American History Assignment

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G E OR G E WA S H I N G T ON

On Shays’s Rebellion (1786)

In the fall of 1786, several thousand farmers in western and central Massachusetts, overburdened by taxation

and debt, took up arms and forcibly shut down courts in several townships to prevent any more judge-mandated

forced sales of property. In January 1787, the revolt culminated in a battle outside the federal arsenal at

Springfield, Massachusetts, where an armed throng of Massachusetts farmers had attempted to seize weapons.

The rebels were defeated by the forces of the state government.

The doomed revolt quickly became known as “Shays’s Rebellion”—named after one of its leaders, a

Revolutionary War veteran named Daniel Shays (ca. 1747–1825). Historians today, however, have more

accurately referred to the episode not as a revolt led by one man (in fact, Shays was only one leader among

many) but as a popular “regulation,” an eighteenth-century term describing popular actions designed to remedy

perceived instances of governmental abuse or neglect.

The so-called Massachusetts Regulation horrified many Americans who believed it to be a sign that their

experiment in republican government was failing. The weak national government established by the Articles of

Confederation, America’s first national constitution, increasingly seemed inadequate—foreign countries bullied

America, and to some, the states seemed to be out of control. The Massachusetts Regulation only heightened this

sense of crisis, and within four months of the end of the revolt, fifty-five delegates met in Philadelphia intent on

strengthening the federal government.

As the following letters make clear, George Washington (1732–1799) was among those who were convinced

that the events in New England demonstrated the need for constitutional reform. It was the Massachusetts

Regulation, in fact, that convinced him to attend the Constitutional Convention—where he would be elected

president of the proceedings. The American people held Washington in such high esteem that his mere presence

guaranteed that whatever the gathering produced, it would be given serious consideration.

From John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington, vol. 29 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government

Printing Office, 1939), 50–52, 121–24.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS 1

Mount Vernon, October 22, 1786.

* * *

I am pleased with the choice of Delegates which was made at your State meeting; and wish the

Representatives of all the State societies may appear at the Genl. Meeting, with as good dispositions

as I believe they will. It gives me pleasure also to hear that so many Officers are sent to your

Assembly: I am persuaded they will carry with them more liberality of sentiments, than is to be found

among any other class of Citizens. The speech of our friend Cobb2 was noble, worthy of a patriot and

himself; as was the conduct of Genl. Sullivan.3 But for God’s sake tell me what is the cause of all these

commotions: do they proceed from licentiousness, British-influence disseminated by the tories,4 or

real grievances which admit of redress? If the latter, why were they delayed ’till the public mind had

become so much agitated? If the former why are not the powers of Government tried at once? It is as

well to be without, as not to live under their exercise. Commotions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather

strength as they roll, if there is no opposition in the way to divide and crumble them. Do write me

fully, I beseech you, on these matters; not only with respect to facts, but as to opinions of their

tendency and issue. I am mortified beyond expression that in the moment of our acknowledged

independence we should by our conduct verify the predictions of our transatlantic foe,5 and render

ourselves ridiculous and contemptible in the eyes of all Europe. My health (I thank you for the

enquiry) is restored to me; and all under this roof join me in most affectionate regards, and in

regretting that your letter has held out no idea of visiting it again this winter, as you gave us hope of

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doing when you left us. To all the gentn. of my acquaintance who may happen to be in your circle, I

beg to be remembered with sincere regard. To assure you of the sincerity of my friendship for you,

would be unnecessary; as you must I think be perfectly satisfied of the high esteem and affection with

which, I am, etc.

* * *

TO HENRY LEE III 6

Mount Vernon, October 31, 1786

My Dr. Sir:

I am indebted to you for your several favors of the 1st. 11th. and 17th. of this instt: and shall reply to

them in the order of their dates; but first let me thank you for the interesting communications

imparted by them.

The picture which you have exhibited, and the accounts which are published of the commotions, and

temper of numerous bodies in the Eastern States,7 are equally to be lamented and deprecated. They

exhibit a melancholy proof of what our trans-Atlantic foe has predicted; and of another thing

perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable, that mankind when left

to themselves are unfit for their own Government. I am mortified beyond expression when I view the

clouds that have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any Country. In a word, I am

lost in amazement when I behold what intrigue, the interested views of desperate characters,

ignorance and jealousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the major part of

our fellow Citizens of the Union; for it is hardly to be supposed that the great body of the people, tho’

they will not act, can be so shortsighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun

thro’ all this mist of intoxication and folly.

You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I

know not where that influence is to be found; and if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for

the disorders. Influence is no Government. Let us have one by which our lives, liberties and

properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my humble

opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real

grievances, redress them if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it in

the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is

inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more

exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. To

delay one or the other of these, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on the other,

and will add to their numbers; for, like snow-balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless

there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before the weight is too great and

irresistible.

These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things; let the reins of government then be

braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution8 be reprehended: if

defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence.

* * *

The China came to hand without much damage; and I thank you for your attention in procuring and

forwarding of it to me. Mrs. Washington joins me in best wishes for Mrs. Lee and yourself and I am

&c.

TO HENRY KN OX 9

Mount Vernon, December 26, 1786

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My dear Sir:

. . . Lamentable as the conduct of the Insurgents of Massachusetts is, I am exceedingly obliged to you

for the advices respecting them; and pray you, most ardently, to continue the acct. of their

proceedings; because I can depend upon them from you without having my mind bewildered with

those vague and contradictory reports which are handed to us in Newspapers, and which please one

hour, only to make the moments of the next more bitter. I feel, my dear Genl. Knox, infinitely more

than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these States. Good God! who besides

a tory could have foreseen, or a Briton predicted them! were these people wiser than others, or did

they judge of us from the corruption, and depravity of their own hearts? The latter I am persuaded

was the case, and that notwithstanding the boasted virtue of America, we are far gone in every thing

ignoble and bad.

I do assure you, that even at this moment, when I reflect on the present posture of our affairs, it

seems to me to be like the vision of a dream. My mind does not know how to realize it, as a thing in

actual existence, so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me! In this, as in most other matter, we

are too slow. When this spirit first dawned, probably it might easily have been checked; but it is

scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will end. There

are combustibles in every State, which a spark might set fire to. In this State, a perfect calm prevails

at present, and a prompt disposition to support, and give energy to the foederal System is discovered,

if the unlucky stirring of the dispute respecting the navigation of the Mississippi10 does not become a

leaven that will ferment, and sour the mind of it.

The resolutions of the prest. Session respecting a paper emission, military certificates, &ca., have

stamped justice and liberality on the proceedings of the Assembly, and By a late act, it seems very

desirous of a General Convention to revise and amend the foederal Constitution.11 Apropos, what

prevented the Eastern States from attending the September meeting at Annapolis? Of all the States in

the Union it should have seemed to me, that a measure of this sort (distracted as they were with

internal commotions, and experiencing the want of energy in the government) would have been most

pleasing to them. What are the prevailing sentiments of the one now proposed to be held at

Philadelphia, in May next? and how will it be attended? You are at the fountain of intelligence, and

where the wisdom of the Nation, it is to be presumed, has concentered; consequently better able (as I

have had abundant experience of your intelligence, confidence, and candour to solve these questions.

The Maryland Assembly has been violently agitated by the question for a paper emission. It has been

carried in the House of Delegates, but what has, or will be done with the Bill in the Senate I have not

yet heard. The partisans in favor of the measure in the lower House, threaten, it is said, a secession if

it is rejected by that Branch of the Legislature. Thus are we advancing. . . .

In both your letters you intimate, that the men of reflection, principle and property in New England,

feeling the inefficacy of their present government, are contemplating a change; but you are not

explicit with respect to the nature of it. It has been supposed, that, the Constitution of the State of

Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in the Union; May not these disorders then be

ascribed to an endulgent exercise of the powers of Administration? If your laws authorized, and your

powers were adequate to the suppression of these tumults, in the first appearances of them, delay

and temporizing expedients were, in my opinion improper; these are rarely well applied, and the

same causes would produce similar effects in any form of government, if the powers of it are not

enforced. I ask this question for information, I know nothing of the facts.

That G. B12 will be an unconcerned Spectator of the present insurrections (if they continue) is not to

be expected. That she is at this moment sowing the Seeds of jealousy and discontent among the

various tribes of Indians on our frontier admits of no doubt, in my mind. And that she will improve

every opportunity to foment the spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the United States, with a

view of distracting our governments, and promoting divisions, is, with me, not less certain. Her first

Manoeuvres will, no doubt, be covert, and may remain so till the period shall arrive when a decided

line of conduct may avail her. Charges of violating the treaty, and other pretexts, will not then be

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wanting to colour overt acts, tending to effect the grt. objects of which she has long been in labour. A

Man is now at the head of their American Affairs well calculated to conduct measures of this kind, and

more than probably was selected for the purpose. We ought not therefore to sleep nor to slumber.

Vigilance in watching, and vigour in acting, is, in my opinion, become indispensably necessary. If the

powers are inadequate amend or alter them, but do not let us sink into the lowest state of humiliation

and contempt, and become a byword in all the earth. I think with you that the Spring will unfold

important and distressing Scenes, unless much wisdom and good management is displayed in the

interim. Adieu; be assured no man has a higher esteem and regard for you than I have; none more

sincerely your friend, and more Affecte. etc.

Study Questions

1.  What did Washington believe was the cause of Shays’s Rebellion? 2.  How should the rebels be dealt with, according to Washington? 3.  Why do you think Washington was so concerned about European perceptions of America? 4.  Washington wrote that the Massachusetts Regulation was “proof . . . that mankind left to themselves are

unfit for their own government.” What does this suggest about Washington’s attitude toward democracy?