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Social Science Literature Concerning African American Men

Edmund T. Gordon; Edmund W. Gordon; Jessica G. G. Nembhard

The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 63, No. 4, Pedagogical and Contextual Issues Affecting African American Males in School and Society. (Autumn, 1994), pp. 508-531.

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Social Science Literature Concerning African American Men

Edmund T. Gordon, University of Texas-Austin; Edmund W .Gordon, Ci fy College, C i f y University of New York; and Jessica G. G. Nembhard, The Children's Defense Fund*

Research literature focusing specifically on the plight of African American males is a phenomenon of the latter half of the 20th century. From mid-century until the mid-1970s, this literature tended to focus on dysfunctional males and their contributions to what were considered to be the problems of Black families, the legacies of slavery and their impact on Black males (e.g., the killing off of the most assertive and smartest males, the disruption of family relations, the distortion of cultural traditions), and the continuing deprivation of opportunities for Black males to exercise responsibility for themselves and their families. Toward the end of that period, attention turned to studies of urbanization, poverty, and single-parent families. Since the early 1980s, the emphasis has shifted to political, economic, social, and psychological issues. Much of this work focuses on unem- ployment and the lack of opportunities for meaningful participation in the nation's political economy, institutionalized racism and discrimination, and the impacts of these structural phenomena on the attitudes and behavior of African American males. Many of these studies examine how African American men cope with aspects of urban life such as drugs, crime, violence, substandard housing, and inferior schooling. An increasing number address issues related to the cultural role of African American men (especially in the context of Lewis's [I9651 concept of a culture of poverty among urban Blacks and Moyni- han's [1965, 1986, 1989, 19921 assertions of pathology-laden Black family cultures). Other contemporary foci include Black men's movement between cultures and examinations of the stereotypical images of Black males perpetrated by the media.

The extant research literature on African American males can be grouped into four major categories of issues: (1)demographic and statistical issues, (2) psychosocial issues, (3) political/economic issues, and (4) educational issues. Discussion of these categories follows in the sections below.

DEMOGRAPHIC ISSUESAND STATISTICAL

Research studies in this category highlight the plight of the African American male in terms of statistical findings that have led many to suggest that Black men are an "endangered species" (Gibbs, 1988b). Among these findings are data noting the high rates among African Americans, particularly males, of the following:

"Funding for this research has been provided through grants to the Children's Defense Fund b y the Rockefeller and Schulman foundations, i n support o f a program o f research at the City University o f N e w York Institute for Research on the African Diaspora in the Americas and the Caribbean.

lournal of Negro Education, Vol. 63, No. 4 (1994) Copyright 0 1995, Howard University

(1) homicide; (2) crime and incarceration: (3i unemployment, underekployment, and number of discouraged workers; (4) school dropout; (5) unequal earnings of college graduates; (6) drug use and involvement in underground economies; (7) military enlistment; (8) adolescent pregnancy; (9) single parenting;

(10) enrollment in and dependence on welfare; and (11) poverty and other forms of economic insufficiency (California State Commission on

the Status of African American Males, 1992; Gibbs, 1988b; Staples, 1991). While much of the contemporary literature emphasizes these dire statistics, investigations of the accuracy and, more importantly, the interpretation of these data receive far less attention. Little research has been done to determine what these statistical findings mean or how to make or understand the fine distinctions between absolute and relative numbers. Moreover, different schools of thought emphasize different kinds of statistics and approach the issues from quite diverse perspectives. For example, subtle and not-so-subtle racists use the data to paint the worst possible picture of Black males and attribute Black males' behavior to pathological adaptations to concededly poor life conditions (Moynihan, 1965). Proponents of genetic differences cite these data as justification for locking Black men into inferior status. Others see the problems as mainly caused by racism (Boston, 1990).

The emphasis of studies focusing on the psychosocial issues affecting African American males is on how these males behave and react to conditions in U.S. society, particularly inequality, discrimination, and poverty. Their analyses span the spectrum from blaming the victims (as in the genetic deficiencies argument) to blaming society (as in arguments targeting the overriding influence of institutional racism and exploitation). Within this category, attention is paid to African American males' relationships with their families, their support and coping mechanisms or lack thereof, and their participation in under- ground economies and alternative lifestyles. A growing number provide cultural analyses as well as psychosocial assessments.

Some of the main topics addressed in the psychosocial issues literature include: (a) the pathology of the Black family (a theme that was particularly dominant in the 1960s

and 1970s); (b) the nature of the relationship between Black men and Black women; (c) Black men's coping strategies for addressing the stresses of racial stereotypes, institu-

tional racism, poverty, etc. (i.e., "cool pose," suicide, substance abuse); (d) cultural issues (i.e., Africentrism, subaltern culture).

A small number of studies have looked at the psychosocial problems of Black males as if these problems have little to do with the social and material contexts within which this population lives. However, most of the studies in this category address the extent to which the difficult and often pathological circumstances under which many Black males live negatively affect their development, self-identity, and self-esteem. Of these, many have concluded that stress, anxiety, anger, hostility, and frustration levels are higher among Black males than in any other sector of the U.S. population (Johnson, 1989b; Scherwitz, Perkins, Chesney, & Hughes, 1991). They further indicate that stress among Black males is generally positively correlated with negative life events and the everyday

The Journal of Negro Education 509

annoyances of being Black and male in the racially fraught United States (Scherwitz et al., 1991).

An extensive literature exists focusing on the relationship between the high levels of hypertension in Black males and stress (Harburg, Gleiberman, Russell, & Cooper, 1991; Johnson, 198913; Johnson, Nazzaro, & Gilbert, 1991; Tischenkel et al., 1989). These studies suggest that besides experiencing higher levels of stress than most other populations, Black males, particularly those who are the sons of hypertensive parents, have higher rates of blood pressure problems associated with stress.

A relatively new concern cropping up in the literature on stress and the Black male is that of post-traumatic stress disorder among young Black witnesses of violence (Norris, Fielding, Kemp, & Fielding, 1992). One such study reports that, among Black school-going youth in Chicago, 75% of the boys and 10% of the girls had witnessed at least one robbery, stabbing, shooting, and/or killing in their lives and were therefore co-victims (Shakoor & Chalmers, 1991). Additionally, Fitzpatrick and Boldizar (1993) report that while young Black males are more likely to witness violent acts, symptoms of post-traumatic stress syndrome were more likely to appear among victimized females and males living in households with no male authority figures.

Widespread popular perception depicts low self-esteem as being at the root of the African American male's problems in U.S. society (Sells, 1984). However, recent work has countered that notion. Hare (1985) and Paster (1994) are among those who conclude that high self-esteem among Black youth is generally maintained whether or not these young people judge themselves as competent in any one particular area. Hare (1988) and Spencer (1985) contend that school failure does not necessarily produce low self-esteem among Black youth. Some scholars have even found higher levels of self-esteem among African Americans than among Whites, regardless of socioeconomic level (Foster & Perry, 1982). In a closely related set of findings, lower-class Black youth were found to be oriented toward upward mobility, with little difference in this orientation noted between delinquent and nondelinquent youth (Picou, Azuma, & Cosby, 1971). Nonetheless, Maton (1990) reports that the self-esteem of Black male high school students who do not drop out is more dependent on their involvement in meaningful instrumental activity such as school work, afterschool jobs, and so forth than that of Black males who do drop out; and Johnson (1989a) has noted a positive relationship between unemployment/underemployment and the feeling on the part of Black males that they cannot run their lives. There is general agreement, however, that the majority of Black males have positive self-esteem whether or not they are successful according to the standards of the status quo. Apparently, lack of success in areas of functioning condoned by the larger society stimulates the creation of peer-sanctioned forms of practice, which then serve as the basis for self-esteem.

Black males traditionally have had substantially lower suicide rates than White males: 12 per 100,000 compared to 22 per 100,000 respectively, in 1990 (US. Department of Commerce, 1993a). However, in the last 20 years, suicide rates among Black males have increased by 50%, and the gap in rates between Black and White males has narrowed (Gibbs & Hines, 1989; Griffith & Bell, 1989; U.S. Department of Commerce, 1993a). While elderly Black males also have lower suicide rates than elderly White males, the rates of increase for the former are higher than those of the latter in recent decades (Meehan, Saltzman, & Sattin, 1991). Suicide is now the third leading cause of death among Black males between the ages of 15 and 24 years old, with the rate of Black male suicide peaking between the ages of 25 and 34 and decreasing thereafter (Gibbs, 1988a; Griffith & Bell, 1989).

In 1990, the suicide rate for Black males was five times higher than that of Black females (U.S. Department of Commerce, (1993a). Black male suicide attempters are more likely than Black female attempters to be schizophrenic, psychotic, and alcohol abusing,

510 The Journal of Negro Education

as well as more prone to use violent methods, most typically firearms, to end their lives (Frierson & Lippmann, 1990). In a series of articles, Gibbs (1988a, 1994; Gibbs & Hines, 1989) offers one of the only discussions of the sources of the distinctive patterns of Black male suicide, concluding that traditional explanations of suicide do not adequately account for these patterns. She suggests a multiple-factor, interdisciplinary theory that looks to Black males' lack of social integration, along with their unsublimated anger, unfulfilled aspirations, limited opportunities, and lower familial nurturance, as factors explaining the differences between Black male and Black female suicide rates. On the other hand, Gibbs claims that Black males' participation in supportive extended families, religious and other community institutions, and alternative value systems and opportunity struc- tures are factors that have traditionally kept Black male suicide rates lower than White male rates. As she further suggests, that these institutions have come under extensive attack over the course of the last few decades, that they have been weakened and in some cases destroyed, may account for some of the contemporary increases noted in Black male suicide rates.

There is an extensive literature concerned with substance abuse among Black males. As might be expected, the bulk of this literature is focused on the abuse of illegal drugs. In the long run, however, alcohol and tobacco, though less well covered, may prove to be more destructive to the physical health of these men and their communities.

Though the percentage of Black males who smoke has decreased significantly since the 1960s, the Black male smoking rate in 1991 was 8% higher than that of White males and 10% higher than that of Black women (US. Department of Commerce, 1993a). A Florida study found that Black males aged 25 and older were the most likely sector of the population to use some form of tobacco product (Auth & Warheit, 1986). Another study, conducted in Minnesota, found that while Black smokers smoke fewer cigarettes per day than Whites, Blacks tend to smoke brands that are higher in tar and nicotine; this study also found that maleness, youth, and low educational level are associated with higher rates of smoking (Hahn, Folsom, Sprafka, & Norsted, 1990). Rivo, Kofie, Schwartz, Levy, & Tuckson, (1989) report that Black males in Washington, D.C., exhibited a dispro- portionately higher smoking-attributable mortality than White Washingtonians, and con- tend that cigarette smoking is a major contributing cause of the Black-White disparity in health status in that city. A number of other researchers have sought to link Black male smoking to their higher age-adjusted rates of lung cancer. Attempts have also been made to correlate cancer rates with Black males' higher use of mentholated cigarettes (Kabat & Hebert, 1991) and their significantly lower smoking-cessation rates (Stotts, Glynn, & Baquet, 1991).

Although it is a major problem for the Black community, alcohol consumption among African Americans is generally lower than that among Whites and other ethnic groups (U.S.Department of Commerce, 1993a). Only limited work has been done in this field, yet most of the research literature confirms this point in one way or another (Fernandez-Pol, Bluestone, Missouri, & Morales, 1986; Harper, 1988; Poulin, 1991; Singer & Petchers, 1987). Singer and Petchers, for example, found the alcohol consumption rates of Black males to be significantly lower than that of White males and about the same as that of White females. They also note that Blacks had higher rates of lifetime abstinence and, on average, began drinking a year later than Whites. According to Connors, Maisto, and Watson (1988), Black female college students had a more positive conception of the utility of alcohol than did Black college men. Historically as well as contemporarily, Whites have viewed alcohol consumption in a more favorable light than have Blacks (Brunswick, 1985; Singer & Petchers, 1987). However, there are indications that the use of alcohol among Black youth is increasing (Thompson & Simmons-Cooper, 1988), and a close correlation

The Journal of Negro Education 511

has been shown between drinking and health variables, particularly among the young (Gay, 1981). Alcohol consumption has also been implicated in the incidence levels of violence and homicide among African American males. According to Gary (1986), among low-income persons, the typical perpetrator of violence is a Black male, and alcohol is implicated in violent events involving these males more than 50% of the time.

Much of the literature on Black males and illegal drugs refers in general terms to "inner-city y o u t h and does not specifically single out Black males for attention. From this literature comes the finding that inner-city Black youths use more drugs, particularly marijuana and cocaine; start using drugs at an earlier age; and use them more intensively than White youth (Brunswick, 1980). This undoubtedly contributes to the perception, held in many quarters, that the Black community is suffering from an epidemic of drug abuse. This is a commonly held perception, despite more current studies which reveal that only 1.8% and 7.4% of the Black population over the age of 12 were current users of cocaine and marijuana, respectively, in 1991 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1993a); and which maintain that, in general, Black youth drug use rates are lower than those of Whites (Poulin, 1991).

A significant portion of the research on African American males and drugs has been concerned with identifying the variables associated with the initiation of drug use. There is some agreement that tobacco, alcohol and marijuana precede the use of illicit substances and that availability through and use by peers are important aspects of initial usage (Gillmore et al., 1990; Jackson, 1992). Jackson (1992) and Okwumabua, Okwumabua, Winston, and Walker (1989) have shown that drug use begins in both urban and rural populations in the early teens. A number of studies have attempted to correlate youthful drug abuse with such factors as racial and ethnic heritage, lifestyle, household composition, parental attitudes, machismo, drug-involved peer influence, unengaging educational expe- riences, and low self-esteem (Brunswick, 1980, 1985; Dembo, Farrow, & Des Jarlais, 1981; Harvey, Bitting, & Robinson, 1989-90; Jackson, 1992; Wallace & Bachman, 1991); yet, there seems to be little agreement on the relative weight of these factors in determining drug use.

There is, however, general agreement that drug abuse has negative consequences for the Black male population. These include: overdoses, homicide, suicides, and accidents (Poklis, Graham, Maginn, Branch, & Gantner, 1991); psychopathology (Barnes, 1987); sexually transmitted diseases, most notably HIV/AIDS (Bowser, Fullilove, & Fullilove, 1990); incarceration and family disruption, dysfunction, and destruction (Staples, 1990). Of perhaps even greater destructive power than substance abuse by Black males is the negative impact of illegal drug traffic upon Black communities. Anderson (1990) notes the "atmosphere of estrangement, segmentation, and social distance" fostered in Black communities as a result of the violence, fear, betrayal, and powerlessness associated with the drug economy.

Besides being the subjects of scholarly interest in their own right, Black male aggressive behavior and delinquency are important foci of the literature on young Black males and education and adult Black male criminality. Notwithstanding, the literature is relatively silent concerning the statistical frequency and amplitude of this set of problems. Most research centers around explanations for the phenomena. Aggressive and delinquent behavior among young Black males has been attributed to a number of factors including dysfunctional family structures and relations (Boone, 1991; Gray-Ray & Ray, 1990), inap- propriate sex-role identification (Pomerantz, 1978), and limited occupational opportunity and discrimination in the workplace (Simons & Gray, 1989).

The disproportionate involvement of Black males in criminal and delinquent activities has been reported on and analyzed by a number of researchers since the early 20th century. Many contemporary scholars focus on what has been construed and is now generally

512 The Journal of Negro Education

perceived as a crime "wave" whose major protagonists are young Black males. Recent statistical analysis of Black male criminality is dominated by documentation of the prolifer- ation of homicides of and by young Black males in which firearms were involved (Finger- hut, Ingram, & Feldman, 1992; Greenberg, Naus, Schneider, & Wartenberg, 1991; Green- berg & Schneider, 1992; Hammett, Powell, O'Carroll, & Clanton, 1992; Lee, Burau, & Clanton, 1991; Patterson & Holguin, 1990; Walker, Goodwin, & Warren, 1992). Statistics on Black male crime and incarceration are a standard and prominently featured portion of most popular and scholarly treatments of the dilemmas facing poor Black males and the communities in which they live.

The literature reveals that Black males are arrested for committing crimes at a substan- tially higher rate than are their White male counterparts (Mauer, 1994). In 1989, 23% of Black males between the ages of 20 and 29 had come in contact with the U.S. criminal justice system (Mauer, 1994). According to U.S. Department of Commerce (1993a) statistics for 1991, 29% of all persons arrested for serious crime, more than 50% of those arrested for murder and robbery, and 50% of all prisoners executed were Black. Mauer (1994) further notes that Blacks made up 44% of all prisoners and 40% of those on death row in 1989. Indeed, the number of African Americans incarcerated in the U.S. exceeds the number enrolled in its institutions of higher education, and costs the nation's taxpayers an estimated $8.9 billion per year (Mauer, 1994).

Given the large number of Black males incarcerated in the United States, there is a surprisingly small amount of literature on the interaction of this portion of the population with the criminal justice system. Few articles have addressed the aspects of racial discrimi- nation that operate against Black males under the authority of this system and that lead to such anomalies as the receipt of more serious charges and longer sentences than White males for similar crimes (Chilton & Galvin, 1985; LaFree, 1980; Peterson-Lewis, 1983; Spohn, Welch, & Gruhl, 1985; Williams & McShane, 1990). Even less attention has been paid to the cultural aspect of Black male interaction with this system. Autobiographical accounts provide perhaps the best accounts of this interaction (Scott, 1993; X, 1965), along with Anderson's (1992) insightful case study of one young Black man's experiences and Bartollas, Miller, and Dinitz's (1974-75) discussion of Black male sexual exploitation of other Black males in juvenile institutions. Needless to say, this is an area in which much more work is needed.

If one considers that the vast majority of crime in this country is committed by males, regardless of race, the magnitude of the involvement of Black males in criminal activity becomes clear. Compounding this disaster is the fact that the object of Black male crime is most often the Black community itself. Black families were impacted by crime at a higher rate than any other group during 1991 (US. Department of Commerce, 1993a).

A significant body of literature presents conflicting but frequently overlapping explana- tions for the phenomena of Black male crime (Gibbs, 1985; Mitchell & Daniels, 1989; Whaley, 1992). Additionally, some scholars and public officials have offered genetic expla- nations for violence and criminality (Breggin, 1992). Sociostructural explanations abound as well. For example, Myers and Sabol (1987) have demonstrated a correlation between Black crime and macroeconomic conditions such as business cycles and labor market circumstances. They suggest that the U.S. criminal justice system, by its vigorous prosecu- tion and incarceration of Black males, plays an important role in the regulation of super- fluous labor, functioning along with state and local institutions to maintain a large pool of unemployed labor in reserve for future economic expansion.

Other studies point to unemployment and poverty as important causal factors in Black male crime, but present conflicting interpretations of their precise impact upon criminality (Duster, 1987; Earls, 1991; Good & Pirog-Good, 1987; Meyers, 1986; Sampson, 1986, 1987;

The Journal of Negro Education 513

Sullivan, 1989). Duster, for example, asserts a direct correspondence between individual unemployment levels and criminality. He and other researchers (e.g., Good and Pirog- Good; Sullivan) maintain that criminal activity is viewed by its participants as an alterna- tive income-generating activity that takes the place of limited employment opportunities. On the other hand, Sampson (1987) denies any direct correspondence between unemploy- ment and criminality but suggests an important indirect relationship-that is, he alleges the existence of a direct relationship between Black male unemployment and the disruption of Black families, and in turn correlates family disruption with delinquency and criminal- ity. Sampson (1986) earlier posed a direct relationship between levels of criminality and communitywide socioeconomic status (SES), independent of the SES of the individuals involved in criminal activity.

A few scholars have used the "subculture of violence" thesis to guide their investiga- tions of Black male crime (Ray & Smith, 1991; Singer, 1986). Singer, for instance, hypothe- sizes that being a victim of violence indicates participation in a culture of violence and suggests that victims of serious violence were frequently perpetrators as well. In support of this thesis, he contends that being Black and a victim of crime are significant predictors of criminal behavior. Countering this view, Parson and Mikawa (1991) report findings which show little difference in the family characteristics and backgrounds of incarcerated and nonincarcerated Black men, but indicate significant differences between these two groups in such other cultural features such as church involvement, family influence on values, and peer selection.

A number of scholars have been concerned with the effect of the media on Black crime, particularly with the impact of television. Noting that Black males reportedly watch more television than other racial/ethnic and gender groups (Harris, 1992). However, little or no demonstrable correlation has been shown between violent television programming and Black male violence (Harris, 1992). Taylor and Dozier (1983) point out that with all the attention being paid to the impact of television violence, an overlooked aspect of television is to discourage Black struggle and encourage Black identification with the law enforcement establishment.

Most scholarly solutions for the problem of Black male violence and criminality reject policies that favor incapacitation and specific deterrence and embrace rehabilitation and job development. Some favor the utilization of culturally sensitive rehabilitation programs (Hammond &Yung, 1991,1993; Oliver, 1989a, 198913); others favor approaches that empha- size racial pride (Thomas, 1987). Many point out that the nation's prison population has doubled in the last decade with little impact on the crime rate (Hawkins, 1985; Mauer, 1994; Myers, 1991). There is some indication, however, that the threat of punishment is a significant deterrent of crime (Miller & Anderson, 1986).

An enormous amount of discussion in the Black male literature has centered around the role of family structure in the problems experienced by these men. Historically, the African American family structure has been distinct from that of White Americans in the number of female-headed households, out-of-wedlock births, extended families, lower percentages of nuclear families, and higher levels of role integration (Staples & Johnson, 1993). In recent decades, some of these tendencies have intensified. In 1970,68% of Black families were married-couple families; by 1990, 50% were headed by one parent, usually females (44%) (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1992). A corresponding decrease has occur- red in the percentage of Black children under the age of 18 who live in families with two parents: from 59% in 1970 to 36% in 1991 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1992). Out-of- wedlock births accounted for 64% of all African American births in 1989, compared with 38% in 1970 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1993a). In 1990, most Black males over the age of 14 (61%) were neither married nor living with spouses. Of the Black males who

514 The Journal of Negro Education

had married, 12% were separated or divorced and only 3% widowed. On the other hand, 12% of Black women 15 years old or over were widowed (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1993b).

Much has been made of the increases, and the disparities in comparison with the White population, of the numbers of out-of-wedlock births, female-headed families, and fatherless children in the Black community. A number of scholars have attempted to associate "disruptedn-that is, non-nuclear family structures with Black male problems. For the most part, the work of these scholars is based in assumptions drawn from a body of previous research on the White American population. The sociological literature emerging from this body of research posits a close correlation between nuclear family structure and successful social adjustment and achievement (Goode, 1963; Parsons & Bales, 1955), while the psychological literature links the presence of fathers in the household with adequate sex-role socialization of male children (Guidubaldi & Perry, 1985; Hetherington, Martha, & Cox, 1979; Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980).

The literature specifically referring to African American family structure and Black males addresses two different but related levels: (1) the macrosocial level, in which scholars debate the assertion that the "dysfunctional"

Black family and the "deviant" males associated with it are centrally linked to the creation and reproduction of a Black "culture of poverty" (Aldous, 1969; Banfield, 1970; Bernard, 1966; Kempton, 1991; Lemann, 1986a, 1986b; Lewis, 1965; Moynihan, 1965; Rainwater, 1970); and

(2) the microsocial level, which links the lack of nuclear family structure and father absence with specific aspects of Black male dysfunction such as early sexual activity and pregnancy, lower levels of employment and academic achievement, higher levels of estrangement, lower self-concept, and problems in other aspects of mental health (Bronfenbrenner, 1967; Daniels, 1986; Glenn & Kramer, 1987; Jemmott & Jemmott, 1992; Phillips & Asbury, 1990; Sweet, 1987; Weller & Luchterhand, 1974; Young, Jensen, Olsen, Cundick, 1991).

A sizeable literature disputes the link between non-nuclear family structures and Black male problems. Some scholars, implying that such findings are simply incorrect, contend that nontraditional family structures have little or no effect on Black male psychosocial development (Gurin & Epps, 1975; Hunt & Hunt, 1979). Others argue that researchers who posit a positive correlation between non-nuclear family structures and Black male problems have failed to control for socioeconomic status in their work. They claim that when this is done much of the correlation between non-nuclear family structure and Black male dysfunction disappears (Acock & Kiecolt, 1989; Fine, McKenry, & Donnelly, 1992; Rumberger, 1983; Wasserman, 1972). Still others suggest a number of other phenomena that could explain Black male problems while refuting the idea that family structure is the operative variable (Bahr & Leigh, 1978; Peterson, Stivers, & Peters, 1986; Watson & Protinsky, 1988; Wilson & Allen, 1987). However, while family structure per se does not seem to have a direct effect on the development of Black children and adolescents, a number of studies have found that the style and quality of parenting and overall socializa- tion provided by adult significant others is extremely important and influential (Allen, 1978; Gaudin & Polansky, 1986; O'Regan & Quigley, 1991; Myers, Taylor, & Alvy, 1992; Shade, 1983; West, 1987).

A significant group of scholars disputes the idea that the African American family structure is deviant. Most of these suggest that Black family structures are only deviant in the sense that they differ from the arbitrarily defined European American nuclear family norm. They also claim that the Black family, in all its various permutations, has been an essential institution in the struggle for survival under adverse conditions and

The Journal of Negro Education 515

that this struggle has mediated the forms Black families take. Many insist that the African American family norm includes the extended family form and a strong fictive kinship tradition (Billingsley, 1990; McAdoo, 1988; Nobles, 1978; Staples & Johnson, 1993). How- ever, some claim that while African Americans tolerate other family forms, the basic family ideology of the Black community is the nuclear family (Staples, 1985). Within this relativistic body of work, Black male family roles are seen as different from those of White males in White families and not necessarily deviant. Further, because the family, regardless of the form it takes, is seen in this literature as a crucial institution of adaptation and survival, the Black male role within it is understood as positive and constructive rather than deviant.

The emphases in these studies are on economic conditions, the disproportionate suffer- ing of African American males from economic downturns, and structural inequalities in the U.S. economy. Unemployment and economic marginality are considered to be major issues and causes of many of African Americans' poor performances. The U.S. economic system itself, especially the discriminatory behavior of that system, is seen as the main culprit or cause of the problem. Among the topics addressed in this body of research are: (a) unequal economic opportunities; (b) unemployment and the structure of unemployment; (c) the structure of the labor market in U.S. capitalism (e.g., dual labor market theories,

employment discrimination, the phenomenon of the working poor, the growth in the service sector, and the decline of the manufacturing sector);

(d) the structure of the welfare system and its impact on the Black family; and (e) wider U.S. economic issues (k.g, the changing structure of U.S. cap&alism and the

consequences of its wane, particularly for marginal groups. The economic status of Black males and the impact of that status on Black male

behavior is one of the principal foci of the literature on African American males. The quarter century following World War I1 was one of great economic and social change for the African American community. The U.S. experienced a prolonged period of economic expansion, which provided the basis for accelerated productivity, rapidly increasing wages and standards of living, and dramatically decreased poverty levels in the population at large (Jones, 1990). Black people, particularly Black men, were positively affected by this prosperity. Large numbers of Blacks left lives of rural poverty in the U.S. South and migrated north to take blue-collar jobs in the burgeoning industrial centers of the North- east, Midwest, and West.

since 1973,'however, the U.S. economy has undergone some dramatic changes, slipping from what seemed like an endless era of expansion to a prolonged period of recession. The last 20 years have seen it transformed from a production-based system to a service- oriented one (Billingsley, 1988; Bluestone, 1982; Swinton, 1990; Wilson & Allen, 1987). This has been a difficult period economically for all U.S. residents, but, for African Americans, it has been a period of stagnation and even regression in the decades-long process of obtaining economic equality. It has been particularly devastating for African American males who, marked by their blackness in a racist society, have lower educational, skill, and seniority levels than White males; and who have thus borne the brunt of increased levels of unemployment, underemployment, and declining wages (Caputo, 1989; Hall, 1989; Jones, 1990).

In 1991, the unemployment rate for White males was 6%. During this same year, the unemployment rate for all Black males was more than twice as high (13Ol0). The rate for

516 The Journal of Negro Education

Black males between the ages of 20 and 24 was more than three times higher at 22%, and the rate for Black males aged 16 to 19 was more than six times higher at 37% (US. Department of Commerce, 1992). These astronomical rates of unemployment do not fully take into account Black males who remain outside the labor force, a category which, in 1982, totalled 46% of all African American men (Joe & Yu, 1984). Nor do these statistics account for those Black males who are underemployed. Increasingly, Black males are forced to take part-time jobs with low pay and no benefits in an attempt to support themselves and their families. This concession, along with the lower wages paid in the more available service sector jobs, account for the dramatic, 44% decrease in the median income of young Black males between 1973 and 1984 (Jones, 1990). Black males also earn less than their White counterparts for the work that they do. Through the 1980s, Black male median incomes were roughly three-quarters those of White males. In 1988, Black male median income was $347 per week, as compared to the $465 median weekly income of White males. The weekly median income of all Black males dropped between 1979 and 1988 (Swinton, 1990).

The economic woes of Black males were paralleled by those of the Black community in general. The mean net worth of African Americans was only 23% of the mean net worth of Whites in 1985 (Swinton, 1990). In 1990, the median income of Black families was $21,423, as compared to $36,915 for White families-in other words, Black median family income was less than three-fifths that of White families (US. Department of Com- merce, 1992). Thirty-two percent of all Black families, 44% of all Black children below the age of 18, and 85% of all Black children living in single-parent families lived in poverty in 1990 (US. Department of Commerce, 1992).

A major portion of the literature on Black males which treats their economic problems links them, often causally, to a wide range of other problems experienced by Black men (e.g., criminality, marital problems, mental health problems, etc.). Preceding sections of this article have touched upon a number of examples of this literature. There is a sizeable literature, however, that treats the structural position of Black men in U.S. society as problematic in and of itself. Much of this literature contains an overview, similar to that presented in the above paragraphs, of the economic problems of Black males and the Black community in general (California State Commission on the Status of African-Ameri- can Males, 1992; Lerman, 1986; Skvoretz & Smith, 1990; Sum & Fogg, 1990; Vroman, 1989). A significant portion is positioned within the debate over the causes of economic inequality in this country. Whereas some scholars assert that the source of African Americans' economic woes is Black culture and the Black male role within it, others refute this notion by showing that most Black males have work values, expectations, and occupational and educational goals that are essentially identical to those of the White American middle class (Cook, 1971; Dillard, 1976; Foster, 1988; Liebow, 1967). Pointing to the disproportion- ate effect on Black males of a number of trends in the U.S. and world economies over the last two decades, still others argue that the economic problems presently being experienced by African Americans are structural rather than the result of the individual or collective failures of Black men. They argue that the impact on Black men of transformations in the job market, changing views about women's roles in the work force, the erosion of government-sponsored social services, racial residential segregation, and the changing geography of job creation, as well as hierarchical wage structures, stagnant or declining wage rates, and chronic structural unemployment are the direct causes of increasing Black poverty and social disruption (Caputo, 1989; Claude, 1986; Franklin, 1992; Gary & Leashore, 1982; Hall, 1989; House & Madura, 1988; Lewin-Epstein, 1986; Marable, 1982, 1983; Mincy, 1989; Wilson & Allen, 1987).

The Journal of Negro Education 517

A closely related body of literature is concerned with the role of race and racism in the economic marginalization of African American men. Much of this work was generated specifically to refute Wilson's (1985) assertion that social class is overtaking race as the determining factor in the poverty and marginalization of large portions of the African American community. A host of scholars have taken opposing positions, arguing that racism and resulting racial discrimination still play an important role in the economic problems faced by Black men (Boston, 1990; Geshwender & Carroll-Seguin, 1990; Hirsch- man & Kraly, 1988; Hunter, 1990; Lichter, 1988; Perry & Locke, 1985; Power, 1986; Sandefur & Scott, 1983; Yeakey & Bennett, 1990). Rolison (1986) argues that, in advanced U.S. capitalism, Black men have moved from race-based restriction to an occupational caste position to one of race-based employment exclusion. He claims that the racist assignation of Black males to the lowest rung of the labor hierarchy, manual labor, has remained relatively unchanged over the last five decades, even though the jobs associated with that position have been virtually eliminated from the U.S. economy. Lichter (1989) makes the point that this tendency is not restricted to this country's metropolitan areas. He claims that racial discrimination in employment is a critical factor in White male and Black male employment differentials in nonurban areas as well.

Other authors point out that racial discrimination is also operative in the upper echelons of the Black work force. Black male professionals continue to be excluded from positions of authority, are often deemed incapable of management or technical work, and continue to earn less than their White male counterparts (Kluegel, 1978; McRae, 1991; Meisenheimer, 1990; Yeakey & Bennett, 1990). According to a number of studies, African Americans of all classes continue to perceive racial discrimination as an important factor in their economic marginalization (Austin & Stack, 1988; Becker & Krzystofiak, 1982; Foster, 1988).

On the other hand, a number of scholars have noted the apparent paradox of increasing marginalization of Black men from the labor force taking place simultaneously with the dramatic rise in relative earnings of Black males during the last two decades (Sokoloff, 1988). Based on statistics about the latter trend, some scholars have emphasized what they believe to be dramatic improvements in the relative economic status of Black men and an absolute decline in, if not disappearance of, racism. They identify a series of other factors (e.g., parental employment, social networks, education, region of residence, military service) as the causal agents in Black male labor force declines (Fossett, Omer, & Burr, 1989; O'Neill, 1986; Mare & Winship, 1984; O'Regan & Quigley, 1991; Smith & Welch, 1986). Similarly, Cox and Nkomo (1991) have concluded that race is not a factor in the level of attainment of Black and White MBAs when experience is held constant; and Hout (1984), tracing the intergenerational mobility of Blacks, contends that class effects are more important than race effects in this process.

A number of researchers have focused on increases in the centrality of Black women to the Black community that parallel the deepening problems of Black males. According to their findings, this trend includes Black women achieving relatively higher levels of education, obtaining more stable employment, and being more active in community social organizations than ever before (Cottingham, 1989; Geshwender & Carroll-Seguin, 1990). Black women have also been shown to have higher levels of labor force participation and make greater relative contributions to their families than White women (Cottingham, 1989; Geshwender & Carroll-Seguin, 1990).

Lack of adequate education, by itself and as a symptom of a more ominous dilemma, has often been viewed as a major cause of the problems of Black males. A common

518 The Journal of Negro Education

entreaty in the Black community is: "If only they (some Black person) could/would (finish high school, go to college, get a graduate or professional degree), they could make it." The issue, however, is much wider than mere attainment of a degree or completion of higher levels of education, as African American college graduates continue to earn much less than their European American counterparts, and higher education enrollments for Black males are presently way down.

In U.S. society, education is considered to be essential to upward mobility. For this reason, the continuing problems experienced by African American males in achieving academic success have drawn much attention from those interested in the advancement of this country's Black population. Over the course of the last decade, a substantial literature has been produced documenting and analyzing this problematic condition. The following issues receive most of the attention in this body of literature: (a) unequal access to and facilities for formal education for Black males; (b) rising dropout rates and declining college and graduate school attendance levels; (c) the effects of cultural differences between teachers and pupils; (d) the lack of job training or appropriate job training; (e) disparities in rewards for educational achievement; (f) poor quality schooling; (g) low expectations for Black male academic achievement; (h) poor academic socialization; and (i) inadequate home and family support for academic learning.

African American male students have experienced a number of difficulties in obtaining a quality education in this society. Though Black male dropout rates have dropped steadily over the course of the last two decades, they remain problematic. The average Black male dropout rate during 1991 was 15.4% (US. Department of Commerce, 1993a); however, rates reached as high as 50% in some of the nation's inner cities that year (Stewart, 1992). Academic competency is an even greater problem. Nationwide, 17-year-old Black students scored an average of between 21 and 48 points less than their White counterparts on standardized proficiency tests in reading, writing, science, and mathematics (US. Depart- ment of Commerce, 1993a). In 1990, only 11% of Black males aged 25 and over had received bachelor's degrees, compared with 12% of Black females and 25% of White males (U.S. Department of Commerce, 199313).

Most of the published material concerned with education and Black males has given short shrift to statistical analysis and documentation of the problem, perhaps assuming that its dimensions are well known. Instead, most have focused on explaining the source of the problem and, even more centrally, on proposing solutions to it. Interestingly, while much of the literature on Black male crime points to economics and specifically employment as the central explanatory issue, much of the literature on Black males and education looks to family structure and relations, socialization, and other cultural issues for explanations. A number of scholars have concerned themselves with the impact family structures and relations have on the educational achievement of African American males. There are conflicting perspectives on this issue. For example, some scholars have concluded that fathers or other significant males have a great deal of impact on their son's academic achievement (Adams, 1990; Green, 1991; Ross, 1987). Others posit that while fathers (or their absence) influence the academic success of their children, it is mothers who play the greatest role in this regard (Foy, 1985). Some workers believe that there is little evidence that the absence of a nuclear family structure automatically lowers the achievement of Black males (Hunt & Hunt, 1979; Ross, 1987). However, it seems widely accepted that academic achievement does depend on parental involvement in, support of, and expecta- tions for their children's educational experience (Groce, 1988; Kilpatrick, 1973; Ross, 1987).

The Journal of Negro Education 519

There is also evidence that severe familial dysfunction (i.e., domestic violence) negatively impacts the academic achievement of Black males (Dyston, 1990).

A significant body of literature addresses what some scholars have identified as dis- criminatory practices within our nation's schools that specifically target young Black males and negatively affect their academic performance. Ross and Jackson (1991) present evidence that teachers in the U.S. have negative expectations of Black male students in general, and that they have the lowest expectations of nonsubmissive, independent Black male students. This corresponds with the perceptions of Black male students themselves, who, one study reports, perceive their teachers' treatment of them as that accorded lower achieving students (Marcus, Gross, & Seefeldt, 1991). A number of workers equate lower academic tracking, particularly the assignment of Black male students to special education classes, as pejorative and discriminatory (Allen-Meares, 1990; Grant, 1992; Hilliard, 1992). Similarly, studies of the implementation of school disciplinary policies point out the disproportionate and negative effects these policies have on Black male students and on these students' opportunities to learn (Taylor & Foster, 1986).

Perhaps as a response to the factors presented above, many Black male students have negative attitudes about their educational experiences, experience higher levels of conflict in school, exhibit antiauthoritarian behavior, and express racialized attitudes-all of which negatively affect their academic achievement (Taylor, 1988; Simmons, Black, & Zhou, 1991; Ford & Harris, 1992; Polite, 1991,1993a, 199313). Consistent with these attitudes and practices, Black male students have been shown to have lower levels of academic self- concept; however, this was not necessarily the case in other areas of self-concept (Kil- patrick, 1973; Obiakor, 1992).

A major focus of attention in the discussion of Black male education has been the perceived cultural mismatch between these students and the academic institutions they attend. For example, a number of scholars have noted the use by Black males of vernacular- based patterns and other culturally specific styles in their academic writing (Barker, 1991; Chapman, 1991). They contend that these and other cultural practices, linguistic forms, and learning styles characteristic of African Americans create problems for Black students forced to conform to the Eurocentric norm (Barker, 1991). Other scholars, in critiquing the Eurocentric nature of status-quo curricula, claim that these curricula are inappropriate for Black male students, who find the information presented in them boring and irrelevant. These scholars claim that extant curricula fail to stimulate the development of positive self-identity among young Black males (Allen-Meares, 1990; Stewart, 1992; Watt & Voda- novich, 1992). An extensive body of recent literature on culturally sensitive alternative educational initiatives presents possible solutions to these and other problems faced by Black male students. A major portion of this literature is concerned with the pros, cons, and possible content of Black male immersion schools (African-American Males Task Force, 1990; Ascher, 1991; Garibaldi, 1992; Ghee, 1990; Hayes & Moses, 1992; Hilliard, 1992; Holland, 1992; Nobles, 1989; Riggs, 1992).

There has been a recent upsurge in the literature on Black males in higher education. The major portion of this work centers around the growing disparity in Black male and Black female enrollment and graduation that has been brought about in large part by a decline in Black male college enrollment and completion rates, not by an increase in Black female rates (Dunn, 1988; Patton, 1988; McJamerson, 1991; Washington & Newman, 1991). Other scholars have documented comparatively low Black male collegiate grade point averages (Hood, 1992), problems with standardized tests (Henry, Bryson, & Henry, 1990), apathy toward academic success (Simms, 1990), resistance to seeking help (Tomlinson & Cope, 1988), poor counseling and lack of financial resources (Dunn, 1988), and insufficient faculty-student interaction (Carroll, 1986) as indications of and reasons for Black male

520 The Journal of Negro Education

difficulties in institutions of higher education. A number of scholars have found that Black males are more successful and have higher academic self-esteem when attending historically Black colleges and universities than they do when they attend predominantly White schools (Carter, 1982).

Upon review of the literature on African American males, we note that a shift in focus occurred in the late 1980s and 1990s with regard to the issues surrounding Black males and Black families in general. During the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, the emphasis in this literature was primarily focused on the problems and ills of the African American family and the impact of the legacy of slavery. The major thrust of this debate was whether Black families had a history of being two-parent and intact, with some middle-classness, or whether these families were predominantly matriarchal and increasingly dysfunctional. In the last 15 years, the debate has shifted to economic and psychosocial issues. Much more emphasis is currently placed on unemployment, lack of educational and economic opportunity, and institutional racism, and the impacts of these forces on the behavior and psyches of African Americans-African American men in particular.

Special attention has been given to Black males' ability to survive and succeed in U.S. society. Many studies examine how Black men handle the trappings of urban life: drugs, crime, homicide. prison, discrimination, school dro~out . and so on. More and more studies

I

addre'ss issues rilated'to culture, from what it means, to how it differs for different populations, how Black males move between cultures, how they adjust to a society whose dominant culture is often alien and disrespectful of their own. how thev are affected bv the stereotypes of Black men, and how tAey cope with discrimination: both overt and covert. Four major issues or areas of concern are addressed in the research literature on African American males. Included among these are demographic and status analyses, investigations of psychosocial context and developmental issues, analyses of economic factors and status, and examinations of issues related to educational opportunity and achievement.

With respect to the status and demographic analyses, the research in this category highlights the plight of the African American male in terms of their high rates of dysfunc- tional and pathological behaviors and conditions. This has led some writers to suggest that Black males are an "endangered species," for on just about every social indicator, African American males are reported to be in trouble or marginally related to the main- stream of contemporary society. Notably absent is any extensive treatment of the segment of the African American male population that is functioning well. While much of the literature emphasizes these negative indicators, questions remain concerning the accuracy and, more importantly, the interpretation of the data and statistics used to support these negative conclusions. These questions, however, receive far less attention. The causes of the negative demographics for African Americans still have not been adequately analyzed and remain hotlv debated. Much less analvsis focuses on what the statistics mean or how

i

to make and understand the fine distinctions between absolute and relative numbers. Due to the confounding of ethnic and class factors, these decontextualized quantitative treatments of the status of Black males are limited in their explanatory power.

The general causes of the crisis for African American males addressed in the literature " are often incorrectly addressed as separate issues in the psychosocial, economic, and educational domains. In the psychosocial literature, emphasis is given to how African American males behave and react to societal conditions. ~articularlv to discrimination,

I

poverty, and marginalization. Some attention has been given to Black male coping strate-

The Journal of Negro Education 521

gies or lack thereof. Several studies address African American males' relationships with their families, with underground economies, and with alternative lifestyles. A growing number of studies provide cultural analyses as well as psychological assessments. Indeed, among the strongest recent developments in this literature is the emergence of ethno- graphic analyses of African American males' lived experiences and the recognition of subcultural norms that are unique to segments of this population.

The emphases in the economic studies on Black males are on economic status, employ- ment/unemployment, the relationship of skill mastery to employability, the expanding Black underclass, and the disproportionate suffering of African American males from economic downturns and structural inequalities in U.S. society. Unemployment and eco- nomic marginality are considered to be major issues and causes of many of African Americans' poor performances. Although the system itself, especially the discriminatory behavior of the system, is seen as the main culprit or cause of the problem, some of this literature places the cause of Black economic insufficiency squarely on the dysfunctional behaviors of Black males. Missing in this literature is any systematic treatment of the political economy of the African American male experience, which is marked by the absence of any meaningful control of the wealth and power to influence the life chances of Black people.

It is perhaps the literature on the conditions of the education, miseducation, and undereducation of African Americans, males included, that has received the greatest attention. Replete in this literature are studies that document the following: African Ameri- cans' unequal access to and facilities for formal education, the poor quality of schooling available to large numbers of African American students, the cultural differences between most of these students and their teachers, the inadequate home and family support they receive for academic learning, their poor academic socialization, the high African American school dropout rates and declining college and graduate school attendance, the disparities in rewards for educational achievement between Blacks and other groups, and the low expectations of academic productivity held for African American students, particularly males. Much of this literature is descriptive of possible interventions, some of which have been hailed as highly promising but that lack sufficient data to support their claims. In recent years, the educational literature on Black males has included attention to the claims for Afrocentric emphases in curriculum and a return to race- and gender-specific settings for learning. Unfortunately, this literature is considerably richer in its descriptions of the fact that problems exist than it is in solutions to these problems.

Generally, research on African American males has been too limited in its scope. It is primarily a literature of the failures and dysfunctional behavior of Black males, and it is greatly overrepresentative of Black males in the inner cities. This focus neglects the majority of the Black male population and fails to more fully address age, class, gender, and geographical issues. It is the absence of appropriate attention to the broad range of adaptations and maladaptations found in this populations that is perhaps the greatest weakness of this literature.

African American males are in trouble. Their condition is probably more serious than that of any other subpopulation in this nation, with the possible exception of Native Americans, but this negative picture is not true for all Black males. Some of this population not only survives but achieves. Reference to the more positive side of the picture is just beginning to get into the literature.

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