Order 1017647: political, social, religious and ethnic composition of german society from 1871-1924
The German Labour Movement
German Social Democratic Party (SPD)
History:
1863: ADAV (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein – General Society of German Workers ) Lasalle
1869 SDAP (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei )– Social-Democratic Workers Party)- Bebel & Liebknecht
1875 unite as SAPD (Sozialische Arbeiterpartei)
1890 SPD
August Bebel c1908
http://www.geschichte-der-sozialdemokratie.de/index.php?id=75&tx_igbildarchiv_pi1[p]=0
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The SPD
Anti-establishment party
Moderates: reform of system. Parliamentary democracy, greater social equality.
Radicals: An end to capitalism, if necessary through violence.
Leading parliamentarian August Bebel
Karl Kautsky theoretician & author of theoretical part of Erfurt programme (1891) committed to overthrowing existing order
..practical strategy outlined here owed more to reformist vision of Eduard Bernstein
The Growth of the Party
1871-1914 a story of electoral success, despite ban 1878-1890
By 1880 more votes than any other party
(but electoral boundaries, and joint anti-socialist candidates in runoff votes, prevent this translating into seats in parliament)
1912 Largest party in Parliament (Reichstag )
1914: Over 1 M members (mostly industrial
workers).& 1/3rd of national vote.
Seats in Parliament
Chart1
| 1871 | 1871 | 1871 | 1871 | 1871 | 1871 |
| 1874 | 1874 | 1874 | 1874 | 1874 | 1874 |
| 1877 | 1877 | 1877 | 1877 | 1877 | 1877 |
| 1878 | 1878 | 1878 | 1878 | 1878 | 1878 |
| 1881 | 1881 | 1881 | 1881 | 1881 | 1881 |
| 1884 | 1884 | 1884 | 1884 | 1884 | 1884 |
| 1887 | 1887 | 1887 | 1887 | 1887 | 1887 |
| 1890 | 1890 | 1890 | 1890 | 1890 | 1890 |
| 1893 | 1893 | 1893 | 1893 | 1893 | 1893 |
| 1898 | 1898 | 1898 | 1898 | 1898 | 1898 |
| 1903 | 1903 | 1903 | 1903 | 1903 | 1903 |
| 1907 | 1907 | 1907 | 1907 | 1907 | 1907 |
| 1912 | 1912 | 1912 | 1912 | 1912 | 1912 |
Sheet1
| 1871 | 1874 | 1877 | 1878 | 1881 | 1884 | 1887 | 1890 | 1893 | 1898 | 1903 | 1907 | 1912 | |
| SPD | 1 | 9 | 12 | 9 | 12 | 24 | 11 | 35 | 44 | 56 | 81 | 43 | 110 |
Number of Reichstag seats won by the major parties / factions.
The reactionary response
Expensive bread and meat
The increasing costs of army, navy and colonies
The robbery of the right to association
An aggressive Foreign policy
The exploitation of women and children
The continuation of class rule
Poster for the 1912 elections
So whom should every friend of liberty and fatherland, every true and just man of the people, vote for on 12th January?
The Social Democrats
Social democracy
Votes for all!
Right of association!
Press freedom!
Affordable meat!
Affordable bread!
An end to indirect taxation!
Peace between nations!
The eight hour day!
Social reform!
An end to exploitative class rule!
http://www.geschichte-der-sozialdemokratie.de/index.php?id=75&tx_igbildarchiv_pi1[p]=0
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Pickelhaube (spiked helmet)
Phyrgian / Liberty hat / Bonnet Rouge
Liberty Cap
Pickelhaube
http://www.geschichte-der-sozialdemokratie.de/index.php?id=75&tx_igbildarchiv_pi1[p]=0
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Kaethe Kollwitz - Deutschlands Kinder hungern, Ende 1923 (um 1931)
Brot! 1924
Labour movement more than an electoral machine…
Unions
1848/9 First unions – printers and cigarmakers
1860s second phase. Unions with strong occupational identity, and tradition of organisation
‘Free’ trade union membership increase 1890: 300,000 1913: 2.5 M
1914-1918. Cooperation in war years
1918- Revolution/Weimar. Constitutional recognition, & of freedom of association. Works councils, 8 hr day, collective bargaining. Kapp.
Legal advice centres, labour exchanges, health insurance funds,
Cooperatives.
The tailor apprenctices of Harburg 1861 http://www.geschichte-der-sozialdemokratie.de/index.php?id=75&tx_igbildarchiv_pi1[p]=0
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Workers of the world unite! 8 hours of work, 8 hours for oneself, 8 hours of sleep.
Longer hours
NO
Affiliated Cultural Associations
1914:
200,000 Federation of Workers Choral Societies.
190,000 Workers Gymnastics and Sports Federation
130,000 Solidarity (Solidarität). Workers Cycling Federation
Workers Libraries
Significance 1878-1890
& with the shortening of working day / meaningful leisure time
‘ a dense undergrowth of politicised sociability’ (Eley)
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German Workers Cyclist Federation. Nuremberg 1910.
Living life immersed in the movement
‘A member of the party could read Social Democratic newspapers and borrow from a Social Democratic library books which covered every aspect of life from a Social Democratic point of view; he could spend his leisure in Social Democratic pubs or gymnastics clubs, choirs or cycling societies; he could enrich his life through Social Democratic cultural and artistic associations; his wife could enlist in the Social Democratic women’s movement and his son in the Social Democratic youth movement; if he was injured or ill, he could call upon the Working Men’s Samaritan Federation to help him; if he died, there were Social Democratic burial clubs to see he received a decent funeral’
(Evans, Rethinking German History, 196)
State Persecution
Law against the dangerous activities of Social Democracy (1878)
(renewed annually until 1890)..
Approved by Reichstag. 221 votes to 149.
‘Parties of order’ hold Socialists responsible, indirectly or directly, for assassination attempts and vote in favour
Catholics, Left Liberals & SPD against.
Von Kleist-Retzow (German Conservative Party):
‘I stick to my view that the whole of Social Democracy is the road to high treason; like a mole it is working away to undermine the foundations of the political order .. Social democracy is preparing for revolution, if not yet the thing itself, a school of high treason for the workers – all their associations and their whole press are intended to encourage high treason and, as a result, are subject to the criminal law […] Do you demand facts which prove and demonstrate that these attitudes and preparations are such as deliberately to lead to revolution? Are the two assassination attempts on the Emperor not fact enough to prove it? [...] It is nothing but war, an offensive war against an enemy who we know for certain will attack us when the time seems favourable to him , when the right of self-defence is justified and imperative’
The 1878 ‘Anti-Socialist Law’:
http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=1843
criminalises political organisation & SPD-affiliated union activity
Membership / agitation = 1500 Mk fine or 3 month sentence
.. .. Leaders up to 1 year
SPD press suppressed, meetings & recruitment forbidden
1500 arrests, c. 900 forced to leave their homes
1500 years in prison sentences for editors and leadership
(banning orders for key activists and leaders from certain cities)
Party congresses held outside Germany
But ..party still allowed to contest elections
Election rallies were not expressly forbidden,
..and Reichstag delegates still allowed to speak in parliament
Just a short-term set-back? 1878-early 1880s, weaker showing at the polls in 1881
‘temporary discouragement and inactivity under the gagging act’ Strachey (1884)
State persecution beyond the ban
Laws against associations and meetings 1871-1918 & tightened after 1890 in some states (e.g. Saxony)
Strikes 1889 Ruhr miners. Send in the troops. Violent confrontation.
1894/5 proposed ‘anti-subversives law’ restricting demonstration & press freedom rejected by Reichstag
1897 Proposed ‘House of correction law’ to facilitate strike breaking, ban picket lines, & strikers persuading others to strike
1898 Kaiser suggests penitentiary sentences &.
courts begin passing sentences (4, 8,10 years) as if law.
1899 (June) defeated in Reichstag
Lèse Majesté : defamation laws: Prison sentences for Socialist editors
We want to vote!..
Quiet there! Pay your taxes and shut your trap..
We have money!
We rule the world!..
Pubs, Politics and Police
Tavern as centre of associational life & key to SPD political organisation
Organisational HQ for local trade unions & election campaigns
‘The sole bulwark of the proletarian’s political freedom […] is the tavern […] Without the tavern the German proletariat would have no social but also no political life’ Karl Kautsky, Die Neue Zeit, 9/II (1891), p. 107.
Pubs, consequently, an object of police surveillance
From 9:45-10:45 a.m. a visit was made to the tavern Schweer, Rostocker Straße 9. About 14 workers were present; they sat at various tables, some playing cards, others talking. The conversation of a few workers concerned, among other things, the right of association [Koalitionsrecht], in that one worker said: “The government could save itself the attack it is willing to launch on the right of association, because under the laws today the courts already have so much leeway that there is really no need for new legal regulations to constrain the workers in the exercise of the rights given to them by the law. Just recently the court issued another decision, brought on by the joiners’ strike on Südstraße, which demonstrates clearly enough that the court doesn’t give a damn about the rights of the workers if it can strike a blow at Social Democracy. These sorts of decisions are not rare, because every strike has cases where workers who acted in good faith – that is, who struggled in accordance with the rights granted to them by the Commercial Code – were punished with long prison terms for doing so.”
Another worker said: “Our laws are full of holes, because the judge has so many ways to sentence any accused person if he thinks it is appropriate. For example, the situation with the pickets during the joiners’ strike was such that it was not possible for the judges to arrest the individuals in question on the basis of the Commercial Code; for that reason the judges got themselves an emergency paragraph from the Traffic Code [Straßenordnung], on the basis of which any person can be sentenced who fails to comply with the orders of police officers, even if he is within his rights ten times over. You can see from this case, for example, that anything is possible in our vaunted Rechtsstaat [state under the rule of law]. What one paragraph of the law permits, the other abolishes; and, in any case, where it is a matter of preventing the workers from their organizational work, everything possible is done to make this work difficult for them.”
A third worker said: “Even though the government has the power to limit the organizational work of the workers through the laws already in existence, even harsher laws are being planned, whereby the worker who participates in a strike and directs careless comments at strike-breakers is supposed to land in jail. In England, even the courts see a strike breaker as a traitor and punish him. But here they want to protect those kinds of people, precisely to give the employer the chance to continue working undisturbed in spite of a strike, so he won’t lose any of his capital.”
Source: Graumann, October 31, 1898. Staatsarchiv der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (Call number: S 2502-12).
(available at http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org )
May Day
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Magdeburg Mayday 1911
The National Archives
FO 215 - Foreign Office: Consulate and Legation, Dresden and Leipzig, Kingdom of Saxony; General Correspondence 1890-1893
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SPDNational LiberalsCatholic CentreConservatives/German ConservativesLeft LiberalsPoles