social science

Online Assignment Submission

School of Government and Society Student ID Number: 1899698

Programme: MSc International Development

Module: Gender and Development

Name of Tutor: Dr Ellie Chowns

Assignment Title: Assignment 1

Date and Time of Submission: 27/03/19 15:00

Actual Word Count: 2,179 words

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Assignment 1

Gender inequalities in Nepal:

The country I have chosen to focus on is Nepal which is classed as ‘developing’ (United Nations, 2018).

Despite Nepal’s relative success at achieving some of the MDG’s, work remains to be done, especially in

relation to gender equality as the governments final report found that “discrimination and violence against

women and girls persists” (Durbar, 2016, p.47). Some of the main barriers that they face in Nepal relate to

caste as Bennet et al found that 85% of low caste women are uneducated compared to 46% of low caste

men (2008, p.7) suggesting there is still preference for sons amongst some groups when it comes to

education. This has adverse implications for their future as it negatively affects the economic opportunities

available to women, despite evidence that demonstrates their ability to contribute productively towards

the economy (Boserup, 1970, p.214). These inequalities imply that females are still discriminated against

both economically and socially within Nepal. In relation to its neighbours Nepal was ranked 105th out of

149 countries for its Global Gender Gap score compared to India (108) and Bhutan (122) (World Economic

Forum, 2018) showing that gender inequality is still a major problem in South Asia.

Main issue:

For this assignment I have decided to examine the topic of chhaupadi, a gender specific practice that

isolates girls and women to external huts, cattle sheds or separate rooms of the house during

menstruation (5-7 days) or when they have just given birth (up to 14 days). It is most commonly practiced

in the far West regions of Nepal with up to 72% of all women and girls in the area being exiled monthly

(Amatya et al, 2018, p.2). It occurs “regardless of their social caste” (Mahon and Fernandes, 2010, p.103)

which explains its high prevalence within Nepali society. I have chosen the subject due to the wide range of

impacts that it has on their lives. The idea originates from Hinduism, the dominant religion of Nepal

(Bennett et al, 2008, p.1), where anyone who is menstruating is perceived as ‘ritually unclean’ alongside

anything they touch. Followers believe that allowing them into public spaces could upset the gods and

bring bad luck on their family and community. A recent report by Alejos discovered that over half of the

girls surveyed were supporters of the practice (2015, p.26) indicating that the belief is still popular amongst

the younger generations.

As a result, women and girls are isolated so there is no danger of them ‘contaminating’ anything. They are

not allowed to cook, sleep or eat with their family or use their bathroom. Additionally, they are excluded

from social and religious events such as attending weddings (Kadariya and Aro, 2015, p.54). In some areas

of Nepal girls are still allowed to attend school but they are required to eat and drink in a separate location

and return to their hut straight after (Amatya et al, 2018, p.9). If they go to school they are often teased by

boys (Mahon et al, 2015, p.8) which may decrease their likelihood of attending while menstruating.

Women and girls are also still expected to help with labour, despite being nutritionally disadvantaged as

their diet whilst in the chhaupadi is usually limited to rice, salt and dry food. Before they leave they must

wash themselves, their clothes and bedding before they are allowed back in their house (Kadariya and Aro,

2015, p.54) as part of the cleansing ritual.

Moreover, the negative health consequences associated with chhaupadis are numerous and have led to

several reported deaths from asphyxiation (from lighting fires in small spaces), hypothermia and reports of

being attacked by wild animals alongside incidents of physical and sexual abuse (Kadariya and Aro, 2015,

p.54). As women will often take care of their children whilst in the chhaupadi they are also risk.

Furthermore, the hard work that women are expected to do without adequate nutritional intake can lead

to additional problems. In particular, the health of pregnant women and their new-borns is compromised

due to the unhygienic conditions. Finally, the psychological impact of being isolated is also a major issue as

“31.4% of women have experienced sadness or depression” (Alejos, 2015, p.13) from being segregated for

long periods of time. The subject recently garnered international attention after a Nepali mother and her

two sons suffocated to death in January 2019 (Budhathoki and Safi) and there were calls for stricter

legislation to be implemented.

Policy analysis:

The continuation of the practice violates several international and national policies. These include articles

within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Notably article 25 (1) “everyone has the right to a

standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family,” (United Nations,

1948) is not being adhered to. Moreover, Nepal ratified the Convention on the Elimination of

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1991 (United Nations, 1981) which was meant to encourage

the government to promote equality in “political, social, economic and cultural fields” in line with Article 3

(Government equalities office, 2011). However, the existence of chhaupadi’s suggest that this cannot be

done due to the disadvantages that so many women and girls face as a result of their monthly isolation.

Additionally, the harmful practice goes directly against the code of conduct expressed in the Vienna

declaration. Despite the inconsistencies between what is written in the law and what continues to happen,

national policies have been slow to emerge suggesting that the local government has been unwilling to

tackle the issue.

It took until 2005 for the problem to reach the attention of the supreme court who ordered the Nepali

government to create a specific law to ban it. In 2007 it was hinted at within the Nepali constitution under

article 12, the right to equality, article 20, the right to sexual and reproductive health, and article 29 (2)

which stated that “no person shall be subjected to any kind of exploitation on the basis of religion, custom,

tradition, culture, practices or any other bases” (UN Women, 2015). In 2008 guidelines were created to

specifically tackle chhaupadi under the ministry of women, child and social welfare (Kadariya and Aro,

2015, p.55) and the practice was finally criminalised in 2017 with a three-month jail sentence or fine issued

to perpetrators (Smith, 2018).

This long process demonstrates the government reluctance to ban the practice outright perhaps out of fear

of alienating supporters. However, recently, because of international pressure, the Nepali government has

vowed to crack down on chhaupadi’s by issuing stricter fines and harsher penalties for those found guilty

of endorsing it. They have also threatened to withdraw state support to families found to be complicit

(Adhikari, 2019).

It is also important to recognise the work that numerous non-government organisations have done as they

have been instrumental at advocating for change. In particular, Save the Children, Restless Development

and UN Women have all organised various campaigns and projects designed to eliminate chhaupadi’s in

different regions. In the next section I will analyse both the implementation of these laws and the work

done by these organisations to examine their successes and where there is still room for improvement.

Effectiveness of implementation:

Government policies:

The response to the government legislation has been mixed (Adhikari and Shrestha, 2008 p.124). On one

hand the numbers of people practising it is said to be decreasing (Budhathoki and Safi, 2019) suggesting

the threat of sanctions has worked to a degree. However, the likelihood of community members bringing

every case to the attention of government officials and then verifying the existence of chhaupadi’s,

especially in rural areas, is slim. Therefore, it could be inferred that it is not enough for the legislation to be

made, it must also be enforced appropriately alongside policy if the tradition is to be eliminated quickly

before more women and girls suffer mental and physical harm from being isolated (Ranabhat et al, 2015,

p.793).

Manon and Fernandes argue that the government could take responsibility in other ways. They suggest

that the state could enforce education programmes that “ensure addressing menstrual hygiene issues is

mandatory in all school hygiene education” (2010, p.111). These may help reduce the taboo associated

with menstruation and instead emphasise that it is a natural process rather than something to be ashamed

of. They could also provide practical advice as WaterAid’s study found that “the majority of respondents

reported that they were not prepared in any way for their first period” (2009, p.100) implying that general

information could be beneficial for participants.

Therefore, without education about why the chhaupadi’s are unhygienic and unsafe for women and girls

the new laws are likely to cause hostility towards the government. In particular, it is important to

remember that eliminating the practice will take time as it is a deeply ingrained tradition that holds a lot of

cultural and religious significance to members. The theory of relativistic communitarianism can help to

explain why the concept is so deeply ingrained within Nepali society because “those who support this

practice…do so on the grounds that it is done for the purpose of overall common good” (Kadariya and Aro,

2015, p.56) to protect their community from the wrath of the gods. Government legislation is unlikely to

thwart these attempts to preserve their system because they do not take the time to understand the

deeper reasons for practicing chhaupadi.

NGO campaigns:

Unfortunately, NGO work has also had limited success at eliminating chhaupadi’s. Although there have

been positive results from running general sanitation and hygiene programmes implemented by charities

such as WaterAid there has been a limited focus on “the importance of menstrual hygiene” (Mahon and

Fernandes, 2010, p.99). In particular, the lack of availability of low-cost sanitary products was cited as a

failure. However, even when Nepali girls could afford them they still experienced the same deprivations as

before including absenteeism from school (Oster and Thornton, 2011). This implies that the underlying

issue is related to the cultural taboo rather than a lack of access to products.

Another criticism of the work that NGO’s have done relates to the work of Save the Children. They

embarked on a five-year project designed to eliminate chhaupadi’s which in the short term appeared

effective but in the long term proved unsustainable. This was because the huts were “rebuilt when the

project ended” (Cousins, 2019) symbolising the cultural significance that they held for the community and

the lack of understanding within the organisation.

Alternatives:

It is clear that the current initiatives under both the government and the NGOs are insufficient at tackling

the root causes for the continuation of the practice. One option moving forward for both governments and

NGOs to consider is facilitating conversations with men about chhaupadi’s as in a patriarchal society their

role can be “invaluable” (Ranabhat et al, 2015, p.793) due to the extensive influence that they hold. Their

position of authority could be particularly useful when working to reduce the stigma associated with

menstruation as they could help to provide more hygienic environments within schools or other public

places (Mahon and Fernandes, 2010, p.110).

Moreover, explaining the health issues associated with chhaupadi may encourage men to think about

adapting the practice so that the risks are reduced, and their wives and children are protected. This may

include building community chhaupadis which would help to combat feelings of isolation amongst girls and

women alongside creating a more sanitary environment with more facilities available. Nevertheless, the

way in which the issue is raised may be difficult because of “the strong perception that menstrual hygiene

is not to be discussed with men and boys” (Mahon et al, 2015, p.10) as a result of the ingrained toxic

masculinity in the society which development practitioners must consider.

Despite the importance of including men Mahon et al argues that the biggest barrier is the attitudes of the

women (2015, p.9) and therefore specific efforts should also be made to include them in discussions. One

option could be to encourage female health workers in Nepal to visit chhaupadis and provide women with

basic supplies and also assist them with any health needs they may have (Amatya et al, 2018, p.13-14).

More practical solutions such as putting screens on windows and improving ventilation within chhaupadi’s

could also reduce casualties and encourage safer alternatives.

Conclusion:

Overall, it is clear to see that the strategies implemented by both the government and various NGOs fall

short of achieving the objective of eradicating chhaupadi. In order to eliminate the practice completely

they will have to address the health issues associated with chhaupadi and suggest safer alternatives.

Preventative legislation on its own is not enough as it cannot be enforced equally within the country and it

discourages the abolition of chhaupadi’s. Instead, NGOs and the Nepali government should take the

opportunity to collaborate and share ideas about how to approach the problem and create policies

together. From this they can use the ideas from Mohanty (2002, p.521) regarding work about feminist

solidarity to make links between local and global movements in order to facilitate sustainable change for

women and girls in Nepal.

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