PSYC631 Adolescent Psychology

266

CHAPTER 9

Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

JAMES E. C Ô T É

The study of identity and self in adolescence has proven to be a formidable task. A major stumbling block is definitional. Both concepts are higher - order abstractions of myriad psy- chological and social processes, so no single definitions can be identified, operational or theoretical. In turn, these psychological and social processes can be identified at different levels of analysis and have different proper- ties related to their rates and types of potential change. In addition, these concepts have been approached from a variety of disciplinary and epistemological perspectives (C ô t é , 2006a ), and research efforts based on these differing perspectives have sometimes produced differ- ent empirical measures of the same constructs. The result has been two rather large areas of study — ego psychology in the case of iden- tity and self psychology in the instance of the self — both of which are characterized by academic enclaves and disputed territories, with different researchers sometimes using the same terminology to refer to clearly differ- ent phenomena (Côté & Levine, 2002 ). At the same time, both concepts represent humanisti- cally grounded, holistic attempts to understand the very essence of what makes us human, and as such deserve the attention of the best minds in the academic community.

Given these two very large bodies of litera- ture, to give some coherence to this chapter, the focus will be on those works that are most relevant to development during adolescence, as opposed to those that simply describe

correlates of the concepts, especially during periods of the life course other than adoles- cence. That is, the concentration will be on the fundamental processes that represent quali- tative changes, or potential changes, during adolescence. In addition, because the two lit- eratures have developed as distinct research traditions with different theoretical roots, each will be treated separately, overlapping only when studies employ both constructs.

To set the stage for discussing each research tradition, the definitional architecture of each concept will be discussed first in an attempt to show how these traditions differ at their most fundamental levels. The literature in each tradi- tion then will be critically analyzed in terms of how well the issue of (identity and self) devel- opment have been theoretically formulated and empirically investigated. This analysis involves first identifying the theoretical roots of each tra- dition, then elaborating their methodologies, and, finally, evaluating their major developmental findings. The chapter ends with an assessment of how well these two traditions have empiri- cally investigated the issue of (identity and self) development, beginning with how to better inte- grate the self and identity approaches to adoles- cent development. This concluding section then moves to a discussion of the most promising research directions.

DEFINITIONAL ISSUES

Both concepts — identity and self — are multi- dimensional, and as noted have no single or

c09.indd 266c09.indd 266 2/17/09 5:14:45 PM2/17/09 5:14:45 PM

Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, edited by Richard M. Lerner and Laurence Steinberg.

Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Definitional Issues 267

simple definitions. For that reason, and to show how the identity literature differs from the self literature, it is useful to begin by providing a definitional checklist that specifies a taxonomy of the processes, structures, and contents asso- ciated with the architecture of each concept.

In the identity literature, identity refers to the sameness and continuity of the person ’ s psy- chological functioning, interpersonal behavior, and commitments to roles, values, and beliefs. As we see in the case of Erik Erikson ’ s work, sameness and continuity are the sine qua non of identity. Moreover, the sense of sameness and continuity is the signature of the “ identity of the ego ” — a person with a strong sense of identity experiences herself or himself as being the same entity over time and in various contexts, while at the same time is capable of clearly differentiating her/himself from others and from the contexts in which relations with others are experienced. From this Eriksonian viewpoint, which dominates the identity field, we can characterize the architecture of identity in terms of three key defining aspects:

Process — ego identity: the sense, and be- havioral demonstration, of continuity in functioning over time and across contexts; ego strengths enabling this are derived from resolutions of each of the eight psychosocial stages: trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, identity, intimacy, generativity, and integrity. Content — social roles (self - constructed or based on others ’ expectations), personal identifications, and shared values (including personal variants in beliefs and attitudes), which form the basis of enduring commit- ments that are internalized as being “ part ” of the person. Structure — the organization of roles, identifications, and values into stable con- figurations (i.e., how content is organized by and for the person); these configurations vary in terms of how open or closed they are to change, as they provide the filters through which information about the world is synthesized.

•

•

•

In the literature on the self, the self is defined in terms of consciousness, reflective awareness, and stimulated self - regulation (impulse control and other forms of confor- mity). Clearly, this is not a simple definition; indeed, an agreed - upon definition of the self continues to be an open question. In fact, on its web site, the International Society for Self and Identity posts a page titled “ What is the Self? ” This source admits that there is no “ widely accepted definition or description of the self. ” However, it does offer the following “ best attempt ” at a definition:

The human self is a self - organizing, interactive system of thoughts, feelings, and motives that characterizes an individual. It gives rise to an endur- ing experience of physical and psychological existence — a phenomenological sense of con- stancy and predictability. The self is reflexive and dynamic in nature: responsive yet stable. (Hoyle, n.d., www.psych.neu.edu/ISSI/daily.htm )

This source goes on to note that “ skeptics might argue that the description fails to resolve, even address . . . fundamental issues . . . and they would be correct. Yet the description cap- tures what we know about the activity of the self from decades of scientific inquiry and, in that sense, provides a credible, if not complete, account of it. ” In spite of these ambiguities, I offer the following characterization of the architecture of the self as conceptualized in the literature on adolescence:

Process — an ongoing monitoring and reflected appraisal of how one is perceived by others, culminating in an “ interior sense - of - being ” that can be enduring and unified. Content — self - concepts pertaining to various spheres social functioning, such as family, school, and peer group. Structure — the salience hierarchy of self - concepts into a configuration based on reflected appraisals and cultural expecta- tions concerning independence from, and interdependence with, others.

•

•

•

c09.indd 267c09.indd 267 2/17/09 5:14:46 PM2/17/09 5:14:46 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

268 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Before proceeding, several further com- parisons of the terminology used in self and identity literatures are useful. The use of simi- lar terminology stands to reason to the extent that self psychology addresses a variety of con- cerns having to do with the interactional and social structural levels of analysis, and touches on the executive and synthetic functions that are prominent in Erikson ’ s psychoanalytic approach to identity. However, self psychology has placed more emphasis on the maintenance of self - structures and identities, than on identity formation and the development of self during adolescence. Part of the tendency to focus on maintenance issues seems to stem from the equation of self with personal and social identi- ties in the work on interpersonal aspects of the self, which has dominated work in self psy- chology. When the executive functions of the self are brought into focus, it becomes clearer that research is needed into how these functions grow and become more differentiated with age. However, the point to be taken here is that self psychology tends to conflate the notions of self and identity, whereas the ego psychology approach more clearly differentiates these.

In sorting out the terminological differences in this field, it useful to note that Erikson ( 1968 , pp. 216 – 221) developed an elaborate model of the personality, including a more differentiated view of the ego than did the Freudian model. Erikson reserved the term ego for the most “ active ” but largely unconscious agency of the personality, which performs the synthetic func- tions of the personality (i.e., actively defines situations and develops constructions of reality) as well as the executive functions (i.e., produces deliberate presentations of self and manage- ment of impressions). In developing the con- cept of ego identity, Erikson observed how people are able to maintain, or often lose, their sense of temporal – spatial continuity over time and across social situations — the sine qua non of ego identity. In other words, he studied how people can maintain or lose their sense inner continuity in reference to reality construction and behavioral management.

At the same time, Erikson posited that the personality also contains a “ global ” self that is comprised of a number of “ specific ” selves, each of which more or less corresponds to social roles played by the individual. These role - specific selves develop on the basis of learning and repeated experience across similar circumstances. Erikson justified this modifica- tion of Freudian tri - partite theory of personality (i.e., id, ego, superego) in the following way:

Only after we have separated . . . the selves from the ego can we consign to the ego that domain which it has had ever since . . . Freud ’ s earli- est days: the domain of an inner “ agency ” safe- guarding our coherent existence by screening and synthesizing, in any series of moments, all the impressions, emotions, memories, and impulses which try to enter our thought and demand our action, and which would tear us apart if unsorted and unmanaged by a slowly grown and reliably watchful screening system. (1968, p. 218)

Thus, Erikson postulated that the personality possesses an agentic structure in the ego, as well as content - based structure in the self, with the self constituting the repository of role - playing and role - making contents. We can now consider Erikson ’ s contributions to the field in more detail.

THE ERIKSONIAN APPROACH TO IDENTITY FORMATION

Erikson is the recognized pioneer of identity theory in the social sciences, with enduring influences for many contemporary formulations of identity (Weigert, Teitge, & Teitge, 1986 ). Upon his passing in 1994, he was described as a “ psychoanalyst who profoundly reshaped views of human development ” ( “ Psychoanalyst coined identity crisis, ” 1994 ). Erikson honed the concept of identity in the 1950s and 1960s, based on Sigmund and Anna Freud ’ s later works on the ego (their ego psychology). It was not until the 1970s, though, that the social scientific community took widespread inter- est in the concept of identity; since then, the

c09.indd 268c09.indd 268 2/17/09 5:14:46 PM2/17/09 5:14:46 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Eriksonian Approach to Identity Formation 269

identity literature has burgeoned, particularly in psychology and sociology (Côté , 2006a ).

Erikson also postulated an eight - stage theory of psychosocial development over the life cycle as part of his attempt to build a unified theory of human development. Others of his gen- eration also sought to develop comprehensive theories that would unify our understandings of human development, but subsequent genera- tions have either fed off these efforts or turned away from using so - called “ grand ” theoretical frameworks to guide their research (cf. Sorell & Montgomery, 2001 ). However, it was not his “ grand ” theory that was to stimulate the most empirical research, but his more middle - range work on the identity stage.

Erikson ’ s influence on the study of iden- tity in adolescence in psychology includes the proposition that the key psychosocial task of this stage involves developing a viable sense of identity that links childhood with adulthood by consolidating identifications rooted in child- hood into a coherent adult identity. Thus, the psychosocial task of identity formation was identified as a “ normative event ” of adoles- cence in the sense that it typically occurred for the majority of the population (Erikson, 1963 ). However, Erikson also pointed out ways in which significant prolongations of the identity stage take place for certain people in particu- lar cultural and historical contexts (e.g., 1958). At the height of his writings some 40 – 50 years ago, these extensions of the identity stage were thought to be exceptions, found only in some cultures and then mainly among the affluent and others who could “ afford ” a prolonged identity stage, as in the case of college attendance. As we see later, the extension of the identity stage beyond the late teens now appears to be a nor- mative event in many societies.

Erikson ( 1968 ) postulated that the transition to adulthood could constitute an “ institutional- ized moratorium. ” This postulate was derived from his general theory of the life cycle ( his preferred term), which proposed that in most cultures each stage has some sort of psychoso- cial moratorium that gives each novitiate ample

time to master that stage. He also contended that some cultures also provide structured or institutionalized contexts to provide guidance during each psychosocial moratorium. Erikson wrote most about the moratorium of the identity stage, though, arguing that nearly all cultures provide their new members with some sort of institutional guidance to take them from child- hood to adulthood (the “ institutionalized ” part of the concept), as well as a “ time out ” from certain social responsibilities that constitutes a “ delay ” in the transition (the “ moratorium ” part). Accordingly, Erikson argued that most cultures have provided their young people with some sort of structured delay from adult responsibilities, during which novitiates can take time to develop their adult identities within guiding social structures. In his words:

Societies offer, as individuals require, a more or less sanctioned intermediary period between child- hood and adulthood, institutionalized moratoria , during which a lasting pattern of “ inner identity ” is scheduled for relative completion. (1980, p. 110)

These institutionalized moratoria usually grant young people the license to experiment with various roles, if they so wish, without their being expected to accept or carry per- manent responsibilities and commitments. This experimentation can take various forms of exploration, including military service (or programs like the Peace Corps), travel (the Wanderschaft ), schooling, or even just “ drop- ping out ” for a while (cf. Erikson, 1968 , p. 157). In the 1950s, Erikson ( 1958 ) believed that this moratorium could sometimes last until age 24, especially among college students, but at that time it was seen more commonly a late - teen phenomenon. Erikson (in Evans, 1969 ) also acknowledged that societies vary in terms of the degree to which they structure identity moratoria and how much conformity they demand to the norms and values of adult society during that moratorium. For example, military service is highly structured, whereas the Wanderschaft is loosely structured.

c09.indd 269c09.indd 269 2/17/09 5:14:47 PM2/17/09 5:14:47 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

270 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Erikson also postulated that each of the eight psychosocial stages presents people with a potential crisis as they pass through the stage and are faced with challenges asso- ciated with the stage. It is in this light that he argued that a moratorium period can provide an essential interlude during which a crisis can be resolved in ways compatible with the specific needs of the person experiencing it, in relation to the social context precipitating the crisis. Erikson referred to a variety of forms that identity crises can take, pointing out that they can vary in terms of their prolongation (e.g., 1968, p. 17), severity (e.g., 1958, p. 47), and aggravation (e.g., 1975, pp. 20 – 22). The severity of an identity crisis is manifested in a heightened sense of identity confusion and an unstable personal and social role repertoire. A prolonged crisis is evident when the role repertoire remains unstable over a long period. And, an aggravated identity crisis involves repeated but unsuccessful attempts to establish a stable role repertoire.

Given common misconceptions regard- ing his work, it is worth stressing that Erikson did not believe that the identity crisis must be severe for subsequent ego development to take place. Indeed, contrary to common conceptions of his work, Erikson argued that a severe identity crisis is not a cultural norm, even in American society. In his words, “ the vast majority of young people . . . can go along with their par- ents in a kind of fraternal identification ” (1968, p. 33). In this respect, he argued that the iden- tity crisis is least severe among those who invest their sense of identity in the “ technolog- ical ethos ” of their culture (whatever the type of technology). Instead of severe, prolonged, or aggravated identity crises, Erikson believed that most young people work through an iden- tity “ crisis ” in a muted and barely discernible form, even in modern societies. In premodern and tribal societies, where the productive con- tribution of all members of the community is needed from an early age, the adult community guides most young people through the stage with rites and initiations to ensure that it takes

place over a relatively short period of time and with maximum assurance of a successful resolution (thereby minimizing the chances of severe crises).

Formulated in the above manner, we can see how Erikson was able to study a variety of cultures, finding great variation in both the structure of adolescence and the tasks associ- ated with identity formation. However, it is not widely recognized that he slanted his formu- lations toward contemporaneous American culture (in which he lived as an adult), where resolution of the identity stage was predicated around choice and individuality during a rela- tively protracted and loosely structured adoles- cence, especially for majority group, middle class, and affluent males. For example, in a chapter entitled “ Reflections on the American Identity, ” Erikson ( 1963 , p. 286) wrote:

The process of American identity formation seems to support an individual ’ s ego identity as long as he can preserve a certain element of deliberate tentativeness of autonomous choice. The individual must be able to convince himself that the next step is up to him and that no matter where he is staying or going he always has the choice of leaving or turning in the opposite direction if he chooses to do so.

It is upon this choice - based type of identity crisis that most empirical formulations of ego identity have been based, not surprisingly in the United States (i.e., Marcia ’ s identity status paradigm, discussed later). However, Erikson never endorsed this empirical approach, presumably because it represents only one, culturally specific reaction to the identity stage. Other forms of the identity crisis involve conscious and unconscious inner - conflict reso- lutions, or an emotional shift in identifications from a dependent child to an authority - bearing adult, and these may be more prevalent and more significant developmentally in other cul- tures (see Côté , 1986 , for an operationalization of a more conflict - based identity crisis). The conflict - based crisis may be more emotional

c09.indd 270c09.indd 270 2/17/09 5:14:47 PM2/17/09 5:14:47 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Empirical Study of Identity Formation 271

than cognitive (involving ambivalence and resentment), but may still result in a realign- ment and consolidations of identifications (cf. Erikson, 1968 , 1979 ). Another form of “ crisis ” is well institutionalized, as in cases where the young person is guided through an identity transformation based on community - sanctioned rituals and apprenticeships. In the case of rites of passage, the precipitated crisis involves a potential loss of nerve or inability to withstand pain and discomfort (see Côté & Levine, 1987 , for a discussion of various types of crises and stage resolutions). A little - cited quotation from Erikson ( 1959 , pp. 105 – 106) helps highlight different forms of identity crises and their import:

The identity development of an individual is always anchored in the identity of his group; although through his identity he will seal his indi- vidual style. Of individual differences we may often not have the fullest perception. Especially in an alien culture we may see somebody going slowly through an identity crisis, in which con- formity seems more emphasized than individual- ity. This very conformity may keep some aspects of the crisis from verbalization or awareness; only closer study could reveal it. Or the individu- al ’ s experience may seem entirely submerged in rituals and procedures which seem to exaggerate the horror of individual decision and to offer, as a way out, the narrowest choice of models. We will not know the nature of this process until we have learned to study its variations.

In spite of Erikson ’ s extensive writings on the identity crisis and its variations, social scientists seem to have left the empirical study of this concept behind (Baumeister & Muraven, 1996 ; Honess & Yardley, 1987 ). In addition to non - Eriksonian interpretations of the concept of “ crisis, ” the lack of attention to these sorts of conflicts may be because the choice - based identity crisis has become so common and pro- longed in Western countries like the United States that it is deemed to be “ normal ” for adolescents and young adults to go a decade or more without stable roles anchored in the

adult community (Côté , 2000 , 2006b ). Erikson himself realized that the meaning behind his concept of identity crisis might be lost on those who interpret it only in its most severe conno- tations implying impending catastrophe, rather than in its meaning of a time when preparations for an uncertain future must be decided upon and undertaken. Erikson endorsed the con- ception of crisis as involving both danger and opportunity (e.g., Erikson, 1968 ).

Finally, it should be noted that Erikson did not advance any operational definitions or develop his own empirical measures of identity - related concepts. Instead, he preferred a clini- cal approach to case studies and an inductive method of theory construction based on case studies. This idiographic approach was espe- cially well suited to his acclaimed psychohistor- ical studies (e.g., 1958). Still, his writings were rich and suggestive enough to have stimulated hundreds of empirical studies of identity forma- tion, to which we now turn.

THE EMPIRICAL STUDY OF IDENTITY FORMATION

Stimulated by Erikson ’ s writings, the earli- est empirical studies of identity formation assessed resolution of the identity stage (e.g., Constantinople, 1969 ; Simmons, 1973 ) and strength of ego identity (e.g., Rasmussen, 1964 ) with paper - and - pencil measures, treating these constructs as a continuum. However, this line of enquiry was eclipsed by Marcia ’ s ( 1964 ) operationalization of identity forma- tion. Had this first line of research continued and garnered the attention of more research- ers, these instruments might have been further refined to develop population norms that would identify the type of normative development postulated by Erikson and threshold points below which problematic identity formation could be identified. This would have followed Erikson ’ s view that most people adequately resolve the identity stage, but a certain percent- age of the population experiences difficulties resolving the identity crisis. In the concluding section, after evaluating the Marcian approach

c09.indd 271c09.indd 271 2/17/09 5:14:48 PM2/17/09 5:14:48 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

272 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

For example, to be more inclusive of women, premarital intercourse (Marcia & Friedman, 1970 ) and sex roles (Matteson, 1977 ) have been added; to include younger samples, dating and friendships were operationalized (Grotevant & Cooper, 1981 ); to be sensitive to minority groups, ethnicity has been studied (Phinney, 1989 ); and to understand European samples (specifically Dutch), lifestyle concerns were measured (Bosma, 1985 ).

Although based on the cross - tabulation of the two dimensions of choice and commit- ment, the statuses were originally theorized to vary hierarchically in terms of levels of maturity of self - regulation and complexity of social functioning (Marcia, 1964 ). Identity diffusion (low choice, low commitment) is generally considered the least mature and least complex status, reflecting a lack of concern about directing one ’ s present and future life. Individuals who remain diffused beyond early or middle adolescence have been found to be prone to drug abuse, risky sexual behavior, and academic failure (Jones, 1992 , 1994 ; Jones & Hartmann, 1988 ; White, 2000 ). Kroger ( 2003 ) describes diffusions as having low levels of self - esteem and autonomy, difficulties adapting to new environments (like university settings), and more self - focus. Cognitively, the diffusion tends to have disorganized thinking, an external locus of control, and a tendency toward procrastination and defensive avoid- ance of issues. Their moral reasoning and ego development also tend to be at the lowest lev- els among the identity statuses (Kroger).

Foreclosure (low choice, high commitment) is thought to be a somewhat more mature status than diffusion in that commitments are embraced. However, foreclosed individuals have been found to have low developmental complexity associated with a conformist and obedient orientation, as evidenced by such tendencies as authoritarianism, closed - mindedness, and rigidity (Berman et al., 2001; Marcia, 1980 ), and overidentifying with their parents (Adams, Dyk, & Bennion, 1987 ; Côté & Levine, 1983 ).

that has dominated the study of identity forma- tion over the past 40 years, recommendations are made regarding a return to this approach, especially in light of the prolongation in the transition to adulthood that has occurred since the introduction of the Marcian approach.

This first line of approach to operationalizing Erikson ’ s work was a more standard psycho- metric approach that gave way to what Kroger ( 1993 ) calls a “ dimensional ” approach that formed the basis of Marcia ’ s operationaliza- tion. This approach involves crosstabulating two dimensions postulated to underlie identity for- mation — crisis and commitment — to create four identity statuses, which we will now consider.

The Identity Status Approach to Identity Formation

Marcia ’ s ( 1964 , 1966 , 1980 ) identity status para- digm has produced the largest body of research — hundreds of studies — rooted in Erikson ’ s work. Based on his reading of Erikson, Marcia pos- tulated that four identity statuses characterize progress through the identity stage: identity diffusion, identity foreclosure, identity morato- rium, and identity achievement. These statuses are operationalized in terms of (1) the con- scious deliberation of alternative goals, beliefs, and values (representing the identity crisis, but referred to as “ choice ” ); and (2) consolidations of these deliberations as probable courses of future action, expressed in “ commitments. ” The original measure was a semistructured inter- view that assesses three domains of identity: occupation, politics, and religion. Subsequently, paper - and - pencil measures operationalizing these two dimensions were developed to allow for mass data collections (see Adams, Bennion, & Huh ’ s [1989] Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status — the EOM - EIS; Balistreri, Busch - Rossnagel, and Geisinger ’ s [ 1995 ] Ego Identity Process Questionnaire — the EIPQ; and Bosma ’ s [ 1985 ] Groningen Identity Development Scale — the GIDS).

The areas or “ domains ” of commitment formation were expanded to increase the relevance and inclusiveness of the typology.

c09.indd 272c09.indd 272 2/17/09 5:14:48 PM2/17/09 5:14:48 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Empirical Study of Identity Formation 273

Moratorium (high crisis — making choices, low commitment) is often considered a more functionally complex status than both diffusion and foreclosure because the individual is pur- portedly taking proactive steps in autonomously considering identity alternatives during an ongoing identity crisis. However, the higher level of functioning implied in the moratorium status has been found to be hampered by higher levels of anxiety (Kidwell, Dunham, Bacho, Pastorino, & Portes, 1995 ) and uncertainty (Meeus, 1996 ; Meeus, Iedema, Helsen, & Vollebergh, 1999 ).

Resolution of the identity stage, in turn, is operationalized by the fourth identity status, identity achievement (past crisis producing autonomous choices, high commitment), considered the most mature and functionally complex status. Assignment of people to this identity status has been empirically associated with, among other things, balanced thinking (Boyes and Chandler, 1992 ), mature inter- personal relationships (Dyk & Adams, 1990 ; Orlofsky, Marcia, & Lesser, 1973 ), and higher levels of personal agency (on a measure com- prised of the following subscales: self - esteem, internal locus of control, ego strength, and purpose in life; Côté , 1996 ). Kroger ( 2003 ) summarizes the correlates in terms of (1) per- sonality characteristics (high achievement motivation and self - esteem; low neuroticism and use of defense mechanisms), (2) cognitive processes (functioning best under stress; more purposeful, higher levels of moral reasoning and ego development), and (3) interpersonal skills (high intimacy, self - disclosure, and most secure attachments).

General Assessments of the Identity Status Paradigm

Numerous recent reviews are available of the identity status paradigm (e.g., Kroger, 1993 , 2003 ; LaVoie, 1994 ; Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Orlofsky, 1993 ; Schwartz, 2001 ; van Hoof, 1999 ). These reviews reveal that Marcia ’ s elaboration of Erikson ’ s formulations of identity, and subsequent methodological and

conceptual elaborations of Marcia ’ s formula- tions, provide an empirically useful method of studying how the interplay of choice and commitment affects various dimensions of personality and social behavior, at least among “ lower middle to upper middle class ethnic majorities in North America, Northern Europe, and parts of the British Commonwealth ” (Marcia, 1989 , p. 402). Antecedent socializa- tion experiences, especially in the family and educational contexts, are also associated with the choice/commitment cross - tabulation that underlies the identity statuses (e.g., Waterman, 1993 ). The success of this conceptual model in providing verifiable predictions attests to its usefulness in studying certain aspects of (Western) identity formation. However, addi- tional components of identity formation have been identified as in need of study, and ques- tions have been raised about how adequately the identity status paradigm represents Erikson ’ s theoretical formulations in terms of adhering to its developmental claims about the interrelationships of the identity statuses (e.g., Côté & Levine, 1987 , 1988 ; van Hoof, 1999 ).

Marcia ( 1980 , p. 161) has maintained that the identity statuses are useful partly because they provide for “ a greater variety of styles in deal- ing with the identity issue than does Erikson ’ s simple dichotomy of identity versus identity confusion. ” The statuses were originally based on the developmental hypothesis that a “ con- tinuum of ego identity based upon proximity of an individual to identity achievement . . . [underlies] the statuses ” (Marcia, 1967 , p. 119). A developmental progression through the sta- tuses was postulated to be a dominant pattern, with identity achievement and identity diffu- sion as “ polar alternatives of status inherent in Erikson ’ s theory, ” and identity foreclosure and identity moratorium as “ roughly inter- mediate in this distribution ” (Marcia, 1966 , pp. 551 – 552). Thus, it appears that the iden- tity statuses were thought of as akin to sub- stages of the identity stage (Côté & Levine, 1988 ). Other than the distinction between diffusion and achievement, revisions to these

c09.indd 273c09.indd 273 2/17/09 5:14:49 PM2/17/09 5:14:49 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

274 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

assumptions have been made, and there are no longer structural claims to sequential progress through the statuses, or even that the domains progress in unison (see also Marcia et al., 1993 ; Waterman, 1988 ).

Criticisms of the identity status approach also include its narrowness (van Hoof, 1999 ) and lack of attention to broader social - contextual factors affecting identity development (Côté & Levine, 1988 ). Its referents — choice and commitment — are operationalized primarily as intrapsychic processes and, theoretically speaking, are not necessarily connected to the social circumstances in which the identity is formed (van Hoof, 2001). What has been called for is the integration of more contextually oriented elements into the psycho- logical study of identity, to bring the Marcia approach closer to the multidimensionality and scope that Erikson envisioned (Côté & Levine, 1987 , 2002 ; Schwartz, 2001 ).

We return to these issues later when we discuss the studies that have examined the devel- opmental properties of the identity statuses. First, however, it is useful to acknowledge other empir- ical neo - Eriksonian approaches, including the specialized study of ethnic identity formation.

Other Empirical Approaches to Identity Formation

In tracing the evolution of the Eriksonian approach to identity, Schwartz ( 2001 ) clas- sified approaches into extensions and expan- sions: Extensions complement the Marcian approach, while expansions move beyond the Marcian crisis/commitment approach in ways that draw more from Erikson ’ s origi- nal formulations. Four extension models are identified by Schwartz: Berzonsky ’ s ( 1992 ) social – cognitive, identity - styles approach, which identifies diffuse - avoidant, normative, and informational ways of processing identity - relevant information; Grotevant ’ s ( 1987 ) exploration - process model, which emphasizes the abilities and orientations people use in exploring identities; Waterman ’ s ( 1990 ) self - discovery, personal expressiveness approach to commitment formation; and Kerpelman and

Lamke ’ s ( 1997 ) identity control theory, which emphasizes reciprocal causation and mutual influence of the microprocesses stimulating or inhibiting identity explorations.

In addition, Schwartz identifies three expan- sion models: Kurtines ’ s ( 1999 ) co - constructivist model, with its emphasis on choice, personal responsibility, and moral - ethical consistency; Adams ’ s (Adams & Marshall, 1996 ) devel- opmental social psychological model, with its emphasis on the complementary processes of integration and differentiation as part of reso- lution of the identity stage; and Côté ’ s ( 1997 , 2002 ) identity capital model, where the social and psychological resources at people ’ s dis- posal are assessed as predictors of the outcomes of identity formation, particularly personal agency in the formation of adult identities and acceptance into specific adult communities.

Ethnic Identity Formation

The preceding approaches to identity forma- tion have been developed to investigate what are believed to be universal forms of identity forma- tion, with the acknowledgment that differences in timing and emphasis may be found among vari- ous population segments, like women and ethnic minorities. However, this logic does not work very well when the content of identity forma- tion differs among subpopulations, as in the case of ethnic identity (and gender identity). Initial attempts to study how social contexts affect eth- nic identity formation operationalized ethnicity in terms of respondents ’ ethnic group “ member- ship. ” However, Phinney and Rosenthal ( 1992 , p. 148) argued that “ ethnic identity . . . [is] a multifaceted, dynamic construct . . . with com- plex and subtle interactions between different elements of ethnic identity and external forces. ” They went on to note that simply treating ethnic- ity as group membership fails to distinguish eth- nicity from ethnic identity, confusing the social and psychological dimensions of identity:

[W]hile purporting to measure ethnic identity, researchers simply use ethnic group membership as a variable of interest, without assessing the

c09.indd 274c09.indd 274 2/17/09 5:14:49 PM2/17/09 5:14:49 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Empirical Study of Identity Formation 275

adolescent ’ s sense of belonging to the group (self - identification), evaluation of his or her group mem- bership (ethnic pride), or any other aspect of ethnic identity. (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 , p. 161)

Clearly, assessing the effect of social con- text on ethnic identity formation is extremely complex. The difficulties include whether eth- nicity or race is related to minority or majority status; whether minority status is disparaged or admired; whether the larger society is assimila- tionist or multicultural; and how ethnicity/race interact with other factors like gender (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 ). Accordingly, every ado- lescent has an “ ethnicity, ” but its salience is society dependent, as are the combinations and permutations of relations when the social context includes numerous ethnic groups (as in multicultural cities like Miami, Los Angeles, and Toronto; Côté , 2006c ). Moreover, race and ethnicity are more social constructions than genetic realities, suggesting that there are great individual variations in how they are perceived, and therefore how they affect the psychologi- cal elements of identity. As we see, it some- times takes significant experiences to create an epiphany to trigger a conscious deliberation of the implications of one ’ s ethnicity.

To date, there is no sustained empirical investigation of ethnic identity formation in adolescence that is independent of the Erikson – Marcia tradition, although some useful alterna- tives to the crisis/commitment dimensions are being assessed (e.g., Spencer ’ s [ 2006 ] model that integrates the “ identity - focused cultural ecology ” [ICE] perspective with her “ phenome- nological variant of ecological systems theory ” [PVEST]). 1 Several measures of racial and ethnic identity development have been devel- oped (see Cross, 1991 ; Helms, 1990 ), but the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) developed by Phinney ( 1989 ) has been the most widely used in the study of adolescent develop- ment. The MEIM comprises three dimensions: self - identification of a sense of belongingness to a particular group, ethnic affirmation and belonging, and ethnic identity achievement.

More recently, Uma ñ a - Taylor, Yazedjian, and B á maca - G ó mez ( 2004 ) developed the Ethnic Identity Measure, which more specifically dis- tinguishes among ethnic identity exploration, commitment, and affirmation. Both of these instruments allow for the measurement of general ethnic identity, and are therefore use- ful in the assessment of any ethnic group, as well as with members of multiple racial/ethnic groups.

Phinney defines ethnic identity as a self - constructed internalization of the meaning and implications of a person ’ s group membership based on that person ’ s attitudes and feelings toward his or her cultural background, ethnic heritage, and racial phenotype (Phinney, 2006 ). In Phinney ’ s model, ethnic identity develops like Marcia ’ s identity statuses, through the Marcian processes of exploration and com- mitment. However, Phinney is careful to note that ethnic identity is a component of social identity, unlike the identity statuses, which ostensibly represent ego identity (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 ). While identity status implies choice, ethnic identity involves choice limita- tions to the extent that one cannot choose one ’ s heritage. Moreover, this heritage can take on differing degrees of salience, and people vary in terms of how much they deliberate upon the relevance of this heritage for their overall sense of identity. Ethnic identity formation involves the task of resolving positive and negative understandings and feelings about the one ’ s own group in relation to other groups that impinge upon one ’ s life. During childhood, these understandings tend to be concrete and oriented to physical attributes like skin color and food preferences, but during adolescence they become more abstract, involving issues associated with ethnic group consciousness (Phinney, 2006 ).

Phinney proposes a three - stage model of ethnic identity formation that parallels development through the identity statuses. In the first stage, ethnicity remains unexamined, having been internalized from significant others in the family and/or local community.

c09.indd 275c09.indd 275 2/17/09 5:14:50 PM2/17/09 5:14:50 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

276 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

If these internalizations do not reflect concerns about issues arising from an ethnic background, the person would be classifiable as diffused in terms of an ethnic identity status. If the inter- nalizations are based on stronger views about conflicts or salient experiences associated with ethnic background, the person would be classi- fied as foreclosed for ethnic identity status. The unexamined stage is presumed by Phinney to be characteristic of early adolescence (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 ).

It usually takes a significant experience of prejudice or discrimination to make a person ’ s ethnicity salient in identity forma- tion, by triggering a period of exploration and leading the person to question what it means to have that ethnicity in his or her society. Phinney equates this exploration with the identity crisis identified by Erikson, and the moratorium status postulated by Marcia. A person experiencing this crisis will explore cultural differences between his or her ethnic group and the dominant group in the society, or among the various groups in the society, along with the images, stereotypes, and obstacles that confront members of certain groups.

As with the identity status paradigm, in Phinney ’ s model it is a positive development for this crisis to be “ followed by a resolution of the conflicts and contradictions posed by minority status in society ” (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 , p. 150), resulting in ethnic identity achieve- ment. This resolution entails a “ commitment to a particular way of being a member of their group ” (Phinney & Rosenthal, pp. 150 – 151), involving a secure sense of who people are in terms of their ethnic background. With this review of conceptual bases of the empirical approaches to identity formation complete, we now turn to the findings they have produced.

DEVELOPMENTAL PATTERNS OF IDENTITY FORMATION

In this section, we first examine the research that has been carried out based on the assumption that identity formation processes are universally applicable — normative — with person – context

variation of degree as a result of certain social- ization experiences, and among subpopulations (or demographic groups). The person – context variations are examined, respectively, in terms of education and family settings, and gender, ethnicity, and social class. Given that the iden- tity status paradigm has been the most widely used operationalization of identity formation, discussion will be limited to these studies.

Identity Statuses: Normative Development

Readers will recall that the identity statuses were originally postulated to represent a devel- opmental sequence mapping the identity stage as laid out by Erikson, where crisis - precipitated explorations during adolescence would be normative (i.e., the norm, and therefore wide- spread) occurrences leading to commitments to an occupation, belief system, and lifestyle. In this section, we examine these findings with an eye to assessing how well this operationali- zation of Erikson’s theory matches his original formations of identity formation. What we find is that many researchers have voiced dis- appointment with the findings and many have acknowledged that, despite its extensive usage, the identity status paradigm falls short in terms of both its original postulates about how the individual identity statuses represent devel- opmental trajectories and how well the identity status paradigm captures the essence of the identity stage as theorized by Erikson.

In terms of the longitudinal studies that have examined developmental patterns and shifts, Kroger ( 1993 ) notes that “ the Foreclosure to Moratorium to achievement shift [is] . . . the most common pathway of movement ” (p. 10). However, while this may be the most common and “ desirable ” pathway among contemporary American youth, it does not seem to describe the development of a majority of young people: only between 30% and 40% of college seniors have been classified as identity achievement (up from about 20% in first year; Waterman, Greary, & Waterman, 1974 ; Waterman & Waterman, 1971 ). Moreover, studies of adult

c09.indd 276c09.indd 276 2/17/09 5:14:50 PM2/17/09 5:14:50 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

Developmental Patterns of Identity Formation 277

populations have found a preponderance of foreclosures (estimated at 30% – 40% of the adult population), and a minority of achievements (about 20% of fathers of college students, according to Waterman & Waterman, 1975 ). Apparently, diffusion characterizes an estimated 25% of college students (and 10% – 20% of the adult population), and only between 10% and 30% of young (Western) people temporarily experience the moratorium status (Kroger, 2000 ; Meeus et al., 1999 ; van Hoof, 1999 ; Waterman, 1982 , 1999 ). Based on the identity status paradigm ’ s conceptualization of iden- tity formation, then, it would appear that a significant proportion of the population does not mature to the most “ advanced ” level of achievement, which was postulated to rep- resent the successful resolution of Erikson ’ s identity stage (cf. van Hoof, 1999 ).

In the most extensive review of the devel- opmental significance of the identity statuses, Meeus ( 1996 ) argues that the identity status literature has not sufficiently documented the developmental validity of the statuses as a sufficient operationalization of the identity stage. Only 49 out of 163 studies he reviewed actually address developmental concerns, and then mostly by inference. Instead, most stud- ies looked at cross - sectional concomitants of the statuses. The most robust, replicated find- ing from this paradigm involves the differences between identity diffusion and identity achieve- ment, supporting Erikson ’ s original postulates about the bipolar processes associated with the identity crisis and its resolution (cf. Côté & Schwartz, 2002 ). However, the correlates of the moratorium and foreclosure statuses do not reveal a picture of developmental significance.

These accumulated findings reinforced the doubts that have been raised over time about the validity of the identity status paradigm as an operationalization of “ substages ” of the identity stage. The contention that the only “ successful ” resolution of the identity stage is identity achievement, in conjunction with the finding that few adults are identity achieved raises the issue of whether the identity status

paradigm is more prescriptive than descriptive. That is, is this an outcome that identity status researchers think people ought to do (i.e., form an identity along the lines of the choice/com- mitment cross - tabulation); and, in conceiving it this way, have they missed what most people actually do ?

Not only is a clear picture not readily appar- ent of how the identity statuses constitute developmentally progressive resolutions of the identity stage, even a more basic assumption that identity grows in strength during adolescence for most people is not supported. Certainly, there is a trend revealed in the identity status lit- erature that during adolescence the population - level incidence of diffusion and foreclosure decreases while moratorium and achieve ment increases in ways one would assume as young people move toward adult maturity (e.g., Archer & Waterman, 1990 ). However, it is surprising that this tendency is not stronger. Not only are myriad patterns evident as some adolescents move among the statuses and their domains at different rates, but by the end of adolescence, about one half are still in the diffusion and fore- closure statuses (Kroger, 2003 ).

Others have commented on the question of the developmental relevance of the iden- tity status paradigm. Grotevant ( 1986 , p. 176) argues that “ because there does not appear to be one single developmental sequence for the identity statuses . . . the statuses are less useful than might be desired for making developmen- tal comparisons. ” LaVoie ( 1994 , pp. 23 – 26) also comments on this problem, noting a “ failure to address the mechanisms involved in the transi- tion between statuses even though . . . identity [is recognized] as a developmental process. ” LaVoie further argues that “ available data are not supportive of a common structure ” that might link possible identity domains, and he concludes that the “ structural components of identity are still in question, especially the matter of a deep structure. ” This observation suggests that we should look to the context of development, rather than only to the “ inner workings ” of the individual, to see if there are

c09.indd 277c09.indd 277 2/17/09 5:14:51 PM2/17/09 5:14:51 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

278 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

social influences militating against the forma- tion of a “ deep structure ” of identity. More specifically, we need to investigate whether cultural forces are creating a disarray of iden- tity domains and a muddled identity formation (Fadjukoff & Pulkkinen, 2005 ).

This last point warrants further consid- eration. If the identity statuses represented a normative course toward resolution of the identity stage (in Western countries), self - conscious identity explorations should consti- tute a major transformative life event of which most adults would have explicit memories (e.g., Marcia, 1976a ). However, as noted, some 40 years of research suggests that far fewer exploration - based commitments can be found among those who appear to have resolved the identity stage in purely Eriksonian terms (i.e., among those who are functioning adults with apparently low levels of identity confusion). Accordingly, it has not been established that active, conscious exploration (the moratorium status) is the normative (i.e., most widely used) route to the formation of adult identities con- stituting resolution of the identity stage (the identity achievement status).

Defending the developmental validity of the identity status paradigm, Waterman ( 1999 , p. 610) argues that more people make their way to the identity achievement status than is the case in other developmental areas like moral reasoning (postconventional stage), or ego development (integrated stage). Similarly, Kroger ( 2000 , 2003 ) suggests that this lack of identity development during adolescence leaves considerable scope for later identity formation in adulthood. However, these expla- nations only serve to highlight how the logic of the identity status paradigm diverges from Erikson ’ s normative approach, where he saw the bulk of the population as routinely resolv- ing the identity stage by developing a func- tional adult identity in a timely fashion, even if some difficulties are experienced along the way.

However, there is a useful way to interpret these accumulated empirical findings of the

identity status literature without being forced to choose between a wholesale acceptance or rejection of the paradigm. This is to return to Erikson ’ s original postulation that the reso- lution of the stage can be viewed in terms of a bipolar continuum between identity confu- sion and identity consolidation (the formation of a resilient sense of ego identity). When this is done, in older populations of young adults or adults, the diffusion and moratorium sta- tuses would be viewed in terms of persist- ing identity confusion, while foreclosure and achievement would be seen as two forms of identity consolidation. In the case of the latter two statuses, foreclosure would correspond to Erikson ’ s proposition that most young people have muted identity crises and can “ can go along with their parents in a kind of frater- nal identification ” (cited above from Erikson, 1968 , p. 33) in finding a resolution to the iden- tity stage, while achievement would represent a successful resolution of more active identity crises involving more serious realignment of identifications. When these two groups are considered together, the identity status litera- ture provides an estimate that between 60% and 80% of the adult population has resolved the identity stage in functionally adequate ways (combining percentages cited above). This combined estimate is much more reason- able than the 30% – 40% estimate obtained if only the achievement status is used to represent successful resolution of the identity stage.

Adopting this conciliatory view, however, would require rejecting the position among some theorists that identity achievement is synonymous with “ having ” an identity (e.g., Marcia, 1993 ). The miscalculation of this position is revealed in the above - noted findings that only a minority of adults appear to be identity achieved, which would leave most Westerners “ without an identity. ” I do not believe most developmental psychologists could accept such a position.

We return to this issue in the concluding section, where we consider a return to meth- odologies involving the continuum concept of

c09.indd 278c09.indd 278 2/17/09 5:14:51 PM2/17/09 5:14:51 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

Developmental Patterns of Identity Formation 279

identity stage resolution and a return to some of “ pre - Marcian ” interpretations of Erikson ’ s writings. Next we examine differences in normative development attributable to person – context mediations and interactions.

Identity Statuses: Person – Context Effects

The issue of how social contexts affect human development constitutes perhaps the greatest challenge facing researchers (e.g., Lerner, 2002 ). The challenge is indeed great in the cases of identity formation. In the early 1990s, Kroger ( 1993 , p. 11) observed that research exploring “ the roles of culture, social class, ethnicity, and historical ethos . . . [in identity formation] has only just begun. ” A problem has been that psychological approaches to identity formation have tended to undertheorize “ the social ” in its broadest sense (but see Spencer ’ s [ 2006 ] proposed model). Instead, early efforts were devoted mainly to immediate context vari- ables like family background and educational settings. Since then, interest has increas- ingly turned to more general issues that have occupied public policy agendas, particularly ethnicity and gender. It needs to be stressed, however, that “ ethnicity ” and “ gender ” are not social contexts per se. Rather, they are social identities attributed to individuals by others that take on particular meanings within socially constructed cultural contexts; at the same time, individuals experiencing these social identi- ties have different subjective experiences of them that have different meanings in different contexts. Moreover, as we discuss later, the experience of social identities such as gender and ethnicity can compound, producing com- plex interaction effects, especially when social class is added to the mix.

At the same time, it is useful to distinguish social contexts whose functions are explic- itly to socialize people into certain identities, as in the case of schools and families, from the more demographically based attributes such as gender, ethnicity, and social class (or socioeconomic status). Although socialization

is associated with these demographically based characteristics, these are attributes of the individual that are often associated with differential social statuses, while schools and families represent socialization contexts that exist at the institutional level, rather than the level of individual. We begin, then, by exam- ining identity formation in two socialization contexts, educational settings and the family, and then move on to look at identity formation in terms of gender, ethnicity, and social class origins. In these socialization contexts, identity formation processes are mediated in the sense that development is potentially affected posi- tively or negatively by certain experiences.

Educational Settings

It is widely assumed that attending college or university has dramatic effects on personality development, including identity formation. Indeed, several decades of research on col- lege effects have explored the ways in which college might stimulate forms of human development. For example, researchers have explored psychosocial developmental mod- els such as vectors of student development (Chickering, 1969 ), ego strength (Adams, Ryan, & Keating, 2000 ), and identity sta- tus (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000 ; Marcia, 1966 ; Waterman, 1993 ) to look for ways in which college enhances student psychosocial devel- opment. And, as noted above, the percent- age of college students classified as identity achieved has been found to increase from about 20% in first year to between 30% and 40% in the senior year (at least for Baby Boomers: Waterman, Greary, & Waterman, 1974 ; Waterman & Waterman, 1971). How- ever, in the largest review ever of these studies, Pascarella and Terenzini ( 1991 ) concluded that the evidence of widespread (main effect) identity development that is directly attributable to college attendance is inconclusive because few controls have been employed to account for maturation effects (i.e., whether the identity formation would have taken place among those not attending

c09.indd 279c09.indd 279 2/17/09 5:14:52 PM2/17/09 5:14:52 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

280 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

college). In their recent update to this research review, Pascarella and Terenzini ( 2005 ) still could not identify any “ studies that examined the extent to which such development could be attributed to the college experience rather than to other maturational or sociocultural forces ” (p. 228).

The evidence of change in response to the college experience is strongest for variables like political liberalism, various forms of self - concept, personal adjustment and psychological well being, with effect sizes similar to the cog- nitive variables (about one - third to one - half of a standard deviation). However, as noted, net of competing explanations like matura- tion effects, there has been little demonstrable effect of college attendance for variables like identity and ego development, interpersonal relationships, maturity, and general personal- ity development. This may be because deep - seated characteristics underpinning identity are resistant to change during this period (Côté & Allahar, 1996 ; Côté & Levine, 2000 ), or sim- ply that these factors are not targeted in any systematic way at most colleges (whereas the cognitive variables are directly targeted), so expectations of substantive changes may be unrealistic.

Family

Research into how identity formation is affected by characteristics of the family dates back to the early research on identity status (see Adams, Côté , & Marshall, 2001 , for a review). Much of this research focused on parenting styles, and the extent to which parents grant psychological autonomy to their children: thinking for them- selves and exploring their potentials and social opportunities. Adolescents who are granted more psychological autonomy, but who abide by parental guidance, tend to show the best out- comes in many areas of functioning, including identity formation.

The most popular framework for understand- ing parent – adolescent relationships is the par- enting style model based on Baumrind ( 1968 ). Maccoby and Martin ( 1983 ) later extended

Baumrind ’ s work by defining parenting styles in terms of two underlying dimensions: demand- ingness and responsiveness. Demandingness refers to parents ’ expectations about their chil- dren ’ s maturity and the parents ’ demands for their children to comply with them. Respon- siveness is parents ’ sensitivity to their children ’ s signals, needs, and states. Cross - tabulating the two dimensions produces four parenting styles: The authoritative style is high on both respon- siveness and demandingness, which set the stage for the effective granting of psychological autonomy. The authoritarian style exhibits high demandingness but low responsiveness. The indulgent style, in contrast, is low on demand- ingness but high on responsiveness. And the indifferent style is low on both responsiveness and demandingness. These last two styles con- stitute permissive styles of parenting.

The empirical literature provides evidence for predictable associations of parenting styles, and associated practices, with the identity statuses and their associated characteristics. Parental warmth and support — responsiveness (Adams & Jones, 1983 ; Jackson, Dunham, & Kidwell, 1990 ) — and parental encouragement and companionship (Adams, 1985 ), have been found to be positively associated with the mor- atorium and achievement statuses. However, excessively high levels of responsiveness can apparently impede identity explorations if the parental warmth and support leads to enmesh- ment with others (Cooper, Grotevant, & Condon, 1983 ; Dyk, 1990 ). At the same time, moderate demandingness or democratic pater- nal parenting (Lee, Kobayashi, & Adams, 1988 ) enhances identity exploration while excessive parental attempts to control adoles- cent behaviors can discourage identity explo- rations (Bosma & Gerritts, 1985 ).

Consistent with the research reported to date, Hess and McDevitt ( 1984 ) predicted that authoritative parents encourage independent problem solving and critical thinking. This parenting style involves a form of communi- cation that seems to enhance the development of more mature forms of identity because it

c09.indd 280c09.indd 280 2/17/09 5:14:52 PM2/17/09 5:14:52 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

Developmental Patterns of Identity Formation 281

provides opportunities for adolescents to engage in the active exploration of ideas (Gecas & Seff, 1990 ). Berzonsky and Kinney ( 1998 ) found that adolescents who are infor- mationally oriented tend to report their parents ’ style as more authoritative, while normatively oriented adolescents rate their parents as more authoritarian. In addition, the diffuse – avoidant style is associated with the perception that par- ents are either permissive or authoritarian, and less likely to be authoritative. Aunola, Stattin, and Nurmi ( 2000 ) assessed the relation- ship between parenting styles and adolescent employment of coping strategies, finding those socialized by authoritative parents tend to employ adaptive, task - oriented strategies that are associated with identity moratorium and achievement. Over - and undercontrolled adolescents are more likely to engage in task - irrelevant or passive behaviors that char- acterize the coping strategies of identity diffu- sions. Consistent with the research specifically addressing identity formation, adolescents raised by parents employing permissive and neglectful styles are not socialized to become self - regulating, and the result can be greater impulsivity (Barber, 1996 ) and lower self - reliance and orientation to work (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991 ; Wintre & Yaffe, 2000 ).

As one would expect, authoritarian parents can discourage the active exploration of ideas and independent problem solving, instead encouraging an unquestioning dependence on their control and guidance (Hess & McDevitt, 1984 ). Enright, Lapsley, Drivas, and Fehr ( 1980 ) contrasted autocratic with democratic, permissive families, and found that the former discouraged more mature identity explorations. Kerpelman and Smith ( 1999 ) report that the majority of delinquent adolescent daughters among 25 mother – daughter pairs had rela- tionships in which the mother invalidated the daughter ’ s positive identity statements or contradicted the daughter ’ s positive and nega- tive assertions about her identity. Consistently negative or ambiguous feedback from a parent

does not reflect a responsive relationship and is unlikely to encourage identity exploration. For example, Hauser et al. ( 1991 ) found that adolescent ego identity level was positively associated with styles of interaction that are supportive, but was negatively associated with constraining styles.

Thus, the empirical literature appears to show that adolescents who are overcontrolled by authoritarian parents or undercontrolled by permissive or neglectful parents are not pro- vided with opportunities to practice explora- tion of ideas and self - regulation of behavior. The result can be the development of maladap- tive strategies to problem solving concerning personal goals. The literature suggests that a moderate degree of connectedness, reflected through shared affection and an acceptance of individuality, provides the psychological foun- dation and security for adolescents to begin the searching process for self - defined com- mitments (e.g., Cooper et al., 1983 ; Grotevant, 1983 ; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985 ). In contrast, weak affectionate bonding with parents and poor communication levels, reflected by rejection or psychological withdrawal, seems to provide an insecure or constricted psycho- logical base for self - exploration. In addition, extreme affection (enmeshment) between ado- lescents and their parents and limited family tolerance for individuality might enmesh ado- lescents and discourage identity explorations.

Ethnic Identity Development

Research based on Phinney ’ s model and her Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure shows that there is significant movement through these three stages between the ages 16 and 19, and that college students score higher on questionnaire scales of ethnic identity achieve- ment than do high school students (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992 ). However, research also finds that only about one - quarter of ethnic minority adolescents can be classified as achieved on ethnic identity by the end of high school (Phinney, 2006 ). At the same time, issues that appear to have been previously

c09.indd 281c09.indd 281 2/17/09 5:14:53 PM2/17/09 5:14:53 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

282 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

resolved can reemerge if circumstances stimu- late their reconsideration. Those who explore their ethnic ity and have a greater understand- ing of their ethnic group ’ s history and tradi- tions also have a more secure sense of their ethnic identity and commitment to their ethnic group (Phinney, 2005 ).

Little systematic research has been car- ried out on postadolescent youth, especially among those who do not attend college. How- ever, those who attend college are more likely to explore their ethnicity. And ethnic identity achievements are more likely to become involved in cultural activities that strengthen their ethnic identity, while those with a weaker sense of ethnic identity may withdraw from these cultural activities and experience a further weakening of their ethnic identity (Phinney, 2006 ). Those classified as achieved on ethnic identity have also been found to have higher self - esteem (Phinney & Alipuria, 1990 ), and as enjoying better psychological well - being in terms of coping ability, mastery, self - esteem and optimism, and lower levels of loneli- ness and depression (Roberts et al., 1999 ). In addition, those classified as achieved have more positive attitudes toward other groups, and more mature intercultural thinking, than those classified as diffused (Phinney, Jacoby, & Silva, 2007 ), along with the highest scores on psychological adjustment and ego identity (Kroger, 2003 ).

Finally, Phinney ’ s ( 2005 ) research finds that the meaning and strength of ethnic identity differs among ethnic groups, with African Americans having the strongest ethnic identities, presumably in response to the negative stereo- types and discrimination to which they are exposed. Asians and Latinos also have strong ethnic identities, but score lower than African Americans. European Americans have the lowest scores, even those living in diverse communities and attending mixed schools.

Gender

The identity status literature reveals a cer- tain amount of confusion in terms of how to

characterize gender differences. The earli- est research from the 1970s reported gender differences that seem to have disappeared during the 1980s (Patterson, Sochting, & Marcia, 1992 ). Whether this was due to chang- ing sociohistorical circumstances or changing methodologies is not known (Marcia, 1993 ), but the general consensus seems to be that among contemporary (American, high school and college attending) youth, there are no sig- nificant differences in how and when females and males consolidate their commitments. That is, there appears to now be agreement that there are no meaningful differences in the processes by which psychological aspects of identity come together (i.e., the frequencies and subjective meanings of the identity sta- tuses), and when they come together (Archer, 1993 ; Marcia, 1993 ; Sorell & Montgomery, 2001 ; Waterman, 1993 ). Recently, Kroger ( 2003 , p. 219) concluded, “ there has been little evidence of gender differences regarding ques- tions of identity structure, domain salience, or developmental processes. ”

However, reliable differences seem to have been identified in terms of the “ domains ” or content areas around which identity issues are explored. Archer ( 1993 , p. 85) summarized these findings as follows:

Gender differences were found in the domains of sexuality (Waterman & Nevid, 1976), family/ career prioritizing (Archer, 1985), and friendship (Thorbecke & Grotevant, 1982 ), but not on voca- tion, religious beliefs, sex roles, values, dating, and so forth. In each case of significant gender differences, females have been more likely to be identity achieved or in moratorium and males, foreclosed or diffuse, reinforcing the female self - in - relation expectation. But females have been as likely as males to be self - defined in the intra- personal domains as well.

In other words, more females appear to be exploring issues related to real - life concerns (in a world of changing gender roles), thereby increasing the complexity of their identity formation (while fewer males appear to be as

c09.indd 282c09.indd 282 2/17/09 5:14:53 PM2/17/09 5:14:53 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

Developmental Patterns of Identity Formation 283

concerned with these gender - related issues). As Waterman ( 1993 , p. 62) puts it:

[T]he task of identity formation is more complex for females than for males in that they endeavour to work out for themselves their goals, values, and beliefs in more domains than do males. Not only do females experience the desire to estab- lish their sense of identity in vocational choice, religious beliefs, political ideology, and sex - role attitudes in the same manner as males, but they engage in more active reflection and decision - making regarding identity in a relational context than do their male counterparts.

When the concept of gender is expanded to the more complex concept of gender identity , or gender - role orientation , consistent differences among the identity statuses have been found on measures of gender identity. Gecas and Burke ( 1995 , p. 54) define gender identity as “ the socially defined self - meanings of masculinity/ femininity one has as a male or female mem- ber of society and are inherently derived from and tied to social structure. ” In a recent review of the literature, Marcia ( 1993 ) concluded, “ across various measures of identity, intimacy, and sex - role typing, the relationships among androgyny, high intimacy, and high identity, as well as between masculinity and identity and femininity and intimacy are fairly well established ” (p. 40). Kroger ( 2003 , p. 219) summarizes research in this area, noting that “ gender - role orientation, rather than gender per se, is an important predictor of difference in resolutions to questions of identity, moral reasoning, and intimacy. ”

The future to this line of research seems to clearly lie not with mere categorizations of people as male or female, but in assessments of how they experience masculinity and femininity, along with the various combinations and permutations of these experiences, as with shades of androgyny. The same logic likely applies to the importance of experiences of sexuality, rather than mere classifications of its variations (e.g., Cass, 1979 ; D ’ Augelli, 1994 ; Halverson, 2005 ).

Social Class

Phillips and Pitman ( 2003 ) recently pointed out that “ a review of the literature indicates that studies investigating identity processes among the poor are not only sparse, they are virtually nonexistent ” (p. 116). They go on to observe that studies of economically disadvan- taged adolescents has confounded social class with ethnic minority status, and have thus used the ethnic identity formation model of develop- ment rather than the more general identity status model, or developed a model specific to social class issues (but see Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006 ). Phillips and Pitman attribute this confounding to the lack of attention among identity theorists and researchers with respect to “ the effect of external sociocultural influ- ences on identity formation ” (p. 116).

In an attempt to rectify this gap in the literature, Phillips and Pittman developed a model that identifies the types of “ iden- tity work ” that economically disadvantaged adolescents might undertake in coping with disparaging self - relevant information, lim- ited opportunities, and chronic exposure to high levels of stress and negative life events. They predict that those who are unsuccess- ful in overcoming these problems may avoid or prematurely end any identity explora- tions, or adopt a “ negative identity ” (Erikson, 1968 ) that sets them up for future failures and underachievement.

Yoder ( 2000 ) offered a model with which to understand how the barriers to identity status formation could be conceptualized within the identity status paradigm. She argues that most models of identity formation adopt a static view of the environments in which identity exploration might take place. These models tend to assume that social structure is clearly defined for all adolescents, there are few physical or economic limitations confront- ing them, and that all adolescents understand the work and life options ostensibly available to them. She offers a model in which each of the four identity statuses can be subdivided in terms of whether the barriers to exploration

c09.indd 283c09.indd 283 2/17/09 5:14:54 PM2/17/09 5:14:54 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

284 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

and commitment are absent, present, or have been overcome.

To date, these suggestions for conceptual- izing economic disadvantage and undertaking empirical research to investigate its effects have not been heeded by researchers, perhaps because of the convenience of conducting research on middle class young people in high schools and colleges. At the same time, the basic assumption remains that identity forma- tion among the disadvantaged is hampered by forms of discrimination and underprivilege that create difficulties in the transition to adult- hood (e.g., in the United States and Canada it is assumed that everyone who is not middle class, Anglo, and male will encounter special and/or more severe problems). However, in one of the few statements about this assump- tion, Rotheram - Borus and Wyche ( 1994 , p. 67) argue that “ empirical support for . . . lowered expectations for identity achievement among minority group members has been mixed. ”

As useful as these research efforts have been into the complexities of ethnicity, gender, and class, the situation is even more complex when the combinations and permutations of these three contexts are considered, as we see next.

Interactions among Contextual Factors

Little research has been devoted to two - and three - way interactions among demographic background variables like gender, ethnicity, and social class (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006 ). This research is important to undertake because it is possible, for example, that ethnicity may be more important for certain dimensions of identity formation than gender, such that depending on their social class and age, women of a given ethnicity may subjec- tively experience more in common with men of their own ethnic group than with women of another ethnic group, as they form their sense of identity; moreover, in terms of actual social identity (as per their social location), they may objectively have more in common with their brothers (cf. Brand, 1987 ; Espin & Gawelek, 1992 ). (We see below that in the United States,

self - esteem appears to develop quite differ- ently for minority group adolescent females than it does for White adolescent females.) Rotheram - Borus and Wyche ( 1994 , p. 68) refer to this general issue in the following manner:

[S]ome evidence exists that gender and ethnicity interactively influence personality develop ment . . . . It also appears that minority adolescents are socialized into gender roles that differ from those of European - American males and females, . . . and that gender stereotyping is less salient within some ethnic groups than within the European - American group . . . . Because the gender roles of a youth ’ s ethnic group and socioeconomic status will define the context of his or her search to a significant extent, research in this area is greatly needed in the future.

Similarly, working - class women may experience more in common with their male class counterparts than their middle - class sisters. However, in the social sciences, an earlier interest in social class issues appears to have been eclipsed by the more recent inter- est in gender and ethnicity, in spite of the fact that “ class ” qua material resources under- lies much of the gender and ethnic disparity being debated in the public forum (Allahar & Côté , 1998 ). Consequently, it is unlikely that we will find much research directly address- ing the relationship between social class and identity formation in the near future. However, research paralleling identity formation, as in the case of educational research attempting to understand the experiences of first - generation university students, may shed some light on this important area (Côté , 2007 ).

THE SELF PSYCHOLOGY APPROACH TO SELF - DEVELOPMENT

Much of this literature on the adolescent self has emerged out of social psychology, in the field of self psychology. Self psychology stems from the pioneering works of William James ( 1948 /1892), G. H. Mead ( 1934 ), and Charles

c09.indd 284c09.indd 284 2/17/09 5:14:54 PM2/17/09 5:14:54 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 285

Horton Cooley ( 1902 ). In particular, James ’ s and Mead ’ s distinctions between the “ I ” and the “ Me ” have generated much of the theory and research on the self, and its postulated key attributes, especially self - concept and self - esteem. However, this research tradition is not focused specifically on adolescent devel- opment. Accordingly, the theoretical basis of self psychology will be briefly described, and only those empirical studies most illustrative of the nature of adolescent development will be reviewed subsequently.

Self psychology has focused on the dis- tinction between the self “ as knower ” and the self as “ known, ” in a way that is homolo- gous to Erikson ’ s distinction between the ego and the self. With this distinction between two moments of self - epistemology in mind, Baumeister ( 1998 ) distinguishes among three major research concerns in this field: reflex- ive consciousness, the interpersonal self, and the executive functions of the self.

Research into the area of reflexive conscious- ness stems directly from the “ I ” / “ Me ” distinc- tion in the work of James and G. H. Mead. This research has investigated relationships among reflexive cognition, self - esteem (e.g., Steele, 1988 ; Baumeister, 1990 ), external and internal standards for self - comparison (e.g., Higgins, 1987 ), and the acquisition of self - knowledge as a function of age and cognitive development (Harter, 1993 ; Hart, Maloney, & Damon, 1987 ; Honess & Yardley, 1987 ). Researchers have investigated the internal consistency of self - knowledge (e.g., Broughton, 1981 ; Rosenberg, 1997 ) and the organization of self - schemas (Byrne, 1996 ; Byrne & Shavelson, 1996 ; Marsh & Hattie, 1996 ). Interest can also be found in how personal self - conceptions are coordinated with more social and ethnic identities (Roberts, Phinney, Romero, & Chen, 1996 ; Thoits & Virshup, 1997 ), as well as in broader questions about the historical and cultural origins of the self - knowledge system (Baumeister, 1997 ; Danziger, 1997 ; Holland, 1997 ; Mageo, 1997 ).

Investigations of the interpersonal self involve the extent to which others ’ perceptions of self

influence a person ’ s self - concept. This con- cern with “ reflected appraisal ” (Felson, 1989 ) has stimulated the study of the accuracy of perception of the impressions made on others and as well as the functions of self - deception (DePaulo, Kenny, Hoover, Webb, & Oliver, 1987 ). Research involving self - presentation and the management of impressions has focused on the relevance of self - motives, such as suppli cation and ingratiation (Jones & Pitt- man, 1982 ), self - monitoring abilities (Snyder, 1987 ), and threats to the self (Heatherton & Vohs, 2000 ). In addition, some theorists have examined cultural processes involved in self - identity (e.g., Shotter & Gergen, 1989 ; Worchel, Morales, Paez, & Deschamps, 1998 ).

Finally, Baumeister ’ s ( 1998 ) study of the executive functions of the self highlights the potentially agentic aspects of human func- tioning. However, there is a reticence in the lit- erature to develop a more fully articulated view of agency equivalent to that which is latent in Erikson ’ s work and manifest in the recent work of some sociologists (e.g., Emirbayer & Mische, 1998 ).

From this general background of self psychology, we now move to a consideration of theoretical approaches to self - development during adolescence.

Theoretical Approaches to Self - Development

According to most theoretical models of the development of the self, the self is formed dur- ing childhood (e.g., through the Meadian play and game stages; Hewitt, 2000 ), and potentially undergoes a strengthening, consolidation, and differentiation during adolescence (Honess & Yardley, 1987 ; Shapka & Keating, 2005 ). Harter ( 1999 ) argues that this differentiation involves a greater focus on abstract traits than is the case among children. Markus and Nurius ( 1986 ) have researched ways in which these abstrac- tions can involve differentiating between actual and possible selves as part of developing self - schemas — cognitive structures that arrange self - concepts and process information through

c09.indd 285c09.indd 285 2/17/09 5:14:54 PM2/17/09 5:14:54 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

286 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

them. 2 Moreover, adolescents differentiate between future ideal selves and feared selves (Oyserman & Markus, 1990 ). While this abil- ity to abstract one ’ s self has growth - enhancing potentials, discrepancies between actual selves and ideal abstractions of selves can be a source of self - esteem problems and can lead to depres- sive states (e.g., Choi & Lee, 1998 ). In addition, a lack of balance between, and clear conception of, ideal and feared selves has been found to be associated with delinquency, with delinquents having sets of more intensely negative feared selves (Oyserman & Markus). An imbalance of ideal and feared selves has also been found to be a stronger predictor of delinquency than lower self - esteem.

Unlike identity research, no qualitatively dif- ferent stagelike “ statuses ” have been researched in the adolescence literature (although Hart, Maloney, & Damon, 1987, postulated four developmental levels of self - understanding representing the senses of continuity of self and distinctiveness from others). Instead, in gen- eral, studies have examined whether various domains of self - concept increase in positive valence and strength during this age period (the sum of which equals global self - esteem). As one would expect, this is the case, although as we will see later, the increase in their strength varies by factors associated with contextu- ally specific experiences. First, we examine the empirical findings investigating normative development.

Normative Self - Development

The earliest measures in self psychology assessed levels and changes in self - esteem (e.g., Coopersmith, 1967 ) and self - concept (Fitts, 1965 ). These studies suggested that self - concept becomes more differentiated and abstract during adolescence, and self - esteem strengthens overall.

During the 1960s there was an explosion of research based on the Tennessee Self - Concept Scale (TSCS; Fitts, 1965 ), a 100 - item scale that provides a normative profile of five domains of self - concept: physical self,

moral – ethical self, personal self, family self, and social self. The sum of these items yields a measure of global self - esteem (P scores). In addition, the TSCS provides an estimate of the differentiation of self - concept (D scores), with low scores suggesting “ an uncertain, poorly - differentiated image ” (Thompson, 1972 , p. 3). Other measures of self - esteem were devel- oped and extensively used in the 1960s and 1970s (e.g., Coopersmith, 1967 ; Rosenberg, 1965 ). While useful, this potpourri of mea- sures creates difficulties in comparing studies and developing a consistent picture of changes in self - esteem, as well as the relationships of self - esteem to socialization influences and social context (Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ).

In addition to this problem of multiple instruments of the same concept, Dusek and McIntyre ( 2003 ) argue that it is important to differentiate self - concept from self - esteem, with the former being a qualitative category (e.g., “ I am a student ” ), and the latter being a variable assessment of self - concept (e.g., “ I am a good student/poor student ” ). In addition, self - esteem can be measured in (less accurate) global terms, as well as in (more accurate) terms that are specific to self - concepts. They further argue that most self - research has assumed that global measures of self - esteem give accurate assessments of adolescents ’ senses of compe- tence in the various domains of functioning that produce self - concepts (e.g., student, athlete, attractive). However, they argue this is a highly dubious assumption because adolescents do not necessarily summarize their self - esteem across these domains. Moreover, separate domains are of differing importance for each person, and this importance can shift from day to day and situation to situation.

Based on population norms derived from a database of over 400 studies using the TSCS, Thompson concluded that self - esteem increases with age, with high school samples having below average scores, college students and adults having average scores, and the elderly having above average scores. Thompson also found that self - concept becomes more certain

c09.indd 286c09.indd 286 2/17/09 5:14:55 PM2/17/09 5:14:55 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 287

and differentiated with age, but that the dividing line is between college students and adults. That is, high school and college students have below average D scores (and high school students are more uncertain about their self - concepts than college students), while adults and the elderly have above - average scores.

Research based on other approaches supports the finding based on the TSCS that self - concept becomes less certain during early to mid - adolescence. Harter ( 1986 ) found that early adolescents have more contradictory self - concepts than late adolescents, but that the ability to understand why these contradic- tions exist is part of developing a behavioral repertoire for functioning in a variety of soci- etal contexts. The adolescent learns that differ- ent contexts can evoke a range of subjective reactions and require different forms of impres- sion management. Adolescents can thus come to intuit that there can be differences between a “ real self ” and a “ role self ” (Harter, 1997 ; Harter, Waters, & Whitesell, 1997 ).

At the same time, there is evidence that declines in self - esteem during early adolescence are limited to a subpopulation of adolescence, with most young adolescents maintaining a consistent level of self - esteem or increasing in self - esteem (e.g., Palh, Greene, & Way, 2000 ). In relation to the “ on - time ” onset of puberty, early - maturing females can experience a decline in self - esteem, while early - maturing males can experience an increase (Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ). One longitudinal study iden- tified four patterns of self - esteem development in a sample followed from grade 6 to grade 8 in the United States (Hirsch & DuBois, 1991 ), and only one pattern involved a steep decline in self - esteem (among 21% of the sample).

Rosenberg ’ s ( 1986 ) self - esteem measure has yielded some results that speak to the issue of emotional turbulence during adolescence. He distinguished between “ baseline self - esteem ” and “ barometric self - esteem. ” The former refers to the level at which people maintain a stable, global view of themselves, while the latter characterizes a sense of self - esteem that

is situation dependent. Rosenberg ’ s research supports the conclusion that the self - esteem of adolescents fluctuates more than that of either children or adults, being more determined by the characteristics of the situation encountered and the nature of relationships with people in those situations.

Finally, Harter ( 1989 ) developed the Self - Perception Profile for Adolescents, which measures eight facets of adolescent self - image (e.g., scholastic competence and physical appearance). This scale allows for an assess- ment of global self - esteem by not including scores for facets that are not part of the adoles- cent ’ s self - concept (e.g., athletic competence), thereby providing a more accurate assess- ment of the adolescent ’ s overall self - appraisal. Research with this scale, while based primar- ily on White, middle - class American samples finds that females rate themselves lower than males on their physical appearance, but higher on close friendships, but that most domains increase with age (Shapka & Keating, 2005 ). At the same time, females ’ global scores are lower than those of males ’ .

Person – Context Effects in Self - Development

The literature on social context and subpopu- lation differences in the development of the self is more straightforward than is the case for research on identity because there are no theories of “ substages ” of development, so this literature requires less analysis than is the case for identity research. At the same time, more studies have examined multiple contexts, so subsections will not be used in this section to separate the studies on the basis of gender, ethnicity, and social class. However, studies examining educational settings and the family will be dealt with separately.

Thompson ( 1972 ) reported that findings from the TSCS indicate that delinquents had lower self - concepts than nondelinquent adolescents. In comparing Black and White adolescents, Black high school students scored lower on overall self - concept, but not in the areas of physical

c09.indd 287c09.indd 287 2/17/09 5:14:55 PM2/17/09 5:14:55 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

288 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

self and personal self. In addition, studies of economically disadvantaged youth have not found significant differences on the TSCS, although differences do emerge in the adult population. Age may thus be a more important factor in self - concept than socioeconomic sta- tus, although none of these studies is based on longitudinal research. Results with the TSCS in terms of gender differences have been incon- sistent (e.g., Chiam, 1987 ; Putnam, Hosie, & Hansen, 1978 ; Sharpley & Hattie, 1983 ).

Other measures of self - esteem have not necessarily supported the findings of the TSCS program. Rosenberg ( 1965 ) found that among adolescents social class was weakly related to self - esteem on his measure, and ethnicity was unrelated. More recently, African Americans have been found to have higher self - esteem than White adolescents, who in turn had higher self - esteem than Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans (Twenge & Crocker, 2002 ). Further, within these non - White ethnic groups, females had been found to have higher self - esteem than males.

Longitudinal research suggests that self - esteem plays different roles in the development of White males and females in the United States (Block & Robins, 1993 ), with females experiencing a lowering of self - esteem during adolescence, in contrast to increases experi- enced by males. Part of this difference in self - esteem development may involve physical self - concept, with males being more positive about their bodies as part of a less differen tiated physical self - conception. In contrast, these adolescent females may have a more differen- tiated body image that would be more prone to dissatisfaction with different parts of the body (Koff, Rierdan, & Stubbs, 1990 ; Perkins & Lerner, 1995 ). The extreme sexualization of the female body in American culture may play a role in a greater self - consciousness of the physical self, as well as dissatisfaction when the unrealistic ideals promulgated by the media are internalized as points of reference for self - development (cf. Stice, Spangler, & Agras, 2001 ).

These apparently robust gender differences, which have become well known outside of academic circles (e.g., in some popular books like Wolf, 1991 ), are tempered when non - White ethnic groups are included in studies. These studies find that African American females judge their own physical appearance quite differently, feeling far more satisfaction with their body image. One study found that most African American females were satisfied with their bodies (70%), while almost none of the White females were (10%) (Parker, Nichter, Vuckovic, Sims, & Ritenbaugh, 1995 ). African American females are also more likely to endorse being overweight as acceptable, as part of a greater flexibility in their self - acceptance. Consequently, the self - esteem difficulties found among White adolescent females are not found among other ethnic groups in which extreme body image ideals are not internalized. Indeed, there is some evidence that females in these groups have higher self - esteem than their male peers (Dubois, Felner, Brand, Phillip, & Lease, 1996 ).

Educational Settings

On the issue of the educational contexts, school transitions have often been the focus of research. Studies generally find that those who move to a new school, as in the transition to a junior high school, experience a decline in self - esteem, greater instability in their self - concept, and more self - consciousness (e.g., Simmons & Blyth, 1987 ; Wigfield & Eccles, 1994 ). Those who are younger than their classmates during such transitions seem to be particularly vulnerable to these experi- ences (Fenzel, 1992 ). These types of effects have been found in other countries, such as Japan (Kozumi, 1995 ). However, subse- quent analyses reveal that the decline is not experienced equally across all ethnic groups, with African American females actually expe- riencing an increase in self - esteem in these transitions (Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ). Dusek and McIntyre review a number of hypotheses that have been offered to explain this tendency

c09.indd 288c09.indd 288 2/17/09 5:14:56 PM2/17/09 5:14:56 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 289

for a drop in self - esteem in school transitions, as well as differences by subgroups, calling for more research using better designs and instrumentation.

Other school contexts appear to affect self - esteem. One study found that those attending rural schools had lower self - esteem and less ambitious educational plans than urban adolescents (Sarigiani, Wilson, Petersen, & Vicary, 1990 ). Other research finds that supportive, better quality teaching can enhance self - esteem, even among those with low self - esteem to begin with (Smith & Smoll, 1990 ; Stefanich, Wills, & Buss, 1991 ), as can supportive and validating peer rela- tionships (Kramer, 1991 ; Robinson, 1995 ). However, adolescents who are preoccupied with gaining the approval of peers have more school difficulties than those whose self - worth is more independent of peer approval (Harter, Stocker, & Robinson, 1996 ).

In their massive review of effects of college on development, Pascarella & Terenzini ( 2005 ) concluded that sufficient research been carried out to draw conclusions about the effects of college attendance on self - concept. Several studies using “ large, representative, national samples ” have concluded that academic self - concept and social self - concept (self - confi- dence) is enhanced “ independent of effects attributable to precollege characteristics and to normal maturation ” (p. 263). Those who are more engaged in their learning develop a stronger sense of themselves as scholars. However, in the case of self - esteem research, the results are contradictory and afford no reli- able conclusions that those who attend college develop higher levels of self - esteem than those who do not.

One final school effect is worth mentioning in light of what has been called the “ cult of self - esteem ” that has gripped schools in the United States and Canada over the past few decades (Côté & Allahar, 2007 ). That is, educators increasingly targeted students ’ self - esteem, often with inflated grades, to entice them to become more engaged in school. However, the

research conducted on the relationship between self - esteem and academic achievement (grades) reveals a weak statistical relationship (Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ). The more recent and sophis- ticated research employing structural - equation modeling has looked for reciprocal, causal effects, but it has concluded that these effects are even weaker than the earlier correlational studies suggested, although grades may have a greater effect on self - esteem than self - esteem has on grades (Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ).

Family

The research on family and parenting effects on self - esteem generally reveals the same patterns as identity research has found (above). Higher self - esteem is associated with authoritative par- enting, as well as with acceptance and warmth provided by other family members (e.g., Dusek & McIntyre, 2003 ; Luster & McAdoo, 1995 ). Similarly, the active promotion of both the individuality of adolescents and their con- nection to parents is associated with more pos- itive forms of self - development (e.g., Cooper, Grotevant, & Condon, 1983 ; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985 ). In addition to parenting style, some early research suggested that adolescents in single - mother households had lower self - esteem, especially if both the adolescent and the single-mother were relatively young. However, authoritative parenting skills apparently can offset this effect (Dusek & McIntyre).

Summary

There appears to be some consistency in the research findings from the self psychology approach to adolescent development, both developmentally and when applied to subgroups of the adolescent population. However, inconsis- tencies abound, in part because of methodologi- cal issues associated with the use of differing instrumentation, and in part because of research designs. In fact, this area of research remains controversial from the point of view of some psychologists who feel that self - esteem is a mere epiphenomenon, and not the “ vaccine ” to positive development that some have contended (DuBois & Tevendale, 1999 ).

c09.indd 289c09.indd 289 2/17/09 5:14:56 PM2/17/09 5:14:56 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

290 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Still, some recent research suggests that self - esteem has certain “ essential ” properties. For example, using the Japanese version of the Rosenberg Self - Esteem Scale in a longitudinal study on 100 pairs of Japanese adolescent twins (68 pairs of monozygotic twins and 32 pairs of dizygotic twins), Kamakura, Ando, and Ono ( 2007 ) calculated that the heritability of self - esteem was 31% at their first data collection and 49% at their second data point. In addition, stability in self - esteem between these two data points was due to both genetic and nonshared environmental effects (unique experiences within the same family), while change in self - esteem was explained only by nonshared envi- ronmental influences.

New Directions

In this final section, suggestions are made for compensating for some of the shortcomings identified above in both traditions, and strength- ening our understanding of how humans come to understand themselves as “ whole persons ” in differing cultural contexts, beginning with suggestions for a rapprochement between the two approaches. This section ends with conclusions about the policy implications of identity research.

Reconciling the Identity and Self Approaches to Adolescent Development

Given the separate study of self and identity discussed earlier, the most obvious direc- tion future efforts might take is toward an integration of certain aspects of the self lit- erature with the identity literature. As noted above, the chief obstacle to this is definitional: many of the same terms are used differently in these two bodies of literature. Côté and Levine ( 2002 ) argue that an amalgamation such as this would require the development of an agreed - upon taxonomy. One avenue that may be useful in developing this taxonomy is a “ division of labor, ” in which it is acknowl- edged that the self literature is best applied to early adolescence, the age period when the

most changes in self - esteem and self - concept appear to take place, and the identity litera- ture is best applied mainly to late adolescence (and beyond), the age period(s) during which most identity explorations, commitment for- mations, and other types of identity consolida- tions appear to take place. This latter point is further supported by the fact that the empirical measures of identity do not work well in early adolescence, suffering especially in terms of internal consistency estimates, presumably because identities are not sufficiently consoli- dated to produce acceptable intercorrelations among scale items (cf. Roberts, 2001 ).

Toward this end, a case has been made that self - concept refers to a person ’ s subjective experiences of concrete behaviors involved in role enactments. When these experiences are the object of reflection, they become first - order schema content for the second - order domains of personal and social identities. In other words, self - concepts are not “ identities, ” when an identity is defined as the second - order consolidation of the first - order reflective expe- riences of behavior that become the basis for self - concepts. Indeed, the research consistently shows that self - concepts become consolidated during early to mid - adolescence, providing the foundation for identity formation in which these are further consolidated with more abstract beliefs, values, and commitments. It follows, then, that self - concept consolidations are part of what the identity researchers have studied as the early foundations of the personal and social identities that eventually contribute to resolutions of the identity stage (cf. Côté & Levine, 2002 ).

This logic suggests that in the subjec- tive, experiential realm, personal and social identities are based on cognitive operational structures of self - concepts. This distinction parallels the more generic distinction between cognitive process and cognitive content. In dis- tinguishing between first - order self - concepts and second - order identities, “ levels ” of reflexive consciousness are explicitly speci- fied, and a basis is laid for postulating that a

c09.indd 290c09.indd 290 2/17/09 5:14:57 PM2/17/09 5:14:57 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 291

form of personal agency is involved in iden- tity formation during late adolescence and beyond, which is not involved in early forms of self - concept development.

In addition to attention to taxonomic issues, these two fields need to become more relevant to the real - world experiences of people in various social and cultural contexts. Although the general self and identity literatures have been striving to be more relevant cross - culturally, they have achieved only limited success, as we see in the next two sections. Becoming more relevant means more than just adding variables to represent a widening radius of influence beyond the family and school. It means developing a more macro theoretical orientation that includes a concep- tual framework about the nature of cultural and societal effects on identity and self - development (cf. Spencer, 2006 ). Without some sort of macro orientation, researchers will continue to grope about for ways to make their field more relevant to the realities people face.

This need for a macro orientation applies to all age groups, not just adolescence, so it is useful to examine these broader efforts. The efforts of some self-theorists to broaden this field to include other cultures can be used as a basis for further developments in this regard. The place to start is with reconsidering the “ conventional wisdom ” that is the product of research conducted in the highly individualistic societies like the United States, where high self - esteem and choice - based identities are considered by many people to constitute optimal outcomes of adolescent development.

Culture Reconsidered: Collectivism, Individualism, and the Self

Both the identity and self literatures are vulnerable to the criticism of ethnocentrism, or even “ Ameri - centrism ” to the extent that studies have been largely carried out in the United States, and to a lesser extent in Europe following methodologies developed in the United States. Criticism can even find pur- chase in the narrow focus taken in studies

conducted on adolescents in the United States, to the extent that White, middle - class young people have been the focus of investigation. For example, as we saw, there has been great concern for some time that adolescent females have self - esteem problems, but there is some evidence that this applies mainly to White females, and then only to the extent that they have modeled their behaviors after advertise- ments portraying unrealistic standards of beauty and sexuality.

It has been further noted that the focus of self psychology on self - esteem appears to be a distinctly American preoccupation. As Arnett ( 2004 ) argues, since the 1960s there has been a self - esteem movement in the United States, especially in schools, based on the assumption that if young people value themselves more they will have better academic achievement and peer relations. This movement was fueled in the 1980s by concerns that the self - esteem of females dropped during adolescence, a finding that we now see as suspect from a normative point of view. Arnett further con- tends that the United States stands out from other Western countries with this concern about self - esteem, attributing it to American individualism. Moreover, while there is a gap between the United States and other Western countries in terms of the value placed on ado- lescent self - esteem, the gap is even greater in non - Western countries, where self - criticism is valued over self - esteem (e.g., in Japan). The findings reported in this chapter thus need to be viewed in light of the fact that the research has been almost entirely carried out on American adolescents.

This issue is brought into sharper focus when we consider the work of Markus and Kitayama (1991), who postulate that the self varies in terms of schema contents on the dimension “ independence – interdependence. ” The independent self - schema involves a sense of autonomy and separateness from others, and the right to choose the duties and obligations that will form the basis of allegiances with others. The self is perceived as being “ whole

c09.indd 291c09.indd 291 2/17/09 5:14:57 PM2/17/09 5:14:57 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

292 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

unto itself, ” comprised of its own thoughts, beliefs, and feelings. “ Others ” and social contexts are perceived as outside the self and are utilized as sources of reflected appraisals. Relationships can be situationally variable, but the self is perceived as maintaining a uni- tary core and as being, more or less, constant. Markus and Kitayama identify this construal of the self as more common in Western societies.

The interdependent self - schema, in contrast, is more likely to be found in the more duty - bound cultures of the Orient, in premodern Western societies, and to some extent more family - oriented modern Western cultures (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006 ). Here, the self is defined as more context specific and part of a complex set of duties and obligations. While an interdependent self may hold personal beliefs, values, and desires, they are subordinate to these complex duties and obligations. These personal preferences must be controlled and often inhibited if the self is to maintain connection, so the conception of a “ whole self unto itself ” is not influential in the interdependent self - schema (cf. Mageo, 1997 ).

Markus and Kitayama ( 1991 ) review a substantial amount of literature documenting the cognitive, emotional, and motivational con- sequences of these two forms of self - schemas. As one would expect, those using an interde- pendent self - schema are more likely to process self - relevant information in a situationally specific manner and to be attentive to the expec- tations and needs of others. For example, in a situation requiring decisions about the distribu- tion of property, the interdependent self would likely consider its obligation not to exclude the other from distribution, whereas the indepen- dent self would more likely focus on the acquisition rights of the self. It follows that the interdependent self is more likely to experi- ence and utilize “ other - focused ” emotions and cognitive operations such as empathy, sympa- thy, and shame, and identify these feelings as properties of context and relationship with the other. Finally, those with the interdependent self - schema can understand their motives and

goals, and thus their sense of personal agency, in terms of accommodating and cooperating with others, with the expectation of reciproca- tion. In contrast, the independent self can per- ceive certain others and contexts as objects to be avoided, manipulated, or controlled if the self is to be fulfilled. Duties and obligations are thus seen as matters of individual choice that are part of self - fulfillment.

Future research needs to reevaluate the accu- mulated findings in the literature on adolescence regarding self - esteem and self - concept (drops, changes, group differences, etc.) in terms of how much they represent the formation of the independent self rather than the interdependent self, with the caveat that these ideas should not be overextended (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002 ). For an example, see Takata ( 2002 , 2007 ) who published empiri- cal findings suggesting that in contemporary Japanese society, interdependent self - schemas are passively acquired in late childhood, actively internalized in adolescence, and then re - arranged into more independent self - schemas in adulthood (presumably as part of the formation of adult identities now functional in contemporary Japanese society).

Identity in Cross - Cultural Perspective

A similar logic about independence – interdependence can be applied to identity, although there has not been a sustained effort to develop a theoretical framework based on this logic. Accordingly, it is necessary to piece together seemingly disparate sources.

On the question of cross - cultural applicability of the identity status paradigm, we can consult the historical record provided by anthropologist Margaret Mead during the 1920s — one of the few such records regarding non - Western forms of adolescence (Côté , 1994 ). In her pioneering book on the nature of adolescence, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), Mead provided an eth- nography of adolescence in Polynesian Samoan culture as it was becoming Westernized.

Samoan culture before contact with the West would be called a “ foreclosed society ”

c09.indd 292c09.indd 292 2/17/09 5:14:58 PM2/17/09 5:14:58 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 293

from the point of view of the identity status paradigm (cf. Marcia, 1976b ). In foreclosed societies, of which precontact Samoa would have been a case, choice - based identities would not have been common; in fact, it would have been culturally inappropriate to form an autonomous identity that involved a question- ing and potential rejection of parental values and beliefs (cf. Mead, 1928 , with Marcia, 1993 ). Instead, Mead described how passage through the identity stage was well structured and orderly for most Samoan adolescents as they appropriated parental beliefs and cultural roles into a consolidated adult identity based on cultural identifications. As this structure broke down over the history of contact with the West, identity formation became more conflict- based, the transition to adulthood became more problematic (including epidemic suicide rates), and the intergenerational transmission of culture became more problematic (Côté , 1994 ).

In cultures in which identity formation is less choice based, child - rearing techniques and cultural conditioning can emotionally prepare children and adolescents for this social conven- tion, by effecting a high degree of conformity - oriented behavior and a low degree of indi vidualized or “ creative ” behavior. Indeed, child - rearing techniques similar to those in precontact Samoa prevailed in other South Pacific cultures as well, and continue to do so in certain respects. Crocombe ( 1989 ) argues many South Pacific cultures typically social- ize young people “ not to ‘ push ’ themselves . . . much of their cultural conditioning has taught them not to innovate, not to work out their own destiny, not to strive to improve their position ” (p. 40). Erikson ( 1959 , p. 78) touched on this issue in reference to the “ dilemma of choice ” being “ a particular problem in a culture in which there seems to be a great deal of choice. ” He contrasted choice - and conformity - oriented cultures, noting that choice and conformity are:

. . . relative matters and we need to examine . . . the specific relationship of choice to conformity in various cultures. Inner identity . . . is a combination

of the two; for I cannot feel identical with myself if I do not feel identical with something that has been created and distilled in my culture over a long period. To be firmly told by tradition who one is can be experienced as freedom; while the permission to make original choices can feel like enslavement to some dark fate.

Chapman and Nicholls ( 1976 ) empirically tested this cultural difference in identity for- mation in 1970s ’ New Zealand by assessing occupational identity status among Maori (Polynesian descent) and Pakeha (European descent) high school students. They found that more Maori adolescents were identity diffused, while more Pakeha youth were iden- tity achieved (p. 61). These findings were interpreted to mean that “ Maoris typically see occupation as a means of providing the necessities of life and of making it possible to extend hospitality while Pakeha more com- monly see occupations as a vehicle to and index of success ” (p. 65). Noting differing cultural meanings regarding choice and com- mitment around occupation, Chapman and Nicholls argue that the “ greater frequency of identity diffusion among Maoris may indicate that this is an adaptive, role - appropriate status for Maoris ” (p. 69).

The Chapman and Nichols study raises sev- eral questions. For example, just why might identity diffusion be adaptive for one group and not another? If it is adaptive, then certain forms of ego and self development must be associated with it. What are these forms of development and how do they take place (cf. Mageo, 1997 )? The reader is reminded that from Erikson ’ s perspective, people in all societies, including “ foreclosed ” ones, should have a generally good sense of ego identity if their community effectively supports them in their roles. Hence, a specific research question that can be pursued is what is substituted for conscious decision making as a source of self and identity devel- opment in conformity - oriented cultures. One avenue to explore in this regard is the guidance the culture may provide the young that makes

c09.indd 293c09.indd 293 2/17/09 5:14:58 PM2/17/09 5:14:58 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

294 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

conscious decision - making unnecessary as a stimulus to development. Erikson ( 1959 , p. 76) alluded to this when he wrote that:

Ego Identity also rests on the inner continuity between what one was as a child and what one is going to be as an adult. Such inner continuity and sameness are supported by cultural processes so long as they function with great sagacity. Rites, rituals, and traditions seek to give the individual a sense that, on each stage of his long childhood and apprenticeship, everything occurred in pre - ordained steps, so that he who looks into his future and tests his opportunities will perceive his past stages as adding up to something.

We see from these considerations that when one attempts to apply the identity status paradigm cross - culturally, its implications are undertheorized and underresearched. Because of this, the paradigm does not provide the theo- retical concepts with which to understand the types of development that might be linked with specific social and cultural contexts, such as those that are not choice - based and self - focused. In contrast, in Erikson ’ s general theory, people of all cultures can develop a strong sense of ego identity based on role validation and com- munity integration, especially when there is a lack of ambiguity regarding beliefs (cf. Côté & Levine, 1987). In speaking to this general issue, Erikson ( 1963 , pp. 185 – 186) wrote that:

[E]ven the most “ savage ” culture must strive for what we . . . call a “ strong ego ” in its major- ity or at least in its dominant minority — i.e., an individual core firm and flexible enough to reconcile the necessary contradictions in any human organization, . . . and above all to emerge from … infancy with a sense of identity and an idea of integrity.

Marcia ( 1993 , p. 41) commented on this issue by arguing that cross - cultural validity “ does not mean identical behavior. Foreclosures in a ‘ foreclosed ’ setting ought not to be found behaving exactly like Foreclosures in a setting that encourages [choice - based] moratoria. ”

While this may be true, the following position by Marcia does not take us out of the above - identified conceptual dilemma: “ Rather, cross - cultural validity means that, taking into account the processes underlying an identity status, one ought to be able to make verifiable predictions about that status ’ s behavior in a given cultural context ” (Marcia, 1993 , p. 41). As the Chapman and Nichols study suggests, the problem is that in many cultural set- tings Western - style “ identity status ” has little variation — it is either diffused or foreclosed depending on the identity domain (occupation and ideology, respectively). The question then becomes what variation exists with identity formation in, say, a “ foreclosed setting. ” For example, in a conformity - oriented (foreclosed) culture are there developmental changes based on ritualized realignments of identifications, which would be overlooked when identity for- mation is defined in terms of choice making? These are the types of questions that need to be posed and explored in cross - cultural research, and Erikson ’ s writings are rich with clues as to how to proceed, as suggested above in the discussion of the varieties of identity crisis he identified. If we approach a culture only with a paradigm based on choice - driven develop- ment, we will not be sensitive to other forms of self and identity development (cf. Kroger, 1993 , pp. 11 – 12).

Questions about the cross - cultural sensitiv- ity of our theories and measures can be extended to issues of social and historical change (see chapter 17 , vol. 2 of this Handbook ). Erikson and Marcia formulated their frameworks in the mid - 1900s, as did the pioneers in self - esteem and self - concept research. The possibility emerges that some fundamental societal con- ditions have changed that affect both identity formation and self - development, the implica- tions of which we now turn.

New Societal Conditions in Western Societies

Interview questions about religion and politics formed the original basis of the identity status

c09.indd 294c09.indd 294 2/17/09 5:14:59 PM2/17/09 5:14:59 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

The Self Psychology Approach to Self-Development 295

assessment of respondents ’ ideological values and beliefs. However, in contrast to adolescents of the mid - twentieth century, it is possible that religious and political issues have an entirely different relevance for many young people today. In many countries, current cohorts are at a historical low level of involvement in organized religion and the mainstream politi- cal process (e.g., Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2003 ); among many of those who take an interest, involvements tend to be more indi- vidualized, based on a cafeteria - style picking and choosing of various elements that they find personally appealing (Côté , 2000 ). For example, in Canada, only 12% of young peo- ple attended services regularly in the 1990s, down dramatically from midcentury (e.g., Clark, 1998 ).

According to Statistics Canada, the per- centage of Canadians reporting “ no religion ” on their census forms increased from less than 1% prior to 1971 to 16% in 2001, and 40% of those reporting no religion were 24 or younger (Statistics Canada, 2003 ). Moreover, about one - quarter of children 14 and younger were listed on their 2001 census forms (by their par- ents) as having no affiliation to an organized religion. Given the growing ambivalence, and the consequent low level of community pressure to explore these issues, we should no longer expect these belief systems to be a source of norma- tive explorations that are pivotal in terms of forging or adopting a worldview.

Accordingly, we may need to consider that there are new sources of identity crisis focused on different issues and belief systems, especially among college - attending youth. While it remains to be empirically verified, one type could be called the “ postmodern identity crisis, ” not because we might be mov- ing into a postmodern society (Chandler, 1995 ; Côté , 2000 ), but because some people embrace and celebrate fluid identities associated with superficial interpersonal displays of appear- ance, a lack of core character and consistency, and eschewing social commitments in favor of contextual allegiances (cf. Gergen, 1991 ).

In Erikson ’ s terms, some young people can lack a sense of fidelity — something “ larger than themselves ” to have faith in — and will experience a sense of identity confusion as a result.

Currently, postmodern philosophy (e.g., Hollinger, 1994 ) provides a convenient but paradoxical solution to this dilemma — to have faith that there is nothing in which to have faith. This dilemma appears to be commonplace among university students in the arts and humanities, where their curriculum can teach them to think this way and where they may find inspiration from professors who have embraced academic postmodernism. Others may pick up a moral position akin to this from Western secular soci- ety, which has become increasingly relativistic (cf. Jacoby, 2008 ). Those experiencing this form of crisis are reminiscent of what Marcia ( 1980 ) once called “ alienated Achievements ” in the 1960s and 1970s, who were committed to a lack of commitment as a form of social pro- test. Erikson ( 1968 ) identified a similar group of youth in the 1960s as “ Protean youth. ”

This source, and other sources of identity conflicts and explorations, needs to be identified and researched if we are to bring this area of research into the twenty - first century. At the same time, this new research paradigm will need to take account of the prolonged transition to adulthood that now appears to be normative, an issue to which we now turn.

New Measures to Assess the Prolonged Transition to Adulthood

Based on Erikson ’ s postulations regarding the moratorium period embedded in the identity stage, and his inclusion of college attendance as a form of moratorium, we would expect identity formation to proceed at variable rates for people, depending on their circumstances and opportunities. Given the increasing rates of postsecondary attendance in most developed countries (Côté & Allahar, 2007 ), it should now be common for resolution of the identity stage to be delayed until well into the 20s — especially in reference to the primary tasks

c09.indd 295c09.indd 295 2/17/09 5:14:59 PM2/17/09 5:14:59 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

296 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

associated with the adoption of identities with which to function in the adult world. Following Erikson, Arnett ( 2000 ) contends that three areas of identity exploration are relevant during this age period, which he calls “ emerg- ing adulthood ” : worldview, work, and love. While the concept of emerging adulthood has stimulated considerable research, the question that remains to be answered empirically is just how much active identity exploration takes place during this extended transition to adult- hood. The issue of active exploration is impor- tant because of Arnett ’ s claims that emerging adulthood is a new developmental stage. If the transition is delayed for economic or social reasons, many young people may simply be waiting for age - based opportunities to become available, and may not be active in their iden- tity formation beyond what they experienced during their teens. Instead, identity changes may be more on a trial - and - error basis than as a result of deliberate explorations (e.g., Côté & Bynner, 2008).

In fact, the literature is sparse concerning identity formation in the 20s independent of the research conducted on college students, who have been treated as (late) adolescents. As noted above, Pascarella and Terenzini ( 1991 , 2005 ) report that there is little demonstrable effect of college attendance for variables such as iden- tity formation, ego development, maturity, and other aspects of personality development, net of maturational effects (i.e., changes in these vari- ables might take place without someone attend- ing college). At the same time, some research based on the identity status paradigm reveals instabilities in identity status following adoles- cence. For example, Fadjukoff and Pulkkinen (2003) followed over 200 Finnish adults from ages 27 to 36, and again to 42. They report that because of the piecemeal approach to identity issues that most adults in their sample took, they had a difficult time determining an over- all identity status for most adults, even when based on same - status classifications for only three or more domains out of five (politics, reli- gion, occupation, relationships, and lifestyle).

Fewer than 10% of those studied shared all five domains in the same status at any of the three data collection points. Overall, only one - half of the sample had the same overall identity sta- tus at all three points, even with the three out of five criterion. Because diffusion was more common than achievement in the ideologi- cal areas, and cohort diffusion level actually increased with age, Fadjukoff and Pulkkinen speculated that this may be a reflection of “ postmodern ” trends. Occupational identity status was the most stable of the domains, showing the most progression toward achieve- ment and the least regression to “ less mature ” statuses, especially between ages 36 and 42.

One problem in studying older age groups may be that the identity statuses were devel- oped to characterize adolescent development around expressions of present commitments and future courses of action. While these results may provide gross estimates of identity activities, from the Eriksonian view, any commitments expressed during the identity moratorium should be viewed as experimental, and there- fore unstable, unless there is evidence that the person has put them into concrete courses of action. For example, a 17 - year - old stating that she is committed to becoming a lawyer needs to be taken lightly, because it is quite likely that those plans will change depending on ensuing circumstances (like getting into a university, getting good grades there, getting into a law school, passing the bar exams, and so forth). A 27 - year - old stating that he is a lawyer would be a much more convincing indicator of iden- tity achievement in the area of occupation.

With respect to ideological identity, Côté ( 2006b ) found in a 10 - year longitudinal study very little activity in religious and political identity formation during the 20s, suggesting that most young people make up their minds in their adolescence, or avoid the issues entirely and then stick with that position. Instead, it appears that this period can indeed consti- tute a prolonged identity moratorium in the Eriksonian sense, which for many is not over, even by the late 20s or later. With regard to the

c09.indd 296c09.indd 296 2/17/09 5:15:00 PM2/17/09 5:15:00 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

Conclusions: Exploring Policy Implications 297

progress of the cohort in terms resolving the identity stage (as measured by the Identity Stage Resolution Index — ISRI), 3 some norma- tive gains were observed during the early 20s in terms of forming a sense of adult identity, but none were evident for the sense of societal identity. In fact, most of the cohort progress in resolving the identity stage was made between the early and late 20s, not between the late teens and early 20s, as Arnett postulates regarding emerging adulthood (e.g., 2000, p. 469).

Based on the ISRI, a more multidimen- sional measure of identity formation during the prolonged transition to adulthood has been developed with items relevant to the life cir- cumstances of 20 - and 30 - year - olds (Identity Issues Inventory — III; Côté & Roberts, 2005 ; Roberts, 2007 ). It shows that key forms of identity formation in the areas of self - identity (integration and differentiation) and societal identity (worldview and work roles) at three levels of identity (ego, personal, and social identity) extend well into the 30s for many people, and that a significant proportion appear to be stalled or arrested on key identity issues associated with the assumption of an adult identity. Initial results with this measure sug- gest that identity formation (now) continues beyond adolescence, but stagnates in the late 20s and early 30s for a significant proportion of the population. Gains in identity resolution then appear to made after the age of 35, suggesting that identity development and the acquisition of adult roles is now stretching into the late 30s.

Findings based on the Identity Issues Inven- tory support neither Arnett ’ s claims that the early 20s is now the prime phase of identity forma- tion, nor postmodernists ’ claims that identities are now fluid, fragmented, and “ de - centered ” as a “ normal ” state of affairs (cf. Chandler, 1995 ; Gergen, 1991 ).

Finally, as new research is undertaken to understand this more prolonged identity formation, it may be worth noting Côté and Levine ’ s ( 1988 ) argument that the identity statuses may have a strong characterologi- cal component, such that some people have

personality dispositions that may change during the identity stage, but others have disposi- tions that are likely to remain much the way they were before that stage (cf. Schwartz, 2001 ). For example, a personality type that is conformist and deferent to authority, like the prototypical foreclosure (Marcia, 1980 ), is not likely to be radically affected by opportunities for nonconformity and rejection of authority, even during their college years. Similarly, a dif- fused personality type is not likely to suddenly become focused and searching, even if given the freedom to do so in college. Other personal- ity or character types are more open to change, and these are ones we would expect to be most affected by opportunities to explore themselves and their world, as permitted by an institu- tionalized moratorium. This “ character - type hypothesis ” helps explains why many adults score as foreclosure and diffusion, as noted above, while only a minority has a history of in - depth and active identity explorations.

CONCLUSIONS: EXPLORING POLICY IMPLICATIONS

After a half century of theorizing and research, what can be concluded about how much this area can contribute to practical matters in peo- ple ’ s lives and by implication in the applied, policy realm?

To begin, it needs to be acknowledged that these fields are not as well respected as other areas of adolescent psychology in terms of their practical implications. Many social scientists do not appear to see these efforts as sufficiently rig- orous to warrant their attention (see discussions by Côté , 2006a ; DuBois & Tevendale, 1999 ). This has had the unfortunate effect of reducing the types of funding opportunities that could lead to the groundbreaking studies that would gain the attention of policy makers. Pascarella & Terenzini ( 2005 ) are somewhat critical of this area because of its lack of methodological rigor, with no studies controlling for maturation effects when examining identity formation in

c09.indd 297c09.indd 297 2/17/09 5:15:00 PM2/17/09 5:15:00 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

298 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

college (this would require a comparison group on non – college attendees). Admittedly, there is a cause - and - effect problem here, because if funding agencies provided the money to con- duct this (expensive) research, these fields would garner more respect, assuming that more and more impressive research were published from this funding.

Policy makers need viable frameworks if they are to apply academic concerns to real - world problems. Accordingly, more self and identity research needs to move from the pure to applied realm. This is not to abandon pure research, which is essential in testing theoretical frame- works, but very little self and identity research has been carried out in applied settings, so we have little idea of the practical utility of most of the concepts used in these fields (cf. Ferrer - Wreder, Montgomery, & Lorente, 2003 ). A model that can be consulted for this purpose is the “ applied developmental science ” model (Lerner, Fisher, & Weinberg, 2000 ), which pro- poses that scholars and communities become partners in the knowledge - generation process and that multiple methods be used to triangulate on the processes under scrutiny.

There are many obstacles to taking self and identity research into a more applied realm, especially in individualistic societies where ideas of freedom of choice are virtually sacred. Given the increasingly choice - based nature of identity formation in Western — and other — societies, an obvious obstacle is proposing applications that influence people ’ s choice making. For example, although we know that there are considerable drawbacks in Western contexts to identity diffusion in terms of school failure, risk behaviors, and the like, a sizable proportion of the population can be thus characterized, even in adulthood, as noted earlier. Given the magnitude of the popula- tion that could be characterized as diffused (and perhaps they are happily so as part of a characterological disposition), and the “ rights ” of people to adopt whatever stances they like to the commitments in their lives, what can we recommend to policy makers? And why would

policy makers want to “ interfere ” with people ’ s choices? Moreover, as we saw in the case of some South Pacific societies, forms of identity diffusion appear to be functional in these non - Western cultures.

While this might seem like an intractable problem for modern democracies, it needs to be recognized that modern democracies have developed and continue to support institutions that directly and deliberately affect people ’ s choices in their identity formation, most notably educational systems. It is within the logic of existing educational systems that we perhaps have the most hope of positively affecting identity formation in the area of choice making. Such efforts need to be informed by a sophis- ticated view of choice making itself, and the recent work of Schwartz ( 2000 , 2004 ) helps to bring to light the complex, potentially negative aspects of unguided self - determination, a prob- lem about which Erikson wrote as a potential form of “ enslavement to some dark fate ” (1959, p. 78). Schwartz argues that people in individu- alistic societies face a “ tyranny of choice ” by the very nature of excessive choice - making requirements for which they are not necessarily equipped. Certainly, there are liberating poten- tials to a greater freedom of choice, but ostensi- bly unconstrained choice can be paradoxically constraining, as in situations of having too many choices with too little information, liv- ing with the consequences of poor choices, and experiencing the various negative psychologi- cal consequences routinely associated with fac- ing numerous choices on a daily basis.

More generally, the identity and self fields may contribute to policy concerns by investi- gating the wider benefit of learning and educa- tion for identity formation (cf. Dreyer, 1994 ). Work in this area has already begun in England through the efforts of the British government in funding the Centre for the Wider Benefits of Learning at the University of London (Schuller, Preston, Hammond, Brassett - Grundy, & Bynner, 2004 ). The wider benefits of learn- ing, in general, are myriad, including better health and more involvements in community

c09.indd 298c09.indd 298 2/17/09 5:15:01 PM2/17/09 5:15:01 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

References 299

enhancing activities. Some of these ben- efits are sustaining of the person ’ s capacities, while others are transformative, enhancing the person ’ s capabilities. The identity benefits of learning potentially include greater satisfac- tion with the course of one ’ s life and success in one ’ s life project (Côté , 2002 ), as well as better self - understanding, independent and critical thought, and a reflexive awareness of one ’ s place in the world (Schuller et al.), but work in this area has just begun. Of course, “ education ” varies in quality, and much mass education has become perfunctory, even at the tertiary level (Côté & Allahar, 2006 , 2007 ). For example, the high school diploma in the United States has recently been called no more than an “ attendance certificate ” (American Diploma Project, 2004 ). Thus, it is clear that there is ample room in the curriculum to experiment with innovations that yield returns in more aspects of people ’ s lives beyond an obligatory academic education, including their identity formation. As Dreyer aptly notes:

[T]he need for educational reform in the U.S. public schools is clearly recognized. What remains to be seen is whether developmental psychologists, such as identity theorists, will play a role in that reform or will retire to the world of abstract research. . . . (1994, p. 137)

Thus, we already have an institutional con- text in place in which to seek to direct self and identity development in positive ways. If researchers are creative enough in what they study, and convincing enough in disseminat- ing their results, identity and self development may come to be seen at least as important as the academic curriculum in influencing stu- dents ’ future life chances, and this field may become one of the more important policy vehi- cles taking us into the twenty - first century.

ENDNOTES

1. This is a promising framework that incorporates an Eriksonian - based model of identity as a mediating factor in the coping abili- ties of diverse youth to their stressors and vulnerabilities.

2. Dunkel and Anthis ( 2001 ) argue that the creation of possible selves is a mechanism involved in identity formation, based on their findings that identity exploration is correlated with the number of possible selves a person generates and identity commitments are associated with the consistency of hoped - for selves.

3. The ISRI is a 6 - item scale that taps identity - based markers repre- senting the degree to which individuals feel they have (a) matured into adulthood (Adult Identity Resolution Scale; AIRS) and (b) found a more or less permanent niche (lifestyle and community) in life (Societal Identity Resolution Scale; SIRS). High scores can be taken as an indicator that a person has settled key aspects of iden- tity formation in the conventional/traditional sense of accepting mature and committed roles in an adult community. Low scores can be taken to mean that a person does not feel mature and does not have stable roles in an adult community.

REFERENCES

Adams , G. R. ( 1985 ). Family correlates of female adolescents ’ ego identity development . Journal of Adolescence , 8 , 69 – 82 .

Adams , G. R. , Bennion , L. , & Huh , K. ( 1987 ). Objective measure of ego identity status: A reference manual . Unpublished manu- script: Guelph University, Ontario, Canada.

Adams , G. R. , C ô t é , J. E, & Marshall , S. ( 2001 ). Parent – adolescent relationships and identity development: A literature review and policy statement . Ottawa : Health Canada .

Adams , G. R. , Dyk , P. A. H., & Bennion , L. D. ( 1987 ). Parent – adolescent relationships and identity formation . Family Perspective , 21 , 249 – 260 .

Adams , G. R. , & Jones , R. M. ( 1983 ). Female adolescents ’ iden- tity development: Age comparisons and perceived child - rearing experience . Developmental Psychology , 19 , 2 , 249 – 256 .

Adams , G. R. , & Marshall , S. K. ( 1996 ). A developmental social psychology of identity: Understanding the person - in - context . Journal of Adolescence , 19 , 429 – 442 .

Adams , G. R. , Ryan , B. , & Keating , L. ( 2000 ). Family relationships, academic environments, and psychosocial development during the university experience: A longitudinal investigation . Journal of Adolescent Research , 15 , 99 – 122 .

Allahar , A, & C ô t é , J. E. ( 1998 ). Richer and poorer: The structure of social inequality in Canada . Toronto : Lorimer Press .

American Diploma Project ( 2004 ). Ready or not: Creating a high school diploma that counts . Washington, DC : Achieve, Inc. Retrieved December 9, 2004, from www.achieve.org .

Archer , S. L. ( 1993 ). Identity in relational contexts: A methodologi- cal proposal . In J. Kroger (Ed.), Discussions on ego identity (pp. 75 – 99 ). Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Archer , S. L. , & Waterman , A. S. ( 1990 ). Varieties of diffusions and foreclosures: An exploration of subcategories of the identity statuses . Journal of Adolescent Research , 5 , 96 – 111 .

Arnett , J. J. ( 2000 ). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties . American Psychologist , 55 , 469 – 480 .

Arnett , J. J. ( 2004 ). Adolescence and emerging adulthood: A cultural approach ( 2nd ed ). Upper Saddle River, NJ : Prentice Hall .

Aunola , K. , Stattin , H. , & Nurmi , J. ( 2000 ). Parenting styles and adolescents ’ achievement strategies . Journal of Adolescence , 23 , 205 – 222 .

Balistreri , E. , Busch - Rossnagel , N. A. , & Geisinger , K. F. ( 1995 ). Development and preliminary validation of the Ego Identity Process Questionnaire . Journal of Adolescence , 18 , 179 – 190 .

Barber , B. K. ( 1996 ). Parental psychological control: Revisiting a neglected construct . Child Development , 67 , 3296 – 3319 .

Baumrind , D. ( 1968 ). Authoritarian vs. authoritative control . Adolescence , 3 , 255 – 272 .

Baumeister , R. F. ( 1990 ). Suicide as escape from self . Psychological Review , 97 , 90 – 113 .

c09.indd 299c09.indd 299 2/17/09 5:15:01 PM2/17/09 5:15:01 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

300 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Baumeister , R. F. ( 1997 ). The self and society: Changes, prob- lems, and opportunities . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp. 191 – 217 ). New York : Oxford University Press .

Baumeister , R. F. ( 1998 ). The self . In D. T. Gilbert , S. T. Fiske & G. Lindzey (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology ( 4th ed. ) (pp. 680 – 740 ). New York : McGraw - Hill .

Baumeister , R. F. , & Muraven , M. ( 1996 ). Identity as adaptation to social, cultural, and historical context . Journal of Adolescence , 19 , 405 – 416 .

Berman , S. , Montgomery , M. , & Kurtines , W. ( 2004 ). The develop- ment and validation of a new measure of identity distress . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 4 , 1 – 8 .

Berzonsky , M. D. ( 1992 ). A process perspective on identity and stress management . In G. R. Adams , T. P. Gullota , & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Adolescent identity formation (pp. 193 – 215 ). Newbury Park : Sage .

Berzonsky , M. , & Kinney , A. ( 1998 , March). Identity commitment, identity style and parental authority. Paper presented at the biennial meetings of the Society for Research on Adolescence, San Diego, California .

Berzonsky , M. D. , & Kuk , L. S. ( 2000 ). Identity status, identity pro- cessing style, and transition to university . Journal of Adolescent Research , 15 , 81 – 98 .

Block , J. H. , & Robins , R. W. ( 1993 ). A longitudinal study of con- sistency and change in self - esteem from early childhood to early adulthood . Child Development , 64 , 909 – 923 .

Bosma , H. A. ( 1985 ). Identity development in adolescence: Coping with commitments . Groningen, Netherlands : University of Groningen Press .

Bosma , H. A. , & Gerritts , R. S. ( 1985 ). Family functioning and identity status in adolescence . Journal of Early Adolescence , 5 , 69 – 80 .

Boyes , M. C, & Chandler , M. J. ( 1992 ). Cognitive development, epistemic doubt, and identity formation in adolescence . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 21 , 277 – 304 .

Brand , D. ( 1987 ). Black women and work: The impact of racially constructed gender roles in the sexual division of labour . Fireweed , 25 , 28 – 37 .

Broughton , J. ( 1981 ). The divided self in adolescence . Human Development , 24 , 13 – 32 .

Byrne , B. M. ( 1996 ). Academic self - concept: Its structure, measure- ment, and relation with academic achievement . In B. A. Bracken (Ed.), Handbook of self - concept (pp. 287 – 316 ). New York : John Wiley & Sons .

Byrne , B. M. , & Shavelson , R. J. ( 1996 ). On the structure of social self - concept for pre - , early, and late adolescents: A test of the Shavelson, Hubner, and Stanton (1976) model . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 70 , 599 – 613 .

Cass , V. ( 1979 ). Homosexual identity formation: A theoretical model . Journal of Homosexuality , 9 , 105 – 126 .

Chandler , M. J. ( 1995 ). Is this the end of “ The age of development, ” or what? or: Please wait a minute Mr. Post - man . The Genetic Epistemologist , 23 , 1 – 11 .

Chapman , J. W. , & Nicholls , J. G. ( 1976 ). Occupational identity sta- tus, occupational preference, and field dependence in Maori and Pakeha boys . Journal of Cross - Cultural Psychology , 7 , 61 – 72 .

Chiam , H - K. ( 1987 ). Change in self - concept during adolescence . Adolescence , 22 , 69 – 76 .

Chickering , A. W. ( 1969 ). Education and identity . San Francisco : Jossey - Bass .

Choi , J. W. , & Lee , Y. H. ( 1998 ). The effects of actual self, ideal self, and self - discrepancy on depression . Korean Journal of Clinical Psychology , 17 , 69 – 87 .

Clark , W. ( 1998 , Autumn). Religious observance: Marriage and family . Canadian Social Trends , 2 – 7 .

Constantinople , A. ( 1969 ). An Eriksonian measure of personality development in college students . Developmental Psychology , 1 ( 4 ), 357 – 372 .

Cooley , C. H. ( 1902 ). Human nature and the social order . New York : Scribner ’ s .

Cooper , C. R. , Grotevant , H. D. , & Condon , S. M. ( 1983 ). Individuality and connectedness in the family as a context for adolescent identity formation and role - taking skill . In H. D. Grotevant & C. R. Cooper (Eds.), Adolescent devel- opment in the family (New Directions in Child Development, No. 22). San Francisco : Jossey - Bass .

Coopersmith , S. ( 1967 ). The antecedents of self - esteem . San Francisco : Freeman .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 1986 ). Identity crisis modality: A technique for assess- ing the structure of the identity crisis . Journal of Adolescence , 9 , 321 – 335 .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 1994 ). Adolescent storm and stress: An evaluation of the Mead – Freeman controversy . Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 1996 ). Identity: A multidimensional analysis . In G. R. Adams , R. Montemayor , & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), Psychosocial development during adolescence: Progress in developmental con- textualism (pp. 130 – 180 ). Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 1997 ). An empirical test of the identity capital model . Journal of Adolescence , 20 , 577 – 597 .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2000 ). Arrested adulthood: The changing nature of maturity and identity . New York : New York University Press .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2002 ). The role of identity capital in the transition to adulthood: The individualization thesis examined . Journal of Youth Studies , 5 , 117 – 134 .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2006a ). Identity studies: How close are we to developing a social science of identity? An appraisal of the field . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 6 ( 1 ), 3 – 25 .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2006b ). Emerging adulthood as an institutionalized mora- torium: Risks and benefits to identity formation . In J. J. Arnett & J. Tanner (Eds.), Emerging adults in America: Coming of age in the 21st century (pp. 85 – 116 ). Washington, DC : American Psychological Association .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2006c ). Acculturation and identity: The role of individu- alization theory . Human Development , 49 , 31 – 35 .

C ô t é , J. E. ( 2007 , October). Capital ideas: Mass education and agency . Keynote address for the conference International Congress on Social Capital and Networks of Trust , Agora Centre, University of Jyv ä skyl ä , Finland.

C ô t é , J. E. , & Allahar , A. ( 1996 ). Generation on hold: Coming of age in the late twentieth century . New York : New York University Press .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Allahar , A. ( 2006 ). Critical youth studies: A Canadian focus . Toronto : Pearson Education .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Allahar , A. ( 2007 ). Ivory tower blues: A university system in crisis . Toronto : University of Toronto Press .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Bynner , J. (2008). Changes in the transition to adulthood in the UK and Canada: The role of structure and agency in emerging adulthood . Journal of Youth Studies , 11 , 251 – 268 .

C ô t é , J. E. & Levine , C. ( 1983 ). Marcia and Erikson: The relation- ships among ego identity status, neuroticism, dogmatism, and purpose in life . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 12 , 43 – 53 .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Levine , C. ( 1987 ). A formulation of Erikson ’ s theory of ego identity formation . Developmental Review , 9 , 273 – 325 .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Levine , C. ( 1988 ). A critical examination of the ego identity status paradigm . Developmental Review , 8 , 147 – 184 .

C ô t é , J. E, & Levine , C. ( 2000 ). Attitude versus aptitude: Is intel- ligence or motivation more important for positive higher edu- cational outcomes? Journal of Adolescent Research , 15 , 58 – 80 .

C ô t é , J. E, & Levine , C. ( 2002 ). Identity formation, agency, and cul- ture: A social psychological synthesis . Mahwah, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Roberts , S. E. ( 2005 ). The Identity Issues Inventory: Preliminary manual . Unpublished manuscript. London : University of Western Ontario .

C ô t é , J. E. , & Schwartz , S. ( 2002 ). Comparing psychological and sociological approaches to identity: Identity status, identity

c09.indd 300c09.indd 300 2/17/09 5:15:02 PM2/17/09 5:15:02 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

References 301

capital, and the individualization process . Journal of Adolescence, 2002 , 25 , 571 – 586 .

Crocombe , R. ( 1989 ). The South Pacific: An introduction ( 5th ed. ). Suva, Fiji : University of the South Pacific .

Cross , W. E. , Jr. ( 1991 ). Shades of Black: Diversity in African - American identity . Philadelphia : Temple University Press .

Danziger , K. ( 1997 ). The historical formation of selves . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp. 137 – 159 ). New York : Oxford University Press .

D ’ Augelli , A. ( 1994 ). Identity development and sexual orientation: Toward a model of lesbian, gay, and bisexual development . In E. Trickett , R. Watts , & D. Birman (Eds.), Human diversity: Perspectives on people in context (pp. 312 – 333 ). San Francisco : Jossey - Bass .

DePaulo , B. M. , Kenny , D. A. , Hoover , C. W. , Webb , W. , & Oliver , P. V. ( 1987 ). Accuracy of person perception: Do people know what kinds of impressions they convey? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 52 , 303 – 315 .

Dreyer , P. H. ( 1994 ). Designing curricular identity interventions for secondary schools . In S. L. Archer (Ed.), Interventions for ado- lescent identity development (pp. 121 – 140 ). Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage .

Dubois , D. , Felner , R. , Brand , S. , Phillip , R. , & Lease , A. ( 1996 ). Early adolescent self - esteem: A developmental – ecological framework and assessment strategy . Journal of Research on Adolescence , 6 , 543 – 579 .

DuBois , D. L. , & Tevendale , H. D. ( 1999 ). Self - esteem in childhood and adolescence: Vaccine or epiphenomenon? Applied and Preventative Psychology , 8 , 103 – 117 .

Dunkel , C. S. , & Anthis , K. S. ( 2001 ). The role of possible selves in identity formation: A short - term longitudinal study . Journal of Adolescence , 24 , 765 – 776 .

Dusek , J. B. , & McIntyre , J. G. ( 2003 ). Self - concept and self - esteem development . In G. R. Adams , & M. D. Berzonsky (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence (pp. 290 – 309 ). Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishing .

Dyk , P. ( 1990 ). Family relations factors that facilitate or inhibit middle adolescent identity development . Unpublished doctoral thesis. Logan : Utah State University .

Dyk , P. H. , & Adams , G. R. ( 1990 ). Identity and intimacy: An initial investigation of three theoretical models using cross - lag panel correlations . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 19 , 91 – 110 .

Emirbayer , M. , & Mische , A. ( 1998 ). What is agency? American Journal of Sociology , 103 , 962 – 1023 .

Enright , R. , Lapsley , D. , Drivas , A. , & Fehr , L. ( 1980 ). Parental influences on the development of adolescent autonomy and identity . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 9 , 529 – 545 .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1958 ). Young man Luther . New York : Norton .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1959 ). Late adolescence . In D. H. Funkenstein (Ed.), The student and mental health: An international view (pp. 66 – 106 ). Cambridge, MA : Riverside Press .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1963 ). Childhood and society ( 2nd ed. ). New York : Norton .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1968 ). Identity: Youth and crisis . New York : Norton .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1975 ). Life history and the historical moment . New York : Norton .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1979 ). Report from Vikram: Further perspectives on the life cycle . In S. Kakar (Ed.), Identity and adulthood (pp. 13 – 34 ). Bombay : Oxford University Press .

Erikson , E. H. ( 1980 ). Identity and the life cycle: A reissue . New York : Norton .

Espin , O. M. , & Gawelek , M. A. ( 1992 ). Women ’ s diversity: Ethnicity, race, class, and gender in theories of feminist psy- chology . In L. S. Brown & M. Ballou (Eds.), Personality and psychopathology: Feminist reappraisals (pp. 88 – 107 ). New York : Guilford Press .

Evans , R. I. ( 1969 ). Dialogue with Erik Erikson . New York : Dutton .

Fadjukoff , P. , & Pulkkinen , L. ( 2005 ). Identity processes in adult- hood: Diverging domains . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 5 , 1 – 20 .

Felson , R. B. ( 1989 ). Parents and the reflected appraisal process: A longitudinal analysis . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 56 , 965 – 971 .

Fenzel , L. M. ( 1992 ). The effect of relative age on self - esteem, role strain, GPA, and anxiety . Journal of Early Adolescence , 12 , 253 – 266 .

Ferrer - Wreder , L. , Montgomery , M. J. , & Lorente , C. C. ( 2003 ). Identity promotion, adolescence . In T. P. Gullotta & M. Bloom (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Primary Prevention and Health Promotion (pp. 600 – 606 ). New York : Kluwer Academic .

Fitts , W. H. ( 1965 ). The Tennessee Self - Concept Scale . Nashville, TN : Counsellor Recordings and Tests .

Gecas , V. , & Burke , P. J. ( 1995 ). Self and identity . In K. S. Cook , G. A. Fine, & J. S. House (Eds.), Sociological perspectives on social psychology (pp. 41 - 67 ). Boston : Allyn and Bacon .

Gecas , V. , & Seff , M. A. ( 1990 ). Families and adolescents: A review of the 1980s . Journal of Marriage and the Family , 52 , 941 – 958 .

Gergen , K. J. ( 1991 ). The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life . New York : Basic Books .

Gidengil , E. , Blais , A. , Nevitte , N. , & Nadeau , N. ( 2003 ). Turned off or tuned out? Youth participation in politics . Electoral Insight , 5 , 9 – 14 .

Grotevant , H. D. ( 1983 ). The contribution of the family to the facili- tation of identity formation in early adolescence . Journal of Early Adolescence , 3 , 225 – 237 .

Grotevant , H. D. ( 1986 ) Assessment of identity development: Current issues and future directions . Journal of Adolescent Research , 1 , 175 – 182 .

Grotevant , H. D. ( 1987 ). Toward a process model of identity forma- tion . Journal of Adolescent Research , 2 , 203 – 202 .

Grotevant , H. D. , & Cooper , C. ( 1981 ). Assessing adolescent iden- tity in the areas of occupation, religion, politics, friendship, dat- ing, and sex roles: Manual for administration and coding of the interview . JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology , 11 , 52 – 53 (Ms. No. 2295).

Grotevant , H. D. , & Cooper , C. R. ( 1985 ). Patterns of interaction in family relationships and the development of identity explora- tion in adolescence . Child Development , 56 , 415 – 428 .

Halverson , E. R. ( 2005 ). Insideout: Facilitating gay youth iden- tity development through a performance - based youth orga- nization . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 5 , 67 – 90 .

Hart , D. , Maloney , J. , & Damon , W. ( 1987 ). The meaning and development of identity . In T. Honess & K. Yardley (Eds.), Self and identity: Perspectives across the lifespan (pp. 121 – 133 ). London : Routledge & Kegan Paul .

Harter , S. ( 1986 ). Processes underlying the enhancement of the self - concept of children . In J. Suis & A. Greenald (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on the self , vol. 3 . Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Harter , S. ( 1989 ). Causes, correlates, and the functional role of global worth: A life - span perspective . In J. Kolligian & R. Sternberg (Eds.), Perceptions of competence and in competence across the life - span . New Haven, CT : Yale University Press .

Harter , S. ( 1993 ). Causes and consequences of low self - esteem in children and adolescents . In R. Baumeister (Ed.), Self - esteem: The puzzle of low self - regard (pp. 87 – 116 ). New York : Plenum Press .

Harter , S. ( 1997 ). The personal self in context: barriers to authen- ticity . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and iden- tity: Fundamental issues (pp. 81 – 105 ). New York : Oxford University Press .

Harter , S. ( 1999 ). The construction of self: A developmental per- spective . New York : Guilford Press .

c09.indd 301c09.indd 301 2/17/09 5:15:03 PM2/17/09 5:15:03 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

302 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Harter , S. , Stocker , C. , & Robinson , N. S. ( 1996 ). The perceived directionality of the link between approval and self - worth: The liabilities of a looking glass orientation among young adoles- cent . Journal of Research on Adolescence , 6 , 285 – 308 .

Harter , S. , Waters , P. L. , & Whitesell , N. R. ( 1997 ). Lack of voice as a manifestation of false - self behavior among adolescents: The school setting as a stage upon which the drama of authenticity is enacted . Educational Psychologist , 32 , 153 – 173 .

Hauser , S. , Houlihan , J. , Powers , S. , Jacobson , A. , Noam , G. , Weiss - Perry , B. , et al. ( 1991 ). Adolescent ego development within the family: Family styles and family sequences . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 14 , 165 – 193 .

Heatherton , T. F. , & Vohs , K. D. ( 2000 ). Interpersonal evalua- tions following threats to self: Role of self - esteem . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 78 , 725 – 736 .

Helms . J. ( 1990 ). Black and White racial identity: Theory, research, and practice . New York : Greenwood Press .

Hess , R. D. , & McDevitt , T. M. ( 1984 ). Some cognitive conse- quences of maternal intervention techniques: A longitudinal study . Child Development , 55 , 2017 – 2030 .

Hewitt , J. P. ( 2000 ). Self and society: A symbolic interactionist social psychology ( 7th ed. ). Boston : Allyn and Bacon .

Higgins , E. T. ( 1987 ). Self - discrepancy: A theory relating self and affect . Psychological Review , 94 , 319 – 340 .

Hirsch , B. , & DuBois , D. ( 1991 ). Self - esteem in early adolescence: The identification and prediction of contrasting longitudinal tra- jectories . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 20 , 53 – 72 .

Holland , D. ( 1997 ). Selves as cultured: As told by an anthropologist who lacks a soul . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp. 160 – 190 ). New York : Oxford University Press .

Honess , T. , & Yardley , K. ( 1987 ). Self and identity: Perspectives across the lifespan . London : Routledge & Kegan Paul .

Hollinger , R. ( 1994 ). Postmodernism and the social sciences: A the- matic approach . Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage .

Jackson , E. P. , Dunham , R. M. , & Kidwell , J. S. ( 1990 ). The effects of gender, family cohesion, and adaptability on identity status . Journal of Adolescent Research , 5 , 161 – 174 .

Jacoby , S. ( 2008 ). The age of American unreason . New York : Pantheon .

James , W. ( 1948 ). Psychology . Cleveland, OH : World Publishing (original work published in 1892).

Jones , R. M. ( 1992 ). Identity and problem behaviors . In G. R. Adams , T. P. Gullotta , & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Adolescent identity for- mation: Advances in adolescent development (pp. 216 – 233 ). Newbury Park, CA : Sage .

Jones , R. M. ( 1994 ). Curricula focused on behavioral deviance . In S. L. Archer (Ed.), Interventions for adolescent identity devel- opment (pp. 174 – 190 ). Newbury Park, CA : Sage .

Jones , R. M. , & Hartmann , B. R. ( 1988 ). Ego identity: Developmental differences and experimental substance use among adolescents . Journal of Adolescence , 11 , 347 – 360 .

Jones , E. E. , & Pittman , T. S. ( 1982 ). Toward a general theory of self - presentation . In J. Suls (Ed.), Psychological perspectives on the self (pp. 231 – 262 ). Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Kamakura , T. , Ando , J. , & Ono , Y. ( 2007 ). Genetic and environmen- tal effects of stability and change in self - esteem during adoles- cence . Personality and Individual Differences , 42 , 181 – 190 .

Kerpelman , J. L. , & Lamke , L. K. ( 1997 ). Anticipation of future identities: A control theory approach to identity development within serious dating relationships . Personal Relationships , 4 , 47 – 62 .

Kerpelman , J. L. , & Smith , S. L. ( 1999 ). Adjudicated adolescent girls and their mothers: Examining identity perceptions and processes . Youth and Society , 30 , 313 – 347 .

Kidwell , J. S. , Dunham , R. M. , Bacho , R. A. , Pastorino , E., & Portes , P. R. ( 1995 ). Adolescent identity exploration: a test of Erikson ’ s theory of transitional crisis . Adolescence , 30 , 185 – 193 .

Koff , E. , Rierdan , J. , & Stubbs , M. L. ( 1990 ). Gender, body image, and self - concept in early adolescence . Journal of Early Adolescence , 10 , 56 – 68 .

Kozumi , R. ( 1995 ). Feelings of optimism and pessimism in Japanese students ’ transition to junior high school . Journal of Early Adolescence , 15 , 412 – 428 .

Kramer , L. R. ( 1991 ). The social construction of ability perceptions: An ethnographic study of gifted adolescent girls . Journal of Early Adolescence , 11 , 340 – 362 .

Kroger , J. ( 1993 ). Ego identity: An overview . In J. Kroger (Ed.), Discussions on ego identity . Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Kroger , J. ( 2000 ). Ego identity status research in the new millennium . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 24 , 145 – 148 .

Kroger , J. ( 2003 ). Identity development during adolescence . In G. R. Adams , & M. D. Berzonsky (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence (pp. 205 – 226 ). Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishing .

Kurtines , W. M. ( 1999 ). A co - constructivist perspective on human behavior and development . Unpublished manuscript. Miami : Florida International University .

Lamborn , S. , Mounts , N. , Steinberg , L. , & Dornbusch , S. ( 1991 ). Patterns of competence and adjustment among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful homes . Child Development , 62 , 1049 – 1065 .

LaVoie , J. C. ( 1994 ). Identity in adolescence: Issues of theory, struc- ture and transition . Journal of Adolescence , 17 , 17 – 28 .

Lee , T. , Kobayashi , N. J. , & Adams , G. R. ( 1988 ). Family influences on adolescent development in non - problematic L.D.S. families . Association for Mormon Counselors and Professionals Journal , 14 , 15 – 29 .

Lerner . R. ( 2002 ). Concepts and theories of human development ( 3rd ed. ). Mahwah, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Lerner , R. M. , Fisher , C. B. , & Weinberg , R. A. ( 2000 ). Applying developmental science in the 21st century: International schol- arship for our times . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 24 , 24 – 29 .

Luster , T. , & McAdoo , H. P. ( 1995 ). Factors related to self - esteem among African - American youths: A secondary analysis of the High/Scope Perry Preschool data . Journal of Research on Adolescence , 5 , 451 – 467 .

Maccoby , E. , & Martin , J. ( 1983 ). Socialization in the context of the family: Parent - child interaction . In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Socialization, personality, and social development (Vol 4 ). New York : Wiley .

Mageo , J. M. ( 1997 ). The reconfiguring self . American Anthropologist , 97 , 282 – 296 .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1964 ). Determination and construct validation of ego identity status . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University.

Marcia , J. E. ( 1966 ). Development and validation of ego identity sta- tus . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 3 , 551 – 558 .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1967 ). Ego identity status: Relationship to change in self - esteem, “ general maladjustment, ” and authoritarianism . Journal of Personality , 35 , 119 – 133 .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1976a ). Identity six years after: A follow - up study . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 5 , 145 – 160 .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1976b ). Studies in ego identity . Unpublished manu- script. Burnaby, BC, Canada : Simon Fraser University .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1980 ). Identity in adolescence . In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (pp. 159 – 187 ). New York : John Wiley & Sons .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1989 ). Identity and intervention . Journal of Adolescence , 12 , 401 – 410 .

Marcia , J. E. ( 1993 ). The ego identity status approach ego identity . In J. E. Marcia , A. S. Waterman , D. R. Matteson , S. L. Archer , & J. L. Orlofsky (Eds.), Ego identity: A handbook for psychoso- cial research (pp. 3 – 41 ). New York : Springer - Verlag .

Marcia , J. E. , & Friedman , M. ( 1970 ). Ego identity status in college women . Journal of Personality , 38 , 249 – 262 .

c09.indd 302c09.indd 302 2/17/09 5:15:04 PM2/17/09 5:15:04 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

References 303

Marcia , J. E. , Waterman , A. S. , Matteson , D. R. , Archer , S. L. , & Orlofsky , J. L. E. (Eds.). ( 1993 ). Ego identity: A handbook for psychosocial research . New York : Springer - Verlag .

Markus , H. R. & Kitayama , S. ( 1991 ). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation . Psychological Review , 98 , 224 – 253 .

Markus , H. , & Nurius , R. ( 1986 ). Possible selves . American Psychologist , 41 , 954 – 969 .

Marsh , H. W. , & Hattie , J. ( 1996 ). Theoretical perspectives on the structure of self - concept . In B. A. Bracken (Ed.), Handbook of self - concept (pp. 38 – 90 ). New York : John Wiley & Sons .

Matteson , D. R. ( 1977 ). Exploration and commitment: Sex dif- ferences and methodological problems in the use of the iden- tity status categories . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 6 , 353 – 379 .

Mead , G. H. ( 1934 ). Mind, self, and society . Chicago : University of Chicago Press .

Mead , M. ( 1928 ). Coming of age in Samoa: A psychological study of primitive youth for Western civilization . New York : Morrow Quill Paperbacks .

Meeus , W. ( 1996 ). Studies on identity development in adolescence: An overview of research and some new data . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 25 , 569 – 598 .

Meeus , W. , Iedema , J. , Helsen , M. , & Vollebergh , W. ( 1999 ). Patterns of adolescent identity development: Review of lit- erature and longitudinal analysis . Developmental Review , 19 , 419 – 461 .

Orlofsky , J. L. , Marcia , J. E. , & Lesser , I. M. ( 1973 ). Ego iden- tity status and the intimacy versus isolation crisis of young adulthood . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 27 , 211 – 219 .

Oyserman , D. , & Markus , H. ( 1990 ). Possible selves and delin- quency . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 59 , 112 – 125 .

Oyserman , D. , Coon , H. M. , & Kemmelmeier , M. ( 2002 ). Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assump- tions and meta - analyses . Psychological Bulletin , 128 , 3 – 72 .

Palh , K. , Greene , M. , & Way , N. ( 2000 , April). Self - esteem trajec- tories among urban, low income, ethnic minority high school students. Poster presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence, Chicago .

Parker , S. , Nichter , M. , Vuckovic , N. , Sims , C. , & Ritenbaugh , C. ( 1995 ). Body image and weight concerns among African American and White adolescent females: Differences which make a difference . Human Organization , 54 , 103 – 114 .

Pascarella , E. T. , & Terenzini , P. T. ( 1991 ). How college affects students: Findings and insights from 20 years of research . San Francisco : Jossey - Bass .

Pascarella , E. T. , & Terenzini , P. T. ( 2005 ). How college affects students, vol. 2: A third decade of research . San Francisco : Jossey - Bass .

Patterson , S. J. , Sochting , I. , & Marcia , J. E. ( 1992 ). The inner space and beyond: Women and identity . In G. R. Adams , T. P. Gullota , & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Adolescent identity formation (pp. 9 – 24 ). Newbury Park, CA : Sage .

Phillips , T. M. , & Pittman , J. F. ( 2003 ). Identity processes in poor adolescents: Exploring the linkages between economic dis- advantage and the primary task of adolescence . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 3 , 115 – 129 .

Phinney , J. S. ( 1989 ). Stages of ethnic identity development in minor- ity group adolescents . Journal of Early Adolescence , 9 , 34 – 49 .

Phinney , J. S. ( 2005 ). Ethnic identity development in minority ado- lescents . In C. B. Fisher & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Applied Development Science , vol. 1 (pp. 420 – 422 ). Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage .

Phinney , J. S. ( 2006 ). Ethnic identity exploration in emerging adult- hood . In J. J. Arnett & J. Tanner (Eds.), Emerging adults in America: Coming of age in the 21st century (pp. 117 – 134 ). Washington DC : American Psychological Association .

Phinney . J. S. , & Alipuria , L. ( 1990 ). Ethnic identity in college students from four ethnic groups . Journal of Adolescence , 13 , 171 – 184 .

Phinney , J. S. , Jacoby , B. , & Silva , C. ( 2007 ). Positive intergroup attitudes: The role of ethnic identity . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 31 , 478 – 490 .

Phinney , J. S. , & Rosenthal , D. A. ( 1992 ). Ethnic identity in ado- lescence: Process, context, and outcome . In G. R. Adams , T. P. Gullotta , & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Adolescent identity formation: Advances in adolescent development (pp. 145 – 172 ). Newbury Park, CA : Sage .

Perkins , D. F. & Lerner , R. M. ( 1995 ). Single and multiple indi- cators of physical attractiveness and psychosocial behaviors among young adolescents . Journal of Early Adolescence , 15 , 269 – 298 .

Psychoanalyst coined identity crisis . ( 1994 , May 13). The Globe and Mail , E8 .

Putnam , B. A. , Hosie , T. W. , & Hansen , J. C. ( 1978 ). Sex differ- ences in self - concept variables and vocational attitude matu- rity of adolescents . Journal of Experimental Education , 47 , 23 – 27 .

Rasmussen , J. E. ( 1964 ). The relationship of ego identity to psycho- social effectiveness . Psychological Reports , 15 , 815 – 825 .

Roberts , R. E. , Phinney , J. S. , Romero , A. , & Chen , Y. W. ( 1996 , March). The structure of ethnic identity across eth- nic groups. Paper presented at the meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence, Boston, MA.

Roberts , R. E. , Phinney , J. S. , Masse , L. C. , Chen , Y. , Roberts , C. R. , & Romero , A. ( 1999 ). The structure of ethnic identity of young adolescents from diverse ethnocultural groups . Journal of Early Adolescence , 19 , 301 – 322

Roberts , S. E. ( 2001 ). Risk behaviors in adolescence: Parenting styles and identity . Unpublished master ’ s thesis. London : University of Western Ontario ..

Roberts , S. E. ( 2007 ). Identity stage resolution in the prolonged transition to adulthood: Development and validation of the Identity Issues Inventory . Unpublished doctoral dissertation. London : University of Western Ontario .

Robinson , N. S. ( 1995 ). Evaluation of the nature of perceived sup- port and its relation to perceived self - worth in adolescence . Journal of Research on Adolescence , 5 , 253 – 280 .

Rosenberg , M. ( 1965 ). Society and the adolescent self - image . Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press .

Rosenberg , M. ( 1986 ). Self - concept from middle childhood through adolescence . In J. Suls & A. Greenwald (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on the self , vol. 3 ). Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

Rosenberg , S. ( 1997 ). Multiplicity of selves . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp. 23 – 45 ). New York : Oxford University Press .

Rotheram - Borus , M. J. , & Wyche , K. F. ( 1994 ). Ethnic differences in identity formation in the United States . In S. L. Archer (Ed.), Interventions for adolescent identity development (pp. 62 – 83 ). Thousands Oaks, CA : Sage .

Sarigiani , P. A. , Wilson , J. L. , Petersen , A. C. , & Vicary , J. R. ( 1990 ). Self - image and educational plans of adolescents from two contrasting communities . Journal of Early Adolescence , 10 , 37 – 55 .

Schuller , T. , Preston , J. , Hammond , C. , Brassett - Grundy , A. , & Bynner , J. ( 2004 ). The benefits of learning: The impact of education on health, family life and social capital . London : RoutledgeFalmer .

Schwartz , B. ( 2000 ). Self - determination: The tyranny of freedom . American Psychologist , 55 , 79 – 88 .

Schwartz , B. ( 2004 ). The paradox of choice: Why more is less . New York : HarperCollins .

Schwartz , S. J. ( 2001 ). The evolution of Eriksonian and neo - Eriksonian identity theory and research: A review and integration . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 1 , 7 – 58 .

c09.indd 303c09.indd 303 2/17/09 5:15:05 PM2/17/09 5:15:05 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense

304 Identity Formation and Self - Development in Adolescence

Schwartz , S. J. , Montgomery , M. J. , & Briones , E. ( 2006 ). The role of identity in acculturation among immigrant people: Theoretical propositions, empirical questions, and applied recommenda- tions . Human Development , 49 , 1 – 30 .

Shapka , J. D. , & Keating , D. P. ( 2005 ). Structure and change in self - concept during adolescence . Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science/Revue canadienne des Sciences du com- portement , 37 , 83 – 96 .

Sharpley , C. F. , & Hattie , J. A. ( 1983 ). Cross - cultural and sex dif- ferences on the Tennessee Self Concept Scale: A challenge to Fitts ’ original data . Journal of Clinical Psychology , 39 , 717 – 721 .

Shotter , J. , & Gergen , K. J. ( 1989 ). Texts of identity: Inquiries in social construction . London : Sage .

Simmons , D. D. ( 1973 ). Development of an objective measure of identity achievement status . Journal of Projective Techniques and Personality Assessment , 34 , 241 – 244 .

Simmons , R. G. , & Blyth , D. A. ( 1987 ). Moving into adolescence: The impact of pubertal change and school context . Hawthorne, NJ : Aldine .

Smith , R. E. , & Smoll , F. L. ( 1990 ). Self - esteem and children ’ s reactions to youth support coaching behaviors: A field study of self - enhancement process . Developmental Psychology , 26 , 987 – 993 .

Snyder , M. ( 1987 ). Public appearances, private realities: The psy- chology of self - monitoring . New York : Freeman .

Sorell , G. T. , & Montgomery , M. J. ( 2001 ). Feminist perspectives on Erikson ’ s theory: Its relevance for contemporary identity devel- opment research . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 1 , 97 – 128 .

Spencer , M. B. ( 2006 ). Phenomenology and ecological systems theory: Development of diverse groups . In W. Damon & R. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of Child Psychology ( 6th ed. ), vol. 1 (pp. 829 – 893 ). New York : John Wiley & Sons .

Statistics Canada . ( 2003 ). 2001 Census: Analysis Series Religion in Canada , Cat. No. 96F0030XIE2001015. Ottawa: Author.

Steele , C. M. ( 1988 ). The psychology of self - affirmation: Sustaining the integrity of the self . In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology , vol. 1 (pp. 261 – 302 ). New York : Academic Press .

Stefanich , G. P. , Wills , F. A. , & Buss , R. R. ( 1991 ). The use of inter- disciplinary teaming and its influence on student self - concept in middle schools . Journal of Early Adolescence , 11 ( 4 ), 404 – 419 .

Stice , E. , Spangler , D. , & Agras , W. S. ( 2001 ). Exposure to media - portrayed thin - ideal images adversely affects vulnerable girls: A longitudinal experiment . Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology , 20 , 270 – 288 .

Takata , T. ( 2002 ). Internalization of the Japanese cultural view of self through social comparison: A developmental analysis based on cross - sectional data . Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology , 50 , 465 – 475 .

Takata , T. ( 2007 ). Independent and interdependent self - schema in Japanese adolescents and elders . Japanese Journal of Psychology , 78 , 495 – 503 .

Thoits , P. & Virshup , L. K. ( 1997 ). Me ’ s and we ’ s: Forms and func- tions of social identities . In R. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.), Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp. 106 – 136 ). London : Oxford University Press .

Thompson , W. ( 1972 ). Correlates of the self concept . Nashville, TN : Counselor Recordings and Tests .

Thorbecke , W. , & Grotevant , H. D. ( 1982 ). Gender differences in interpersonal identity formation . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 11 , 479 – 492 .

Twenge , J. M. , & Crocker , J. ( 2002 ). Race and self - esteem: Meta - analyses comparing Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, American Indians and comment on Gray - Little and Hafdahl . Psychological Bulletin , 128 , 371 – 408 .

Uma ñ a - Taylor , A. J. , Yazedjian , A. , & B á maca - G ó mez , M. ( 2004 ). Developing the ethnic identity scale using Eriksonian and social identity perspectives . Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 4 , 9 – 38 .

van Hoof , A. ( 1999 ). The identity status field re - reviewed: An update of unresolved and neglected issues with a view on some alternative approaches . Developmental Review , 19 , 497 – 556 .

Waterman , A. S. ( 1982 ). Identity development from adolescence to adulthood: An extension of theory and a review of research . Developmental Psychology , 18 , 341 – 358 .

Waterman , A. S. ( 1988 ). Identity status theory and Erikson ’ s theory: Com- munalities and differences . Developmental Review , 8 , 185 – 208 .

Waterman , A. S. ( 1990 ). Personal expressiveness: Philosophical and psychological foundations . Journal of Mind and Behavior , 11 , 47 – 74 .

Waterman , A. S. ( 1993 ). Developmental perspectives on identity formation: From adolescence to adulthood . In J. E. Marcia , A. S. Waterman , D. R. Matteson , S. L. Archer , & J. L. Orlofsky (Eds.), Ego identity: A handbook for psychosocial research (pp. 42 – 68 ). New York : Springer - Verlag .

Waterman , A. S. ( 1999 ). Identity, the identity statuses, and identity status development: A contemporary perspective . Developmental Review , 19 , 591 – 621 .

Waterman , A. S. , Geary , P. S. , & Waterman , C. K. ( 1974 ). Longitudinal study of changes in ego identity status from the freshman to the senior year at college . Developmental Psychology , 10 , 387 – 392 .

Waterman , A. S. , & Waterman , C. K. ( 1971 ). A longitudinal study of changes in ego identity status during the freshman year at college . Developmental Psychology , 5 , 167 – 173 .

Waterman , C. K. , & Waterman , A. S. ( 1975 ). Fathers and sons: A study of ego identity across two generations . Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 4 , 331 – 338 .

Weigert , A. J. , Teitge , J. S. , & Teitge , D. W. ( 1986 ). Society and identity: Toward a sociological psychology . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press .

White , J. M. ( 2000 ). Alcoholism and identity development: A theoretical integration of the least mature status with the typologies of alcoholism . Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly , 18 , 43 – 59 .

Wigfield , A. , & Eccles , J. S. ( 1994 ). Children ’ s competence beliefs, achievement values, and general self - esteem: Change across elementary and middle school . Journal of Early Adolescence , 14 , 107 – 138 .

Wintre , M. G. , & Yaffe , M. ( 2000 ). First - year students adjustment to university life as a function of relationships with parents . Journal of Adolescents Research , 15 , 9 – 37 .

Wolf , N. ( 1991 ). The beauty myth: How images of beauty are used against women . New York : Anchor .

Worchel , S. , Morales , J. F. , Paez , D. , & Deschamps , J. - C. ( 1998 ). Social identity: International perspectives . London : Sage .

Yoder , A. E. ( 2000 ). Barriers to ego identity status formation: A contextual qualification of Marcia ’ s identity status . Journal of Adolescence , 23 , 95 – 106 .

c09.indd 304c09.indd 304 2/17/09 5:15:06 PM2/17/09 5:15:06 PM

10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010, D ow

nloaded from https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /doi/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001010 by L

iberty U niversity, W

iley O nline L

ibrary on [30/10/2023]. See the T erm

s and C onditions (https://onlinelibrary.w

iley.com /term

s-and-conditions) on W iley O

nline L ibrary for rules of use; O

A articles are governed by the applicable C

reative C om

m ons L

icense