Public Value

Mission Mystique and a Belief System Template

Chapter

MANY SEE THE FIELD OF PUBLIC ADM INISTRA TION AS IN DE c LINE. I do not share this view. At the same time, I have no interest in resur- recting the field's traditions formed during th e Progressive Era, New Deal or World War II. I do, however, contend that strong administrative agencies within government are critical in our current times. Without them we could not con- front the millennium's great problems such as a degrading environment, a fragile global economy and outbreaks of radical religious fundamentalism around the world. Although collaboration and networks are certainly needed to deal with these problems, competent and dedicated government organizations are essential as well. For purposes of lawful and democratic governance, these organizations should lead the collaborations and form the nodes of the networks. In light of this , the point is not to dwell on public administration's supposed decline , but to consider how its highest possible potential can be reached.

I argue in this book that in addition to insisting that bureaucracies be honest, lawful, efficient, responsible, ably led and adequately financed , we must take the next step by going beyond correcting what is wrong to capitalizing on what is right. My working assumption is that if we look at government agencies around us that stand out as "best," we will find they consist of cohesive groups of women and men who are "turned on" by so mething. But by what? Not their paychecks, nor the latest reform gimmicks, but by the very work they are doing: stopping child abuse, fighting forest fires , battling epidemics. Less dramatic activities have consequences deep into the future too, such as building safe highways, helping children learn and allowing the aged to live out their days in dignity. People doing these things find their working lives important precisely because the work they are doing is important. Public administration's highest level of attainment is

2 CHAPTER 1

reached when the energy generated by serious engagement in important public tasks finds its way into all aspects of agency life. The question asked in this book is , how do we conceive of and move toward that state?

THE IDEA AND STUDY OF MISSION MYSTIQUE

My answer is embodied in a notion called mission mystique. This is a quality of public agencies that can serve as a reference point for promotion of animated and reflective administration. It lays the basis for conscious development of strong institutional belief systems for agencies that center on a compelling public mission.

In the mission mystique organization, employees labor not merely to imple- ment laws faithfully or to run programs efficiently, as critical as these require- ments are. The act of carrying out the mission itself kindles passion. Men and women work hard and creatively because they want to make the most emphatic mark possible on the community and world with respect to their mission. This sense of dedication and diligence is then noticed by attentive publics and confers on the institution an aura of special pride and commitment. The institution in effect becomes endowed with a kind of magnetism or institution- level charisma. The analogy in the armed forces is the "crack" military units of which all those in uniform are in awe.

The choice of language is deliberate. My Random House dictionary's first meaning for the word mystique is "a framework of doctrines, ideas, beliefs or the like , constructed around a person or object, endowing him or it with enhanced value or profound meaning. " An illustration of applying the concept to an insti- tution is Morehouse College in Atlanta, Ga. The president of this small, male, historically African-American college, Dr. Robert Franklin, drums into the heads of the students that they are at Morehouse to acquire the "five wells": well-read, well-spoken, well-traveled, well-dressed and well-balanced. The title of one of his recent commencement speeches was "The Soul of Morehouse and the Future of the Mystique. " 1

My dictionary's second meaning for the word is "an aura of mystery or mysti- cal power. " This definition is less helpful to us but not entirely out of place, for the emotive nature of the first definition cannot always be put into words. Indeed, this may be one of the attractions of mystique. Still, if we want to do something practical with mission mystique we need to spell out its elements, as was done by President Franklin at Morehouse.

A New Normative Model

I begin along this line by noting the significance of the modifier mission. Use of this term derives from the truism that conviction is tied to purpose. The aura that surrounds highly respected agencies centers on the organization's reason

MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 3

for being. Hence my ter minology is mission mystique. It is the co nstru ct's underlying fo undation in that it permeates th e institution's culture, animates its workfo rce and inspires a desire to improve.

A full set of the concept's elements, which I offer as the template for a new normative model for the field, was developed during the course of studying in extensive detail six ou tstanding public organizations that from outward appear- ances are premier in their respective policy realms. The personal experience of "entering into" these entities was the source of most of my ideas. The template's components formed over five years of concerted research and were not co mplete until the end of the journey. Yet, interestingly eno ugh , even though the six agen- cies collectively "authored" the model, none of them fu lly measured up to it. As in the Weberian ideal type, the particul ar diverges from the ideal, but in multiple examples of its class is represented in the ideal's essence. Such individuation is itself helpful in emphasizing that all institutions are unique and must be accepted as such. W hile I hope that practitioners will benefit from this undertaking by being encouraged to experiment with some of my ideas, they will not find uni- versal "o ne size fits all" nostrums in this book. Indeed, because of the underlying premise that coherence derives from the particular mission, each application of the template must be unique.

Belief System

C larification is also needed for the phrase "belief system ." On first blush such language seems out of place in our practical, skeptical field . We are, of co urse, familiar wi th systems of all kinds in public administration , but they are tangible management or information systems, not intangible belief sys tems. Further- more, the word belief denotes acting on faith rather than fact, something more suited to the ecclesiastic, not bureaucratic, realm . Worse, associating subj ective conviction with the com preh ensive notion of system impli es a unified dogma, which is even more alienating.

Let me hasten to say that by emphas izi ng belief I am not leading us down a road to abso lutist, doctrinal publi c administration. First, the word belief does not mean an absence of reason or of empirical experience. In fact, convincing beliefs must reflect both. Seco nd , belief systems need not claim possession of absolute truth ; that is the task of sacred beliefs-and agency beliefs are decidedly secular, with the only "truth" being true to one's principles. This means that multipl e, and conflicting, beliefs will inevi tably hold sway in the plural istic bureaucracy that democracy spawns. Third, the belief sys tems to which I refer are not at the level of universal abstractions. Arthur D enzau and Douglass North would call them "s hared mental models" by which individuals make sense of complex prob- lems not amenable to rational choice, doing so through perception-shaping cul- tures and ideas. To Louis Howe they wo uld be "weak ontologies," or commitmen.ts

4 CHAPTER 1

to an administrative perspective that allows "enchantment" while eschewing authoritarian dogmatism. 2

Whether we recognize it or not, many belief systems are already enshrined in the field of public administration. Examples are faith in the rule of law, the pri- macy of the chief executive and the values of economy and efficiency. Policy analysis, ince ntive-b ased entrepreneurship, public-private partnershi ps and stakeholder analysis also embody worldviews that involve sys temic beliefs. None of these ideas is irrefutably "right" in the sense of being objectively true; rather, each is a social construction that is subj ectively accepted by many and hence cre- ates its own "reality" in practice. Mission mystique is the same, and I hope it can occupy one corner of the field 's enacted meaning.

Bureaucracy and Mission Mystique

As all students of public administration know, much of our literature (and soci- ety) views bureaucracies in a decidedly negative light. Worthless or dangerous government departments are also social co nstructions, although widely shared ones . Many see public bureaucracy, as a general proposition, replete with turf fixation , silo iso lation, rule obsession and tendencies toward aggrandizement. The point this specter makes for us is that mission mystique must not be allowed to degenerate into a Frankens tein's monster. In-group tightness and isolation, along with true believer attitudes, could easi ly al low that to happen.

Again , permit me three clarifications in this regard . Firs t, I lay down as pre- conditions to mission m ys tique acceptance of the Constitution and laws of the land, as well as responsiveness to legal enactments of the two politi cal branches of government and to the judicial interpretations of the third branch. Thus if mis- sion mystique morphs into a monster it is, by definition , no longer mission mystique. Second, whereas the template incorporates what I call qualified-i.e., limited-policy autonomy, this independence must be within reason and con- fined to realms where political superiors have not spoken or to the practice of advocacy and not outright disobedience or sabotage. That is to say, when top executive officials or legislative bodies countermand exercise of such autonomy, the agency must yield. Third , I would point out that empiri cal research on bureaucratic behavior offers ample evidence that agency officials are aware of their respo nsibilities to elected officials an d tend to support a new administration in power even when the changes are contrary to personal views. 3

Agencies of Study

A word or two on the research itself. The initial idea for this book came from a visit I paid to the U.S. Department of the Interior in 2003. On that occasion I talked with several career department officials and asked, among other things,

MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 5

whether any of the bureaus in their "Department of Everything, " as they call themselves, stood out. Their response was, unhesitatingly, that the National Park Service (NPS) is No. 1. Reflecting on this consensus, two conceptual questions I had not thought of previously came to mind: Could the features of this highly touted bureau be distilled out to form a model of excellence? Could other highly successful agencies in American government be found to have similar character- istics? My ultimate answer to both questions was yes , but over the subsequent years I was surprised by how much unfolding this idea involved.

The organizations studied included the NPS and three other federal agencies: the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , the National Weather Service and the Peace Corps. Other levels of government were represented by the Vir- ginia State Police and the Department of Social Services of Mecklenburg County, N .C. (Charlotte) . They were picked because of their range of missions repre- sented and standout reputations , with convenience of location a secondary fac- tor. In each study, I began by absorbing website postings and published literature. Then I visited the headquarters of each organization and conducted open-ended interviews with top executives and several managers. I also traveled to field instal- lations to talk to persons down the hierarchy, along with informed outsiders like retirees , elected officials, clients, critics and bureaucrats from elsewhere. The 105 persons interviewed or consulted for the book are named in a list at the end. Supplementing these sources were internal reports, government documents, newspaper articles, Internet biogs and direct observation. For the reader's conve- nience, an appendix provides summary data on each of the six institutions.

In writing each agency study I try figuratively to bring the reader into that organization's unique world. Sufficient detail is provided to allow readers to con- sider implications of their own and to evaluate my conclusions. I do not use a uniform format of presentation but allow each story to be told on its own terms. In different ways and to different degrees I address history, legal grounding, orga- nization, leadership, programs, culture, policy, politics and conduct. Every study begins, however, with a critical incident that "brings to life" that agency's world, and ends with an overall assessment of fit with the mission mystique template.

LITERATURE PERTINENT TO MISSION MYSTIQUE

I turn now to the literature that influenced most fully the theoretical positions taken in this book. After beginning with lines of inquiry that are instructive for their contrast to my approach, I discuss sources that were important for develop- ing the mission mystique concept from the standpoints of purpose, motivation and culture.

This book is not a public sector replay of In Search of Excellence and similar studies. Thomas Peters and Robert Waterman's 1982 business classic also builds

6 CHAPTER I

a model of organizational quality from examples of outstanding cases, but suc- cess for these authors is measured by quantitative corporate criteria like market share and return rates. By contrast, success in my study is defined as possessing an intensity of purpose, energized culture and capacity to change. Also, whereas the "lessons" drawn by Peters and Waterman are strategies for CEOs to follow, mine consist of broad institutional attributes intended for public administrators generally to adopt if appropriate. 4

Second, this book is not on the topic of branding, even though in recent years that term has migrated to government from the business world. While for the marketplace of commerce the co ncept of branding makes sense, mission mys- tique is not appealing to buyer desires but to meeting societal needs. It is note- worthy, however, that theorists of branding are sp lit into two camps. One uses market surveys and electronic data collection to target precisely individual wants. The other school of thought is dedicated to implanting "passionbrands" or "superbrands" in the public's mind that attract loyal patrons over time, some- times drawing on archetypes to that end. The latter is a slightly closer analogy to our subject. 5

A third line of contrasting research is on the high-reliability organization. Todd La Porte, originator of this work, points o ut how aircraft carriers, nuclear power plants, air traffic control systems and blood supply networks must be absolutely failure-free to the greatest extent possible. Hence the institutional quality of uppermost significance in these systems is constancy. It is achieved by precise goals, standard operating procedures, feed back information systems and redundant controls. While La Porte's work possesses a normative thrust simi lar to the tone of this book, mission mystique calls for a capacity to change, not just dependability or predictability.6

Organization and Institution

We turn now to works that contribute directly to development of the book's theoretical positions. The single most important source in this regard is Philip Selznick's Leadership in Administration: A Sociological Interpretation, first pub- lished in 1957. 7 One of Selznick's most important ideas for us is his analytical distinction between the organization and the institution. The first is a formal system of objectives and rules expressly designed to achieve the coordination and discipline needed for complex work. It is a creature of human rationalism set up (or modified) at a given moment in time to achieve a current purpose. An institu- tion is an organization upon which a mantle of informal relationships and shared values has settled. Not deliberately designed , it is a natural product of social needs and pressures that emerge organically over time. As a man-made organism, it evolves, adapts, responds and prizes the founding heritage from which it came.

Thus while the organization is a rational instrument to achieve other pur- poses, the institution and its work possess inherent worth. The organization

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becomes institutionalized when it is infused with values beyond the technical requirements at hand. The leader's task is to build on the existing social base to form a core of members who immerse themselves in the institution's culture as they attend to their daily tasks. The organism reflects its own evolving val- ues while adapting continuously to the external environment. Behavior in support of the institution's own purposes is spontaneously motivated rather than contrived.

Selznick says that the totality of the institution's rational and normative attri- butes forms a "distinctive competence," or character, that sets it apart as unique. The essential ingredients of this competence are possession of a clearly defined mission and an embodiment of the mission's values within the normative fabric of the institution. The result is that its members are personally bathed in these values as they execute and elaborate policy. Meanwhile, the institution's leader- ship must be prepared to defend the integrity of the institution's values against undesired encroachment. Other responsibilities are to mediate internal conflict and maintain a spirit of voluntary coordination when possible.

One of my former students, Larry Terry, wrote a book titled Leadership of Public Bureaucracies that was partly inspired by Selznick's work. 8 In it he pre- sented a concept of "administrative conservatorship" that builds on Selznick's notion of distinctive competence. Terry argues that leaders of public organiza- tions should see themselves not as heroic agents of change but as conservers of the "wholeness" or integrity of their institution's distinctive competence. This includes interpreting the mission appropriately, which means not merely refer- ring mechanically to the text of an organic act but drawing from its spirit a proper reading for the current times. Thus administration extends beyond mere enforcement of the law, or even delegated authority, to a creative preservation of distinctive competence as circumstances change over time.

Leadership

The writings of Selznick and his followers stress the importance of the leader, and properly so. Someone must launch the institution , i.e., take a freshly minted organization with a statutory purpose and turn it into a value-laden institution with distinctive competence. Also insightful and compelling personalities are needed when radical new directions are necessary. Yet Arjen Boin and Tom Christensen, in an essay on the development of public institu- tions, argue that the forward movement of bureaucracies is characterized by advancing complex goals in an exposed political environment. 9 This means agency leadership must embrace subtleties that a purely "great man" theory of progress could overlook.

Boin and Christensen go on to say that public administration founders must overcome the liability of newness , develop effective practice, lay the basis for a belief system, mobilize external support and survive a fragile honeymoon. Thus

8 CHAPTER I

their best bet may be to initiate norm-creation processes, experiment with ideas for symbol and action, and nudge rather than require members to participate in a process of acculturation. They summarize the leader's preferred role as facilita- tor of the development process, not imposer of direction or style.

Another pertinent concept regarding leaders and institutions is that of align- ment between the two. Barry Dym and Harry Hutson develop this idea, illustrat- ing it negatively by asking an MBA graduate to head a counterculture commune. Attaining good alignment involves picking leaders whose character and style march the type of organization, making sure the leader's values are consonant with the organization's culture, selecting someone whose skill set would be in harmony with the resources available to work with, and ascertaining whether the leader's personal objectives are in keeping with the mission and strategy of the organization. 10

This view contrasts with the domineering entrepreneur for whom In Search of Excellence was written. Also, it is very different from active leadership roles favored by most public management theory. A contrary view would be that once the founding is complete and distinctive competence is intact, the time should come when leadership is not so much pulling the organization along but being a part of it. When this occurs, the institution may best be thought of as possessing its own trajectory; in effect, it shares a kind of leadership role.

Such an image is in keeping with another line of literature, that of the new institutionalism in political science. It is called "new" because its exponents, such as James March and Johan Olsen, wish to segregate themselves from traditional political science that emphasized the wording of laws and the derails of formal organization. The new approach seeks to identify general, underlying patterns and processes in institutional development and behavior. Intellectual abstractions are favored such as the concepts of"appropriateness" (when an act complies with accepted norms) and "isomorphism" (the power consequences of a dominant paradigm).

For us, the most useful insight offered by this school is that institutions stand out in the political firmament as special because they persist over long periods of time despite changes in membership and leadership. Once set in motion, the elaborated rules, roles and symbols enable them to acquire a collective character and identity that is carried forward to successive generations. Equipped with an accumulation of knowledge and experience, the value of institutions lies in that, unlike single cooperating individuals , they have the potential to adapt to absorb imperatives of their environment and produce consistent, desirable outcomes. Neo-institutionalists refer to this feature as "historical efficiency." 11

The Three Pillars of Institution

Moving to the field of organization theory, W. Richard Scott has introduced to the literature a three-part framework that has become influential: the three

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pillars of institutions.12 Although Scott's objective is to use the pillars as means of contrasting different paradigms in the study of institutions, he admits that each pillar is found in any given organization. The first, called the regulative pillar, is a system of rules and accompanying rewards and punishments designed to ensure conformity to those rules. This pillar has an objective, coercive quality and oper- ates by the mechanism of member self-interest. The second, called the normative pillar, consists of a set of values as to what is important and a set of norms on how things should be done. Accordingly, it defines goals and prescribes means to attain them. Members act not out of self-interest but because they personally agree with the values and norms. The third pillar is called cognitive. It frames meaning and thereby manipulates it. A culture of signs, symbols and rituals enunciates, reinforces and transfers shared values; even though subjectively formed, they take on the guise of undeniable truths. Together, the three pillars achieve the institution's legitimacy in the eyes of its members and observers.

The institution's culture, found in Scott's second and third pillars, is the prime mechanism for holding the institution's social pieces together and sustaining its ethos over time. Despite its obvious relevance to the public sector, academic interest in organizational culture originated in the business world. Early authors on the subject saw it as a site of manipulation by management in order to shake up the stultified attitudes of poor-performing corporations. Later the focus was broadened to cover organizational change in general, with the object being to increase worker motivation and augment managerial control. The underlying purpose of these culture studies is to foster "co ngruency" between the desires of workers and managers, i.e., to bring everyone over to management's side.

When the topic of organizational culture migrated to public administration, the aim shifted away from manipulation and in the direction of a better under- standing of the phenomenon by the academy.]. Steven Ott has proposed four categories of cultural manifestation, a typology that expands the work of Edgar Schein. 13 The most overt elements are artifacts. These include architecture, office arrangements, graphic symbols and equipment. Also in this category are linguistic jargon, anecdotes , stories, myths and accounts of founding heroes. Somewhat less apparent are behavior patterns, i.e., attitudes, customs, habits, manners, shared expectations, styles of interaction, generic management prac- tices , informal rules and ritual performances. A third category of cultural mechanism is beliefs and values. These include beliefs as to what is true, com- mitments as to what is desirable, philosophies and ideologies, concepts of iden- tity, codes of ethics, tacit understandings, justifications for behavior, realms of knowledge, purposes of action and accepted visions of the future. The final category is basic assumptions below the surface of conscious thought-for example, the importance of law, the meaning of democracy, and definitions of corruption and fairness.

A number of public administration scholars have explored this topic. In his research on prisons, John Diiulio compared several correctional institutions,

10 CHAPTER 1

concluding that their successful management depends on building and main- taining a strong organizational culture. To do this, leaders should focus on results, infuse the organization with an ethic, manage by walking around, form alliances with outsiders, innovate incrementally, and stay in place at least eight years in order to absorb and influence the culture. 14

My colleague Anne Khademian has pub lished a book on organization culture that links the issues ofleadership, mission and culture. Called Working with Cul- ture, its central point is the importance of concentrating on the success of public programs. 15 She endorses agency cultures that help integrate program fragments and provide a navigational tool for actors in the political environment. In her view, the best ones (1) possess a robustness based on long history, (2) incorporate the value of program excellence at the team as well as individual level , and (3) strive for openness to change, learning, diversity and systemic thinking.

Khademian also warns that the organization's culture is not amenable to uni- lateral control or reengineering by managers. Instead, leaders must "work with the culture" as it evolves organically from its roots. She identifies these roots as (1) the organizational task or mission , (2) the resources provided to accomplish that task, and (3) the political environment's legacies, expectations and con- straints. In doing such culture work the manager should identify the exact nature of program commitments, understand their connections to the roots of culture, think about what changes in the culture are needed, consult with fellow mem- bers of the organization on these changes, negotiate adjustments with the exter- nal environment's stakeholders and power-holders, and relentlessly practice and demonstrate the needed cultural innovations.

Sense of Mission

Another book that integrates strategy, mission and culture is A Sense of Mission: Defining Direction for the Large Corporation, by Andrew Campbell and Laura Nash. 16 These authors write from the perspective of business management and, after studying several British companies, have developed a model for maximizing motivation and output by means of such integration. To them the "sense of mis- sion" has little to do with a written statement, but consists of a coherent set of authentically felt norms that possess genuine meaning for all employees. They propose a model made up of four components: (1) purpose-the fundamental, agreed-upon reason for the company's existence; (2) strategy-the commercial logic for the organization's competitive market posture; (3) policies-the action guidelines and behavioral patterns that are realized in practice; and (4) values- the beliefs and moral principles that are embedded in the company culture. In a diagram these components are placed at the four corners of a diamond , with purpose at the apex, strategy at the left corner, values at the right and policies at the bottom. The four points are connected by lines to show how fundamental purpose is translated into action by the mediation through two different lenses:

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the left corner's rational strategy in meeting market competition and the right's noneconomic values and beliefs that additionally affect the organization, i.e., corporate standards and moral princip les .

A second book from business management in the U.K. is The Purpose-Driven Organization: Unleashing the Power of Direction and Commitment, by Perry Pascarella and Mark Frohman. 17 In the context of the corporation, the authors contend that the direction and commitment of the organization as an entirety is best unleashed not by a single, masterful intervention, but by means of continu- ous, gradual change at all hierarchical levels and all work sites. The authors pro- pose that a "purpose statement" be developed that combines three devices of socialization : the formal mission statement, a credo or code of ethics, and the current vision for the future. A synthesis of these becomes, ideally, a convincing conveyance of the institution's overall reason for being. Worked out over rime and with extensive employee participation , this formulation, when produced and projected effectively, is said to generate a source of energy and commitment nor obtained by compensation or promotion. The workforce's total extent of empowerment is defined as the aggregate force of every member's determination to achieve the agreed-upon end.

Pascarella and Frohman contend that the purpose statement can be said to look to both past and future. On the one hand , it incorporates knowledge of the organization's history and a readiness to retain what already works well. On the other, it imagines a future state whose attainment requires flexible innovation in order to keep up with a fast-changing world . By looking in both temporal direc- tions this way, stated purpose becomes like the keel in a boat that affords forward motion at maximum speed, along with adept maneuverability.

The Nature and Importan ce of Mission

A number of other writers have elaborated on the nature of mission as manifest in the public sector. James Q. Wilson speaks of "sense of mission, " the same phrase used by Campbell and Nash. He, too , means not a statement of goals but a widely shared and warmly endorsed culture that is difficult to create but con- fers a feeling of special worth on members , aids in recruitment and socialization, and allows managers to economize on material incentives. Wilson likens it to Selznick's notion of distinctive competence. 18

T. Zane Reeves, in a book on Vista and the Peace Corps, postulates that these two organizations have what he calls a "commitment culture ," in contrast to the more common "process culture" found in American bureaucracy. Such agencies possess a "secularized missionary identity" that embraces the attributes of a clear sense of purpose, a shared set of values, a proclivity to take action, high employee morale, an abundance of creativity, the absence of a counterculture, and vigorous interaction with clients and citizens. Reeves expresses the opinion that the phe- nomenon is kept from forming at the federal level because of the periodic change

12 CHAPTER I

of presidential administrations, and is perhaps more common at the state or local level of government. 19

The literature on nonprofit organizations also recognizes the importance of mission, which is not surprising because such institutions depend on serving a cause to survive. E. B. Knauft, Renee A. Berger and Sandra T. Gray researched a "search for excellence"-type book on nonprofits and found that the outstanding ones have a clearly articulated mission, a leader who can set in motion a culture that motivates fulfillment of the mission, and a board that can bring in funds and provide a bridge to the community. The mission for such entities is con- stantly on the tongues of leaders and staff as they deal with board members and citizens. But while the organization is single-minded in pursuing the mission , it must also be prepared to adapt it to changing times. 20

Psychologist Janet Weiss theorizes on the inner processes by which a mission frames and motivates the members of an organization, which she says happens in three ways. First, structures of knowledge stemming from the mission process incoming information. Categorizations are made and paths of causation assumed. Even though this framing has a stabilizing effect on information processing, con- versations over mission within the organization can lead to new knowledge struc- tures. Second, the mission motivates individuals by identifying a clear collective interest of the society, thus making possible intrinsic motivation from the work itself. Third, existence of the mission assists in the making of decisions by offer- ing reference points for weighing what actions are desirable in the future, as well as justifying past actions. 2 1

Commitment, Culture and Effectiven ess

Yoash Wiener, an authority on behavioral approaches to management, develops a theory of normative commitment in the organization that is based not on instrumental logic but on internalized moral beliefs as to what should be done. 22

He proposes a model of causation that shows personal biological factors and home socialization as leading to personality needs, which in turn affect-within the organization-operant beliefs, motivations and commitments, intentions and behaviors. By pre-screening recruits, socializing new members and selecting dedicated leaders, the organization augments employee contributions beyond the logic of rational self-interest. Wiener measures organizational commitment by three variables: personal sacrifice to the organization, heightened persistence and long tenure, and mental preoccupation with the work.

My colleague Gary Wamsley has introduced to the organizational literature the notion of an institution's constitution. 23 By this he means the relatively stable "rules of the game" that permeate its normative order. Whether or not these rules are openly discussed or unspoken, their function is to lay out common expecta- tions of what actions are acceptable and what are not. Rule content relates to such

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matters as the distribution of power among department heads, dominant policy coalitions and/or operational cadres, procedures for the succession and transfer of power, and tolerable versus intolerable methods of conflict and dissent.

Are mission-oriented agencies with a strong culture more effective than those without these characteristics? Hal Rainey and Paula Steinbauer undertook to build theory on the subject by canvassing the conclusions of several scholars on the interrelationship of mission orientation, leadership characteristics and task design. 24 This "search for excellence" asks what makes certain outstanding pub- lic organizations end up being "galloping elephants" among lesser animals. Their conclusion is that several factors seem causal, such as when authorities who oversee the organization are themselves supportive of its mission; support- ive interest groups embrace the agency but are diverse enough not to "capture" it; the public generally is supportive, as are organizational allies and partners; relatively generous operating autonomy exists to allow creativity; and the orga- nizational culture is strong, especially if linked to mission accomplishment, responsiveness and adaptability. Politically skillfu l leaders that serve for long tenures are also helpful, as well as professional gro ups that augment commit- ment and enhance autonomy. Finally, highly motivated employees are neces- sary, animated by three possible forces: public service motivation, or general dedication ro concepts of public good; task motivation, or being drawn to a particular activity because of personal interest; and mission motivation , or belief in the inherent importance of the work being done . The authors refer to this last characteristic in terms of mission valence, i.e., whether one is person- ally negative or positive toward the mission. If the valence is positive and suffi- ciently so, an individual may self-select into the organization by applying for employment.

Considerable empirical work of a quantitative nature has been done to seek correlations between existence of a clear mission culture and effectiveness. Much of it is of little value because of inadequate measures of the variables, and over- views of studies in the business literature are inconclusive. John Kotter and James Heskett reported on the results of four studies of U.S. firm s; their conclusion was that corporate culture seems to have a significant impact on long-term perfor- mance if the culture does not freeze stability. 25 Swedish scholar Mats Alvesson surveyed international research on the subject and found the verdict to be mixed, with the direction of causality sometimes running from performance to culture rather than in the opposite way.26 Occasionally, research on government- employee motivation is more encouraging; for example, in a survey of employees of a New York state agency, Bradley Wright found that personnel are motivated to put their best efforts forward when they view their agency's work as significant and their own contribution to it as important. Th is is especially the case when they regard the job as hard, believe they are good at it, and clearly know its impact. 27

14 CHAPTER I

A MISSION MYSTIQUE TEMPLATE

What, then , does mission mystique in action look like? Thinking of the passion- kindling nature of the mission as the central source of electric power in the turned-on public agency, what does the social circuitry within the institution look like that draws on that energy to operate an animated organization over time?

I call it a belief system-or belief systems, since al l institutions by definition possess their individual characteristics. Still, I contend, a commonality exists among effective mission mystique belief systems to the extent that a set of key attributes is present. The word system suggests, th ese characteris ti cs-nine in number-are interconnected. They form the foundation of the book's analysis, and for convenience I present them in abbreviated matrix form. The resulting construct is called a template rather than a model or blueprint, in that the cells present general guidance, not explicit instruction (see Figure 1.1).

A summary of the template's contents may be made by row. Each row of the matrix can be thought of as making, by virtue of the combined effect of its cells, a distinct contribution to mission mystique. Starting with the top row, its three cells collectively bestow an aura of being endowed with a sense of purpose-the agency is charged with an important public mission, achieving it responds to urgent needs , and past achievements are known. The middle row's trio of cells indicates the presence of passion and commitment-the organization's personnel are highly motivated , its culrure is institutionalized and supportive, and its history is identified and celebrated. The bottom row's attributes sustain the

Figure 1.1 The Mission Mystique Belief System: A Temp late

System Requirements

A Purposive Aura

Internal Comm itment

Sustaining Features

Prime Qualities

1 A ce ntral miss ion purpose permeates the age ncy

4 Agency personnel are intrin sical ly motivated

7 Be li efs are open to contestation and opposition

Source: Compiled by the author.

Essential Elaborations

2 The societal need met by the miss ion is seen as urgent

5 Agency cu lture instituti onalizes the belief system

8 Qualified policy autonomy to permit appropriate change

Temporal Aspects

3 Has a distin ctive reputation based on ach ieve ment

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AN D A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 15

institution over time-i nternal dissent is voiced , room for creative policy action exists, and habits of organizational learning and renewal are ingrained . In sum , the institution possesses the following characte ri sti cs, enu merated as in the figure: (1) direction, (2) imp ortance and (3) confidence; (4) dedication , (5) com - munity an d (6) identity; and (7) di sse nt, (8) po li cy space and (9) renewal.

T he reader will note that I have not shown in the templ ate features commonly thought of as prese nt in any acceprabl e govern m ent age ncy, such as compliance to the Const itution and laws, o bservance of standard ethical practices, and at least minimall y adeq uate reso urces . They are ass um ed to exist in the mission mystique agency, and an absence thereof results in ineli gib ili ty for the status. Another precondition , as mentioned ea rli er, is able leadership. This is obviously a c riti cal factor, yet what "able" mea n s in the co ntext of mi ss ion mystique varies-a ropi c that is bes t addressed in the book's co ncludin g chapter.

Mission Purpose

An emph atic definition of central in st ituti onal purpose, covered in cell 1, is a kind of "first among eq ual s" in the array of mi ssio n mystique attributes. It gives the age ncy pol itical di recti o n , captures its importan ce, establishes its reason for being a nd forms the basis of its mystique. More than any other quali ty, a stro ng sense of miss ion is indispensable to moral e, image and success. Without it, the o rganiza tion is perce ived as one more bureaucra ti c pi ece of furniture in the house of government-largely unno ti ced , probably wo rn o ut, a likel y boring pl ace to work, and certain ly possess in g no di stinction .

Organizations, private and public, have different ways of exp ress in g th eir mis- sions. T he miss ions of corpo ratio ns, crafted by management, ce nter on achieving management's goals, with perh aps altruistic-sounding references to citizen needs and serving the co mmuni ty included . Mission statements in gove rnment, drafted with a politi cal ear to the ground , often m ake the mistake of try in g to in co rpo- rate every activity in the organization , and in the process of becoming so co m- prehensive they are utterly bland and insta ntly forgettab le. No netheless , such sta tements are reverently framed and hun g on office walls. Campbell and Nash are right in say in g th at a true sense of miss ion may have littl e to do with wri tten documents; yet Pascarella and Fro hman point out that th e very act of hav ing emp loyees participate in the process of prep aring a missio n statem ent, credo or visio n statement may ge nerate energy and commitment.

In gove rnm ent we find two distinct types of mi ss ion articulation. One occurs when a new major goal is set by the legislative body, th e implementation of whi ch crea tes an agency. In these in stances, what is called the organic act typi- cally co ntains a clause that srates the miss ion. This sta tement, a lega l and sym- boli c ac t of confe r ral of del egated authority, beco m es a powerfu l tool of accu lturati on inside th e agency and of politi cal persuasion outside it. If succi nct enoug h to be eas ily rem embered, the word ing can become so m ething of an

16 CHAPTER 1

agency mantra, repeated over and over in policy debates and legislative testi- mony. In this book I refer to such enunciated missions as "specified."

The second type of mission found in the public sector arises when legislative bodies, instead of embarking self-conscious ly on new initiatives, simp ly put in place the structures needed to carry out traditional, accepted functions of government. Examples are schoo ls or universities in the case of public educa- tion and police or fire departments in the public safety function. In effect, the mere creation of the organization establishes its mission. In this book I call such missions "acknowledged. " This does not mean these unstated purposes cannot be fas hioned into culturally stirring or politically appealing rhetorical devices, however. For example, in this book we encounter instances where insis- tence on achieving the highest possible superiority in performing the traditional function becomes a mission rallying cry.

The literature on mission's contribution to organizational effectiveness makes much of the notion that a mission should be unitary. The assumption here is that having a single, clear goal concentrates the force of the mission and thus has the greatest impact on behavior. Wilson and oth ers who tie mission to culture expand this logic to how a single mission strengthens the institution's entire thrust.

It would be a mistake, however, to jump to conclusions. Certainly, if the entity being discussed incorporates many missions because it is a composite department with many bureaus, the mission sense is weakened, perhaps to the point of disappearing. The Defense, Interior and Commerce Departments come to mind in this respect. In these instances, mission mystique is applicable only at the bureau or subdivision level, where a focused identity might exist.

Yet even at the bureau or small agency level, mission multiplicity may occur. The consequences of that will depend on various factors. If different facets of one central purpose can be identified, coherence is possible-for example, fighting crime versus preventing it. Also, competing but allied purposes may require sepa- rate identification, such as punishing tax cheaters while trying to get them to settle up. Still another possib ility is projecting a meaningful yet vaguely defined mission so as to hold it open to further elaboration, such as expanding a cam- paign against domestic child abuse to patrolling the Internet for predators.

The bottom line is that to contribute to mystique the mission should have two characteristics. One is a compelling "bite, " achieved by a crisp phrasing that captures the imagination by aiming for the high ground or even conveying elan. For example, a public works department would not say it fills potholes or collects garbage, but that it keeps the community clean and repaired. An airport author- ity would not describe its mission as operat in g an aviation terminal, but as pro- viding the gateway to the city.

The second essential quality for the mission message is to constitute a concept that is sufficiently simple that it can be absorbed and remembered. Ir should not

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 17

be a lengthy statement; in fact, the expression may not be reducible to a single exact text at all, but embody a si ngle powerful idea. Illustrations would be reduc- ing the communiry's carbon imprint (a recycling program) or enriching citizens nonmonetarily (a museum or arts center). The very imprecision of such concep ts allows for future interpretation and may even evoke a bit of "mystery" mystique. The object is not clear expression but emotional voltage.

Urgent Need

When the agency mission addresses an urgent societal need, the importance of that mission is verified-the point of cell 2. Indeed, it is on this point that the organization's legitimacy is ultimately at stake. It goes witho ut saying that all societal "needs" are constructed subjectively. Yet some are sufficiently agreed upon to take on the appearance of objective meaning. Examples are recessions, hurricanes and epidemics; when these catastrophes occur, regulators of the econ- omy, emergency management agencies and public health departments receive public support-provid ed they are perceived as doin g a good job.

Hopefully, many needs that government addresses are quite "real " in this sense. But citizens always disagree, of course, because policy problems bother people differentially. Thus agencies operate in an environment of political con- flict and divided media attention. When treading this unsteady ground, the mis- sion mystique agency must proceed carefully. If it is perceived as artificially inflating societal need by scare tactics, propaganda or loaded "needs assessments," long-run credib iliry is threatened . The better course is to track problems over time, report trends so berly, make recommendations justified by them and take full advantage of support offered by political allies and stakeholder groups. This measured approach is particularl y essential if problems are "wicked, " i.e., multi- faceted and insoluble, like poverty, drugs, crime or obesity. Steady political pres- sure, an ability to capitalize on problem-illustrating news events when they occur, and a readiness to shift ground toward new and better ways to meet the need are the best way to maintain mission mystique when it is most essential: that is, when the need is unrelenting and probably getting worse.

Reputation and Record

Cell 3 in Figure 1.1 calls for two separate but related attributes: a distinctive reputation and a solid record of achievement. This is a tall order. Relatively new agencies are automatically excluded, in that they have not had time to obtain either. Many older ones will fall short of the standard too ; by no means can the status of mission mystique be attained by all agencies.

As for reputation, there are few bureaucratic "passionbrands" like Ben and Jerry's ice cream. The popular view of government agencies is that collectively

18 CHAPTER I

all of them are unreliable or worse. Yet surveys show that when citizens are questioned about services they commonly receive, a majority express approval of the results . Over several years the American Customer Satisfaction Index com- piled by the University of Michigan Business School computed scores (on a range of 0-100) in the mid-80s for Social Security retirement benefits, high 70s for Veterans Affairs ourpatient services, mid-70s for Medicare coverage and low 60s for Internal Revenue Service filings. 28

The mission mystique agency need not be the winner of a popularity contest, however-only the possessor of a distinctive reputation. The organization ought to be known as good at what it does by those who matter, such as appropriation committees, political allies , important clients and program collaborarors. Such fame is not tautological to mystique, by the way, as the latter involves many addi- tional attributes, as the template shows.

The best route to a good agency reputation is an existing record of achieve- ment in its distinct area. In the long run, the two assets of reputation and record are coupled anyway, as those familiar with the organization's domain will be well informed of when fame has outlived accomplishment. With respect to compiling a performance record, American public administration is unusual by world stan- dards in how extensively it is assessed by independent sources: financial audits , program evaluations, performance measures, citizen surveys, inspector general reports, legislative oversight, judicial scrutiny, media investigations and whistle- blower publicity. An agency that survives all this review looking reasonably good cannot be too bad.

Speaking of competence, the concept of mission mystique does not reject the principle of being held externally accountable for proven effectiveness. What it adds is a supplemental paradigm of capacity assessment-one that moves beyond the notion of the agency as an instrumental tool whose accomplishments must be checked upon. Premier administrative institutions engaged in battling wicked societal problems should be accorded a status something like that of the qualified oncologist who is fighting to prolong your life as a cancer patient. Checking out the doctor's background and qualifications is prudent, and getting a second or third opinion is smart. In the end, however, you must trust that person's judg- ment that the doctor is doing everything conceivable on your behalf. In order to have this level of confidence, you must know that she or he is a trained and moti- vated specialist who is board-certified and a member of the medical profession in good standing; that as a human being the physician cares about your well-being and is investing all possible energy in allowing you to survive and have more good years; and that she or he does not rely on past laurels but takes short courses and keeps up with the field.

Similarly, the mission mystique agency possesses comparable attributes of reputation, record, focus, dedication and continuous updating. Just as with one's oncologist, the time comes to let go and trust; the best institutional effort

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 19

avai lable is at work. Thus in a constitutive instead of instrumental sense, the agency that embodies mission mystique represents potential effectiveness in that domain, time and place, perhaps the best conceivable.

Intrinsic Motivation

We move now to the middle row of the mission mystique template, which deals with motivation, organization culture and sense of identity. Behavioral scientists refer to "intrinsic" motivation as being moved by inner commitment to a cause. This contrasts with "extrinsic" motivation, which is activation by external rewards like pay and status. This is the subject of cell 4.

In our review of pertinent scholarship, we noted that Pascarella and Frohman anticipate that an alignment of shared purpose within the organization makes possible the creation of a normatively united workforce that generates an aggre- gate amount of energy that is impossible to mobilize any other way. Reeves states that occasionally we come across agencies made up of "secular missionaries" who are focused, enth usiastic and proactive. In his analysis of pillars, Scott argues that institutional motivation can be derived from rational self-interest, norms they share with the organization, and cultural frames imposed by it.

Just what is inside the black box of intrinsic motivation? Wiener theorizes that it starts with biological and family factors that then influence personality needs . These in turn lead to workplace beliefs and commitments. Resultant behavioral manifestations are self-sacrifice, preoccupation with the work, and lengthy ten- ure. Weiss speculates that the factor of mission enters into the picture by structur- ing and processing information, identifying a clear interest of society to pursue , and furnishing a basis for decisions. Rainey and Steinbauer speculate that the intensity of their galloping elephants is driven by three factors: general dedication to the public good, personal interest in the work and belief in the importance of the work (called mission motivation). These factors can enco urage self-selection into the organization . And, if Wright is correct, belief in the importance of the mission and in one's ability to contribute to it strengthens motivation.

As we study the six agencies of this book, then, we should check for the fol- lowing: the importance of mission versus pay as a motivator; the degree to which personnel seem united behind a cause; levels of morale and proactive conduct; whether personnel are preoccupied w ith their work; and whether family experi- ences, personal interests and belief in the work's importance influen ce seeki ng initial employment.

A Mission Mystique Culture

The agency's organizational culture, like the m1ss1on concept itself, affects all cells of the matrix. Whereas cell 1 accounts for what inspires the enterprise,

20 CHAPTER 1

cell 5 relates to the shared feelings that energize it. Both factors perform key integrating function s, and their adequate fulfillment is indispensable to mission mystique.

To Selznick, what sets an institution apart from a formal organization is the presence of shared values and relationships that evolve organically over time. An institutional community is formed that, along with technical capabilities, creates a distinctive competence. To Terry, the central concern is that leaders conserve the essence and integrity of this distinctive competence, even as details of agency life and work change. A theme of March and Olsen's neo-institutionalism is the insti- tution's persistence over time and the "historical efficiency" that accum ulates; this, in large part, is enabled by organizational culture. Campbell and Nash see the cul- ture's values as mediating between the organization's purpose and policies, along with conscious leadersh ip strategies based on economic considerations. Boin and Christensen urge that leaders should facilitate the development of an institutional belief system by initiating norm-creation processes, experimenting with symbolic meanings and nudging members to participate in the building of a culture.

Khademian makes the point that public administration cultures help inte- grate program fragments and also provide signposts for navigating the organiza- tion's political environment. She urges managers to work with culture by recognizing its relevance to program excellence. Meanwhile, they sho uld also be thinking about how to nudge-but not impose-cultural innovations . Her approach to organizational change is a far cry from the view often found in the corporate wo rld, which is to demolish traditional cultur~s and replace them with dynamic new ones that produce congruence with management's aims. Unless destruction of the agency's cultural integrity is intended (as sometimes happens when component organizations are consolidated), discarding rather than reshap- ing a usable organizational culture can be wasteful and destroy morale.

The ideal mission mystique culture does several things: it induces enthusiasm for the mission purpose, reinforces individual employee motivation , conveys a sense of work importance and the agency's competence in doing it, and supports a willingness to recognize agency shortcomings and experiment with change. Scott wo uld argue that such a mission becomes embedded in the culture by his two last pillars, personally accepted norms and a constructed frame of meaning. Ott depicts this frame as including physical symbols like banners, verbal prac- tices like stories, behavioral patterns such as rituals, an d a variety of beliefs and commitments. For most public managers and government employees, it is prob- ably this immediate cultural environment that is most salient for influencing their ongoing work lives, surpassing in daily impact background influences such as cons titutional and democratic principles.

The mission mystique ideal anticipates substantial cultural coherence around a certain type of program activity, geographical place or utilized technology. Within the central cultural field, however, vario us subcultures are likely to exist. Opti- mally such cultural pluralism creates healthy tensions. Sometimes complicating

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 21

the picture is the presence of one or more publi c service professions-that is, bodies of personnel that stand apart because of their special training, skills and standards of co nduct. Rainey and Steinbauer note that such professions can enhance agency commitment and autono my; yet it is also true they can be a source of internal independence, which may or may not be a bad thing. We will be on the lookout for these possibilities in the chapters to come.

An Honored Past

The importance of honoring the institution's past, covered in cell 6, is often forgotten in considerations of organizational mission and cultu re. I once heard a national authori ty on the public service, speaking in an open forum, dismiss agency history as useful as a recruiting tool bur of no inherent importance. Writers on pub lic administration generally urge that more attention be paid to th e field's history, bur they are usually referring to the discipline's own history, not that of its practicing institutions. Yet recording the institution's past, as any military historian will tell you, is extremely important.

Selznick's overall stance could be reduced to an aphorism: an institution is an organization wrapped in values. If that is so, it is also wrapped in memories. Recollections of the past are essential to the living organizational entity because they possess meanings that amp lify what it stands for. These meanings connect what is pressing now to what happened before, converting contemporary events into the latest ep isode of an institutional saga. The contents of the saga wi ll differ depending on who relates it. For retired old hands, the memories may extend back to the organization's founding . For those who were not present but experi- enced many of the crises and triumphs that happened since, the recollected past sets apart markers of change. For institutional outsiders who wish to understand the agency beyond the superficiality of statutes and tables of organization , delv- ing into its origi ns and history is indispensable. T his we do in the agency chapters to come.

The organ ization's history can also be seen as a process of forming an identity- i.e., compiling "wh o we are." It is like what we mention when strangers at a party ask us to tell them about ourselves: we say what state we are from, what our par- ents do or did and where we were educated. Similarly, the "who we are" institu- tionally is told by the circumstances of initial establishment, the founders and their concerns, and the events that shaped later development. Obtaining such insight is an essential part of socializing new employees, and hence a section on agency history is often incorporated in orientation sess ions or initial training. The story is also periodically retold in other forms , such as anniversary celebra- tions, the dedication of plaques or buildings, and visits to agency museums.

In all of this activity, we must keep in mind, transferring historical insights to the next generation is not done by a methodical recital of facts. The narratives are co lored by a point of view. Naturally, the agency wishes to preserve and present

22 CHAPTER I

the good memories, not the bad. Also, culture's dominant values will bias the stories. The true aim of writing agency history, however, is not sound scho larship but building a storehouse of mythic meaning. For mission mystique agencies, the storehouse should be fu ll.

Contested Beliefs

Discussion of cell 7 takes us to the template's bottom row of cells, where the projection of mission purpose (top row) and pursuit of that purpose (middle row) are made sustainab le over time-by allowing dissent to surface, giving policymakers room to innovate, and insisting on contin uous improvement and self-renewal.

Opportunities for contestation and opposition are particularly essential for the mission mystique agency because of the intense nature of convictions within it. These feelings can easily lead to arrogance, un checked gro up think, and insis- tence that its mission is the only one that matters. Contes ting this ass umed monopoly over truth and righ t may be done at the level of blocking misguided individuals or challenging high policy; it can derive from internal features of the organization or depend on external sources of counter influence-b ut, some- how, it must be there.

Help in thinking through this problem comes from two scholars. One is political theorist Stephen Wh ite, originator of the phrase "weak ontology" that was mentioned earlier in the book. In his book Sustaining Affirmation: The Strengths of Weak Ontology in Political Thinking, White seeks ways to acquire firm beliefs witho ut becoming trapped by absolutist thinking. 29 He addresses this issue in the realm of moral philosophy, where he is concerned that rejection by postmodernists and pragmatists of fixed ontological foundations , along with the doctrinal rigidities of comm unitarianism, feminism and sectarian funda- mentalism, leaves little room for defensible affirmative beliefs that are based on convincing but debatable conviction. With the problem of conceiving the moral self as his impetus, White searches the ideas of several philosophers to determine whether a contestable yet strong belief system is possible. Simplifying his argu- ment, and app lying it in a way he does not vis ualize, Whi te concludes that a belief system can avoid both nihilism and absolutism if it has planted within it a capacity for self-questioning. This way, even though certitude is never possible, certain "figurations" of universals can command tentative agreement; when applying them in practice, however, reflection and argumentation can follow that may mobilize a different view.

The second aurhor is Rosemary O 'Leary, author of The Ethics of Dissent: Managing Guerrilla Government. 30 This term refers to dissenters who try-using under-the-table means-to sabo tage the policies adopted by government agen- cies . Although O 'Leary admits some guerilla tactics are clearly unacceptable, she

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 23

withholds blanket condemnation of them. H er larger message is that because of its centered authority and hierarchical organization, all administration is subject to becoming blind to needed criticism. Thus it is important that constructive ways be found to permit dissent . She endorses several ideas to this end, such as fostering a culture that welcomes dissent, creating multiple channels of commu- nication, and training supervisors to treat dissent as discussion . She also points out that so m e dissenters di ssent just to be h eard , and thus boundaries must be set as to when it is tolerated.

Qualified Autonomy

On the topic of cell 8, The Forging of Bureaucratic Autonomy: Reputations, Net- works and Policy Innovation in Executive Agencies, 1862-1928, by Dan iel Carpen- ter, analyzes the emergence of a small number of competent, innovative and influential federal bureaus in the late nin eteen th and early twentieth centuries. 31

Examp les are Gifford Pinchot's Forest Service; H arvey Wiley's Chemistry Bureau; and Post Office programs of rural free delivery, parcel post and postal savings. Carpenter's view is that, because of savvy political leadership, strong cultures, networks of support, and the legitimacy-b uilding effect of their work, these burea us could carve out areas of political autonomy. This space for action was used to enlarge agency agendas within accepted zones of congressional deference and eventually win over public support. Carpenter concludes that, in these cases, bureaucratic autonomy was forged not at the expense of democratic principles, but in a symbiotic relationship with them.

Whether or not we should classify these early bureaus as instances of mission mystique, the autonomy Carpe nter discusses might well serve as a standard for mystique agencies today. First, its scope is appropriate: sufficient so as to afford room to build and develop , yet not so great as to compromise representative government. Second, its use is appropriate: taking on new activities and creating new programs within a general conferral of authority, and using the leverage thereby attained to mobi lize more support for an enhanced mission .

Now, a century later, con ditions in the American polity have obviously changed. Autonomy must now be qualified in different ways. The enormous upgrading of the American presidency, and to some extent gubernatorial office as well, means negotiating policy space is more complicated than achieving a degree of legis lative deference. Executive administrations today claim they control all of bureaucracy, even though its range has multiplied several times since the 19th century and only a small part of the terrain can be centrally tended at one time. Within that ample space agencies can, if they do not attract attention as being "out of lin e, " innovate proactively.

An added facto r is the mammoth growth of executive staff agencies and polit- ical appointees. This imposes a layer of supervision that must also be taken into

24 CHAPTER I

account. Hopefully it can be penetrated by a network of personal contacts or coalition of political allies. Also to be considered is the proliferation of detached organizations that play a part in policy implementation, i.e., partners, contrac- tors, grant recipients and other collaborators. Finally, the chronic revenue short- falls that plague contemporary government add to the importance of any help autonomy provides in acquiring sufficient resources to sustain the mission.

A classic issue of public administration is whether the powerful bureaucratic forces of the modern state endanger democracy. Put in terms of this book, the question posed is: Will the strength of mission mystique lead to bypassing elec- toral processes and elected policymakers? This would lead to autonomy that is not "qualified." My short answer is that it can, but in most instances will not. The danger is greatest in sensitive areas where administration is prone to secrecy and where coercive power is a factor, such as the police, intelligence and national security functions. The FBI under J. Edgar Hoover and the CIA in the Bush II administration are notorious examples. But in most of the bureaucracy, I would argue, sufficient openness, transparency and independent reviewing power exist to bring bureaucratic abuses into the open so they can be dealt with by elected officials, the media and the courts. America is not, after all , a dictatorship where administration is the instrument of suppression; to the contrary, it is a populist republic where bureaucracy generally is scorned, checked, investigated and cut back, and a measure of mission mystique can be a counterbalance to such tendencies.

Agency Renewal

Over time, the mission mystique agency must be relentless in engaging in renewal processes by which continuous improvement is sought (cell 9). This is true not only to avoid the pitfalls of sloth or abuse, but to keep aims and practices up with ever-changing times.

To do so requires thoughtful strategies and habits of mind. The agency must remain dependable but incorporate a dynamic beyond the constancy of La Porte's high-reliability organization. At the same time, it should be innovative but not make a fetish out of change for its own sake. As urged by Terry, the integrity of the institution's distinctive competence must be preserved even as its applications alter. As warned by Wamsley, care must be taken not to throw out the agency's "constitutional" rules of the game and thereby cause havoc that inhibits sound change. Khademian advises that the agency should maintain connection with its cultural roots yet always be ready to "rework" the culture when necessary. Pas- carella/Frohman ask metaphorically that the organization's purpose be seen as a keel that allows careful negotiation across the water from past knowledge to future state. Like Knauft's premier nonprofit organization, leaders and members

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MISSION MYSTIQUE AND A BELIEF SYSTEM TEMPLATE 25

must keep the timeless cause firmly in mind as they talk to the community about its changing needs.

Given this guidance, what should "renewal" in the mission mystique context mean? Substantial literature exists on organizational learning, a concept that seems quite compatible with what we are after. 32 Three types of organizational learning are often postulated. One is called single-loop learning, which is the ability of the organization to identify a problem and then "loop" around it to find a solution. An illustration of this is post-hoc analysis of mistakes that have been made or misguided conduct that has been uncovered. A second type of organizational learning is double-loop. Here, the organization not only addresses the immediate problem but loops around again and changes its norms so as not to have to continue facing the problem. Examples would be retraining sessions for employees or trying out new program ideas or installing new technologies.

The third learning type is triple-loop. It is the more drastic and lasting step of heightening generally the organization's capacity to change. Efforts are under- taken to reshape the agency's ethos so that it becomes culturally habituated to dealing with change as an ever-present possibility. This is not planning for expected future developments, but always being prepared to deal with any and all change that comes along regardless of its nature. Being "future-ready" in this way could cover policies, programs, structures and the workforce.

This completes the preliminaries for studying mission mystique. In the next chapter we begin entering the worlds of individual public agencies to explore their institutional belief systems in derail in order to learn if and how they embody passion, pride and charisma.