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CHAPTER 8

Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

NANCY EISENBERG, AMANDA SHEFFIELD MORRIS, BRENDA MCDANIEL, AND TRACY L. SPINRAD

From the late 1960s through the 1980s, research on moral judgment flourished, espe- cially work shaped by Kohlberg ’ s ( 1981 , 1984 ) influential cognitive developmental approach to moral judgment. In addition, there was a marked upsurge in empirical research on prosocial development from the early to mid - 1970s until approximately the early 1990s. Much of the early research on moral judgment included adolescent participants; moreover, in recent years there has been a large amount of research on adolescents ’ aggression and anti- social behavior (see chapter 20 in this Volume ). Nonetheless, as noted by Hoffman in 1980 and Eisenberg in 1990, studies of the prosocial aspects of moral development during adoles- cence have been limited in quantity. Indeed, in 1987, Hill commented that “ capability for relatedness, connectedness, communion, and for what Gilligan has termed ‘ caring morality ’ have . . . been little studied (p. 24). ” Perhaps the relative dearth of research on adolescents ’ prosocial tendencies is not surprising, given that social science researchers and the popular press have tended to emphasize the negative aspects of adolescence, painting a picture of this developmental period as one of emotional turmoil, hormones, and delinquency (Steinberg & Morris, 2001 ), despite the increasing theory and research in recent years about positive youth development (see chapter 15, this volume; Gestsd ó ttir & Lerner, 2007 ; Lerner, 2005, 2007).

It is our perception that the focus on aggression has continued in recent years, perhaps with increasing work on delinquency (e.g., Stams et al., 2006 ). Research on moral reasoning has continued to be quite limited in quantity in the last decade or two, although it is our impres- sion that research on prosocial behavior has increased somewhat since the late 1990s.

Nonetheless, there is a body of research on adolescents ’ moral reasoning and prosocial behavior that is informative for researchers and practitioners interested in adolescent develop- ment. In this chapter, we review findings on adolescents ’ moral reasoning or attributions, as well as prosocial behaviors and emotional reactions (e.g., empathy and sympathy). We begin with a brief discussion of some of the reasons why one would expect morality to con- tinue to develop in adolescence. Next, findings on moral cognitions (e.g., moral judgment and attributions) are discussed, including those pertaining to justice - oriented and prosocial issues. Then data on adolescents ’ prosocial behavior (including volunteer/civic activities) and empathy - related responding are reviewed. Normative development (i.e., age - related changes) and variables related to individual differences in moral development are considered. Research conducted with children in late elemen- tary school and high school is emphasized in this chapter, rather than work with college students. Moreover, more recent findings and trends

Work on this chapter was supported by grants from the National Institutes of Mental Health (1 R01 MH 60838) and the National Institute of Drug Abuse (DA05227).

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Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, edited by Richard M. Lerner and Laurence Steinberg.

Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

230 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

in conceptual and empirical work often are highlighted; readers can access earlier reviews for detailed summaries of prior work (e.g., Hoffman, 1980 ; Eisenberg, 1990 ; Eisenberg & Morris, 2004 ).

THE FOUNDATIONS FOR MORAL COGNITIONS AND PROSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

During the preschool and elementary school years, major advances are evident in moral judgment and in regard to the frequency of some types of morally relevant behaviors (e.g., some positive behaviors; e.g., Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ; Rest, 1983 ). Nonetheless, there are reasons to expect further change in moral cognitions and prosocial tendencies in ado- lescence. First, moral judgment and prosocial behaviors such as helping, sharing, and com- forting have been linked both conceptually and empirically with perspective - taking skills (Eisenberg, 1986 ; Kohlberg, 1981, 1984 ), which continue to develop in adolescence. For exam- ple, it is not until preadolescence (ages 10 – 12) that individuals are “ aware of the infinite regress (I know that you know that I know that you know, etc.) characteristic of dyadic rela- tions; that each person is simultaneously aware of his own and others ’ subjective abilities . . . (and begin) to view his own interactions with and subjective perspectives of others from a third person perspective” (Selman, 1975 , p. 40). Moreover, later in adolescence, the individual may become aware that in taking another ’ s perspective, “ the mutuality of per- spectives includes a view of both self and other as complex psychological systems of values, beliefs, attitudes, etc. [and] . . . further aware- ness that the mutuality of understanding of each other ’ s point of view can take place at dif- ferent qualitative levels — for example, persons can ‘ know ’ each other as acquaintances, friends, closest friends, lovers, etc.” (Selman, 1975, p. 40). Selman ( 1980 ) reported a linear pattern of change in social perspective taking from childhood to adulthood, including advances for many individuals from adolescence into

adulthood (Selman, 1980 ). Given the concep- tual importance of understanding another ’ s perspective for sympathy, other - oriented pro- social behaviors, and higher level moral rea- soning, advances in perspective - taking skills in adolescence would be expected to be associated with further development of these capabilities during the same period (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983 ; Eisenberg, 1986 ; Kohlberg, 1984 ). Furthermore, the motivation to take anoth- er ’ s perspective has been found to increase from mid - adolescence into early adulthood (Eisenberg, Cumberland, Guthrie, Murphy, & Shepard, 2005 ), which is likely to contribute to both the quality of moral reasoning and adolescents ’ tendencies to want to assist others.

Similarly, the advances in social problem - solving skills and interpersonal negotiation skills noted during adolescence (e.g., Berg, 1989 ; Brion - Meisels & Selman, 1984 ) would be expected to contribute to the development of other - oriented social interaction, as would advances in conceptions of friendship and relationships (Brown & Gilligan, 1992 ; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 1998 ; Selman, 1980 ) and in the ability to make accurate attribu- tions about others ’ motives (Crick & Dodge, 1994 ; also see Eisenberg, 1986 ). In addition, changes in conceptions of the self from child- hood into adolescence likely promote moral and prosocial development. In childhood, the self is defined primarily in terms of nonmoral properties (e.g., bodily properties, material possessions, or typical behavior); in contrast, by late adolescence, the self is defined in terms of social and psychological aspects of the self, and morality is the major regulator of social interactions, whereas belief systems are central to characterizing the psychological self (see Damon & Hart, 1988 ; Harter, 1999, 2006 ).

Changes in the quality of moral reasoning and in the likelihood of sympathetic responding during adolescence that are discussed in this chapter also have been conceptually linked to the development of altruistic tendencies (e.g., Eisenberg, 1986 ; Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006 ). For example, Hoffman ( 2000 ) argued

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The Foundations for Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Development in Adolescence 231

that the ability to sympathize with the distresses of others who are abstract (i.e., are not in the immediate situation) and with the chronic dis- tress of others (including disadvantaged social groups) develops in late childhood or early adolescence, based on early adolescents ’ new- found ability to view others as having continu- ing personal identities and life experiences beyond the immediate situation. This change in sympathy is believed to promote adolescents ’ willingness to assist abstract individuals or groups (who are not immediately present).

Finally, recently researchers have docu- mented the advances in cortical functioning that occur in adolescence. Toga, Thompson, and Sowell ( 2006 ) reviewed data indicating that changes in areas of the brain relevant to execu- tive functioning and regulation occur through- out adolescence (e.g., changes in the white and gray matter in frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes; and myelination). Changes in multiple areas of the prefrontal cortex throughout ado- lescence are believed to contribute to improve- ments in executive functioning (long - term planning, self - evaluation, self - regulation, and the coordination of affect and cognition; e.g., Sowell, Trauner, Gamst, & Jernigan, 2002 ; see Keating, 2004 ). In addition, substantial changes in neurological systems that regulate how indi- viduals process and respond to social stimuli, including facial displays of affective states, appear to occur during adolescence (Nelson, Leibenluft, McClure, & Pine, 2005 ). Individual differences in these brain changes would be expected to relate to adolescents ’ self - regulation and, hence, their moral behavior.

In brief, during late childhood and adoles- cence there are significant changes in socio- cognitive skills, motivation, and regulatory capacities that are believed to foster the develop- ment of moral reasoning and altruistic tenden- cies. Therefore, adolescence would be expected to be a period of growth for moral and prosocial dispositions, cognitions, and behaviors.

Adolescents ’ Moral Reasoning

As mentioned previously, one reason to expect change in moral behavior in adolescence is that

moral reasoning continues to mature during adolescence and into adulthood. Moral reason- ing (or judgment), depending on its conceptu- alization, reflects the structure and/or content of an individual ’ s reasoning about hypothetical or real - life moral dilemmas — that is, how an individual justifies his or her moral decisions (Eisenberg, 1986 ; Kohlberg, 1981 ; Rest, 1979 ; see Lapsley, 2006 ). In some studies, scores of moral reasoning may reflect the actual deci- sion made by a person as much or more than his or her reasoning (e.g., Piaget, 1932/1965 ).

Space does not permit an in - depth review of the basic findings on the development of moral reasoning and recent changes in its measure- ment (see Gibbs, Basinger, Grime, & Snarney, 2007 ; Lapsley, 2006 ; Rest, Narvaez, Bebeau, & Thoma, 1999a, 1999b ; Thoma, 2006 ; Walker, 2002 ). Nor can we review recent arguments regarding the nature of moral reasoning more generally (see, for example, Gibbs, 2006 ; Krebs & Denton, 2005, 2006 ). Rather, focal issues in recent research on adolescents ’ moral judgment are briefly summarized. These include findings on adolescents ’ level of moral reasoning and its structure and the relations of moral reasoning to adolescents ’ adjustment, social competence, and risky behaviors, as well as to socialization correlates.

Justice Moral Reasoning

The type of moral reasoning that has received the most empirical attention is Kohlberg ’ s justice - oriented reasoning (Kohlberg, 1981 ). According to Colby et al. ( 1983 ), although Stage 2 (individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange) reasoning is predominant in early adolescence, at about age 13, and through- out adolescence, Stage 3 (mutual interpersonal expectations, relationships, and interpersonal conformity reasoning) moral reasoning is the most common, dominant mode of moral rea- soning. In this type of reasoning, the “ right ” includes living up to what is expected by people close to you or what others generally expect of people in your role (as son, wife, etc.). “ Being good ” is important and is reflected in having good motives, showing concern for others, and

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232 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

in maintaining mutual relationships through trust, loyalty, respect, and gratitude (Colby et al., 1983 ). At this stage, the focus in moral reasoning shifts from self - interest (Stage 2) to fulfilling others ’ expectations and concern with one ’ s position in others ’ eyes, as well as maintaining positive interpersonal relation- ships with others. Gibbs et al. ( 2007 ), in a review of research, concluded that by late ado- lescence, Stage 3 normally becomes the typi- cal moral reasoning stage, not only in North America, but also globally. Stage 4 (social sys- tem and conscience) reasoning also is used by some adolescents, but generally is used infre- quently. Stage 4 reasoning increases with age from early adolescence into adulthood. Stage 4 reasoning emphasizes fulfilling the duties to which one has agreed, upholding of laws except in extreme cases in which they conflict with other fixed social duties, and contributing to the society, group, or institution (Colby et al. 1983 ).

More recent research is consistent with earlier findings (e.g., Dawson, 2002 ; Pratt, Arnold, Pratt, & Diessner, 1999 ; Walker, Gustafson, & Hennig, 2001 ; also see Narvaez, 1998 ) in regard to the nature of adolescents ’ moral reasoning. However, it has been argued that what has been coded as Stage 3 might actu- ally be two different stages (Dawson, 2002 ) or that there are really only three distinct devel- opmental schemas or levels, personal interest (Stages 2 and 3), maintaining norms (Stage 4) and postconventional (Stages 5 and 6) after age 12 (the age at which people can respond to the Defining Issues Test [DIT]; Rest, Narvaez, Bebeau, & Thoma, 1999b ). Moreover, there is debate regarding the best way to assess moral judgment and how to quantify it (see Gibbs et al., 2007 ; Lapsley, 2006 ). Thus, cur- rently there is not consensus on the nature of moral stages in adolescence.

In recent years, there has been some research in which adolescents have been asked to reason about real life rather than hypothetical moral dilemmas (e.g., Trevethan & Walker, 1989 ). Walker, Pitts, Hennig, and Matsuba ( 1995 ) found that there was not a significant difference

between 16 – 19 year - olds ’ moral reasoning about real - life moral conflicts (coded using Kohlberg ’ s stages) and 18 - to 25 - year - olds ’ reasoning, although 35 - to 48 - and 65 - to 84 - year - olds ’ reasoned at higher levels than did the two younger groups. Thus, change in moral reasoning in late adolescence about real - life moral dilemmas (as well as hypothetical dilemmas) appears to be relatively gradual.

Consistent with Kohlberg ’ s theory ( 1981 ), it also appears that for justice reasoning, at least as traditionally coded and for reasoning in reaction to vignettes (rather the preference measures such as the DIT; see Lapsley, 2006 ), there is a cycle of consolidation and then tran- sition upward from stage to stage (with a mix of reasoning, especially higher level reason- ing and one ’ s modal level of reasoning during the transition). These findings at least partly support a structural model in which moral reasoning during late childhood and adoles- cence advances from lower to more mature levels, with periods of apparent disequilibrium between them (Walker et al., 2001 ). However, this pattern of structural change likely does not characterize moral judgment as assessed with other instruments (e.g., pencil and paper measures of moral judgment) or moral rea- soning about issues besides justice (Lapsley, 2006 ). In addition, it appears that both adoles- cents and adults are more likely to use alter- native ethical systems (other than Kohlberg ’ s) such as religious prescriptions, community norms, professional codes, and care reasoning when they are in a period of transition between stages (Thoma & Rest, 1999 ).

Prosocial Reasoning

As was noted by Thoma and Rest ( 1999 ), indi- viduals sometimes use moral reasoning that is not well represented in Kohlberg ’ s ( 1981 ) justice - oriented moral reasoning. One type of reasoning used by adolescents is care - oriented reasoning (Perry & McIntire, 1995 ; Skoe et al., 1999 ). According to Gilligan ( 1982 ), the focus of care reasoning is on not turning away from others rather than not treating others unfairly

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The Foundations for Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Development in Adolescence 233

(i.e., justice concerns). Gilligan ’ s care reasoning is similar to the stages of prosocial moral rea- soning delineated by Eisenberg ( 1986 ), who has defined prosocial moral reasoning as reasoning about moral dilemmas in which one person ’ s needs or desires conflict with those of others in a context in which the role of prohibitions, authorities ’ dictates, and formal obligations is minimal.

In the last two decades, Eisenberg and col- leagues (Eisenberg, Miller, Shell, McNalley, & Shea, 1991 ; Eisenberg, Carlo, Murphy, & Van Court, 1995 ; Eisenberg et al., 2005 ) have fol- lowed children through adolescence into early adulthood to delineate the development of their prosocial moral reasoning. In general, they have found that some self - reflective and internalized modes of moral reasoning (e.g., reasoning pertaining to role taking, positive or negative affect based on the consequences of behavioral choices; positive affect related to living up to internalized values; internalized norm, rule, and law reasoning; generalized reciprocity) increased in use, whereas stereo- typic reasoning (e.g., references to expected or normative behavior, such as, “ it ’ s nice to help ” ) continued to decrease in use from childhood until the late teens. The linear increases in references to positive affect/values and nega- tive affect about consequences were not found until late adolescence. However, hedonistic reasoning (i.e., reasoning in which the justifica- tion is one ’ s own desires, e.g., “ She wouldn ’ t help because she would rather go to the party ” ), which had decreased from childhood into early mid - adolescence, increased modestly in mid - , and then again, late adolescence, pri- marily for males. Moreover, direct reciprocity and approval - oriented reasoning, which had begun to decline in mid - adolescence, showed little evidence of declining in the late teens (and even increased somewhat). Although there was a linear increase in overall level of reasoning throughout adolescence (also see Eisenberg - Berg, 1979a ), moral reasoning at age 19 to 20 was not predicted from moral reasoning at earlier points in adolescence,

apparently because of substantial declines in reasoning (due to increases in direct reciprocity and hedonistic reasoning) for some people and substantial increases in reasoning due to the use of higher level categories of reasoning for some others. In contrast, there was some continuity in moral reasoning from age 13 – 14 years to 17 – 18 years.

Eisenberg et al. ( 2005 ) examined changes in moral reasoning from age 15 – 16 to 25 – 26; they focused on changes in level of moral judgment (assessed through interviews) rather than individual types of moral reasoning. They found that both moral judgment composite scores computed from all levels of reasoning and Level 4 (self - reflective empathic reasoning, for females only) generally increased from late adolescence into the early 20s but then leveled off or declined slightly, whereas rudi- mentary needs - oriented reasoning (Level 2) showed the inverse pattern of change. Level 1 (hedonistic, self - focused orientation) and Level 5 (strongly internalized orientation), both of which were not highly used, did not change over this period, whereas Level 3 rea- soning (stereotypic or approval/interpersonal) increased with age.

Findings somewhat similar to those described above have been obtained by researchers using a variety of methods (Carlo, Eisenberg, & Knight, 1992 ). For example, in a study of Israeli 12 - to 13 - , 14 - to 15 - , and 16 - to 17 - year - olds ’ self - reported motives for their own volunteering to help, reports of altruistic motives (i.e., personal willingness to assist without any expectation of reward or approval, and without reference to compliance) increased with age (Bar - Tal & Nissim, 1984 ). Further, in work on attributions about the value of others ’ prosocial actions, investigators have found that from early adolescence into early adulthood, students increasingly devalue prosocial actions done for self - related reasons (e.g., tangible rewards, returning a favor), approval or praise, or to avoid criticism and punishment, and increas- ingly value prosocial actions due to empathy (see Eisenberg, 1986, 1990 , for reviews).

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234 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

In one of the few cross - cultural studies on the topic, Boehnke, Silbereisen, Eisenberg, Reykowski, and Palmonari ( 1989 ) examined German, Polish, Italian, and American elemen- tary, middle, and/or high school students ’ attri- butions for why story characters ’ engaged in prosocial actions. Interest in others was a rela- tively favored motive at all ages, whereas self - focused motives were chosen infrequently by the preadolescents and junior and senior high school students. Conformity - related rea- sons decreased with age in Italian, German, and Polish samples across grades 6, 9, 10, and 12, whereas task - oriented reasons (i.e., pragmatic concerns related to the comple- tion of a task) increased. In another sam- ple of German students in grades 5 – 6 or 7 – 9, preference for hedonistic motives (i.e., motives related to an individual ’ s feel- ings of physical well - being but not other aspects of self - interest) decreased with age and prefer- ence for task - oriented motives (e.g., “ because I know if I helped, the work would get done more quickly ” ) increased. For American chil- dren in grades 2 – 3, 5 – 6, and 7 – 8, selection of hedonistic motives decreased with age in early adolescence (Boehnke et al., 1989 ). Thus, adolescents preferred other - oriented or task - oriented motives for assisting, and conformity and hedonistic motives were somewhat less preferred with age. The lack of an age - related change in other - oriented motives may have been due to the format of the measure.

Gilligan ( 1982 ) argued that care - related moral reasoning is somewhat more common among females, and there is some support for this assertion. In a meta - analysis, Jaffe and Hyde ( 2000 ) found a small sex difference in care - related reasoning (broadly defined) favor- ing females (effect size = 0.28). Of particular interest, this difference was much larger in adolescents (0.53) than in children (0.08), uni- versity students (0.18), or young adults who were not university students (0.33) compare with Pratt, Skoe, & Arnold ( 2004 ) who found no gender differences in adolescence in care reasoning.

In adolescence, whether girls score higher than boys in care - related reasoning may depend on the country or culture. For example, in a study with young adolescents, a sex difference was found in Canada but not in Norway (Skoe et al., 1999 ). In the United States, however, the sex difference favoring females ’ higher use of care - oriented reasoning was replicated in a study of African American seventh graders ’ reasoning about dating dilemmas (Weisz & Black, 2002 ).

In regard to prosocial moral reasoning, Eisenberg et al. ( 1987 ) found that a sex differ- ence in types of reasoning reflecting another orientation seemed to emerge in early adoles- cence and generally was maintained throughout adolescence (for at least some higher level modes of other - oriented moral reasoning and for the overall level of prosocial moral reason- ing; Eisenberg et al., 1991, 1995 ). Similarly, Boehnke et al. ( 1989 ) found modest evidence of females providing more other - oriented and less self - interested reasons for hypothetical story characters ’ prosocial actions.

Thus, in general, investigators have found that moral reasoning and attributions regarding motives for prosocial behavior tend to stabilize or become more other-oriented and higher level with age during the adolescent years. Moreover, females tend to express more of these types of reasoning/attributions than do males.

Relations of Higher Level Moral Reasoning to Adolescents ’ Adjustment and Social Competence

Adolescents ’ levels (and type) of moral reasoning are important in part because they relate to dif- ferences in their behavior (or attitudes toward various behaviors), including externalizing problems, prosocial behaviors, adjustment, and risky behaviors. Moreover, adolescents ’ moral reasoning has been linked to their political attitudes and tolerance of others.

Externalizing Problems

Adolescents ’ moral reasoning has been relatively consistently related to their antisocial behavior.

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The Foundations for Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Development in Adolescence 235

Carlo, Hausmann, Christiansen, & Randall, 2003 ; Eisenberg et al., 1991, 1995, 2002 ; Eisenberg, Zhou, & Koller, 2001 ; also see Wentzel, Filisetti, & Looney, 2007 ). Sixth and eight graders ’ reported internal (reflect- ing personal valuing of prosocial behavior) and self - focused (avoiding negative feelings of guilt or shame) reasons for performing various prosocial behaviors were also related to high levels of empathy, perspective taking, perceived competence (Wentzel et al., 2007 ). Moreover, measures of moral reasoning tapping a justice orientation more than a care orienta- tion have been associated with Italian ado- lescents ’ involvement in volunteer activities (Comunian & Gielen, 1995 ) and with 10 - to 13 - year - old Canadian girls ’ (but not boys ’ ) pro- social nominations by peers (Schonert - Reichl, 1999 ), as well as with tolerance of others ’ views or lifestyle (Breslin, 1982 ; Raaijmakers, Verbogt, & Vollebergh, 1998 ). In regard to social competence, level of justice - oriented moral reasoning has been related to pre - and young adolescents ’ peer sociometric status and peer nominations for leadership (girls only) (Schonert-Reichl, 1999). Socially with- drawn behavior or shyness with peers has been negatively related to level of justice - related moral reasoning for boys in early adolescence (Schonert - Reichl, 1999 ) and for emotion- ally disturbed individuals in early and mid - adolescence (Sigman & Erdynast, 1988 ; Sigman, Ungerer, & Russell, 1983 ). Further, justice - related moral judgment has been linked to higher level social problem - solving skills in 14 - to 18 - year - old inner city youth (Kennedy, Felner, Cauce, & Primavera, 1988 ) and with mature ego functioning (inter - and intrapersonal strategies for coping; Matsuba & Walker, 1998 ). Mature ego defense mechanisms at ages 13 – 14 and 16 – 18 also have been associated with higher level justice reasoning 10 to 20 years later (sometimes even when controlling for moral reasoning in adolescence; Hart & Chmiel, 1992 ). Thus, although, of course, the findings have not always been significant and the percent of variance accounted for by these

In a meta - analysis of 50 studies, moderate to large effect sizes indicate that juvenile delin- quents use a lower stage moral judgment com- pared to nondelinquent peers (Stams et al., 2006 ). Similarly, in reviews a decade apart, Nelson, Smith, and Dodd ( 1990 ) and Jurkovic ( 1980 ) found that juvenile delinquents use less mature moral reasoning than their nondelin- quent peers. Additional studies not in those reviews generally are consistent with their conclusions (e.g., Carlo, Koller, & Eisenberg, 1998 ; Lard é n, Melin, Holst, & L å ngstr ö m, 2006 ), although self - reported offending was not related to justice - related moral reasoning within a group of convicted young male offenders (Aleixo & Norris, 2000 ) or in a recent study of 12 - to 15 - year - olds (Tarry & Emler, 2007 ; see Brusten, Stams, & Gibbs, 2007 , for a critique of this study, and Emler & Tarry, 2007 , for their response). Further, adolescents who score lower on moral judgment are more aggressive (for boys but not girls; Schonert - Reichl, 1999 ), hold more positive attitudes toward violent groups (Sotelo & Sangrador, 1999 ), and are more likely to perceive intentionally injurious sport actions as legitimate (Bredemeier, 1985 ). Acting - out preadolescent and adolescent males are also more accepting in their judgments about others ’ aggressive actions (Sanvitale, Saltzstein, & Fish, 1989 ; also see Berkowitz, Mueller, Schnell, & Padberg, 1986 ). Further, gains in moral reasoning due to an intervention with delinquents have been linked to lower recid- ivism in adolescents (although the gains in moral reasoning due to the intervention were not sig- nificant; Gibbs, Potter, Barriga, & Liau, 1996 ).

Conversely, adolescents who reason at more mature levels tend to be more prosocial and socially competent. For example, higher level and/or other - oriented (and sometimes low hedonistic reasoning) prosocial moral judg- ment generally has been positively related to humanitarian political attitudes (Eisenberg - Berg, 1979b ; Eisenberg - Berg & Mussen, 1980 ), as well as self - and/or other - reported prosocial tendencies and sympathy across the teen years (Carlo, Eisenberg, & Knight, 1992 ;

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236 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

relations generally is modest, adolescents who are more advanced in their moral reasoning appear to be not only more moral in their behavior, but also better adjusted and higher in social competence.

The Relation of Moral Judgments to Adolescents ’ Attitudes About Risky Behavior

A special concern in adolescence is the rise in risky behaviors such as drug use, sexual activ- ity, and suicide. Although very limited, there is some evidence of links between cognitions about morality and adolescents ’ tendencies to endorse or engage in such behaviors.

Some investigators have examined the rela- tion of level of moral judgment to adolescents ’ risky behavior. There appear to be weak but not very consistent relations between the two (Berkowitz et al., 1995 ). For example, in a study of undergraduates, Hubbs - Tait and Garmon ( 1995 ) found that risk taking during sexual intercourse (i.e., lower likelihood of using con- doms) and anal sex were inversely related with level of justice - related moral reasoning (on Rest ’ s, 1979 , Defining Issues Test or DIT). In contrast, in a study of sexually active teenage girls, Jurs ( 1984 ) found no relation between moral reasoning (also on the DIT) and the responsible use of birth control, getting preg- nant, and the decision to abort (although ado- lescents reasoning at higher levels were more likely to have taken a sex education course).

However, whether or not an individual con- siders a given risky behavior to be a moral issue or not may moderate the relation of moral judgment to risky behaviors. Some investiga- tors have examined adolescents ’ tendencies to categorize risky behaviors as involving moral, social conventional, personal, or pru- dential decisions. Moral judgments involve categorical and prescriptive judgments of right and wrong about interpersonal issues such as harm and justice. Social conventional issues pertain to customs or regulations intended to ensure social coordination and social organi- zation, such as choices about modes of dress,

table manners, and forms of greeting. Personal choices refer to issues of private behavior that impinge primarily on the self. For example, within Western culture, the choice of friends or recreational activities usually is considered a personal choice, whereas prudential issues involve actual or potential self - harm (but do not involve others ’ welfare; Nucci, Guerra, & Lee, 1991 ; Tisak, Tisak, & Rogers, 1994 ).

Many high school students consider the use of legal drugs such as nicotine, caffeine, and alcohol, as well as premarital sex, as a personal or prudential choice (especially the latter, if assessed) rather than a behavior that should be controlled by authorities or as a moral issue (Killen, Leviton, & Cahill, 1991 ; Kuther & Higgins - D ’ Alessandro, 2000 ; Nucci et al., 1991 ). In contrast, the use of illegal drugs such cocaine, crack, and marijuana is less likely to be viewed as an issue under personal jurisdic- tion and is more likely to be viewed as “ wrong, ” regardless of authority or laws (Killen et al., 1991 ). Risky behaviors are seldom viewed as social conventional issues (Killen et al., 1991 ; Nucci et al., 1991 ; see Tisak et al., 1994 , for data on adolescents ’ views on the legitimacy of parents ’ attempts to prohibit contact with drug - using friends). Of importance, students who are higher in the use of drugs are more likely than their low - using students to view the drug use as a personal choice (Kuther & Higgins - D ’ Alessandro, 2000 ), and less likely to view it as harmful and a prudentially unac- ceptable choice (wrong only because it hurts the self; Nucci et al., 1991 ). High drug users also are more likely to view themselves as the only authority with regard to the choice to use drugs and are less likely than their peers to view parents or the law as legitimate authorities (Nucci et al., 1991 ). Moreover, in one study, ado- lescents ’ views regarding the nature of decisions regarding drug use were found to moderate the relation of level of justice - related moral reason- ing to drug use. When adolescents considered drug use a moral decision, a higher degree of substance use was related to lower level justice - oriented moral reasoning, whereas

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The Foundations for Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Development in Adolescence 237

moral reasoning was unrelated to the use of drugs for adolescents who considered it to be a personal decision (similar findings were not obtained for sexual behavior or suicide; Kuther & Higgins - D ’ Alessandro, 2000 ). Findings such as these suggest that moral reasoning is related to some risky behaviors, but only for adolescents who view them as having moral relevance. However, it is not clear if moral reasoning actually affects risky behavior or if participation in risky behavior affects how adolescents categorize risky behaviors.

Socialization of Moral Reasoning

Different socialization agents, such as parents, peers, teachers, and other adult role models (e.g., coaches, religious leaders), likely influ- ence adolescent’ moral reasoning. However, most research to date has focused on parents as the primary socialization influence, with some research on peers.

Parental Influences

Socialization by parents typically has been assigned a circumscribed role in moral devel- opment by cognitive developmental theorists such as Kohlberg (Walker & Hennig, 1999 ). Thus, it is not surprising that the contributions of parenting to the development of moral rea- soning have not been studied extensively. Some aspects of socialization that have received the most attention in studies with adolescents are parental moral reasoning, parental warmth, and aspects of parent – child discussions that might stimulate perspective taking or autonomous moral thinking.

Based on cognitive developmental theory, one would expect parenting practices that create cognitive conflict about moral issues to be linked to higher level moral judgment. Somewhat consistent with this notion, there is evidence that a Socratic style of discussion (encouraging the child to form opinions and to use reasoning) between parents and children, combined with other variables (such as paren- tal support), is most conducive to the devel- opment of justice - related moral reasoning in

late childhood and adolescence. Based on studies in which parents and their child dis- cussed hypothetical and real - life moral dilem- mas (sometimes one in the child ’ s life) and attempted to reach a consensus, Walker and Hennig ( 1999 ) concluded that:

Parents who engage in cognitively challenging and highly opinionated interactions, who are hostile, critical, and interfering, and who display poor ego functioning (defensiveness, rigidity, rationalization, insensitivity, inappropriate emo- tional expression) provide a context that hinders children ’ s opportunities to move toward more mature moral understandings. In contrast, effec- tive parents are more child - centered and scaffold their child ’ s development by eliciting the child ’ s opinions, drawing out the child ’ s reasoning with appropriate probing questions, and checking for understanding; all in the context of emotional support and attentiveness and with the challeng- ing stimulation of advanced moral reasoning (pp. 271 – 272).

In Walker ’ s studies, parent behaviors such as critiquing and directly challenging the child (especially in a hostile manner), presenting of counter - considerations, and simply pro- viding information were not associated with children ’ s moral growth. Direct challenges to the child ’ s reasoning may have been viewed as hostile by the child and, consequently, may have been counterproductive, whereas sim- ple provision of information may have been viewed as lecturing (Walker & Hennig, 1999 ; Walker, Hennig, & Krettenauer, 2000 ; see Walker & Taylor, 1991 ).

Similar findings in regard to style of inter- actions have been found in other studies of pre- adolescents or adolescents, although there are some inconsistencies in the literature. Buck, Walsh, and Rothman ( 1981 ) examined the relation of 10 - to 13 - year - old boys ’ moral rea- soning to parental behaviors during a discus- sion with thier son of how to handle their son’s aggression. Boys with higher moral reasoning had parents who considered their son s’ view and tended to encourage their son to express

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238 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

his views. Similarly, Holstein ( 1972 ) found that parents who encouraged their children ’ s participation in discussion and decision making were more likely to have children who reasoned at relatively high levels. In contrast to Walker and Hennig ( 1999 ), Pratt et al. ( 1999 ) observed that fathers ’ tendencies to extend, challenge, or clarify the reasoning of their adolescents were positively related to adolescents ’ concurrent moral reasoning and reasoning two years later. Similar findings were not obtained for mothers, although mothers ’ tendencies to consider their children ’ s perspectives when recalling social- ization encounters were related to higher level moral reasoning at the 2 - year follow - up.

Other investigators besides Walker and Hennig ( 1999 ) have obtained associations between parental warmth or involvement and high - level moral reasoning in adolescents (e.g., Buck et al., 1981 ; McDevitt, Lennon, & Kopriva, 1991 ; Palmer & Hollin, 1996 ; Powers, 1988 ; Speicher, 1992 ). In some relevant studies, researchers found relations between parental nurturance and moral reasoning for one par- ent or for one group of children (e.g., age or sex group) but not the other (e.g., Bakken & Romig, 1994 ; Hart, 1988 ). Inconsistencies may occur because parental warmth by itself probably is not sufficient to stimulate higher level moral reasoning. As noted by Hoffman ( 2000 ), parental warmth provides an optimal environment for socialization because children are more likely to attend to parents and care about pleasing them when the relationship generally is supportive. Thus, parental warmth may not have a direct effect on children ’ s moral reasoning, but may moderate the effec- tiveness of other parental practices in fostering the growth of moral reasoning. A combination of warmth and other productive parental practices, such as using a Socratic method in discussions and holding high standards for children, may be necessary to foster adolescents ’ moral reasoning. In support of this premise, authoritative parenting (which includes sup- port, demands for appropriate behavior and control, and practices such as induction) has been linked to higher level moral judgment,

more parent – adolescent value agreement, and higher generativity/concern for the next gen- eration (Boyes & Allen, 1993 ; Lawford, Pratt, Hunsberger, & Pancer, 2005 ; Pratt et al., 1999 ) (although democratic parenting has not always been associated with adolescents ’ moral reasoning; Speicher, 1992 ). Parental use of autonomy - promoting practices at age 16 also has been associated with caring moral reasoning concurrently and at age 20 (Pratt et al., 2004 ).

Authoritative parenting has also been linked to moral values, which are relevant for moral judgment. Pratt, Hunsberger, Pancer, and Alisat ( 2003 ) examined authoritative parenting in rela- tion to moral values (e.g., fair, honest), moral motivation, and the moral ideal self in a lon- gitudinal study of adolescents. Authoritative parenting was associated with more parent – adolescent agreement concerning both moral and nonmoral values. Among boys, parental monitoring and strictness were associated with moral self - values, and this link was explained by adolescents ’ perceived parent and peer emphasis on the importance of moral values. Thus, these findings support the significance of both parents ’ and peers ’ valuing of moral behavior on the development of adolescents ’ moral values.

Consistent with the relation of authoritative parenting to higher level moral reasoning, there appears to be a modest relation between parental use of inductions (reasoning) during discipline and older children and adolescents ’ mature moral judgment (Janssen, Janssens, & Gerris, 1992 ), although such relations often vary across parent, social class, or age group (e.g., Eisikovits & Sagi, 1982 ; Parikh, 1980 ; see Eisenberg & Valiente, 2002 , for more details). Moreover, parental emphasis on prosocial behavior and caring as a goal has been associ- ated with higher level prosocial moral reason- ing (McDevitt et al., 1991 ; Pratt et al., 2004 ). Further, agreement between parents in regard to child - rearing practices, attitudes, and values at age 3 has predicted higher moral reasoning for 14 - year - old males (but not females; Vaughn, Block, & Block, 1988 ).

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The Foundations for Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Development in Adolescence 239

Consistent with these findings, White and Matawie ( 2004 ) found that components of the family environment (e.g., cohesion, com- munication) were associated with adoles- cent morality, specifically content of moral thought (i.e., reasons for making a moral judgment), assessed via the revised Moral Authority Scale (White, 1997 ; assessing inter- nal, external, and principled moral sources of reasoning). Adolescents ’ reports of both mothers ’ and fathers ’ morality were associated with their own reports of morality (external [family and educator source] and principle sources [society and equality sources]), and in general, family cohesion, adaptability, and positive communication predicted adoles- cents ’ external morality. These findings indi- cated that family processes and both mother and father influences are important in adoles- cent reasoning, particularly when adolescents view their family influence as an important reason for their moral decision making.

In summary, higher level reasoning in adolescence is related to parenting that is supportive and stimulates adolescents to ques- tion and expand on their reasoning, as well as to an authoritative parenting style (including inductive discipline). Moreover, research sug- gests that overall family processes are influen- tial in determining the source for adolescent moral decision making. However, findings are limited in number and sometimes inconsistent (e.g., Leahy, 1981 ; see Eisenberg & Valiente, 2002 ). Although infrequently examined, it is possible that the parenting behaviors/charac- teristics associated with adolescents ’ moral judgment vary across adolescence. For example, based on her finding that moral judgment was predicted by reports of comfort with, and fre- quency of family moral and political discus- sions in later adolescence and early adulthood, but not earlier adolescence, Speicher ( 1992 ) suggested that the quality of interpersonal family relationships may be more important for the development of moral reasoning in early adolescence, whereas aspects of the fam- ily environment related to cognitive stimula- tion and perspective taking may be important at

an older age. Currently, there are too few data to test such a prediction. Moreover, because all the extant data with adolescents are corre- lational, it is unclear to what degree parental behaviors actually cause changes in adoles- cents ’ moral reasoning rather than adolescents varying in their moral reasoning eliciting dif- ferent parenting styles and practices (or some other factor such as genetics affecting both parenting and adolescents ’ moral judgment).

Peer Influences

Cognitive developmental theorists have argued that interactions with peers are a more important influence on moral development than are inter- actions with parents or other adults because peer relations are more egalitarian and provide opportunities for social interaction among equals. The equal status in peer interactions is viewed as encouraging peers to cooperate and deal with moral conflicts by balancing self and other interests at comparable levels (Kohlberg, 1969 ; Piaget, 1932/1965 ). Moreover, interac- tions with peers also may provide opportuni- ties for self - exploration and allow adolescents to discuss identity issues, such as beliefs and aspirations, among a supportive group of equals, which might affect their moral identity. In gen- eral, research indicates that peers do play a role in the development of adolescent moral reason- ing, although most relevant work has been con- ducted with children rather than adolescents.

Of the researchers who have examined peer influences on moral reasoning, most find that moral discussions with peers do have a posi- tive effect on moral development. At least one study found that peers may even have a greater influence than parents. Using an experimental design, Kruger ( 1992 ) found that girls who engaged in a conflict discussion with a peer had higher levels of moral development on a posttest compared to girls who engaged in a parent – child discussion.

Similarly, Walker et al. ( 2000 ) examined parent and peer effects on moral reasoning by having parent – adolescent and friend – adolescent dyads discuss moral conflicts. The sample

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240 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

included a group of adolescents in late childhood and mid - adolescence, and moral reasoning was assessed yearly using Kohlberg ’ s Moral Justice Interview (MJI), over four years. Walker et al. found evidence for both parent and peer influences on moral reasoning, but patterns of influence differed. For peers, they found that friends ’ interfering speech (which interfered with discussion and indicated negative affect) was associated with higher levels of moral development; this finding is in line with the cog- nitive developmental notion that some degree of conflict among peers supports moral devel- opment. Contrary to this idea and to previous findings (Berkowitz & Gibbs, 1983 ), Walker et al. also found that peers ’ high - powered, dominant challenges to moral thinking (coded as highly operational speech that operates on the reasoning of another, for example, critiques or competitive clarification) were related to minimal moral development. This contradic- tion in Walker et al. ’ s findings suggests that a moderate degree of conflict in discussion with a friend may promote moral development, as long as the conflict is not overly challeng- ing and dominant (see also Schonert - Reichl, 1999 ). Walker et al. hypothesized that the dif- ference between their findings and those of Berkowitz and Gibbs, who found positive rela- tions between operational/challenging conver- sation and moral reasoning among peers, likely was due to the nature of the peers used in the two studies. In the Berkowitz and Gibbs study, the peer was an unacquainted peer, and in the Walker et al. study, the peer was a friend.

Walker et al. also found that for both parent and peer dyads, a Socratic style of discussion predicted more mature moral development. In contrast, for both parents (as mentioned previously) and peers, highly informative interactions (sharing opinions, agreement or disagreement), which may have been per- ceived as intrusive and lecturing, were associ- ated with lower levels of moral reasoning.

The quality of peers ’ relationships may also play a role in youth moral development. Schonert - Reichl ( 1999 ) examined associations

of peer relationships and friendship qual- ity to moral reasoning in youth aged 10 through 13. Youths’ completed sociometric measures of peer acceptance, questionnaires about their friendships, and Kohlberg ’ s moral reasoning measure. Having a greater num- ber of close friends and being perceived as a leader/high peer acceptance were associated with higher levels of moral reasoning. In addi- tion, the relation between moral reasoning and peer acceptance was mediated by social behavior, suggesting that links between moral judgment and behavior are important in peer acceptance.

Moreover, Schonert - Reichl ’ s findings sug- gested that time spent with friends and the qual- ity of such interaction were related to moral reasoning, although findings differed for males and females. For example, females ’ socializing and agentic activities with friends were both associated with higher levels of moral reason- ing, indicating that more interaction with peers in general has a positive impact on moral judg- ment. For boys, those who did not resolve conflicts with friends quickly and easily were higher in moral reasoning, again highlight- ing the importance of some level of conflict in the development of moral judgment. Pratt et al. ( 2003 ) found that male (but not female) adolescents ’ perceptions of peers ’ beliefs about specific moral values (e.g., being hon- est, fair, a good citizen) were important in moral values for the self. This finding sup- ports the conclusion that peers as well as fami- lies are important in the moral socialization process and that gender differences in such associations may exist.

In summary, research findings are consis- tent with the view that peers influence adoles- cents ’ moral reasoning through friendship, peer group qualities, and dialogue about moral con- flicts. It also appears that a moderate degree of conflict among friends may be associated with higher levels of moral reasoning, perhaps due to challenges to the adolescents ’ thinking. However, because most relevant studies are correlational in design (or could not control

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Prosocial Behavior 241

the quality of peer interactions), it is difficult to ascertain the direction of effects.

Culture and Moral Reasoning

It is unclear if the findings reviewed above generalize to non - Western countries; relatively little of the research on moral judgment has been conducted in non - Western societies and much of that work is not easily accessible (e.g., the studies are unpublished, dissertations, or published in a language besides English; see, e.g., the Gibbs et al., 2007 , review). Moreover, there is debate regarding the degree to which systems for coding moral judgment developed in the United States accurately represent the development of moral judgment in non - Western, nonindustrialized countries. Some researchers argue for the universal application of Kohlberg ’ s coding systems because these basic stages have been found in 23 different countries (Gibbs et al., 2007). However, others have refuted the universality of Kohlberg ’ s moral judgment stages across cultures. For instance, Baek ( 2002 ) compared 7 - to 16 - year - old Korean and British children on Kohlberg ’ s moral dilem- mas and found cultural differences in the use of moral orientations as well as the inability to match some Korean children ’ s responses to Kohlberg ’ s stages. Other discrepant cross - cultural findings have appeared within a sam- ple of mainland Chinese 7 - to 15 - year - old children. With this sample, there was evidence for both universal stage-like progression and culture - specific moral development (Fang et al., 2003 ). In the Gibbs et al. review of 23 countries, China was represented; however, Korea was not.

Other cross - cultural work has shown similar mixed findings. Fang, Fang, Keller, Edelstein, and Shuster ( 2002 ) explored moral reasoning in friendships in Western (Iceland) and Eastern (China) children and adolescents. In general, culture - specific differences (e.g., self - versus other - focused differences) were noted until the age of 15 when universally an overall importance of close friendships was found. Thus, it is possible that cross - cultural

differences and similarities in moral judgment change with age.

In one interesting cross - national study, Ferguson and Cairns ( 2002 ) studied ado- lescents in Northern Ireland, Scotland, and the Republic of Ireland to assess the relation between the violent environment of Northern Ireland and level of moral reasoning. No sig- nificant differences were found among the three countries, despite differences in the social environments to which the adolescents were exposed.

Subcultural differences in values may also affect adolescents ’ moral reasoning. In a within - group study of African American ado- lescents, those higher in African cultural values (i.e., communalism, spirituality, and an empha- sis on affect [integration of affect with thought and behavior, emphasis on emotional expres- sion and attending to emotional cues]) were relatively high in moral reasoning; an emphasis on interpersonal competition and material well - being (Anglo values) were not related to moral reasoning (Woods & Jagers, 2003 ). Given the prosocial nature of the African values in this study, it is likely that the same values in other cultural groups would predict higher levels of moral judgment. However, there is little research examining if adolescents ’ acceptance of subcultural (or cultural) values is linked with moral reasoning and how the nature of the given values may moderate this relation.

The cross - cultural work has been conducted with a variety of instruments and methods, and the findings may vary accordingly. Indeed, more published research is needed to examine the universality of adolescents ’ moral judgment and its correlates.

PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR

Prosocial behavior is defined as voluntary behavior intended to benefit another (e.g., Eisenberg, 1986 ; Staub, 1979 ). Prosocial behaviors based on moral emotions and values rather than factors such as self - interest or the desire for approval are generally labeled as altruistic. Unfortunately, it often is impossible

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242 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

to know if a person ’ s motives for performing prosocial behaviors are altruistic or not.

In this section, age - related changes in prosocial behavior from childhood into adoles- cence are examined. Then we review the con- sistency of prosocial tendencies in adolescence, followed by a discussion of gender differences in adolescents ’ prosocial behavior. Next, other correlates of prosocial behavior in adolescence are briefly discussed, including personality or personal characteristics (e.g., regulation, social competence, and adjustment), and characteris- tics of the family or parental practices. Finally, correlates and possible consequences of ado- lescents ’ involvement in voluntary and/or civic activities are reviewed, and the possible role of adolescents ’ volunteering or civic service in their prosocial development is examined.

Age Trends in Prosocial Behavior and Empathy - Related Responding

If adolescents ’ moral reasoning is more sophis- ticated and other-oriented than that of younger children, one would expect prosocial behavior to increase with age throughout childhood and into adolescence. According to a meta - analysis (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ), prosocial behavior does increase across childhood, and adolescents tend to be higher in prosocial behavior than preschoolers (on a variety of measures of pro- social behavior, mostly observed measures) and children aged 7 to 12 (on sharing/donating, but not instrumental helping or comforting). Adolescents and children did not differ in their self - reported prosocial behavior; however, they differed on observations of prosocial behavior and on others ’ reports thereof. Differences between adolescents and both preschoolers and young children held for comparison of early adolescents (age 13 to 15) and older adoles- cents (age 16 to 18) (Fabes, Carlo, Kupanoff, & Laible, 1999 ). However, there was limited evidence of an increase in prosocial responding across adolescence (from age 12 to 17 or 18), although prosocial behavior did increase in adolescence in experimental/structured studies (but not naturalistic/correlational studies), and

when the recipient of aid was a child rather than an adult (Eisenberg & Fabes). Thus, although adolescents exhibit more prosocial behavior than younger children, change in adolescence was noted only for particular recipients or types of studies. However, the number of studies that compared older and younger adolescents was surprisingly small (11), so the findings must be viewed as merely suggestive.

Recent studies also are inconclusive. Carlo, Crockett, Randall, and Roesch ( 2007 ) found a decline in adolescents ’ self - reported prosocial behavior from 7th to 11th grade, with a slight rebound in 12th grade. Moreover, Kokko, Tremblay, Lacourse, Nagin, and Vitaro ( 2006 ) found gradual declines in prosocial behavior from age 6 to 12. Helping victims of aggres- sion may also decline across adolescence (Lindeman, Harakka, & Keltikangas - Jarvinen, 1997 ). Eisenberg et al. ( 2005 ) examined self - reported helping behavior from age 15 – 16 into the 20s and found a cubic trend, with helping increasing from 15 – 16 to 17 – 18, then declin- ing in the early 20s, and then increasing in the mid - 20s.

In the aforementioned meta - analysis, pro- social behavior directed toward adults did not change with age in adolescence. This may particularly be true in the family setting. Eberly and Montemayor ( 1998 ) found that adolescents ’ reports of prosocial behaviors directed at parents (e.g., helping with various tasks) were higher in 8th graders than either 6th or 10th graders (who did not differ from one another); there were no age - related differ- ences in parents ’ reports of helpfulness. In a 2 - year follow - up of the same sample, adoles- cents ’ self - reported prosocial behavior directed toward their parents did not change for 6th graders who became 8th graders, declined over the 2 years for 8th graders who became 10th graders, and increased for 10th graders who became 12th graders. Thus, there seemed to be a sort of regression to the mean; 8th graders, who initially were high in self - reported help- fulness declined over the 2 years, whereas 10th graders, who were low, increased. In contrast,

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Prosocial Behavior 243

parents ’ reports of adolescents ’ helpfulness did not change. Self - reported prosocial behav- ior directed toward fathers increased over the 2 years; Youths’ helpfulness toward their mothers (and parent - reported helpfulness toward each parent) did not change (Eberly & Montemayor, 1999 ). In another study of 5th to 9th graders, parents generally reported a decline in helpfulness with age (Eberly, Montemayor, & Flannery, 1993 ). Moreover, Keith, Nelson, Schlabach, and Thompson ( 1990 ) found no change with age among a sample of 10 - to 14 - year olds in their family responsibilities (e.g., doing chores for the family). Thus, there seems to be no clear pattern of change in adolescence in helping of parents. Perhaps the inconsisten- cies in the literature are partly due to the fact that many adolescents spend less time at home than when younger, and this variable has not been considered in analyses of helpfulness directed at parents (Larson & Richards, 1991 ).

As was mentioned previously, empathy - related responding has been linked in theory and empirically to prosocial behavior. Based on Hoffman ’ s theory, one would expect an age - related increase in empathy - related responding, especially in situations in which empathy/sym- pathy is toward abstract groups (e.g., needy indi- viduals). Eisenberg and Fabes ( 1998 ) reported an age - related increase in empathy - related responding (empathy/sympathy); however, they did not break down the findings by age. In early studies of empathy - related responding (before about 1986), findings regarding age - trends in empathy - related responding in adolescence were inconsistent, although there was some evi- dence of an increase from childhood into ado- lescence (Eysenck, Easting, & Pearson, 1984 ; Saklofske & Eysenck, 1983 ; see Lennon & Eisenberg, 1987 ). There is additional evidence of an increase in empathy - related responding, especially for sympathy, since the 1980s. For example, in a longitudinal study of 9th or 10th graders, Davis and Franzoi ( 1991 ) found an increase in sympathy and a decline in personal distress over 2 years. In a cross - sectional study of 6th to 12th graders, Olweus and Endresen

( 1998 ) found an increase in girls ’ empathic distress (likely primarily personal distress), whereas boys ’ empathy did not change. Girls ’ sympathetic concern toward male and female targets increased with age, as did boys ’ sympa- thy with female targets; however, males ’ sym- pathy toward male targets declined somewhat with age, particularly between grades 8 and 9 (also see Szagun, 1992 ). In another cross - sec- tional study, Strayer and Roberts ( 1997 ) found that both reported empathic sadness and facial concerned reactions to evocative videotapes increased with age (although there was no age difference in affective matching of the emotion in the film). In contrast, in a cross - sectional study of 8th and 11th graders in Israel, Karniol, Gabay, Ochion, and Harari ( 1998 ) found no change in self - reported sympathy or personal distress, and empathy with fantasy stimuli (e.g., films, books) declined with age. Nor did Eisenberg et al. ( 2005 ) find a change in sympa- thy from mid - adolescence into early adulthood, although personal distress reactions decreased and cognitive perspective taking increased. In general, then, there seems to be a modest increase in sympathy with age (which may vary with the recipient), whereas the few findings for personal distress were inconsistent. The fact that such change apparently is modest is consistent with the lack of consistent change in prosocial behavior during adolescence, although as discussed shortly, researchers have found that volunteering does increase from childhood to adolescence.

Consistency in Prosocial Responding

There is considerable evidence that individual differences in preadolescents ’ and adolescents ’ prosocial behavior and empathy/sympathy show modest to moderate consistency across contexts (e.g., Dlugokinski & Firestone, 1973 ; Small, Zeldin, & Savin - Williams, 1983 ; Zeldin, Savin - Williams, & Small, 1984 ; see Eisenberg, 1990 ; cf. Payne, 1980 ) and across 2 years or more time (e.g., Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli, Gerbino, & Pastorelli, 2003 ; Bar - Tal & Raviv, 1979 ; Davis & Franzoi, 1991 ;

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244 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

Eberly & Montemayor, 1999 ; Eisenberg et al., 1995 ; Wentzel et al., 2004 ; contrast with Murphy, Shepard, Eisenberg, Fabes, & Guthrie, 1999 ). For example, Michalik et al. ( 2007 ) found con- sistency in sympathy from approximately age 4.5 – 7 to 8 years later. Eisenberg and colleagues ( 1999 ) found consistency in prosocial behav- ior from the preschool years until adolescence and early adulthood. This consistency was partially mediated by individual differences in sympathy; it is likely that consistency across adolescence is also partly due to the stability of sympathetic responding. The consistency in prosocial tendencies in adolescence suggests that individual differences in prosocial values, goals, and/or self - schema are fairly stable by adolescence (Eisenberg et al., 2002 ).

Because moral behavior seems to be more consistent if it is based on higher level moral values and orientations (Rholes & Lane, 1985 ), one would expect more consistency in prosocial behavior in adolescence than at younger ages. Unfortunately, although consistency in prosocial tendencies appears to be higher in adolescence than at younger ages (Caprara, Barbaranelli, Pastorell, Bandura, & Zimbardo, 2000 ; Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ), the degree of con- sistency across age groups has not been sys- tematically compared.

Gender Differences in Prosocial Behavior and Empathy - Related Responding

The common stereotype is that females are more caring, other oriented, and helpful than are males. Clearly, this stereotype is not entirely accurate; prosocial behavior in childhood and adulthood appears to vary with the degree to which a prosocial action is consistent with gender roles (e.g., Eagly & Crowley, 1986 ; Zarbatany, Hartmann, Gelfand, & Vinciguerra, 1985 ). Nonetheless, there appears to be a kernel of truth to the stereotype, at least in childhood and adolescence. In a meta - analysis of gender differences in prosocial behavior, Eisenberg and Fabes ( 1998 ) found that across child- hood and adolescence, females were higher

on prosocial behavior, and this difference held to varying degrees across types of prosocial behavior, method of data collection and study design, and the target of prosocial behavior (e.g., a child or an adult). The biggest gender difference was for kind/considerate behavior; differences were considerably smaller for shar- ing/donating, instrumental help, and comfort- ing. The size of the gender difference increased with age but was reduced to nonsignificance when the effects of other study qualities were controlled in the analyses (correlational/natu- ralistic studies increased with age and stronger gender differences were obtained in them than in structured/experimental contexts). Further analysis of these studies indicated that the sex difference was significantly stronger in early (13 to 15 years) and late (16 to 18 years) adolescence than in early or middle child- hood (Fabes et al., 1999 ). It was not reported if this pattern held when controlling for study characteristics.

Findings in recent studies generally have been consistent with the conclusion that there is a gender difference favoring females in prosocial behavior (e.g., Barry & Wentzel, 2006 ; Bosacki, 2003 ; Carlo, Crockett, et al., 2007 ; Estrada, 1995 ; Michalik et al., 2007 ; Scourfield et al., 2004 ). For example, in a study of 7 - to 13 - year - olds in Italy, Caprara, Barbaranelli, and Pastorelli ( 2001 ) found that children rated girls in their grade as more prosocial (e.g., helpful, likely to share, likely to try to cheer up a sad person) than boys at ages 11, 12, and 13, but not at ages 7 to 10; teachers rated girls as more prosocial at ages 9, 10, 11, and 13. In both childhood and early adolescence, females reported more prosocial behavior. In addition, some inves- tigators (e.g., Jones & Dembo, 1989 ), but not all (e.g., Berndt & Perry, 1986 ), have found that females are more prosocial in intimate friendship relationships. Adolescent females, in comparison to adolescent males, report more helpful or caring activities at both home and work (Call, Mortimer, & Shanaham, 1995 ), although reports of helpfulness directed

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Prosocial Behavior 245

toward adolescents ’ parents sometime have (Eberly et al., 1993 ), and sometimes have not, (Eberly & Montemayor, 1998, 1999 ) differed by sex of the adolescent. Female adolescents do more traditionally female household tasks whereas males do more masculine tasks (Keith et al., 1990 ), and it is likely that many female tasks (e.g., caring for younger children, helping in the kitchen or with laundry) are considered to be more prosocial than masculine tasks such as working in the yard or washing the car. More generally, female adolescents (and young adults), in comparison to males, report that it is more important to help others (the difference seemed to hold across close and distant relationships; Killen & Turiel, 1998 ) and have been found to engage in more volun- teer activities (Keith et al., 1990 ).

Nonetheless, the sexes may differ in some types of prosocial behaviors but not others. Carlo et al. ( 2003 ) found that sex differences varied with type of reported prosocial behav- ior: Adolescent girls were more likely to report altruistic and emotional prosocial behaviors than were boys, whereas boys were more likely to report prosocial tendencies in public situations. No sex differences were found in situations involving anonymous or compliant prosocial behavior or helping in dire circumstances.

Similarly, gender differences have been found in empathy - related responding in child- hood and adolescence. In their meta - analysis, Eisenberg and Fabes ( 1998 ) found that the difference in self - reported empathy/sympathy was significant for self - reported and observa- tional measures of empathy - related responding (including combined behavioral and facial reactions), but not for nonverbal facial and physiological measures. The gender difference in self - reported empathy/sympathy increased with age across childhood and adolescence (there are few studies using other methods in adolescence). Other relatively recent work using adults ’ reports or self - report measures of sympathy is consistent with prior research in finding that female adolescents report more sympathy (Eisenberg et al., 1995 ; Estrada,

1995 ; Karniol, Gabay, Ochion, & Harari, 1998 ; Laible, Carlo, & Raffaelli, 2000 ; Michalik et al., 2007 ; Olweus & Endresen, 1998 ; Strayer & Roberts, 1997 ) and personal distress (Eisenberg et al., 1995 ; Olweus & Endresen, 1998 ) than do males, are viewed as more sym- pathetic by adults (Murphy et al., 1999 ), and also show more facial empathy (matching of emotions; Strayer & Roberts, 1997 ).

Thus, it appears that in adolescence, females view themselves as more prosocial and empathic/sympathetic, and also enact more prosocial, caring behaviors than do males. This difference may be partly due to the types of prosocial behaviors measured in adolescence and the characteristics of the studies; the sex difference is smaller when experimental stud- ies of instrumental helping (especially on mas- culine tasks) are examined (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ). However, in adolescence, both parents (Power & Shanks, 1989 ) and adolescents (McDevitt, et al., 1991 ) report that parents (or just mothers; McDevitt et al., 1991 ) empha- size prosocial behavior more with daughters than sons. For example, in a large study of 18 - year - olds in seven countries (Australia, United States, Sweden, Hungary, Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Russia), Flannagan, Bowes, Jonsson, Csapo, and Sheblanova ( 1998 ) found that females in all countries reported higher levels of families ’ encouragement of an ethic of social responsibility than did males (and they volunteered more in five of the seven coun- tries). Thus, prosociality and caring are likely more basic to females ’ self - image and values. Individual differences in femininity have been found to account for the sex difference in sympathy in adolescence (Karniol et al., 1998 ), and emotional expressiveness and caring behavior are part of the feminine stereotype (and most measures of femininity). Thus, even if males and females both experience empathic emotion, females may be more likely than males to interpret it as sympathy and link it to prosocial goals and values. Moreover, because females in early adolescence have been found to have more prosocial self - schema than males,

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246 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

one would expect these schema to heighten their prosocial responding, at least if the schema are made salient to them in the situation (see Froming, Nasby, & McManus, 1998 ) or per- haps when the situation offers opportunities for assisting in ways that are consistent with a feminine gender role.

The Relation of Adolescents ’ Dispositional Characteristics to Their Prosocial Responding

Prosocial behavior in adolescence has been related to a variety of other aspects of func- tioning, including empathy - related responding, moral behavior, social competence, level of social cognition, and academic performance. There are, however, relatively few studies on most correlates of prosocial responding and often the data are all self - reported. Thus, many of the findings require further verification, although the fact that they generally are con- sistent with findings for children and/or adults supports their veracity.

Consistent with theory (Eisenberg, 1986 ; Hoffman, 2000 ; Staub, 1979 ), adolescents ’ empathy - related responding, especially sym- pathetic concern, has been positively related to measures of prosocial goals, attitudes, and behavior, for both self - report and occasionally behavioral or other - report measures (Eisenberg et al., 1991 , 1995 ; Eisenberg, Zhou, & Koller, 2001 ; Estrada, 1995 ; Krevans & Gibbs, 1996 ; Wentzel, 2003 ; Wentzel et al., 2004 ; Wentzel, Filisetti, & Looney, 2007 ; see Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ). This relation held for boys, but not girls, in a sample of African American youth (McMahon, Wernsman, & Parnes, 2006 ). Sympathetic youth also report being high in hav- ing a social conscience (Lerner et al., 2005 ). I contrast, adolescents ’ (and preadolescents ’ ) personal distress tends to be unrelated or nega- tively related to empathy - related responding (Eisenberg et al., 1991 , 1995 ; Estrada, 1995 ).

Sympathetic/prosocial early adolescents also are viewed as well - regulated by parents and/or teachers (Eisenberg, Liew, & Pidada, 2004 ; Murphy et al., 1999 ); report high

intentional self - regulation (Gestsdottir & Lerner, 2007 ) and self - efficacy in regard to emo- tional and behavioral regulation, as well as aca- demic competence (Bandura et al., 2003 ); and do well in school (Lerner et al., 2005 ; Wentzel et al., 2004 ). Conversely, empathy or sympathy (e.g., Carlo, Roesch, & Melby, 1998 ; Cohen & Strayer, 1996 ; Laible, Carlo, & Raffaelli, 2000 ; Murphy et al., 1999 ; Robinson, Roberts, Strayer, & Koopman, 2007 ; also see de Wied, Goudena, & Matthys, 2005 ) and prosocial behavior (Caprara et al., 2000 ; Rigby, 1993 ; not Carlo, Roesch, et al., 1998 ) usually have been negatively related to measures of delin- quency, bullying, and externalizing problems, as well as with dispositional anger and nega- tive emotionality (Bandura et al., 2003 ; Carlo, Roesch, et al., 1998 ; Gini, Albiero, Benelli, & Altoe, 2007 ; Lim, Khoo, & Wong, 2007 ; Ma, Cheung, & Shek, 2007 ; Murphy et al., 1999 ; also see Muris, Meesters, & van den Berg, 2003 ). Sometimes prosocial values or responding has been linked with low psycho- logical distress (Lawford et al., 2005 ; Wentzel et al., 1999 ), although findings in regard to internalizing problems are less common than for externalizing problems. These findings are relatively consistent and sometimes based on behavioral measures or multiple reporters (e.g., Caprara et al., 2001 ; Cohen & Strayer, 1996 ). However, the relation of prosocial respond- ing to aggression likely varies depending on the actor ’ s motive for engaging in prosocial behavior. For example, reports of prosocial actions performed for personal gain have been positively related to reported aggressive actions and the acceptance of aggression (Boxer, Tisak, & Goldstein, 2004 ).

Prosocial behavior and empathy - related responding have not been consistently related to sociability in adolescence (Carlo, Roesch, et al., 1998 ) or shyness (Eisenberg, Liew, et al., 2004 ), although sociability/low shyness seems to predict prosocial responding at a younger age (Eisenberg et al., 2006 ). Extroverted and intro- verted early adolescents tend to differ in the degree to which their prosocial behaviors are

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Situational Factors 247

affected by the presence of other people (Suda & Fouts, 1980 ). Prosocial adolescents tend to be well liked by peers (Caprara et al., 2000 ; Pakaslahti & Keltikangas - Jarvinen, 2001 ; Wentzel, 2003 ; Wentzel & McNamara, 1999 ) and have supportive peer relationships (de Guzman & Carlo, 2004 ; Markiewicz, Doyle, & Brendgen, 2001 ; Wentzel, 2003 ), and popu- lar adolescents tend to engage in more help- ing involving peers whereas less popular adolescents tend to help in situations that do not involve interaction with peers (Hampson, 1984 ). Similarly, teachers ’ reports of early ado- lescents ’ sympathy have been correlated with peer nominations of high social status and with teachers ’ antecedent and concurrent ratings of socially competent and appropriate behavior at school (Eisenberg, Liew, et al., 2004 ; Murphy et al., 1999 ). Adolescents ’ reports of their own sympathy also tend to relate to high social com- petence (Laible & Carlo, 2004 ), their number of friends (Coleman & Byrd, 2003 ), and a posi- tive connection/attachment with peers, school, and/or the community (Laible et al., 2000 ; Lerner et al., 2005 ). Prosocial adolescents also have been found to be high in self - reported (perceived) social competence (Wentzel et al., 2007 ) and have a positive identity (Lerner, et al., 2005 ), but are not especially high in dominant behavior (Small et al., 1983 ).

There is some evidence that prosocial and/ or sympathetic adolescents are more mature in their social cognition, including their perspec- tive taking (Bosacki, 2003 ; Carlo et al., 2003 ; Estrada, 1995 ; Eisenberg et al., 1991 , 2001 ; Karniol & Shomroni, 1999 ; Wentzel et al., 2007 ; contrast with Emler & Rushton, 1974 ; Marsh, Serfica, & Barenboim, 1981 ), emotional intelligence (Charbonneau & Nicol, 2002 ), self - understanding (Bosacki, 2003 ), means - end thinking (Marsh et al., 1981 ), and moral rea- soning (see prior review and Eisenberg, 1986 ). Preadolescents who are viewed as prosocial by their peers also are less likely than less prosocial peers to attribute hostile intent to others (an attribution style generally associated with low aggression) or feel distressed in provocative

situations, tend to evaluate aggressive responses to provocation more negatively (and proso- cial responses more positively), and are more likely to endorse relational rather than instru- mental goals for dealing with peer provocation (Nelson & Crick, 1999 ). Prosocial adolescents also have been found to be high in self - esteem (Johnson, Beebe, Mortimer, & Snyder, 1998 ; Laible & Carlo, 2004 ; Lawford et al., 2005 ; Lerner et al., 2005 ; also see Bronstein et al., 2007 ), although this relation was evident only for females in one study (Laible, Carlo, & Roesch, 2004 ).

Finally, prosocial behavior predicts con- current grades, intrinsic motivation toward school, educational aspirations (Johnson et al., 1998 ), and mastery motivation (Gilman & Anderman, 2006 ), as well as future grades at school (Caprara, et al., 2000 ). Some of these relations may be mediated by the quality of prosocial children ’ s and adolescents ’ behavior at school.

SITUATIONAL FACTORS

Of course, adolescents ’ sympathy and proso- cial behavior are affected by situational factors, as well as by dispositional characteristics. However, there is little systematic research on any given situational variable. One that has received attention is the target of a poten- tial prosocial action. Young adolescents are more likely to share with or assist friends than acquaintances and disliked peers (Berndt, 1985 ; Buhrmester, Goldfarb, & Cantrell, 1992 ) and perceive friends as more support- ive than nonfriends (Berndt & Perry, 1986 ). This is not surprising, given the importance to adolescents of intimacy and helping one another in friendships (e.g., Youniss, 1980 ). In addition, in contexts in which peers or teach- ers expect prosocial behavior, adolescents are likely to behave more prosocially (Wentzel et al., 2007 ). Moreover, there likely is an interaction between personality and situational factors in terms of which situations evoke prosocial responding from which individuals.

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248 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

For example, as already noted, popular and less popular eighth graders preferred to help in different situations (Hampson, 1984 ), as do extroverted and introverted sixth grad- ers (Suda & Fouts, 1980 ). Finally, the social context may affect opportunities for prosocial behavior, as well as the development of pro- social values and motives. For example, in poor neighborhoods and neighborhoods with a high percentage of the population being chil- dren, youth are relatively unlikely to develop a moral identity or engage in civic activities (Hart, 2005 ; Hart, Atkins, & Ford, 1998 ). In such neighborhoods youth interact primarily with peers and may be exposed to relatively few opportunities for adult - guided or assisted prosocial behaviors.

The Socialization of Prosocial Behavior and Empathy/Sympathy

Although the genetic contribution to individual differences in prosocial tendencies may be larger in adolescence than childhood (and the shared environment contribution smaller; Scourfield et al., 2004 ), it is likely that important social- izers influence adolescents ’ prosocial and sympathetic responding.

Family Influences

In the larger literature on the socialization of prosocial behavior in childhood, high levels of prosocial behavior and empathy/sympathy have been related to supportive parenting, especially in combination with parental model- ing of prosocial, caring behavior and/or paren- tal discipline that is not punitive but involves the use of inductions (reasoning) and the setting of high standards for children (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ). The limited findings in studies with adolescents generally are consistent with this pattern. For example, although findings often were statistically significant for only one sex or the other, parental use of induc- tive discipline (usually reported by parents or their adolescent children) has been positively related to preadolescents ’ or adolescents ’ prosocial behavior (e.g., Bar - Tal, Nadler, &

Blechman, 1980 ; Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967 ; Krevens & Gibbs, 1996 ) and empathy/sympa- thy (Krevans & Gibbs, 1996 ), especially for individuals with a history of inductive discipline (Dlugokinski & Firestone, 1974 ). Similarly, there is some evidence that parental conversa- tions about others with problems that empha- size empathy and sympathy, are associated with prosocial behavior (Carlo, McGinley, Hayes, Batenhorst, & Wilkinson, 2007 ). In contrast, power assertive discipline (e.g., punishment or threats thereof) has been negatively related to adolescents ’ sympathy/empathy and prosocial behavior (Krevens & Gibbs, 1996 ). Moreover, adolescents ’ prosocial behavior has been cor- related with parental emphasis on autonomy (Bar - Tal et al., 1980 ), as well as adolescents ’ reports of parent – adolescent interdependency (i.e., shared time, engaging in mutual activities, and strength of parental influence; Eberly & Montemayor, 1998 ). Authoritative parenting (i.e., supportive parenting combined with appropriate control) during adolescence pre- dicts young adults ’ concern for the next gen- eration (Lawford et al., 2005 ). Moreover, parental demands and expectations for socially responsible and moral behavior have been associated with adolescents ’ endorse- ment of caring values (Pratt et al., 2003 ) and caring moral reasoning (Pratt, Skoe, & Arnold, 2004 ). Consistent with findings on the modeling of prosocial behavior and the importance of parental expectations for proso- cial/moral behavior, adolescent exemplars of prosocial commitment have been found to have identities that incorporate parent-related representations (e.g., “ what my mother is like, ” “ what I am like with my father, ” “ what my mother expects me to be ” ; Hart & Fegley, 1995 ). Because adolescents report that they share values with their parents (Hill, 1987 ), it is likely that parental prosocial values con- tribute to adolescents ’ prosocial tendencies. Indeed, in a recent study, adolescents ’ accurate perceptions and acceptance of maternal pro- social values were related to adolescents ’ prosocial behavior indirectly through the

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Situational Factors 249

adolescents ’ personal values (Padilla - Walker, 2007 ), indicating that parenting may first influ- ence values and then prosocial behavior.

Consistent with the relation between adoles- cents ’ prosocial tendencies and their interde- pendency with parents, supportive parenting has been positively related to prosocial char- acteristics or sympathy in adolescence in some studies (Bar - Tal et al., 1980 ; Bronstein, Fox, Kamon, & Knolls, 2007 ; Eberly & Montemayor, 1993 , 1998 ; Laible & Carlo, 2004 ; Mussen, Harris, Rutherford, & Keasey, 1970 ), although findings in other studies have been nonsignifi- cant or inconsistent (Carlo McGinley, et al., 2007 ; Carlo, Roesch, et al., 1998 ; Eberly & Montemayor, 1999 ). Adolescents who report prosocial tendencies also tend to describe their parents in positive terms and report positive relationships with parents (Ma et al., 2007 ; Rigby, 1993 ) and being attached to their parent (Markiewicz et al., 2001 ). There is initial evi- dence that this relation may be more consistent for maternal than paternal support (Laible & Carlo, 2004 ; Markiewicz et al., 2001 ). Using latent growth curve analyses, Carlo, Crockett, et al. ( 2007 ) found that supportive parenting in grade 7 was associated with seventh graders ’ prosocial tendencies; however, trajectories of the two variables from across the high school years were not related. Supportive parenting may set an affective climate that moderates the degree to which adolescents are responsive to parental discipline, demands, values, and teachings (Hoffman, 2000 ). Thus, parental support may be positively related to prosocial development only when parents use inductions, model prosocial tendencies, and/or have high expectations regarding prosocial or moral behavior (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998 ).

It is noteworthy that similar findings have been obtained in a study of adolescents ’ moral courage — the ability to stand up for values, especially those of fairness and justice (often for others). Bronstein et al. ( 2007 ) found that supportive parenting (reported and observed) in 5th grade predicted 12th grade girls ’ moral courage, whereas harsh restrictive parenting

predicted both girls ’ and boys ’ reticence to take a stand. Self - esteem in 12th grade and peer competence (for girls only) mediated the relations of parenting to moral courage and/or reticence, indicating that parenting may affect peer relations and, in turn, moral courage.

Consistent with the findings on supportive parenting, Michalik et al. ( 2007 ) found that adolescents ’ prosocial behavior and/or sym- pathy was correlated with concurrent parental positive expressivity in the home, as well as with parental positive expressivity in childhood. However, there was not a consistent pattern between parents ’ (mostly mothers ’ ) expression of negative emotion in the home during ado- lescence and youths ’ sympathy or prosocial behavior. Parents ’ observed negative emotion- ality when interacting with their child eight years earlier was negatively related to adoles- cents ’ prosocial behavior. In contrast, parents ’ reports of expressing negative emotion in the family during the adolescents ’ childhood were positively related to girls ’ sympathy in adoles- cence. The authors noted that parents ’ negative and positive expressivity were not negatively interrelated in childhood for daughters (but were for sons) and that early parental expression of negative emotions, if not overwhelming, may help daughters to understand and sympa- thize with others ’ distress.

It is also possible that siblings contribute to adolescents ’ development. For example, Tucker, Updegraff, McHale, and Crouter ( 1999 ) found that older early - adolescent female siblings ’ (ages 10 to 12) empathy was positively related to their younger sisters ’ (2 to 3 years younger) empa- thy. The author posited that younger sisters may model or identify with older sisters; however, it should be noted that findings are correlational and not longitudinal so causality could go both ways. Findings also varied for sister – brother relationships (see Tucker et al, 1999 ), but nev- ertheless support the idea that siblings may have an influence on moral development.

Unfortunately, most of the research on the socialization of adolescents ’ prosocial tenden- cies is correlational, and much is based solely

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250 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

on adolescents ’ reports (although some include parents ’ reports; e.g., Eberly & Montemayor, 1998 , 1999 ; Eberly, Montemayor, & Flannery, 1993 ; Krevans & Gibbs, 1996 ). In addition, much of the existing research has been con- ducted with young adolescents. Thus, we know relatively little about the socialization correlates of prosocial behavior in older adolescents and variables that mediate or moderate relations between quality of parenting and youths ’ proso- cial behavior (e.g., adolescents ’ sympathy has been found to mediate the relations of some parenting practices to adolescents ’ reported prosocial behavior; Carlo, McGinley, et al., 2007 ). In addition, we know relatively little about the influence of other adult socializers such as teachers, with whom supportive relationships may be associated with adolescents ’ prosociality (see Ma, Shek, Cheung, & Tam, 2002 ).

Peer Influences

There is very little research on the relation of prosocial behavior to peer interactions. As already noted, it has been found that popular, well - adjusted peers tend to be more proso- cial than rejected peers (e.g., Coie, Dodge, & Kupersmidt, 1990 ; Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997 ; Wentzel, 2003 ). It is likely that prosocial behavior affects peer acceptance, and that the quality of peer relationships affects prosocial behavior. For example, in a study of Chinese adolescents, youths who reported that their close friends engaged in prosocial rather than delinquent behavior, and encouraged them to engage in prosocial rather than negative behaviors, were relatively prosocial (Ma et al., 2007 ). Similarly, in a study in the United States, positive peer relationships generally were correlated with 7th to 12th graders ’ pro- social tendencies (although an increase in positive peer relationships was associated with a decline in prosocial behavior; Carlo, Crockett, et al., 2007 ). Moreover, secure attachment relationships with peers were related to high levels of empathy in a sample of older adoles- cents (Laible et al., 2004 ). In addition, Wentzel et al. ( 2004 ) found that having at least one

reciprocated friendship was related to higher levels of prosocial behavior. Students with initially low levels of prosocial behavior relative to those of their reciprocated friend improved when exposed to their more prosocial peers, and students with initially higher levels of prosocial behavior decreased their levels of prosocial behavior when exposed to a less pro- social friend. The prosociality of a close friend predicted change in youths ’ prosocial goals, which predicted more prosocial behavior across time (Wentzel et al., 2004 ). However, this path of potential influence appears to apply only if the adolescent views his or her relationship with the friend as positive (Barry & Wentzel, 2006 ) and held across time only if the fre- quency of interaction between the friends was relatively high (findings within time were different; Barry & Wentzel, 2006 ).

Wentzel and McNamara ( 1999 ) posited that peers may affect prosocial behavior both directly and through their influence on emotional functioning. Children who are accepted by peers would be expected to have opportunities to learn and practice prosocial skills. Moreover, adolescents in a supportive emotional environment may be less likely to experience emotional distress, thus leading to more positive, prosocial behavior. In a study of sixth graders, Wentzel and McNamara found that peer acceptance was associated with prosocial behavior, and that adoles- cent’s low emotional distress mediated con- current relations between perceived support from peers and prosocial behavior. These findings support Wentzel and her colleagues ’ hypotheses, although it is also possible that prosocial early adolescents were more likely to garner peer acceptance and support, and that this fact affected their emotional distress.

Initial evidence also suggests that the centrality (visibility) of one ’ s peer group may moderate the effects of peers ’ prosociality. Ellis and Zarbatany ( 2007 ) found that higher levels of the group ’ s prosocial behavior at an initial assessment predicted higher levels of the average individual ’ s prosocial behavior

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Volunteering and Community Service 251

months later if the group was visible; in contrast, higher levels of group prosocial behavior at the first assessment predicted lower average levels of prosocial behavior later if the group was not visible (the interaction was significant but not the simple slopes).

VOLUNTEERING AND COMMUNITY SERVICE

An important prosocial behavior that has received a great deal of attention in the last two decades is volunteering and community service (also see chapter 11, volume 2 of this Handbook .). Adolescence is a time when youth are beginning to engage in adult - like activities and behaviors that reflect adult society. Community service is one type of activ- ity in which many teens participate; indeed, approximately half of all adolescents engage in some type of community service or volun- teer activity (see Yates & Youniss, 1996a ), and many high schools are requiring community service as part of their curriculum (Reinders & Youniss, 2006 ). Involvement in such activities, which provides meaningful exposure to adult society, creates an opportunity for adolescents to explore their identity and potential roles in the community and greater society (Reinders & Youniss, 2006 ; Youniss & Yates, 1997 ; Youniss, McLellan, Su, & Yates, 1999 ).

Individual Characteristics Associated With Volunteering

Adolescent volunteers tend to share certain characteristics, such as extraversion, a com- mitment to others, and a high degree of self - understanding (see below). Some of these characteristics exist prior to adolescence; however, many may become solidified during this developmental period in conjunction with identity development (Yates & Youniss, 1996a ). Moreover, developmental characteristics, such as cognitive development, and background characteristics, such as parental education, gender, and socioeconomic status (SES), also are related to adolescents ’ propensities to engage

in community service (Mustillo, Wilson, & Lynch, 2004 ; Yates & Youniss, 1996a ).

Similar to findings for prosocial behavior more generally, gender differences in volun- teering behavior have been examined in sev- eral studies. Studies indicate that females tend to volunteer more than males, and adolescents from families with higher levels of socio- economic status are also more likely to volunteer (Mustillo et al., 2004 ; Nolin, Chaney, Chapman, & Chandler, 1997 ; Youniss, McLellan, Su, et al., 1999 ; cf. Johnson et al., 1998 ). However, youths from families at higher income levels may have more opportunities to volunteer and more free time (Smetana & Metzger, 2005 ).

In regard to personality characteristics, in contrast to some other types of prosocial behavior, individuals who volunteer tend to be more extraverted and social compared to nonvolunteers (e.g., Knapp & Holzberg, 1964 ), which is logical because of the social interaction involved in most volunteer activi- ties. Children with resilient personalities are also more likely to volunteer as an adolescent (Atkins, Hart, & Donnelly, 2005 ). Similarly, individuals (e.g., college students) involved in community service tend to be involved in a variety of clubs and activities (e.g., 4 - H, YMCA, church; Fitch, 1987 ). There is also evidence suggesting that community service participation actually lowers adolescents ’ levels of alienation and isolation (Calabrese & Schumer, 1986 ), and that volunteers tend to have a greater desire to help others, a strong sense of social responsibility, and have more malleable beliefs about disadvantaged groups (Karafantis & Levy, 2004 ; Magen & Aharoni, 1991 ; see also Yates & Youniss, 1996a ) .

Identity Development

Adolescence has traditionally been viewed as a developmental period in which youth struggle to establish their own identity, and separate from their parents. Researchers study- ing volunteering and community service often link identity development to civic involvement (see Hart, 2005 ; Yates & Youniss, 1996a ; see

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252 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

also Hardy & Carlo, 2005a ; Youniss, McLellan, Su, et al., 1999 ; Youniss & Yates, 1997 ). In a review of 44 articles on community service, Yates and Youniss ( 1996a ) emphasized three components of identity development that are associated with volunteer behavior: agency , which emphasizes Erikson ’ s ( 1968 ) concept of industry reflecting an individuals ’ self - concept of ability and future capabilities, and social relatedness and moral – political awareness, which refer to individuals ’ understandings of the self in relation to sociohistorical context. In a recent longitudinal study of late adoles- cents, Lawford et al. ( 2005 ) found that volun- teering in the teenage years predicted concern for future generations (i.e., generativity).

Studies on agency indicate that volunteering is associated with increased self - understanding and higher levels of perceived competence and self - esteem (Yates & Youniss, 1996a ). For example, Serow ( 1990 ) found that grade point average, measures of mastery, and number of goal - oriented activities were associated with volunteering behavior. Similarly, Johnson et al. ( 1998 ) found that adolescents involved in volunteer activities have higher educational plans and aspirations, grade point averages, academic self - esteem, and intrinsic motivation toward school work. In addition, adolescent volunteers tend to have higher levels of internal locus of control (Bensen et al., 1980 ).

Similar characteristics have been related to youth being designated as care exemplars, that is, individuals committed to the care of others in the community. For example, Hart and Fegley ( 1995 ) studied teens nominated by com- munity leaders as care exemplars. Compared to matched controls, care exemplars were more likely to describe themselves in terms of moral goals and personality characteristics, and were more likely to have self - concepts involving the importance of personal beliefs. Care exemplars were also more likely to express a close connection between their “ actual ” and “ ideal ” selves, indicating that care exemplars were more driven by their ideals and beliefs. Interestingly, controls did not differ from the

care exemplars in moral judgment or cognitive complexity, suggesting that differences in self - understanding and self - concept were more related to volunteering and moral behavior.

Studies examining social relatedness and moral political - awareness suggest that, in gen- eral, adolescents who volunteer provide moral reasons for their behavior and are more likely to engage in political and civic activities in adult- hood (also see chapter 11, volume 2, of this Handbook Fendrich, 1993 ; Yates & Youniss, 1996b ). There also is some evidence that com- munity service actually enhances adolescents ’ thinking about societal values and social order. For example, Yates and Youniss ( 1998 ) exam- ined the narratives of Black adolescents who participated in a soup kitchen for the home- less. They found that over time, adolescents ’ narratives reflected more transcendence — values that supersede the family and self and have historical continuity — suggesting that the youths became more aware of values such as justice and social responsibility as a result of their experience (see also Lawford et al., 2005 ; and Karafantis & Levy, 2004 ).

In addition, several recent studies indicate that regardless of whether or not volunteering is required by school or engaged in by choice, it is still associated with positive outcomes such as future volunteering, voting, and pro- social moral values in adolescence and early adulthood (Hart, Donnelly, Youniss, & Atkins, 2007 ; Pratt, et al., 2003 ; Reinders & Youniss, 2006 ). Thus, there is ample evidence to indicate that the actual experience of volunteering increases prosocial and civic behavior, sug- gesting that such effects are not merely due to prosocial individuals choosing to volunteer.

The Socialization of Volunteering and Community Service

The socialization of volunteer/community service likely occurs in the home, peer group, and religious institutions. Indeed, research indicates that parents, peers, and community institutions, such as a church or synagogue, all are associated with adolescent volunteering.

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Volunteering and Community Service 253

However, many studies are correlational, so it is impossible to determine causality.

Parental Influences

Despite increases in peer influence during adolescence, research suggests that parents also have an important impact on adolescents during this developmental period (Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, & Bornstein, 2000 ). Parents influence adolescent volunteering in a variety of ways. Mechanisms of influence could include, but are not limited to, the trans- mission of SES, modeling/setting an example, the transmission of values, and active recruit- ment into community service (Janoski & Wilson, 1995 ; Mustillo et al., 2004 ). Moreover, parents have the ability to demonstrate and teach youth that service can be a meaningful part of life, impacting others in important ways (Yates & Youniss, 1996a ).

Consistent with the notion that parental mod- eling influences adolescents ’ service - related activities, youth who participate in commu- nity service tend to have one or both parents involved in community service (e.g., Keith et al., 1990 ; Mustillo et al., 2004 ). There also is some evidence suggesting that parental vol- unteering is more closely linked to girls ’ than boys ’ volunteering. Stukas, Switzer, Dew, Goycoolea, & Simmons ( 1999 ) found that adolescent girls with parents involved in vol- unteering/community service were more likely to have altruistic self - images compared to girls without parents involved in volunteering. There was no effect of parental volunteering on boys ’ altruistic self - images. Nevertheless, both boys and girls who had parents engaged in some form of community service were more likely to perceive themselves as engaging in volun- teer work in the future compared to adolescents without parents involved in community service. Similarly, in a sample of late adolescent African Americans, Smetana and Metzger ( 2005 ) found that mothers ’ , not fathers ’ , community involve- ment was positively associated with adolescent community involvement and future intentions to be involved in community service.

Parenting styles also may contribute to volunteering or community service. Gunnoe, Hetherington, and Reiss ( 1999 ) found that authoritative parenting was positively related to adolescents ’ social responsibility, measured as a composite of prosocial behavior, concern for right and wrong, and responsibility for actions. In addition, parental religiosity had direct and indirect effects (through authoritative parent- ing) on adolescent social responsibility.

Peer Influences

Although there is not much research about peer influences on volunteering behavior, the pres- ence of peers and the nature of peers ’ activities and expectations may play an important role in adolescent community service. Involvement in extracurricular activities — many of which involve peers — has been linked to adolescent community service (e.g., Youniss, McLellan, Su, et al., 1999 ). Youniss, McLellan, Su, et al. ( 1999 ) hypothesized that this effect is due to peer group influences, and the fact that many groups/clubs engage in community service as a part of their group activities. It is likely that the nature of the club and the group ’ s values are important. Moreover, mere involvement in the peer group (rather than clubs) may undermine the likelihood of engaging in civic and volun- tary activities (see Hart, 2005 ).

In one study examining the effects of peer crowds on adolescent volunteering, teens in school crowds (which value achievement and involvement in school clubs) were more likely to volunteer than fun crowd (e.g., popu- lar) members. School, all around, and average crowd members were more likely to report the intention to be involved in future com- munity service compared to disengaged and fun crowd members (Youniss, McLellan, & Mazer, 2001 ).

Pugh and Hart ( 1999 ) explored adolescents ’ peer group orientation and their expectations regarding future community service. They found that increased studying and decreased peer group informal reward orientation/iden- tity (valuing a fun/delinquent subculture)

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254 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

were related to higher levels of expected future volunteerism. There was no relation between formal peer group orientation/identity (which reflects a commitment to being well - rounded and participating in extracurricular activities and valuing academics) and percep- tions of future volunteering. Nevertheless, ado- lescents ’ perceptions of the activities that they engage in with peers may have some influence on moral identity development.

Religious Influences

The social institution that has been most often associated with volunteering is the church or synagogue (Youniss, 1993 ). In general, adoles- cents who view religion as important, compared to adolescents who do not, are more likely to engage in volunteering and community service (Youniss, McLellan, & Yates, 1999 ; Marris et al., 2000 ), and religious identity in youth has been positively linked with prosocial concerns (Furrow, King, & White, 2004 ). For example, Smetana and Metzger ( 2005 ) found that African American adolescents ’ spirituality and religiosity were associated with higher levels of current community service and community service three years later. These results are in line with other studies of European American adolescents (Bachman, Johnston, & O ’ Malley, 1993 ; Bensen et al., 1980 ). Moreover, volun- teers tend to attend church more frequently (e.g., Bensen et al., 1980 ) and, in college, score higher on measures of religiosity (e.g., Fitch, 1987 ).

One large scale study of fifth through ninth graders (N = 8,165; Bensen et al., 1980 ) found that volunteering was predicted by adolescents ’ intrinsic religious orientation, which reflects an open, flexible religious system in which inter- nalized values guide behavior. These findings suggest that religious identity and community service are somewhat intertwined. Youniss, McClellan, and Yates ( 1999 ) argued that religiosity affects youth volunteering because religious organizations typically sponsor service, and actions involving service and goodwill is grounded in most religious belief systems.

It should be noted that it is difficult to determine direction of effects, in that religious participation often involves volunteering activi- ties, and more research is needed to disentangle church/temple/mosque going, religiosity, and volunteering in youth (Smetana & Metzger, 2005 ). Moreover, although religiosity seems to be related to adolescents ’ prosocial tenden- cies more generally (e.g., French, Eisenberg, Vaughan, Purwono, & Ari, 2008 ; Furrow et al., 2004 ), it may be related to some types of prosocial actions more than to others. For example, Hardy and Carlo ( 2005b ) found that a composite measure of religiosity (assessing the importance of religion, religious practice, religious identity, and spirituality) was related to adolescents ’ self - reports of kindness that was compliant, anonymous, and altruistic, but not public prosocial behaviors, those based on dire needs, or those performed in a highly emotional context. Thus, religiosity might be related to prosocial behaviors that are requested by others and those that involve a cost to the self, but may be less often related to helping with emergency situations or helping in highly emo- tional situations. In addition, religiosity might sometimes be expected to preclude some types of helping or volunteering — for example, if the recipients in need are deemed as having com- mitted an unforgivable offense by the religious group (see Cohen, Malka, Rozin, & Cherfas, 2005 ) or as holding values contrary to the religion. It is likely that the relation between religiosity and prosocial behaviors, including volunteering, is nuanced and varies with the values of the religion and the nature of the prosocial opportunity (i.e., the identity of the recipient of helping; see Lerner, in press; and Oman, Flinders, & Thoresen, in press, for fur- ther discussion of religiosity and adolescents ’ religiosity/spirituality and positive develop- ment and purpose).

Outcomes Associated With Volunteering and Community Service

Regardless of the empirical evidence, many indi- viduals believe that involvement in community

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Volunteering and Community Service 255

service inherently is associated with positive youth development. Indeed, state and federal laws have been passed that encourage youth volunteering based on this underlying assump- tion (e.g., the National Community Service Trust Act of 1993). For example, the state of Maryland now requires service hours as a requirement for high school graduation (see also The Campaign for the Civic Mission of Schools, 2008 ). Moreover, judicial systems often require youth who have been convicted of a crime to participate in community service programs. Do these types of programs affect adolescent adjustment? There is evidence suggesting that these programs do make a difference.

For example, adolescents who volunteer in high school are more likely to volunteer later in life and value the need for community service (Janoski, Musick, & Wilson, 1998 ; Reinders & Youniss, 2006 ). Of course, correlational stud- ies cannot prove causal relations. However, as a step toward firmer inferences about causality, some studies examining the effects of vol- unteering and service have used a pre – post design with volunteering as the intervening factor. Of these studies, few have used ran- dom assignment (for an exception, see Allen, Philliber, Herrling, & Kuperminc, 1997 ), but most have included a comparison control group see Moore & Allen, 1996; Yates & Youniss, 1996a ). For example, using a pre – post test design, researchers have found that commu- nity service was associated with increases in adolescents ’ self - esteem (Conrad & Hedin, 1982 ), self - confidence (Cognetta & Sprinthall, 1978 ), self - image (Switzer, Simmons, Dew, Regalski, & Wang, 1995 ) and personal respon- sibility and competence (Conrad & Hedin, 1982 ; Hamilton & Fenzel, 1988 ). In a panel design of youth volunteers and nonvolunteers in which initial levels of a variety of variables correlated with volunteering were taken into account, volunteering was related to gains in subse- quent intrinsic work values, anticipated impor- tance of career, and the anticipated importance of community involvement (Johnson et al., 1998 ).

There is also evidence that service par- ticipation is related to decreases in truancy, deviant school behavior, disciplinary problems, and lower rates of pregnancy (Allen et al., 1997 ; Calabrese & Schumer, 1986 ; Switzer et al., 1995 ; also see Yates & Youniss, 1996a ). Similarly, involvement in prosocial activi- ties such as church and volunteer activities is associated with higher educational trajectories and lower levels of risky behavior (Eccles & Barber, 1999 ). Moreover, studies using a pre – post test, control group design also indi- cate that working with marginalized popula- tions may increase levels of empathy (Hobfoll, 1980 ) and tolerance (Karafantis & Levy, 2004 ; Riecken, 1952 ). In a comprehensive review of volunteering programs aimed at intervention, many of which were mentioned above, Moore and Allen ( 1996 ) concluded that volunteer programs for adolescents reduce rates for course failure, suspension from school, school dropout, and teen pregnancy, and improve reading skills, self - concept and attitudes toward society. However, they note that qual- ity of the program (e.g., allowing adolescents autonomy and choice), length of the program (programs 12 weeks or more tended to be more successful than shorter programs), and age of adolescents (in some programs older youth benefited more) all affect potential benefits of volunteering.

Involvement in community service has been associated with prosocial and deviant behavior in expected directions, even when controlling for background characteristics such as SES and gender. For example, in a study of 13,000 high school seniors discussed previously, Youniss, McLellan, Su, et al. ( 1999 ) controlled for gender, religion (Catholic or not), and SES. Youniss et al. reported that service was posi- tively associated with a conventional political orientation (e.g., voting) and conventional reli- gious orientation (church attendance and judg- ing religion as an important part of life) among adolescents. In contrast, service was nega- tively associated with marijuana use. Service was also associated with unconventional

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256 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

political acts such as boycotting and demon- strating, suggesting that community service does not merely reflect an adherence to adult societal norms. The effects of service on out- comes remained significant when controlling for background characteristics, suggesting that service does impact adjustment.

In one of the few studies to find sex dif- ferences associated with the effects of volun- teering (most studies find a positive impact on males and females), Stukas et al. ( 1999 ) examined seventh - grade students who were involved in a mandatory service - learning program (e.g., tutors for younger students, volunteers at a senior center) as part of their school curriculum. Girls felt more positively than did boys about volunteering, and were more likely to report wanting to help in the future as a result of the program. The authors suggested that these variations may have been due to socialization differences between boys and girls that emphasize females ’ focus on prosocial goals of the program whereas males might have focused more on the “ mandatory ” nature of the program (see Miller, 1994 ).

Unfortunately, almost all research on vol- unteering/community service has been corre- lational or used a pre – post - design without random assignment. Moreover, it is possible that in many of the studies volunteers differred from nonvolunteers not only in their charac- teristics but also in their ongoing developmen- tal trajectories. To better assess the effects of participating in service, studies are needed in which adolescents who wish to volunteer are assigned to groups that either do so or engage in some other, less prosocial activity.

CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS

Although there is an accumulating data base on adolescents ’ moral reasoning and prosocial behaviors and emotion, it is meager compared to that for preadolescent children. Thus, many of the findings presented in this chapter have not been replicated and some of the conclusions

are based on only one or a few studies. Clearly, there is much to be learned. In regard to moral reasoning, there is not yet consensus on the stages of moral reasoning and the degree to which they are qualitative in nature and universal. This is a larger issue in moral rea- soning research, as findings differ for differ- ent content domains and methods of coding. Moreover, although work using real - life (rather than hypothetical) moral dilemmas seems par- ticularly appropriate for adolescents, we do not yet know much about factors that affect reasoning about real - life moral dilemmas that have already occurred. In addition, although there sometimes is a relation between moral reasoning and behavior, we know little about variables that moderate the degree of this relation. It also is possible that any relation between moral judgment (or labeling a behav- ior as moral) and behavior is at least partly due to post hoc construction of moral reason- ing based on the adolescents ’ justifications of their own behavior (Haidt, 2001 ). A valuable approach would be to determine if successful moral reasoning interventions also influence adolescents ’ risky behaviors, as well as their amoral or antisocial behavior.

Relatively little is known about the social- ization of moral reasoning in adolescence, both in the family and outside of it. Due to the increasing role of peers and other extrafamil- ial individuals in adolescents ’ lives (Larson & Richards, 1991 ), it would be useful to know more about the ways in which extrafamilial influences combine with familial factors to affect moral cognitions, and if familial influ- ences change in magnitude with age in ado- lescence (or change in a nonlinear manner). It is likely that peers and involvement in extrafamilial activities influence adolescents ’ moral development in both positive and nega- tive ways, but it is difficult to disentangle the extent to which these factors actually shape adolescents ’ moral development or whether adolescents self - select into peer groups and activities that are consistent with their moral values and behavior.

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Conclusions and Future Directions 257

There is somewhat more work (especially in the last decade) on adolescents ’ proso- cial behavior (including volunteering/civic involvement) and empathy - related respond- ing than on their moral cognitions. However, little is known about how the context (social or otherwise), including the peer group, affects adolescents ’ prosocial tendencies. Given the importance of identity formation in ado- lescence, it also would be useful to know if prosocial predispositions, which seem to be relatively stable across adolescence, undergo further change or consolidation in late adoles- cence. Similarly, it is possible that changes in identity, values, or perspective taking in middle or late adolescence affect people ’ s tendencies to sympathize with others, although little is known about the development of sympathy in adolescence. In recent years, it has been argued that emerging adolescence (e.g., approximately age 18 to 25) is a unique and important state of life (see Arnett, 2004, 2007 ) and it is likely that at least some of the developmental changes, correlates, and processes related to prosocial behavior continue to emerge or change in emerging adulthood.

A future direction of adolescent moral research includes exploring the empirical influence of moral role models. The philosophi- cal argument of the emulation of role models being central to moral education has been made (Kristjansson, 2006 ); however, few empirical studies test this claim (also see Oman et al., in press). For instance, Owens and Ascione ( 1990 ) explored how models can facilitate the prosocial behavior of sharing certificates in third, fourth, and fifth graders. Children watched videotapes of different models sharing, which affected their later sharing behavior. Familiar child models, described as similar to the child, increased sharing behavior. However, unfamiliar, child models described as dissimilar increased sharing behavior when compared to parent models. Furthermore, sharing behavior was greatest when watching a best friend as opposed to a least preferred peer. Currently, research is being conducted

that explores urban adolescents ’ moral role models (McDaniel & Morris, 2008 ). Using a computerized methodology (see McDaniel & Grice, 2005 , 2008), names of various role models are gathered from the youth such as a family member, a friend, a teacher, and a famous individual. The youth then rate these individuals, along with their actual (right now) and ideal (how one would truly like to be) selves, on moral descriptors such as friendly versus unfriendly, fair versus unfair, and honest versus tells lies and complete adjustment questionnaires. Results from this work will provide insight into the influ- ence of different moral role models on the development of the self as well as adjustment and maladjustment.

Another topic that has received inadequate attention is adolescents ’ emotions in regard to morally relevant behaviors (other than empathy - related responding). Numerous indi- viduals have examined children ’ s beliefs about actors ’ emotions (e.g., anger, happiness) after transgressions (e.g., the “ happy victimizer ” ; see Arsenio, Gold, & Adams, 2006 ). For example, Arsenio et al., 2006 ) found that behaviorally disturbed adolescents tend to report greater hap- piness after provoked and unprovoked aggres- sion (also see Cimbora & McIntosh, 2003 ). In a study in Germany, Krettenauer and Eichler ( 2006 ) studied adolescents ’ self - attributed moral emotions when asked to imagine they had com- mitted a transgression (e.g., “ Imagine you did . . . How would you feel? ” Scored “ Not Bad ” to “ Extremely Bad ” ). Adolescents ’ delinquent behavior was associated with lower intensity of self - attributed moral emotions. Moreover, guilt has been related to low levels of adolescents ’ self - reported antisocial attitudes (Robinson et al., 2007 ; Tangney, Wagner, Hill - Barlow, Marschall, & Gramzow, 1996 ) and behav- iors, marginally differentiated delinquent and non - delinquent adolescents (Robinson et al., 2007), and is related to low levels of conduct dis- order (Cimbora & McIntosh, 2003). In contrast, shame has been positively related to adolescents ’ reported aggression (Tangney et al., 2006). Thus,

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258 Moral Cognitions and Prosocial Responding in Adolescence

it appears adolescents ’ emotional reactions to enacting or viewing transgressions likely con- tribute to their moral motivation and behavior.

Much of the work reviewed in this chapter has been correlational, so few firm conclu- sions can be drawn in regard to causality. Alternative explanations — including ones involving heredity — often are possible. Even in many of the studies involving pre/post tests, it is possible that factors other than the targeted variables (e.g., volunteer experience) account for effects. For example, adolescents who choose to be volunteers may have a num- ber of personal and background characteristics that could account for positive developmental changes over time. More experimental and longitudinal research across the adolescent years is an obvious need.

As is true in much of the moral develop- ment research, most of the data involving ado- lescents have been collected in North America or perhaps Europe. Little is known about the generalizability of many of the findings to eth- nic minorities or other cultures. Moreover, ethnic identity and acculturation may be impor- tant factors in the development of moral emo- tions and behavior (see Schwartz, Zamboanga, & Jarvis, 2007 ). Especially for morality, cul- ture is likely to be an important influence on development, and this may be especially true for adolescents, who are preparing for entry into their adult culture.

Finally, unlike two or three decades ago, there is not a grand theory (e.g., psychoana- lytic or social learning theory) that is typically used to try to tie together work on moral devel- opment. Although grand theories likely cannot account for the complexity of moral develop- ment, often mini - theories are not available to guide our thinking about adolescents ’ moral development (see, however, Hoffman, 2000 ). Clearly, some of the central issues in adoles- cence, such as the development of identity, the importance of adolescents ’ obtaining some psychological autonomy while still retaining a strong connection to socializers (Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, Bell, & O ’ Connor, 1994 ), and the

central role of peers in adolescents ’ develop- ment require additional conceptual (as well as empirical) attention in work on moral devel- opment. Moreover, additional emphasis on mediating processes, factors that moderate the nature of relations between moral functioning and other variables, and developmental trajec- tories of different aspects of moral responding would deepen our understanding of adoles- cents ’ moral development. Thus, there is much work to be done if we are to truly grasp the nature of adolescents ’ moral thought and behavior and to develop ways to prevent and ameliorate deficits in moral development.

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