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Table of Contents

Table of Contents: Full Table of Contents

Front Cover Half Title Page Title Page Copyright Page Editorial Board Editorial and Production Staff Contents Preface Introduction to Volume 1, Childhood and Adolescence List of Articles Contributors Thematic Outline

 Academic-Employment  Erikson-Parental

Erikson, Erik 1902-1994

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Family And Household Structure, Childhood And Adolescence Family Process Model Foster Care Freud, Sigmund 1856-1939 Friendship, Childhood And Adolescence Gangs Gays And Lesbians, Youth And Adolescence Gender And Education Genetic Influences, Early Life Grandchildren Health Behaviors, Childhood And Adolescence Health Care Use, Childhood And Adolescence Health Differentials/Disparities, Childhood And Adolescence High School Dropout High School Organization High-Stakes Testing Home Schooling Homeless, Youth And Adolescents Human Capital Identity Development Illness And Disease, Childhood And Adolescence Immigration, Childhood And Adolescence Infant And Child Mortality Intergenerational Closure Interpretive Theory Juvenile Justice System Learning Disability Maternal Employment Mead, Margaret 1901-1978 Media And Technology Use, Childhood And Adolescence Media Effects Mental Health, Childhood And Adolescence Mentoring Moral Development And Education Neighborhood Context, Childhood And Adolescence Obesity, Childhood And Adolescence Oppositional Culture Parent-Child Relationships, Childhood And Adolescence Parental Involvement In Education

 Parenting-Youth Back Cover

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Grandchildren

Author: Merril Silverstein Editor: Deborah Carr Date: 2009 From: Encyclopedia of the Life Course and Human Development(Vol. 1: Childhood and Adolescence. ) Publisher: Macmillan Reference USA Document Type: Topic overview Pages: 6 Content Level: (Level 5)

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Grandchildren

This entry reviews the scholarly research about grandchildren and grandparent-grandchild relations within the context of multigenerational families. Because being a grandchild is the joint product of two family transitions, the nature of this family role cannot

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be separated from the roles that grandparents and parents perform, as well as the relationship between them. Where grandparenting and parenting are action verbs for how grandparents and parents enact their respective roles, being a grandchild has no comparable term. Thus, the roles played by grandchildren are more passively constructed and necessarily dependent on experiences within the wider family system.

GRANDPARENT ROLES IN RELATION TO GRANDCHILDREN The study of grandparenting as an independent branch of inquiry emerged in the 1940s and 1950s as highlighted by several historical events—World War II (1939-1945) and the postwar baby boom. On the one hand, observers noted that grandparents helped their children's families adapt to the dislocations and hardships caused by war, and subsequendy provided child care assistance to the growing number of households with young children. On the other hand, some argued that grandparents had become less relevant during the postwar economic expansion as a result of their children's geographic mobility and increasing reliance on professional sources for childrearing advice and help (Szinovacz, 1998).

Inspired by pioneering research on grandparenting styles by Bernice Neugarten and Karol Weinstein (1964), social scientific investigations into grandparenting surged in the 1980s when several important volumes were published on the topic by Vern Bengtson and Joan Robertson (1985) and Andrew Cherlin and Frank Furstenberg (1986)—Grandparenthood and The New American Grandparent, respectively. These works were instrumental in directing the attention of scholars to what had still been a somewhat marginal area in family research. Much of the literature of that period focused on characterizing grandparent roles themselves, using such descriptive labels as fun-loving, companionate, formal, and remote to describe how grandparents stylized their relationships with grandchildren and their families. Issues of race, class, gender, and timing (whether the role occurred at the typical stage in the life course, versus significandy earlier or later) were examined in relation to grandparenting styles.

In Cherlin and Furstenberg's national study of grandparents, no particular style emerged as a majority, underscoring the diverse and normatively ambiguousPage 206  nature of grandparenting. Much discussion centered on how grandparents could resolve the tension between their wish to be fully involved in the lives of grandchildren and their need to adhere to the implicit “norm of noninterference” often expected of them. Research during this period also focused on the instrumental role of grandparents as guardians of family culture and continuity, lauding their contributions as the watchdogs of the family.

More contemporary evidence continues to show that grandparents are actively involved with their grandchildren, serving as mentors, confidants, and companions to them. The typical grandchild-grandparent relationship is one based on respect, unconditional love, mutual support, and friendship. A good deal of scholarly attention has been devoted to describing variation in the involvement of grandparents with their grandchildren based on structural, biological, and demographic characteristics of all three generations. Grandchildren tend to feel emotionally closer to their maternal than their paternal grandparents, feel closer to their grandmothers than their grandfathers, and are more intimate with grandparents who have better relationships with the lineal parent and in-law (Fingerman, 2004). Among all grandparents, maternal grandmothers are the most active contributors to their grandfamilies and maintain the closest relationships with grandchildren (Chan & Elder, 2000). Grandchildren also have more distant relationships with grandparents with fewer resources, specifically those who are older, less healthy, and widowed (Silverstein & Marenco, 2001).

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Parental divorce has weakened some grandparent-grandchild relationships but has strengthened others (Kennedy & Kennedy, 1993). Because of custody decisions that favor mothers and higher rates of stepfamily formation among fathers, family disruption tends to strengthen ties to grandparents on the maternal side and weaken them on the paternal side (Uhlenberg & Hammill, 1998). Further, growth in the prevalence of step-grandparents has created new ambiguities in a relationship that already has uncertain guidelines.

INSTRUMENTAL FAMILY ROLES OF GRANDPARENTS AND GRANDCHILDREN Scholarship on grandparents and their grandchildren achieved a sort of renaissance in the 1980s and 1990s when the number of grandparents raising grandchildren began to surge. The percentage of children living in grandparent-headed households almost doubled in the last 30 years of the 20th century, rising from 3% of children in 1970 to 5.5% in 1997 (Bryson & Casper, 1999). As of 2000, more than 2.4 million grandparents claimed primary responsibility for at least one coresident grandchild (Simmons & Lawler Dye, 2003). The number of grandchildren being raised by grandparents increased in all socioeconomic and ethnic groups, but rose most dramatically among African-American families in which the parental generation was incapacitated as a result of crack cocaine addiction, HIV or AIDS, and incarceration.

Research suggests that children being cared for full time by their grandparent(s) are at elevated risk for behavioral and emotional problems (Billing, Ehrle, & Kortenkamp, 2002), often assumed to be the consequence of the dire home environments that created the need for the grandparents' care in the first place. However, compared to day care, after-school programs, babysitters, nannies, and other formal sources of help, grandparents tend to have a less casual interest in the well-being of their grandchildren. One study, for instance, found that the health and school adjustment of children raised solely by grandparents was nearly equivalent to children raised by one biological parent (Solomon & Marx, 1995).

Families in which grandparents are raising grandchildren provide a dramatic, but only one, example of how the fortunes of three generations are mutually interdependent. Women's labor force participation provides grandparents additional opportunities to take care of grandchildren raised in dual earner and single-mother households. Mary Elizabeth Hughes and colleagues (2007) found that caring for grandchildren is quite common in the United States, with 40% of grandparents providing at least 50 hours of care per year for the children of working parents. In the United Kingdom one in five children less than 16 years old is looked after by their grandparents during the daytime (Clarke & Cairns, 2001), and a multinational European study found that 40-60% of grandparents reported taking care of grandchildren over a 1-year period (Attias-Donfut, Ogg, & Wolff, 2005).

How families benefit economically from grandparent-provided care has been the subject of several investigations. Emanuela Cardia and Serena Ng (2003) found that parents who received child-care services from grandparents improved their economic status by increasing their paid labor force participation and avoiding formal child-care costs. However, direct money transfers from grandparents had little economic effect on household resources because such assistance reduced the amount of time that parents worked in the paid labor force. Similar conclusions were reached in a study of immigrant grandparents in France, who tended to provide grandchild care to daughters with greater labor market potential than to those with greater economic need (Ralitza & Wolff, 2007). Together, thesePage 207  results support the notion that grandparents strategically invest their child care labor to optimize the overall well-being of their grandfamilies.

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A key, but largely unanswered question that arises for researchers is whether grandchildren who receive social, emotional, and material resources from their grandparents later reciprocate by, for example, being caregivers for their grandparents. Grandchildren who received more early care from grandparents do tend to have closer relations with them in adulthood, arguably a precondition to being a caregiver. However, there is only limited evidence that grandchildren are prolific providers of support to their grandparents. A novel perspective developed by Debra Friedman and colleagues (2008) argues that grandparents have an incentive to invest in those grandchildren whose parents are most likely to be a caregiver to them, bringing into consideration the possibility that reciprocity with grandchildren may be indirect.

Among the most altruistic grandparents are those who care for their disabled grandchildren. A review of literature suggests that these heavily invested grandparents are greatly valued by their families, but found little systematic research concerning their capacity for meeting the demands of this challenging role, and the effectiveness of their intervention with respect to the well-being of the children under their care (Mitchell, 2007). Research by Jennifer Park and colleagues (2005) reveals that although grandparents are prolific providers of care for developmentally disabled, impaired, and special-needs grandchildren, they sometimes face difficulties in bonding with these grandchildren, particularly those exhibiting communication and behavioral difficulties.

PSYCHOSOCIAL INFLUENCE OF GRANDPARENTS ON GRANDCHILDREN Family systems theory provides an overarching psychosocial paradigm that stresses the importance of looking beyond the parent-child relationship to more fully account for the familial forces that shape children's development and adaptation. Literature suggests that grandparents can be important contributors to the successful psychosocial development and well-being of their grandchildren in infancy and beyond. Suitable care and stimulation provided by grandmothers and grandfathers benefits the social, cognitive, and motor skills of infant grandchildren. The role of grandparents in mitigating adjustment difficulties of young grandchildren raised in nontraditional families has also been documented. However, in such circumstances, the involvement of grandmothers may also produce negative effects such as when it causes a reduction in maternal involvement (Chase-Lansdale, Brooks-Gunn, & Zamsky, 1994) or when grandmotherhood occurs at such a young age that the role is not fully engaged (Burton, 1995).

There has been little systematic study of the continued importance of grandparents beyond childhood, in part because few studies of adolescents and young adults have inquired specifically about the role that grandparents play (or have played) in their lives. However, using national data, research by Sarah Ruiz and Merril Silver-stein (2007) found that among children raised by single mothers or depressed mothers, those whose grandparents served as secure attachment figures tended to have better mental health in adulthood.

Grandparents play an important symbolic role with respect to their grandchildren by conveying core values and providing a cultural window into family history and traditions. Religion represents one of several intergenerational threads that bring grandparents and grandchildren closer together around a shared value system. Grandparents have been found to directly influence the religious orientation of their grandchildren without parental influences, suggesting a fundamental contribution to their worldview (Copen & Silverstein, 2007). Contact with grandparents also conditions grandchildren to think and act differently about their own and their family's aging. Those adults who had more exposure to their grandparents earlier in life tend to hold more positive attitudes about elderly people, express greater support for entitlement programs that benefit older adults, and are more likely to live with their aging parents.

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SOCIOCULTURAL AND ECOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON GRANDPARENT-GRAND CHILD RELATIONS The type and level of grandparent involvement has a basis in cultural norms and in the economic organization of families, localities, and nations that emphasize or downplay the role of grandparents. Ethnic differences in grandparenting have long been observed, particularly with respect to African-American grandparents who tend to be more involved with their grandchildren, and more apt than other grandparents to discipline and guide their grandchildren (Hunter, 1997). African-American grandmothers closely identify with their role as grandparents and derive a great sense of meaning and accomplishment from contributing to the development of their grandchildren. The stronger, more authoritative role taken on by Black grandmothers has long cultural roots, reflecting a tradition of surrogate parenting and extended familism going back to the time of slavery.

Grandparent-grandchild relations in Hispanic families are typically viewed as stronger and more durablePage 208  than those in non- Hispanic White families. However, Silverstein and Xuan Chen (1999), in a study of Mexican-American immigrant families, found that young adults who acculturated away from their native language and traditional customs tended to feel emotionally and socially detached from their more culturally traditional grandparents. The culture gap between grandchildren and their grandparents did not predict grandparents' assessments of their relationships with grandchildren. This pattern suggests that in immigrant families, grandchildren but not grandparents attribute the socioemotional distance between them to acculturation differences.

Local conditions also influence relations between grandparents and grandchildren. For instance, Valarie King and Glen Elder (1995), in their study of rural Iowa farm families, found that grandchildren tended to have stronger relations with their paternal grandparents than with their maternal grandparents, a reversal of the pattern found in urban families of Los Angeles (King et al., 2003) and the majority of other studies. The strength of paternal ties observed in rural Iowa is attributed to traditional patterns of inheritance in agricultural communities where land ownership is passed from father to son.

There are few cross-national studies of grandparenting and grandparent-grandchild relations. However, in a study of ten European nations, Karsten Hank (2007) found that older parents tended to live closer to children who had children of their own. That this relationship held in the more familistic nations of the Mediterranean as well as the welfare-state nations of Scandinavia provides evidence of the universal attraction of grandchildren. Further, it has become increasingly clear that the nature of grandparent-grandchild relations cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy based on welfare-state characteristics. For instance, Gunhild Hagestad and Janneke Oppelaar (2004) report that grandparents in Norway care for their grandchildren at nearly twice the rate of grandparents in other European nations (including Spain). Paradoxically, grandparent-provided care was most common in the nation with the most generous public child care benefits, but also in the nation with the highest rate of women's labor force participation.

Evidence is strong that grandparents play a crucial role in maintaining the economic viability of families in the developing nations of Asia. It is not uncommon for grandparents in rural China to act as surrogate parents to their grandchildren when adult children migrate to find work in urban areas. In China and other Asian nations, child care labor provided by grandparents allows adult children to seek out more promising labor markets and send back remittances that benefit the grandparents and young children left behind (Agree, Biddlecom, Chang, & Perez, 2002).

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FUTURE DIRECTIONS Discussed below are several areas for future research that will further existing knowledge about grandchildren and their relationships with grandparents.

Life-stage Considerations The timing of grandparents' contributions to their grandchildren has been little considered. In middle childhood, children are faced with the tasks of developing a sense of competence and developing their identities. Incomplete or inadequate resolution of these challenges can produce loneliness, anxiety, and unhappiness. Adolescents are faced with establishing autonomy and forming a consistent sense of self, and may be at odds with their parents. Young adults making key life decisions can benefit from the advice and support that grandparents may be best positioned to impart. Future research should address when and how grandparents are effective in helping their grandchildren cope with these different developmental challenges. The social implications of co-surviving grandparents and grandchildren have yet to be parsed, yet it is tempting to speculate that longer periods of joint survivorship between generations will increase opportunities for intergenerational support and exchange between them.

In addition, benefits provided by grandparents may persist long after their grandchildren leave childhood. There may be sleeper effects of early grandparent involvement that do not come to fruition until grandchildren begin managing adult roles, such as entering romantic relationships, beginning careers, and forming families of their own. Long-term longitudinal models will be required to trace the developmental outcomes of grandchildren as a function of their earlier intergenerational experiences to periods that postdate their grandparents' survival.

Demographic Change and Kin Supply Increased longevity has radically increased the amount of time that grandchildren will know their grandparents. Peter Uhlenberg (1996) notes that 80% of children born in the mid-1990s had at least one surviving grandparent compared to only 20% at the turn of the 20th century. The simple numerical truth is that because of longer life expectancies and declining fertility rates, there are, historically speaking, more grandparents per grandchild than ever before. Further, compositional changes in families because of divorce and remarriage have increased the number of step-grandparents in the population. Has this inversion in traditional family structures increased the competition for attending to grandchildren? If so, will grandchildrenPage 209  benefit from the increased attention they receive from grandparents?

Sociological, Biological, and Ecological Perspectives Bio-evolutionary theories ask whether grandparents are genetically predisposed to promote the success of their grandchildren—a phenomenon known as the grandmother effect. The principle of paternity- certainty posits that maternal grandmothers will have the strongest genetic incentive to invest in grandchildren and paternal grandfathers the weakest. Research has consistently shown evidence supporting this hypothesis in Western nations. However, in nations that have paternalistic cultures, the opposite pattern is realized, with more investment in grandchildren by paternal grandparents. These contradictory observations call into question the essentialist view of grandparent-grandchild relations, and, more generally, call for comparative analyses of grandchild investment strategies that take into account the implications of cultural and economic context across different regions of the world.

SEE ALSO Volume 1: Cultural Capital ; Family and Household Structure, Childhood and Adolescence ; Parent-Child Relationships, Childhood ; Sibling Relationships, Childhood and Adolescence ; Social Capital ; Volume 3: Grandparenthood .

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Merril Silverstein

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Silverstein, Merril. "Grandchildren." Encyclopedia of the Life Course and Human Development, edited by Deborah Carr, vol. 1: Childhood and Adolescence, Macmillan Reference USA, 2009, pp. 205-210. Gale eBooks, link.gale.com/apps/doc/CX3273000063/GVRL? u=umd_umuc&sid=GVRL&xid=11d77567. Accessed 8 Feb. 2021.

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