue 1 ,uerpul 3ur&1d,3o arueurro3rad 3 -nue snqt ' suelPul (<POtlsIueA,, ol I eqt se se^lasuaqr eur8eur saldoad -urouar{cl ..aqBuue1 (\,, UEIPUI lualJ

rreqr qrrq/,r ur luusap tsoJlu?tuJo le1d, or pacnpul arar'r suegpul 8ur utrrreurv agr 3o Sulpunor8 snolr esoq.a{'uerpul aqrJo ace3 aqr ut I dpuapltqrue ue,, sP acuasq? slql sr spuel a IleNJo tsenbuoc eqr te uonJrluof eqt 'uJnt lrarra le 'sa:

Sn eqr uI ((aruasqe tuasatd,, luau sV ')rntlnJ ro 'lrrlentrrtds snoua Jo srorrrequl lryig8rr oqt euorag q8norql 'puBI slqt ra^o lulelf, In 'Surruaddeslp aq stuqa lsntu da teqr sploq cr3o1 srql'apnoua8Sc

70 Color of Violence

ized some of these logics in our own organizing pracrice. For insrance, much racial justice organizing within the United States has rested on a civil rights framework that fights for equality under the law. An assumprion behind this organizing is that the United States is a democracy with some faws, but is otherwise admirable. Despite the fact that it rendered slaves three-fifths of a person, the US Constitu- tion is presented as the model documenr from which to build a fourishing democ- racy. However, as Luana Ross notes, it has never been against US law to commit genocide against indigenous peoples-in fact, genocide is the law of the counrry. The United States could nor exist without it. In the United States, democracy is actually the alibi for genocide-it is the practice that covers up United States colo- nial control over indigenous lands.

Our organizing can also reflect anti-Black racism. Recently, with the out- growth of "multiculturalism" there have been calls to "go beyond the black/white binary" and include other communities of color in our analysis, as presented in the third scenario. There are a number of flaws with this analysis. First, it replaces an analysis of white supremacy with a politics of multicultural representation; if we just include more people, then our pracrice will be less racist. Not true. This model does not address the nuanced srrucrure of white supremacy, such as through these distinct logics of slavery, genocide, and Orientalism. Second, it obscures the cen- trality of the slavery logic in the system of white supremacy, which is based on a black/white binary. The black/white binary is not the only binary which character- izes white supremacy, but it is still a central one that we cannot "go beyond" in our racial justice organizing efforts.

If we do not look at how the logic of slaveability inflects our society and our thinking, it will be evident in our work as well. For example, other communities of color often appropriate rhe cultural work and organizing strategies of African American civil rights or Black Power movements without corresponding assump- tions that we should also be in solidarity with Black communities. \7e assume that this work is the common "property" of all oppressed groups, and we can appopriate it without being accountable.

Angela P. Harris andJuan Perea debate the usefulness of the black/white binary in the book, Critical Race Tbeory. Perea complains that the black/white binary fails to include the experiences of oiher people of colo.. However, he fails to identify alternative racializing logics to the black/white paradigm.s Meanwhile, Angela P. Harris argues that "the story of 'race' itself is that of the construction of Blackness and whiteness. In this story, Indians, Asian Americans, and Latinos/as do exist. But their roles are subsidiary to the fundamental binary national drama. As a political claim, Black exceptionalism exposes the deep mistrust and tensions among Ameri- can ethnic groups racialized as nonwhite."6

Let's examine these srarements in conversation with each other. Simply say- ing we need to move beyond the black/white binary (or perhaps, the "black/non- black" binary) in US racism obfuscates the racializing logic ofslavery, and prevents us from seeing that this binary constitutes Blackness as the botrom ofa color hier- archy. However, this is not the only binary that fundamentally constitures whire supremacy. There is also an indigenous/settler binary, where Native genocide is cen- tral to the logic of white supremacy and other non-indigenous people of color also

and the "a subsidiary" role. We also face itutes Asians, Arabs, and Latinc to be at Dermanent war with th

ive peoples play subsidiary roles. Clearly the black/white binary is

in the United States, and ar it into consideration. However. if

dynamics of white supremacy in r ist Cheryl Harrist analysis of wli

Race Tlteory, Harris contends of whiteness, and seek to

ian blood from these same white p positions of African Americans a

consider US policies of forced assir ians. These policies have become sr

.political claims, they have been accur :Iernoved the Cherokee along the TraiJ $/ant removal were really white.T In co witness for the Chippewa spearfishers slurs whites hurled when the Chippew right to fish was that they had white p

Status differences between Black economic positions African American African Americans have been traditior interest of the dominant society to ha sible, thereby maintaining a cheap lab been valued for the land base they occ ety to have as few people marked "Ind

lands. "'Whiteness" operates differentl a logic of slavery.

Another failure of US-based pec fall back on a "US-centricism." belie, less important than what is happeninr maintains the system of oppression h interests of US empire "over there."

Heteropatriarchy and White Supre Heteropatriarchy is the building blo< block ofthe nation-state form ofgove: links in their analysis of imperialism activist and founder of Prison Fellow between homosexuality and the natic explaining that one ofthe causes ofte

Marriage is the traditional buil ed both to unire couples and br

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a 1 Color of Violence

is a natural moral order for the family ... the family, led by a mar- ried mother and father, is the best available structure for both child- rearing and cultural health. Marriage is not a private institution designed solely for the individual gratification ofits participants. If we fail to enact a Federal Marriage Amendment, we can expect not just more family breakdown, but also more criminals behind bars and more chaos in our streets.s

Colson is linking the well-being of US empire to the well-being of the heteropatri- archal family. He continues:

\7hen radical Islamists see American women abusing Muslim men, as they did in the Abu Ghraib prison, and when they see news cov- erage of same-sex couples being "married" in US towns, we make this kind of freedom abhorrent-the kind they see as a blot on Allah's creation.

'We must preserve traditional marriage in order to

protect the United States from those who would use our depravity to destroy us.e

As Ann Burlein argues in Lirt High tbe Cross, it may be a mistake to argue that the goal of Christian Right politics is to create a theocracy in the United States. Rather, Christian Right politics work through the private family (which is coded as white, patriarchal, and middle class) to create a "Christian America." She notes that the investment in the private family makes it difficult for people to invest in more public forms of social connection. In addition, investment in the suburban pri- vate family serves to mask the public disinvestment in urban areas that makes the suburban lifestyle possible. The social decay in urban areas that results from this disinvestment is then construed as the result of deviance from the Christian fam- ily ideal rather than as the result of political and economic forces. As former head of the Christian Coalition, Ralph Reed, states: "'The only true solution to crime is to restore the family,"to and "Family break-up causes poverty."It Concludes Bur- lein, "'The family' is no mere metaphor but a crucial technology by which modern power is produced and exercised."r2

As I have argued elsewhere, in order to colonize peoples whose societies are not based on social hierarchy, colonizers must first naturalize hierarchy through insti- ruting patriarchy.t3 In turn, patriarchy rests on a gender binary system in which only two genders exist, one dominating the other. Consequently, Charles Colson is correct when he says that the colonial world order depends on heteronormativ- ity. Just as the patriarchs rule the family, the elites of the nation-state rule their citizens. Any liberation struggle that does not challenge heteronormativity cannot substantially challenge colonialism or white supremacy. Rather, as Cathy Cohen contends, such struggles will maintain colonialism based on a politics of second- ary marginalization where the most elite class of these groups will further their aspirations on the backs of those most marginalized within the community.ra

Through this process of secondary marginalization, the national or racial jus- tice struggle takes on either implicitly or explicitly a nation-state model as the end

and the l

nt of its struggle-a model of gov violence and domination, as

"the narion." Thus, national liberat: red by the Right when we base th challenges right-wing conceprior

munity relationships and on mutu

o n Sfomen of color-centered organizing within antiracist, anticolonial strugg nize against white, Christian Amerir an equally heteropatriarchal racial na hopes to assimilate into white Americr chical and oppressive racial nationalisr everyone else. Such struggles often call family" or the "Native family" as the I ily being conceived of in capitalist ar often increased homophobia, with le strued as "threats" to the family. But, of the family itself. Perhaps, instead, u together in which "families" are nor se enous communities were not ordered o the result of colonialism, not the antid

In proposing this model, I am spe enous struggles. Other peoples might ferent vantage points. Others might al supremacy are missing. Still others mitr But I see this as a starting point for wo: reenvision a politics of solidarity that more complicated strategies that can r starus quo.

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