home work for American history

9/2/2018 Give Me Liberty (Brief), 5E

https://ncia.wwnorton.com/ebooks/epub/givemeliberty5osu/OEBPS/insert-chapter10.xhtml 1/5

✯

G E OR G E WA S H I N G T ON

On Shays’s Rebellion (1786)

In the fall of 1786, several thousand farmers in western and central Massachusetts, overburdened by

taxation and debt, took up arms and forcibly shut down courts in several townships to prevent any more

judge-mandated forced sales of property. In January 1787, the revolt culminated in a battle outside the

federal arsenal at Springfield, Massachusetts, where an armed throng of Massachusetts farmers had

attempted to seize weapons. The rebels were defeated by the forces of the state government.

The doomed revolt quickly became known as “Shays’s Rebellion”—named after one of its leaders, a

Revolutionary War veteran named Daniel Shays (ca. 1747–1825). Historians today, however, have more

accurately referred to the episode not as a revolt led by one man (in fact, Shays was only one leader among

many) but as a popular “regulation,” an eighteenth-century term describing popular actions designed to

remedy perceived instances of governmental abuse or neglect.

The so-called Massachusetts Regulation horrified many Americans who believed it to be a sign that

their experiment in republican government was failing. The weak national government established by the

Articles of Confederation, America’s first national constitution, increasingly seemed inadequate—foreign

countries bullied America, and to some, the states seemed to be out of control. The Massachusetts

Regulation only heightened this sense of crisis, and within four months of the end of the revolt, fifty-five

delegates met in Philadelphia intent on strengthening the federal government.

As the following letters make clear, George Washington (1732–1799) was among those who were

convinced that the events in New England demonstrated the need for constitutional reform. It was the

Massachusetts Regulation, in fact, that convinced him to attend the Constitutional Convention—where he

would be elected president of the proceedings. The American people held Washington in such high esteem

that his mere presence guaranteed that whatever the gathering produced, it would be given serious

consideration.

From John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington, vol. 29 (Washington, D.C.: U.S.

Government Printing Office, 1939), 50–52, 121–24.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS 1

Mount Vernon, October 22, 1786.

*  *  *

9/2/2018 Give Me Liberty (Brief), 5E

https://ncia.wwnorton.com/ebooks/epub/givemeliberty5osu/OEBPS/insert-chapter10.xhtml 2/5

I am pleased with the choice of Delegates which was made at your State meeting; and wish the

Representatives of all the State societies may appear at the Genl. Meeting, with as good

dispositions as I believe they will. It gives me pleasure also to hear that so many Officers are

sent to your Assembly: I am persuaded they will carry with them more liberality of sentiments,

than is to be found among any other class of Citizens. The speech of our friend Cobb2 was noble,

worthy of a patriot and himself; as was the conduct of Genl. Sullivan.3 But for God’s sake tell me

what is the cause of all these commotions: do they proceed from licentiousness, British-

influence disseminated by the tories,4 or real grievances which admit of redress? If the latter,

why were they delayed ’till the public mind had become so much agitated? If the former why are

not the powers of Government tried at once? It is as well to be without, as not to live under

their exercise. Commotions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is

no opposition in the way to divide and crumble them. Do write me fully, I beseech you, on these

matters; not only with respect to facts, but as to opinions of their tendency and issue. I am

mortified beyond expression that in the moment of our acknowledged independence we should

by our conduct verify the predictions of our transatlantic foe,5 and render ourselves ridiculous

and contemptible in the eyes of all Europe. My health (I thank you for the enquiry) is restored to

me; and all under this roof join me in most affectionate regards, and in regretting that your

letter has held out no idea of visiting it again this winter, as you gave us hope of doing when you

left us. To all the gentn. of my acquaintance who may happen to be in your circle, I beg to be

remembered with sincere regard. To assure you of the sincerity of my friendship for you, would

be unnecessary; as you must I think be perfectly satisfied of the high esteem and affection with

which, I am, etc.

*  *  *

TO HENRY LEE III 6

Mount Vernon, October 31, 1786

My Dr. Sir:

I am indebted to you for your several favors of the 1st. 11th. and 17th. of this instt: and shall reply

to them in the order of their dates; but first let me thank you for the interesting

communications imparted by them.

The picture which you have exhibited, and the accounts which are published of the

commotions, and temper of numerous bodies in the Eastern States,7 are equally to be lamented

and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy proof of what our trans-Atlantic foe has predicted;

and of another thing perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more

9/2/2018 Give Me Liberty (Brief), 5E

https://ncia.wwnorton.com/ebooks/epub/givemeliberty5osu/OEBPS/insert-chapter10.xhtml 3/5

unaccountable, that mankind when left to themselves are unfit for their own Government. I am

mortified beyond expression when I view the clouds that have spread over the brightest morn

that ever dawned upon any Country. In a word, I am lost in amazement when I behold what

intrigue, the interested views of desperate characters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor part,

are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the major part of our fellow Citizens of the Union; for it

is hardly to be supposed that the great body of the people, tho’ they will not act, can be so

shortsighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun thro’ all this mist of

intoxication and folly.

You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I

know not where that influence is to be found; and if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy

for the disorders. Influence is no Government. Let us have one by which our lives, liberties and

properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my

humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If

they have real grievances, redress them if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your

inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government

against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad,

or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we

already are, is hardly possible. To delay one or the other of these, is to exasperate on the one

hand, or to give confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers; for, like snow-balls,

such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct and

crumble them before the weight is too great and irresistible.

These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things; let the reins of government then be

braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution8 be reprehended: if

defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence.

*  *  *

The China came to hand without much damage; and I thank you for your attention in procuring

and forwarding of it to me. Mrs. Washington joins me in best wishes for Mrs. Lee and yourself

and I am &c.

TO HENRY KN OX 9

Mount Vernon, December 26, 1786

My dear Sir:

9/2/2018 Give Me Liberty (Brief), 5E

https://ncia.wwnorton.com/ebooks/epub/givemeliberty5osu/OEBPS/insert-chapter10.xhtml 4/5

. . . Lamentable as the conduct of the Insurgents of Massachusetts is, I am exceedingly obliged

to you for the advices respecting them; and pray you, most ardently, to continue the acct. of

their proceedings; because I can depend upon them from you without having my mind

bewildered with those vague and contradictory reports which are handed to us in Newspapers,

and which please one hour, only to make the moments of the next more bitter. I feel, my dear

Genl. Knox, infinitely more than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in

these States. Good God! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a Briton predicted them!

were these people wiser than others, or did they judge of us from the corruption, and depravity

of their own hearts? The latter I am persuaded was the case, and that notwithstanding the

boasted virtue of America, we are far gone in every thing ignoble and bad.

I do assure you, that even at this moment, when I reflect on the present posture of our affairs, it

seems to me to be like the vision of a dream. My mind does not know how to realize it, as a thing

in actual existence, so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me! In this, as in most other

matter, we are too slow. When this spirit first dawned, probably it might easily have been

checked; but it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where,

or how it will end. There are combustibles in every State, which a spark might set fire to. In this

State, a perfect calm prevails at present, and a prompt disposition to support, and give energy to

the foederal System is discovered, if the unlucky stirring of the dispute respecting the

navigation of the Mississippi10 does not become a leaven that will ferment, and sour the mind of

it.

The resolutions of the prest. Session respecting a paper emission, military certificates, &ca.,

have stamped justice and liberality on the proceedings of the Assembly, and By a late act, it

seems very desirous of a General Convention to revise and amend the foederal Constitution.11

Apropos, what prevented the Eastern States from attending the September meeting at

Annapolis? Of all the States in the Union it should have seemed to me, that a measure of this

sort (distracted as they were with internal commotions, and experiencing the want of energy in

the government) would have been most pleasing to them. What are the prevailing sentiments of

the one now proposed to be held at Philadelphia, in May next? and how will it be attended? You

are at the fountain of intelligence, and where the wisdom of the Nation, it is to be presumed, has

concentered; consequently better able (as I have had abundant experience of your intelligence,

confidence, and candour to solve these questions.

The Maryland Assembly has been violently agitated by the question for a paper emission. It has

been carried in the House of Delegates, but what has, or will be done with the Bill in the Senate I

have not yet heard. The partisans in favor of the measure in the lower House, threaten, it is said,

a secession if it is rejected by that Branch of the Legislature. Thus are we advancing. . . .

9/2/2018 Give Me Liberty (Brief), 5E

https://ncia.wwnorton.com/ebooks/epub/givemeliberty5osu/OEBPS/insert-chapter10.xhtml 5/5

In both your letters you intimate, that the men of reflection, principle and property in New

England, feeling the inefficacy of their present government, are contemplating a change; but

you are not explicit with respect to the nature of it. It has been supposed, that, the Constitution

of the State of Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in the Union; May not these

disorders then be ascribed to an endulgent exercise of the powers of Administration? If your

laws authorized, and your powers were adequate to the suppression of these tumults, in the

first appearances of them, delay and temporizing expedients were, in my opinion improper;

these are rarely well applied, and the same causes would produce similar effects in any form of

government, if the powers of it are not enforced. I ask this question for information, I know

nothing of the facts.

That G. B12 will be an unconcerned Spectator of the present insurrections (if they continue) is

not to be expected. That she is at this moment sowing the Seeds of jealousy and discontent

among the various tribes of Indians on our frontier admits of no doubt, in my mind. And that she

will improve every opportunity to foment the spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the

United States, with a view of distracting our governments, and promoting divisions, is, with me,

not less certain. Her first Manoeuvres will, no doubt, be covert, and may remain so till the

period shall arrive when a decided line of conduct may avail her. Charges of violating the treaty,

and other pretexts, will not then be wanting to colour overt acts, tending to effect the grt.

objects of which she has long been in labour. A Man is now at the head of their American Affairs

well calculated to conduct measures of this kind, and more than probably was selected for the

purpose. We ought not therefore to sleep nor to slumber. Vigilance in watching, and vigour in

acting, is, in my opinion, become indispensably necessary. If the powers are inadequate amend

or alter them, but do not let us sink into the lowest state of humiliation and contempt, and

become a byword in all the earth. I think with you that the Spring will unfold important and

distressing Scenes, unless much wisdom and good management is displayed in the interim.

Adieu; be assured no man has a higher esteem and regard for you than I have; none more

sincerely your friend, and more Affecte. etc.

Study Questions

1. What did Washington believe was the cause of Shays’s Rebellion?

2. How should the rebels be dealt with, according to Washington?

3. Why do you think Washington was so concerned about European perceptions of America?

4. Washington wrote that the Massachusetts Regulation was “proof .  .  . that mankind left to

themselves are unfit for their own government.” What does this suggest about Washington’s

attitude toward democracy?