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Indigenous Women, Feminism, and the Environmental Humanities

Article  in  Resilience A Journal of the Environmental Humanities · February 2015

DOI: 10.5250/resilience.1.3.007

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Indigenous Women, Feminism, and the Environmental Humanities

Greta Gaard

December 30, 2012 (fi g. 1): As the Idle No More movement spread from Canada throughout the United States, numerous fl ash mob Round Dances were held across North America, bringing greater awareness to the linked assaults on indigenous communities, environmental health, and climate change. In Minnesota more than a thousand Native peo- ple danced around drums in the Mall of America (moa) rotunda, while shoppers watched and took photos from the two balconies above.

December 31, 2013 (fi g. 2): Idle No More– Duluth leader Reyna Crow fac- es a moa security offi cer, who demands that she leave the moa and not hold the scheduled “protest.”1 Both she and coorganizer Patricia Shepa- rd were arrested and taken into mall security, while a small group of al- lies and two National Lawyers’ Guild advocates witnessed and recorded the events.

What Happened to Make These Two Events So Different? For one thing, moa management was more prepared. Calling itself “the Hollywood of the Midwest” on its website,2 the moa is owned by the Canadian company Triple Five Group, which has pledged to sup- port “development of mineral resources” and “production of oil and gas” on Native lands (Triple Five Group 2008); no wonder they oppose more dancing from an indigenous movement against resource exploi- tation. Aft er reading Reyna Crow and Patricia Shepard’s press release

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Fig. 2. Reyna Crow faces arrest at Mall of America, December 31, 2013. Courtesy of the author.

Fig. 1. Mall of America Round Dance, December 30, 2012. Courtesy of Native News Online.

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announcing the planned Round Dance, moa offi cials sent the women letters characterizing the 2012 Round Dance as “extremely disruptive” and threatening the women with arrest if their “political protest” were to be held again. Th is response contrasted sharply with the frequency of Michael Jackson– style fl ash mobs at the moa (including Christmas car- olers) as well as with the footage of the 2012 Round Dance at the moa, whose “disruptive” presence merited applause and cheers of apprecia- tion from the mall spectators.3

But a second distinction between the two events had to do with gender politics. As activists gathered on the public sidewalk (i.e., free speech zone) outside the moa for a press conference at 3:00 on Decem- ber 31, 2013, we were joined by an aggressive group of men from Idle No More– Twin Cities, who stated they had come to make sure that the Round Dance did not occur. Shepard and Crow stepped over to the men to plead with them to keep a unifi ed front before the media, but the men remained a hostile presence. Evidently, the two Idle No More groups in Minnesota held diff erent views and diff erent leadership styles: the Twin Cities group had actively urged supporters not to join the planned round dance. Given these two barriers, our group of al- lies numbered fewer than fi ft een (see fi g. 3). What happened when we

Fig. 3. Outside the MOA with Idle No More, December 31, 2013. Courtesy of Native News Online.

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entered the moa quickly became surreal to anyone who has never wit- nessed institutional racism.

Entering the moa through Sears, one of the corner anchor depart- ment stores, we found the seasonal chill of - 9˚F outdoors was replaced by the unseasonable silence of three uniformed guards stationed inside the department store. Where we exited Sears into the mall’s rotunda, three more uniformed guards required all women to surrender our purses for a search, and baby strollers were also searched for drums. During the moments that we deliberated where to get coff ee and warm up, our small group was quickly surrounded by a bevy of mall secu- rity and Bloomington city police who doubly outnumbered us. An moa security offi cer confronted Reyna Crow, demanding that she leave the mall or face arrest. When she refused, at least ten armed guards sur- rounded this one indigenous woman and led her into a white hallway beyond white locked doors. Meanwhile, Patricia Shepard had gone in search of the Mall Administration Offi ce to deliver gift s of tobacco, sage, sweet grass, cedar, and water and to invite mall administrators to join in the round dance, when she too was arrested.

Teachable Moments In my Literature of Environmental Justice course, we read Linda Ho- gan’s Solar Storms, a novel about hydropower developments on First Nations territories in Canada, the legacy of colonialism, and its mul- tiple assaults on Native women. Narrating teenaged Angel’s search for identity and the origins of her facial scars, the novel also details four generations of indigenous women’s resilience and survival, through their connections with the land and the animals, their insistence on ac- curate retellings of history and memory, their passionate commitment to community and family, and their creative and persistent work for justice. Th e conversations from this course were still resonant for me when I read the press release for the Idle No More events at the moa.

Standing outside in subzero temperatures, I was surprised to recog- nize Reyna Crow, whom I had met earlier in the summer, when she spoke at the Critical Animal Studies conference in Minneapolis. Re- sponding to the delisting of wolves in Minnesota in 2012, Crow had founded the Northwoods Wolf Alliance to stop the wolf hunts and to educate upper Midwest residents about the sacred relationship between Anishinaabeg people and the wolf, who is traditionally regarded as

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their brother.4 At the Critical Animal Studies conference, Crow spoke with a group of vegan scholar- activists about the inextricability of wolf survival and indigenous survival, and she found many allies. We spoke about the challenges of addressing sexism and racism within even pro- gressive environmental democracy movements and about the intersec- tions of these oppressive systems with speciesism.

Aft er the event at the moa, I looked up Reyna Crow on the Internet and learned she was also a founder of Idle No More– Duluth, an orga- nization whose blogsite provides links to the Northwoods Wolf Alli- ance, North Shore Community Radio, and Sex Traffi cking Awareness Month.5 Crow is also a frequent contributor to Duluth News Tribune, which includes her degree in economics as part of her byline and lists her many columns on homelessness, white privilege, voting rights, po- lice brutality, military spending, institutional racism, low- wage jobs, mining, the wolf hunt, and the linked rights of children and animals, both of which are violated by zoos and circuses. Recognizing the in- terdependence among environmental justice, species justice, media jus- tice, and gender justice (to name only some of Reyna’s interests) had proven exhausting to my fi rst- generation rural white students. “Th is class is a downer,” one male athlete had said in my Literature of Envi- ronmental Justice class— half joking, of course, though other classmates both agreed and then replied that they felt better informed and better able to take action as a result of the class.

Knowing the intersection of human, animal, and environmental in- justices through her lived experience as an indigenous woman, Reyna Crow may also feel exhausted, but that doesn’t stop her from taking ecopolitical action for justice. Where does her standpoint appear in current formulations of the environmental humanities?

Texts That Prompt Critical Thinking about the Environmental Humanities Invited to name one text that alerted me to the power of the environ- mental humanities, I would be hard pressed to choose between the lyrical and ecopolitically astute writing of Chickasaw author Linda Hogan— whose works include Dwellings, Solar Storms, People of the Whale, and Th e Woman Who Watches Over the World— and the land- mark work of the Australian feminist philosopher Val Plumwood, who synthesized the many diverse ecofeminist theories and insights into her

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own “master model,” as presented in her work Feminism and the Mas- tery of Nature. Th e hallmark of Plumwood’s work is the intersectional defi nition of the “master”— she neatly avoids terms like “patriarchy” and “masculinity” as being the prime culprits and instead describes the ways that oppressive systems function to construct a false identity for the dominant group. Th at identity is formed through a series of op- erations: hyperseparation, backgrounding, incorporation, homogeniza- tion, and instrumentalization. In my 1997 essay, “Toward a Queer Eco- feminism,” I expanded Plumwood’s categories to describe the linked operations of heterosexism and speciesism. Here, I’d like to update my analysis by showing the ways that Plumwood’s conceptual tool of the master model also describes climate change.

As many have argued (e.g., the United Nations, the World Health Organization, Gender cc), climate change is a problem produced by the world’s wealthiest nations but suff ered disproportionately by the world’s poorest.6 Within these distinctions, we can further qualify that it is the production, consumption, and waste of the world’s wealthiest that is the problem (climate change is one result); even further, we can point to data showing that these processes are heavily gendered. Poor women and girls are hardest hit by climate change– induced disasters, wars, and famines (Dankelman 2010; Seager 2006). Around the world, women’s gender roles restrict women’s mobility; impose tasks associ- ated with food production and caregiving; and simultaneously obstruct women from participating in decision making about climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, and adaptation and mitigation.

Produced through a nexus of colonialism; resource extraction; and the violation of the lives and labor of the poor, the indigenous, women, animals, queers, and ecosystems— neoliberal economics and empires enact Plumwood’s master model through their practices of consump- tion, domination, and control (Alaimo 2009; Somera 2009). As this economic and cultural model overtakes even our universities, threaten- ing the survival of the humanities, environmental humanities scholars must not be tempted to become more like the master and perpetuate “business (colonialism) as usual” through “old- school” master- model versions of humanities disciplines (history, politics, philosophy, lit- erature) that exclude or instrumentalize the voices, perspectives, and knowledge of indigenous communities, diverse women, queers, species, and ecosystems. Rather, we can use our location and skills as academics

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to expose the interconnected root causes of climate change— through our teaching, scholarship, and engaged citizenship.

About interconnected root causes, for example, feminist scholars have invoked the concept of intersectionality (Crenshaw 1991; Col- lins 1990) in order to describe the “intra- actions” (Barad 2007) of race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, age, ability, and other forms of human diff erence, using this analysis to develop more nuanced understandings of power, privilege, and oppression. But fewer scholars have critiqued the humanism of intersectionality (Lykke 2009) or proposed examining the exclusions of species and ecosystems from intersectional identities, addressing the ways that even the most marginalized of humans may participate in the master- model process of instrumentalization when it comes to nonhuman nature, or “earth others” (Plumwood’s term). As an ecological identity and ecopolitical standpoint resisting the master model, ecofeminists once proposed the self- identity of “political ani- mal” (Gaard 1998; Sandilands 1994, 1999), a view that resituates humans within ecosystems (thereby eliminating culture- nature dualisms) and faces us toward assessing ecosystem fl ows and equilibrium, while si- multaneously attending to the well- being of transcorporeal individuals (Alaimo 2010). Joining a philosophical reconception of human identity with an ecopolitical exploration of economic globalization and its role in producing climate change, the environmental humanities could send a critical challenge to the technoscience discourse about mitigation and adaptation— as opposed to the reduction and prevention arguments (i.e., geoengineering) currently dominating responses to climate change.

Notice that Reyna Crow doesn’t need my updated theory. As her list of topics for the Duluth News Tribune editorials demonstrates, her standpoint as a working- class indigenous woman aff ords her a broad- ly inclusive perspective on the posthumanist intersections of the many linked oppressions, the urgency of climate change, and the importance of feminist environmental justice actions, locally and globally. But such views may or may not be foregrounded in the emerging articulations of the environmental humanities.

Environmental Justice, Gender Justice, and the Environmental Humanities So where do indigenous women’s perspectives appear in the environ- mental humanities? And where is feminism in the environmental hu-

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manities? Comparing three introductory defi nitions of the environ- mental humanities from scholars in Sweden (Sörlin 2012), Australia (Rose et al. 2012), and the United States (Kaza 2005), we fi nd there is widespread agreement on the inclusion of environmental philosophy, history, politics, literature, and writing— but less agreement on the rel- evance of environmental spirituality, feminism, indigenous studies, labor studies, or human- animal studies, to name only some of the is- sues addressed by Reyna Crow’s editorials (see table 1). Environmental justice is not directly listed in these recitations of primary humanities disciplines, nor is any iteration of feminism; at the nexus of these two perspectives, the scholarship and activism of indigenous women and women of color should be conspicuous.

Graduate programs in the environmental humanities are even more specifi c in their scope, listing core (required) courses as Environmen- tal Foundations, Methods, Writing Seminar, and a Field Course, leav- ing room for electives, which is where courses such as Environmental Justice, Women and [other?] Natural Resources, Ecofeminism, and Na- tive American Philosophy usually appear. Th ese electives are also some- times clustered and competing against one another in the “environ- mental activism” section, as if the content, methods, and perspectives off ered by these courses could not fi t equally well in course clusters of “environmental imagination” or “environmental thinking.”7

My concern here is that environmental humanities scholars can too eas- ily perpetuate the limitations of the very knowledge systems we critique if our defi nitions and program off erings replicate the culture/nature, mind/body, white/nonwhite, and human/animal binaries that have kept the humanities and sciences apart, and which impede our interdisci- plinary collaborations in addressing the ecosocial emergencies of cli- mate change.

Placing indigenous women and feminist environmental perspec- tives more prominently in these defi nitions and program off erings of the environmental humanities is not only strategically useful; it’s also intellectually honest. Indigenous women’s experiences and activisms, like feminist environmental activism and scholarship, have crossed the disciplinary boundaries of the humanities, social sciences, and physical sciences at least four decades (for feminist environmentalisms— or mil- lennia, for indigenous knowledge) before the concept of “environmen- tal humanities” emerged.

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Consider Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962), which combined fi eld observations, scientifi c data, and eloquent prose to expose the toxic links among pesticides, environmental degradation, and multispecies health: Carson’s work is oft en credited with sparking the environmental movement of the 1970s but is rarely seen as a precursor and foundation for the resurgence of the feminisms of the 1960s and beyond. Like Car- son, Dian Fossey’s and Jane Goodall’s work are usually classifi ed as pri- matology, but academic training for these women came well aft er their fi eld research was already underway. Like Barbara McClintock’s work with corn, both Fossey and Goodall had “a feeling for the organism”

Table 1: Disciplines and Perspectives Defi ning the Environmental Humanities*

Environmental Humanities Disciplines and Perspectives

Sverker Sörlin (2012)

Sweden

Stephanie Kaza (2005)

Vermont, USA

Deborah Bird Rose et al. (2012) Australia

Environmental Philosophy X X X

Environmental History X X X

Environmental Politics X “Political Ecology”

Environmental Religion and Spirituality

X

Environmental Literature, Writing, and Ecocriticism

X X X

[Environmental justice] Cites Rob Nixon’s Slow Violence and the Environ- mentalism of

the Poor (2011)

X “Indigenous knowledge”

Environmental Art & Culture X “Environmental Anthropology”

[Environmental Feminism] “Ecofeminism” “Ecofeminism,” and notably the work of

Val Plumwood

[Human- Animal Studies] “Posthuman geographies”; “Multispecies

ethnographies”

*Where terms diff er, I list the author’s exact terms in quotes; where fi elds are not directly mentioned, I put these in [square brackets].

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(Keller 1983, 198) that powered their work more completely than their belated scientifi c training. Could their research more aptly be described as environmental communication or posthumanist environmental an- thropology? If so, these women’s work should be included in the envi- ronmental humanities. Was Wangari Maathai’s Green Belt Movement a feminist movement, an environmental justice movement, or a sustain- able agriculture movement? How can we fi nd a disciplinary framework suffi ciently inclusive to describe Winona LaDuke’s record of accom- plishments, which includes forming the White Earth Land Recovery Project, running for vice president on the Green Party ticket, authoring numerous scholarly and fi ctional texts, and standing up to the Minne- sota Pollution Control Agency in an eff ort to stop tar sands pipelines from crossing Native lands?

Th e writing and activism of women scientists and of indigenous women leaders and the knowledge produced by the interdisciplinary fi elds of in- digenous studies and women, gender, and sexuality studies defy restrictive disciplinary categorizations— as do the environmental humanities. It’s the environmentally attuned methodologies that bring us together. In North America the signature of many indigenous methodologies includes listen- ing to and honoring the leadership of women elders. In women’s studies the signature of a feminist methodology is its inclusiveness, which involves bringing together diverse forms of knowledge, acknowledging situated per- spectives and listening to the information provided by each, creating struc- tures for collaboration whereby the research subjects can themselves set the agenda, express needs, and benefi t from the scholarly endeavor. Just as women’s studies has been known for “asking diff erent questions” (Schiebin- ger 1999), the humanities have been lauded for their ability to foster critical thinking, an asset many see as marketable to the “corporate and fi nancial sectors” of the world that “have been notoriously challenged in the ethics department, to say the least” (Jay and Graff 2012). But not all defi nitions of the environmental humanities include feminism or place the perspectives of indigenous women with other core disciplinary perspectives at the cen- ter of study.

Facing Climate Justice: How Will the Environmental Humanities Respond? Women’s leadership is traditional in most North American indige- nous cultures. In fact, the Idle No More movement was organized at

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a November 2012 teach- in by four indigenous women— Nina Wilson, Sheelah McLean, Sylvia McAdam, and Jessica Gordon— in response to Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper’s omnibus budget bill c- 45, which diminished the scope and powers of the Navigable Waters Pro- tection Act (nwpa) of 1882.8 Th e nwpa had presented a signifi cant bar- rier to industrial development, especially to projects such as pipelines that crossed many rivers on First Nations lands. Now, bill c- 45 threatens the sovereign rights of First Nations people in Canada, making changes to the control of First Nations lands (essentially making them easier to lease) and thus facilitating the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipelines Project plan for numerous pipelines transporting bitumen from Alber- ta’s tar sands to the Pacifi c Ocean, the Gulf of Mexico, and beyond to China. From December 2012 and into 2013, Idle No More grew with nu- merous fl ash mobs of round dancers across North America, gaining na- tional and international attention through Attawapiskat chief Th eresa Spence’s hunger strike. By the end of the year, Foreign Policy magazine had named the four women founders of Idle No More among its list of “100 Leading Global Th inkers of 2013” (“Idle No More Founders” 2013).

On the front lines of climate change around the world, indigenous women, poor women, and women of the two- thirds world understand what is at stake (Mohanty 2003). Th eir vision and voices— their schol- arship and fi elds of knowledge— need to be central to any defi nition of the environmental humanities.

About the Author Greta Gaard is a professor of English at the University of Wisconsin– River Falls. She is the author of Th e Nature of Home (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007) and Ecological Politics: Ecofeminists and the Greens (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), editor of Ecofeminism: Women, Animals, Nature (Phila- delphia: Temple University Press, 1993), and coeditor of Ecofeminist Literary Criticism: Th eory, Interpretation, Pedagogy (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998) and International Perspectives in Feminist Ecocriticism (London: Rout- ledge, 2013). Her essays have appeared in American Quarterly, dep, Ecozon@, Feminismos, Environmental Ethics, Ecologist, Ethics and the Environment, Hypatia, Interdisciplinary Studies on Literature and Environment, Signs, World Literature, and other volumes of feminist, environmental, queer, and cultural studies research. She has served on the executive council of asle (Association for the Study of Literature and Environment) and continues to serve on the edito- rial board for isle: Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment.

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A founding member of OccupyMN, Gaard’s activist involvement in mn350. Org, Minnesota Voters for Animal Protection, OutFront Minnesota, BareBones Productions, Common Ground Vipassana Meditation Center’s Queer Dharma group, and her gardening, all ground her scholarship.

Notes 1. Th e Round Dance is a spiritual and social ceremony for healing; it oft en celebrates

the water or the ancestors. Calling this cultural practice a “protest” misreads the pur- pose of the dance in a way that seems culturally uninformed at best.

2. moa, “Overview,” http://www.mallofamerica.com/about/moa/overview. 3. See “Idle No More Round Dance Mall of America,” YouTube video, 5:30, posted

by Doug Cook, December 29, 2012, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vn5PFHlm1ak. 4. An indigenous community land trust founded by Winona LaDuke, the White

Earth Land Recovery Project responded to the 2012 wolf hunt by declaring the entire reservation a Ma’iingan (wolf) sanctuary. See “Ma’iingan (the Wolf) Our Brother,” White Earth Land Recovery Project, December 22, 2012, http://welrp.org/maiingan - the- wolf- our- brother. See also the Northwoods Wolf Alliance homepage at http:// www.northwoodswolfalliance.org/.

5. For more on Idle No More– Deluth, see their blog at http://idlenomoreduluth .blogspot.com/.

6. For more on these institutions, see Public Health and Environment Department, Gender, Climate Change, and Health, Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization, 2009, http://www.who.int/globalchange/GenderClimateChangeHealthfi nal.pdf; Unit- ed Nations Inter- Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality, “Women, Gen- der Equality, and Climate Change,” WomenWatch, http://www.un.org/womenwatch/ feature/climate_change/; and the homepage for Gender cc: Women for Climate Justice, online at http://www.gendercc.net/.

7. My summary here draws on descriptions of the University of Utah’s Master’s in Environmental Humanities and on the emerging Master’s in Environmental Arts and Humanities at Oregon State University, Corvalis.

8. For more on the nwpa, see “Navigation Protection Act,” Wikipedia, last modifi ed May 27, 2014, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Navigation_Protection_Act.

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