ancient history short answer essay

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, Int ell ect ual and Artistic Life in t he Polis

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The Hellenic Era F-~· ] :('

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i i":' , ,~ ,~ , .! I!11I"1 I S of t il n soc.etv thatw o have cr eated ore so great t hat fut ure

()C':1(' :n t;c:n s 1.'IIi ll be il S "wed by Oil !' achie vements as are our contemporaries.

- Pericles

KEY i Ouestion What did the Greeks contribute to the development of modern civilization?

In th e w inter of 43 1 S.C.E.. an Ath en ian polit ician name d Pericles deliver ed a spe ech in w hich he m ade th e follow ing po int s:

1. W e Ath enian s are grate ful to our ances tors fo r creat ing a fr ee cou nt ry and bequ eath­ ing it to us;

2. Ou r gr eatn ess derives from our unique form of governm ent, a democracy in wh ich eve ryone is equal before th e law ;

3 . W e value people for their abilit ies, no t t heir social class ; 4 . W e do not desp ise th e poor, bu t on ly men w ho do not try to better the m selves; 5. W e do not inte rfere in a man 's personal aff airs, and w e are tolera nt of on e anothe r; 6. W e do no t let our privat e goals and am bit ions keep us fr om f ulfilling our pub lic respon­

sibilities ;

7. W e ob ey our elec ted o ff icials, our law s, and the unwritten standards that gove rn moral­ rtv and hum an rights ;

8 . W e enjo y an abundanc e of goo d thi ngs and relish ou r pleasures; 9 . But ou r cult ivat ed lif est yle do es no t mak e us soft ;

10 . Our society is ope n, for w e are confid ent in the loyalty and cou rage of our peo ple and do no t need to resort to covert plotti ng;

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11 . Our self less generosity wins us friends abroad; 12. And each one of us enjoys freedom and independence.

This ancient speech could be delivered today in the Unite d States Senate. Indeed, Per­ icles wou ld fin d much that seems fami liar w ere he to visit one of the modern Wes tern cap­ itals. M ost are filled wi t h buildings, monumen ts, and sculpt ure in a sty le he wo uld recognize. He woul d not be surpris ed by t he scient ific orientation of the modern w orld, for he w itnessed the rise of t heoretical science . References to history wou ld not confuse him, for the stu dy of histo ry w as pioneered by me n he knew personally. He might even atte nd a performance of a drama that he had previously seen in Athens.

Pericles' speec h celebrated the virtues of w hat has come to be known as " classical " civilization. The adjectiv e im plies that his Hellenic (Greek) civilizatio n set the standards for th e West. Hellenic societi es w ere, how ever, far from perfect. They w ere plagued by w ars, inte rnal conf licts, and injust ices (partic ularly in their tre atm ent of wo m en and slaves). De­ spite t heir stated comm itme nt to reason, moderatio n, and self-control. they w ere capable .; of senseless, self-destructive acts and emotional excesses . Their moment of glory w as ': brief, and t he Wes t may owe some of its w eaknesses as well as its strength s to them .

Persian Wars as Catalyst

The defeats the Persians suffered at Salamis and Plat aea hardl y crippl ed Xerxes' empire, and the Greeks assumed th at Persia had by no means given up hope of conquering the Aegean . Th e most pre ssing bu siness of the mid -fifth century, therefore, was to evict the rema ining Persians from Greek territory and to organize a defense that would prevent th eir return .

Sparta's Retreat The Greek poleis had work ed together to repel Xerxes' invasion, . and th ey could defend the Aegean only if the y cont inu ed to cooperate. No one knew, tii. however, how to struc ture a pe rm an ent alliance. The Spartans had the best land arm y, and the Ath en ians were the strongest naval power. Th e militar y resourc es of both cities were needed , bu t neither polis tru sted th e other.

The immed iate advantage was with th e Spartans who had routed the last of Xerxes' forces at Plataea . The Athenia ns were temporarily hom eless, for th e Persians had "': burned Athen s and leveled its walls. Spart a argued that Athens should not rebuild its '~ : defenses lest the Persian s reoccupy th e city and use it against the Greeks. They pointed . ~ · out that Sparta's villages were unfortified, for Spartan men were all the "walls" Sparta> needed. Them istocles saw things differentl y. He dragged out discussions with the Spar­ tan s while the Athenians h astily rebuilt the ir ram parts.

Pausanias, the Spa rtan general who had triumphed at Plataea , com ma nded the al­ lied forces as they pursued the retreating Persians. But power apparently went to hiS:' head. Th e allies accused him of behaving like a Persian despot , and Sparta recalled him':' and convicted him of treason . When Pausania s sought sanctuary in a temple in ordet' to avoid execution, th e Spartan autho riti es-acting on a suggestion from h is mothe r--":';i br icked up the building's doors and windows and left him to starve.

TheHellenic Era 93

The Spartans needed the ir men at home to guard again st slave rebellions. Long­ term , distant commitments of their soldiers made them ner vou s. As the Persian threat retreated , the Spartans returned to their accustomed isolation an d left foreign affairs to Athens. Thanks to Solon's reforms, Athen s had become a populous polis that was de­ pendent on trade, and as a naval power, it was better equipped than Sparta to sweep the Persians from their outposts in the Aegean. Th em istocles m igfit have been the logical choice to be Pausanias's su ccessor, but his increasing arrogance an d a suspicion th at he was engaging in foreign intrigues led th e Athen ian electorate to ostr acize him in 471 B,C.E. He fled to Argos and finally found refuge in the Persian empire-and employ­ ment as a pro vincial governor!

Athens' Advance In 477 B.C.E. the poleis th at believed that a permanent defense had to be organized to protect the Aegean from Persia sent delegates to a conference on 'the island of Delos. The result was the formation of the Delian League, a milit ary al­ liance that at its height numbered about 150 members. Athen s dominated the league , but the league's treasury was headquartered on Delos, neutral territory sacred to all the Ionian Greeks.

Cimon, son of the Miltiad es who had won the battle of Marathon , assumed lead­ ership of the league's navy and did such a good job of pushing the Persians back that by 468 B.C.E. some members of the Delian League concluded that the organ ization had served its purpose. Cimon, however, used force to pr event th em from withdrawing. The leaguehad become too important to Athen s to be allowed to disband. Cimon had urged thealli es to supply him with money rather than men and ships, and their contributions had built what was fundamentall y an Athenian navy. The Delian League was tr ans ­ formed into an Athenian Empire, and in 454 B.CE. its trea sur y was moved to Athen s. League mon ey was even diverted from military programs to fund the construction of Athens' famous temples . . Cimon fell from power in 462 B.CE. He was an aristo crat , and Athens' arist ocr ats

tended to be pro-Spartan. (Th ey equated Spartan discipline with the Homeric virtues of their presumed ancestor s.) When Sparta asked Athens for help in putting down a slave revolt, Cimon per suaded th e reluctant assembl y to allow him to lead four thou­

. , sand Athenian s into th e Peloponnese. They no soo ner arri ved than the Spartan s changed the ir minds and ordered them to leave. The humiliated electorate promptly os­

J.:,trac:ized Cimon. ~'8'" . The political situation in Athens changed as the city used th e resource s of the

, J:)~li an League to build its navy. The hoplite infantry, which was recruited from a rela­ f': tively prosperou s class, had been the original driving force behind the Athenian dern oc­ ~-. : 'racy.But the in creasin g prominence of the navy shifted power to the poorer element in if! 'theAthen ian population, the men who rowed the state galleys. Athen s' new generation "w- °of politicians, th e most successful of whom was Pericles (c. 490-429 B.CE. ) , cultivated

..~)his ' larger electorate. From 461 B.CE. until his death, Pericles held the office of strategos

.S!f;¥fid·used his po sition to prod, manipulate, and lead his city first to the pinnacle of ' Q~er and th en to defeat.

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Delian League Sparta and its allies

Neutral states Major batt les

Black Sea

The Parthenon and the Athenian Acropolis Ath ens sprang up around the A cropol is. a roc k-boun d height that serv ed the p lain of Atti ca as a natu ral fortress. As th e cit y gr ew rich and powerful . it adorned the Acropolis with monuments. th e most famous of wh ich w as th e Parthenon. a temple dedi cated to the goddess Athena. Athens' patron deity.

The Peloponnesian War

Hellenic civilization was the product of a society th at was almos t constantly at war­ more often with itself th an with a foreign enemy. Th e Greeks' victori es in the Persian Wars increased the thr eat of intern al conflict by polarizin g the Aegean world . Athensvt developed a maritime empire, and Spa rta responded by expanding its league of Pelo­ ponnesian cities. This division of the Greeks int o opposi ng armed camps set them up for civil war (see Map 4-1) .

Precursor to Civil War Great wars often begin with small conflicts. Th e firs(~ round in what was in itially an und eclared war went to Athens. Corinth, the polis that ,,­ occupi ed th e narrow isthmus th at conn ects northern and southern Greece, was Athens' m ajor commercial competitor and Spar ta's ch ief ally. Athens dominated the Aegean, but Corinth had access both to the Aegean and , through th e Gulf of Corinth , to the : Greek colonies in the western Medit erran ean . Abo ut 46 0 B.C.E. , Corinth's northern,'Yf neighbor, the small polis of Megara, made a deal with Athen s that allowed the Atheni, ;~ ans to use Pegae, Megara's sma ll p ort on the Gulf of Cori nth. Corinth viewed thi s as ~ $ threat to its western trade.

Ion ian Sea

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Map 4-1 Competing Alliances: Athens IDelian League) and Sparta This m ap ill ustrates the polarization of the Aegean reg ion that developed in the wake of the Persian Wars.

Question: How did geography influence the forma t ion of the Gree ks' pol itical alliances ? :'::1. ,-,- .

Corinth invaded Attica in 459 B.C. E. The attack failed, but it prodded the Athen ian s ipto making an important addition to their city's fort ifications. Athens had sprung up around the Acropolis ("upper-town"), an outcro pping of rock that served Attica as a

' natural citadel. The Acropolis was some four miles inland from th e sea, and Athens' :: :' ,commerce passed through a small coastal port called the Pir aeus. The obvious strategy ~~tf() r an invading army was to encircle Athen s, cut its link to th e sea, and sta rve it into sub­ ~(Il1 iss ion . To prevent thi s, the Athenians built a fort ified corridor (th e Long Walls) to ""'.."-6~~ec t their capital with its port. So long as the Atheni an navy rul ed th e sea and sup­

.~ ~d the city through the Piraeus, land-based armi es had little hope of taking Athen s.

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so urces refer to her as Pericles ' concubine . Some ma intain t ha t she was a hetaira, a pro­ fession al ente rt a iner, and some simply call her a whore .

P E 0 P LEI NCO N T EXT Aspasia, the Woman Behind In co mic plays from the period , Aspasia is a vamp , a seductress who uses sex t o ma ­ the Great Man nipulate men . But elsewhere she is desc ribed as a high ly educated , int elligent woman

T who taught rhetoric and held her own in debates with t he city's ph ilosophers . Several of

he love of Pericles ' life wa s his mistre ss , Aspas ia, one of the few women who seem Socrates ' students remarked on his friendsh ip with her and te st ified to her skill a s a co n­ to have influe nced Athenian politi cs. Unlike Sparta , Athens encouraged immigra­ versationalist a nd spee ch writer . If she was Pericles ' most inf.l uenti a l advisor, he might

tion to promote economic development , and it allowed its population to explode . How­ have done wors e. ever, as the city grew richer , more powerful , and mo re democratic, its citizens became After Pericles ' death, Aspas ia was taken up by another of Athen s' leaders, and his jealous and protective of the ir privileges. In Pericles ' day, about 50 ,000 of Attica 's free pol itical ca reer profited from her advice and connections . No one knows when or where male residents were cit izens and about 25, 00 0 were classed as metics (resident aliens). she died, bu t unlike most Greek women of her generation , she was no t for gotten . For Metics could not own land , but many of th em prospered as craftsmen and me rchants . good or ill, she -a fore igner and a woman-had helped to shape Athens' de st iny. Their famil ies lived in Athens for generations without acqu iring cit izenship. The sons of

I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • I

Question: What does Aspasia 's story im p ly abo ut attitudes toward wo men in Pericles' metic women who married Athen ian cit izens had always inherit ed citizenship from thei r Athens? ' fathers . But in 451 a. CE. Pericles persuad ed the assembl y to limit citizenship to men . In . • • • • •JI 'Her: whose mothers and fa thers both ca me from cit izen families . Pericles ' motive probab ly had less to do with Athens ' rnetics than wit h the dangerous alliances that were created by intermarriage ofAthen ian aristocrati c fam ilies with nobles from other poleis. Whatever Athen s' foreign policy in this era reflected the city's growing self-con fiden ce and the law 's purpose , it made Athens a more closed society and backfired on Pericles. willingness to take risks. The most audacious decision the Athenian assembly made was

Pericles married a close relative who bore him two sons , but the union did not last . He to dispatch a fleet to Egypt to assist rebels who were trying to force th e Persian s out. The divorced his wife and, a few years later (c. 445 a.c.s.), took up with Aspasia, a hetaira from campaign bo gged down , and in 453 B.C.E. the Persian s cornered and obliterated the Miletus. She lived with him for well over a de cade ( possibly until his death ). After plague Athenian expedition. carried off Pericles' two older boys , his only surviving male child was a son that Aspas ia The two hundred ships th at Thucydides, an Athenian historian , says h is city lost in bore him . To save his oikos ( his lineage) , Pericles had to plead with the assembly to give him

Egypt sobered Athen s, and in 451 B.C.E. the cons ervative politician Cimon returned to an exemption from the law he had spon sor ed and to grant citizenship to Aspasia 's son.

power and negotiated a five-year truce with the Peloponnesian League. At the sam e Pericles ' bond with Aspas ia was (or became in legend) a love match. Athenian gos­

time, Callias, Cimon's former brother-in-law, seems to have come to an agreem ent with sips circulated the shocking rumor that he kissed her each morn ing when he left for work

,. Persia. If so, it was not publicized, for a formal peace with Persia would have undercut and again at even ing when he came home . Such affection was ",

: the rat ion ale for the Delian League. When the truce ended and a rebellion erup ted co nsid ered a sign of an unmanly passion that made him

among some of Athen s' allies, Sparta seized the opportunity to invad e Attica. Athen s vulnerable to manipulation by his foreign lover. In later '"

then abandoned mo st of its mainland holdings outside of Attica, and in 445 B.C.E. the yea rs, s he was even blamed for pushing him to take the

two Greek superpowers signed the Thirty Years' Peace-a commitment that proved to actions that ca use d the Peloponnesian War. beoverly optimi stic. Aspasia was a convenient target for Pericles ' op­

c~ ,.• ponents , and ac curate info rma tio n about her is diffi­ ·Z:;.. The Peloponnesian War The Thirty Years' Peace gave the Athenian s an opportu­ cult to d isen tangle from their xenophobic and

ff . nity to concentrate on trade contacts with the poleis of Italy and Sicily. This worri ed misogynist ic propaganda . She was born in Miletus

._. ' .Corinth and Syracuse, a Corinthian colony that was the largest of the Sicilian poleis. Ten­ about 470 a.CE . and may ha ve come to Athens about ,'

sions increased in 433 B.C.E. when Corcyra, a Corinthian colony on an island off the west­ 450 a ,CE . with an older sister who had married an ex­

ern coast of Greece, quarreled with Corinth and asked for Athen ian help. The ships Athens iled Athenian aristocrat. Pericles' decree doomed any

sent to observe developments inter vened in a battle between Corinth and Corcyra, and this hope she may have had for a marriage that would have

prompted Corinth to charge Athens with committing an act of war.Athens exacerbated the placed her on th e same footing as a citizen-wife . Some

,~ ' situation by ordering Potidaea, a polis in Chalcidice (the northern Aegean), to dism antle its Aspasia Greek artists in Pericles' day did not make ~~ defe nses . Potidaea was a Corinthian colony, and Athen s feared th at if war broke out, it portraits-especially of women . But sculptors in later ~~ight provide the enemy with a base for attacking shipping through the Hellespont and generations depicted famous people. such as Aspasla, as ideal . :

? ' ~tting off supplies of grain to Athens. When Potidaea resisted Athens' order (with typ es. This bust hints at the beauty and intelligence of one of ,~ the few wom en whom history recalls from an era of great men. ';lo ,it~COrin th i an encouragement), Athens had to undertake a lengthy, expensive siege of th e city.

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As the international situation heated up, the Athenians concluded that they had two options . They could back down, or they could mount a show of force that fright­ ened their enemies into retreating. Pericles preferred the latter strategy and persuaded the assembly to take an action that some of his contemporaries later claimed caused the Peloponnesian War. As a warning to others, Athens closed the ports of its empire to merchants from Megara. This devastated Megara, for it cut off most of its trade.

Corinth appealed to Sparta, and Sparta summoned a meeting of the Peloponnesian League. Fighting did not immediately break out, for factions in both Sparta and Athens were opposed to war. The decision , however, was not left to the superpowers. Sparta's ally Thebes attacked Athens' ally Plataea, and that forced the two great cities to act.

Civil wars are among the most senseless of conflicts, for by squandering the re­ sources of a country, they undermine both victor and vanquished. The Peloponnesian War was a particularly hopeless struggle, for neither combatant knew how to deal with the military strength of the other. The Athenian navy could not harm the Spartan in­ fantry, and the Spartan army could not attack Athens' ships. Pericles assumed that once Sparta understood that it could not deal Athens a lethal blow, Sparta would give up. His trust in the fundamental rationality of human conduct proved to be misplaced.

The War's First Phase Pericles' strategy for winning the war was to refuse to fight it on the enemy's terms. He talked the Athenians into abandoning the defense of Attica and retreating behind the walls of their city. Thanks to the Long Walls and Athens ' con­ trol of the sea, Athens could outlast any Spartan siege. Initially, things played out as Per­ icles predicted. Sparta led an army into Attica and found nothing for it to do but chop .,­ down olive trees and uproot vineyards. Sparta's army was shown to be impotent against Athens, but instead of concluding what Pericles took to be self-evident (that is, that the war was unwinnable), Sparta refused to give up.

Pericles' strategy severely tested the discipline of the democracy, for it was as costly .';; to individual citizens as it was to the state. Men were asked to stand idly by while an en- . ~~ emy torched their farms and taunted them with charges of cowardice . The resolve of the ,~ Athenian electorate was further tested in the second year of the war when plague spread ;'. through the crowded city. About a third of its inhabitants died . Among them were Per~ ' icles' elder sons and then Pericles himself. \ l

As time passed and sacrifices mounted, emotion replaced reason in the delibera- ;' tions of the Athenian assembly, and Athens' democracy began to deteriorate as votets ': were swayed by the self-serving rhetoric of demagogues . Calls for restraint wer~ ~ equated with treason as politicians fanned the flames of jingoism in their attempts to. sway the citizenry. Still, the city was slow to lose its moral compass. In 428 B.C.E. four: poleis on the island of Lesbos declared their intention to secede from Athens' empi rb~ Athens' refusal to engage the Spartans might have led them to conclude that AtheJ~ would not fight. If so, they seriously miscalculated. Athens descended on Lesbos in~ force and quickly retook the island . In a fit of vindictive passion the assembly then dis~ patched a ship with an order directing the commander on Lesbos to slaughter his Cip.~ tives. Overnight, Athenian tempers cooled and consciences awoke . The assembl~ reconvened the next day, rescinded its decree, and managed to get word to Lesbos ju4

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The Hellenic Era 99

in time to prevent genocide. The event provides a marker for measuring the effects of prolonged war on the ethics of a democracy. At the time of the Lesbos revolt, the Pelo­ ponnesian War was young, and its brutality had not yet lessened the Athenians' respect for the value of human life. Twelve years later, the situation was different. In 416 B.C.E. Athens ordered the tiny island of Melos to join its alliance . When Melos refused, Athens invaded, slaughtered its men, and enslaved its women and Children. This time there were no second thoughts and no last-minute reprieves.

In 425 B.C.E. Athens scored a coup. A storm forced an Athenian fleet into the bay at Pylos, which had been abandoned since the fall of its Mycenaean kingdom over seven centuries earlier. Demosthenes, the admiral in charge, recognized the strategic impor­ tance of the site and decided to occupy it. The Spartans soon discovered his presence and sent an army to evict him. However, relief forces arrived from Athens and surprised and trapped 420 Spartans on an island in the bay. Sparta, fearing the loss of so many 'men, promptly sued for peace. But no Athenian politician was willing to urge modera­ tion on an assembly that had a taste of victory. Athens sent enough men to Pylos to overwhelm the blockaded Spartans, and 292 of them were taken alive.

The capture of Spartan hostages at Pylos emboldened the Athenians to abandon Pericles'strategy and pursue the war on land. They attacked Thebes, Sparta's major ally in northern Greece, and were soundly trounced. An even greater loss followed in Chal­ cidice, where a Spartan general organized an uprising that cost Athens control of key ports on the crucial Hellespont grain route. The panicky assembly blamed the loss on 'anAthenian admiral named Thucydides and banished him. Posterity is grateful, for

~h'Thucyd ides devoted his enforced leisure to writing an extraordinary history of the war ~" 'i th . d hi . &~ .;', at preoccupie IS generation.

..::'X -.: Athens' ardor for war cooled. In the spring of 423 B.C.E. it endorsed a temporary ~, ; cessation of hostilities . Two years later, Nicias, an Athenian general, negotiated a treaty

that was supposed to end the war. Athens promised to withdraw from Pylos and Sparta ..•from Chalcidice. Both states pledged to maintain the peace for 50 years. The treaty was

,,'f' a d e facto defeat for Sparta, and several of its allies refused to sign. When ports in Chal­ " .. 'cidice declined to submit to Athens, Athens refused to give up Pylos.

Interlude in Sicily The treaty did not resolve the issues that had caused the war, .s? ;it was not likely to hold. Athens should therefore have proceeded with caution. In­ ~stead, it committed itself to a campaign on the distant island of Sicily. The chief advo­ 'Skte for the ill-advised expedition was Alcibiades (c. 450-404 B.C.E.), Pericles' nephew lUia'on e of the philosopher Socrates' students. Nicias, the elder statesman who had ne­ ~? tia ted peace with Sparta, opposed it, but Alcibiades was the more appealing politi­ hii1';'Young, rich, handsome, intelligent, and totally unprincipled, he carried the day. ~il~; b'est that his opponents could do was to persuade the assembly to split command .' fthe expedition among Alcibiades and two older generals, one of whom was Nicias. "~~:rtight before the fleet sailed, many sacred images were vandalized in Athens. This Rlils~hemy had to be punished lest the gods turn against the city, and the finger of sus­ .- . npointed at a group of young rowdies led by Alcibiades. A ship was sent to Sicily

ing him home for trial. Rather than risk conviction, Alcibiades chose to defect to

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Sparta. Nicias was left with responsibility for a campaign he had opposed, and the pro­ ject's sponsor, Alcibiades, began to plot with the Spart ans to bring about its failure .

Athens had committed about 25,000 men and 250 ships to the invasion of Sicily, but this was not enough . Nicias claimed that twice as many were needed, and he urged the assembly to allow him to withdraw. It chose instead to send him more troops. The Spar­ tans countered by dispatching a general to organize the defense of Syracuse, the great Si­ cilian city that Nicias was besieging . Syracuse's navy first trapped the Athenian fleet in its harbor. Then Syracuse's army outflanked and began to encircle the Greek camp. Seeing that the situation was hopeless, Nicias ordered his men to scatter and try to save them­ selves. All of them (som e 40,000) were captured. Nicias was executed, and his men were either enslaved or herded into a quarry and left to die from thirst and exposure. The loss of the arm y rendered Athens defenseless, but the city was unaware of that fact until a vis­ itor to the port of the Piraeus casually mentioned the disaster to his barber.

Sparta could not pass up the opportunity presented by Athens' vulnerability. While A1cibiades moved through the Aegean urging members of the Athenian empire to re­ volt, Sparta established a fort on the edge of Attica as a retreat for runaway Athenian slaves. Som e 20,000 defected and helped the Spartans lay Attica under permanent siege.

The War's Final Phase Athens ' fortunes had sunk suddenly and dramatically,but the city refused to give in. The war dragged on for another eight years and was finally ended by the intervention of Persia. The Spartans decided that they had to meet the Athenians on their own turf (metaphorically) by taking to the sea, and Persia financed the fleets with which Sparta pursued Athens' navy. A1cibiades may have arranged this, hut when news of the hyperactive yo ung man's affair with the Spartan king's wife leaked out, he fled Sparta for Persian territory. There he tried to make a deal that would allow him to return to Athens. The Persians were willing to offer Athens assistance, for it was to their advantage to help the Greeks destroy one another. All that was needed, Alcibi­ ades said, was for Athens to replace democracy with a form of government that Persia regarded as more reliable. The Athenian elite promptly staged a coup that disenfran- : chised most of the polis'scitizens . But when news of this reached the sailors of the fleet, they threatened to mutiny and elected new generals-one of whom was Alcibiades! Democracy was restored, and under Alcibiades' leadership the Athenians won several ':' victories . However, suspicion of further double dealing prompted Athens to exile Alcib- -i iades in 406 B.C.E. and replace him with incompetent admirals whose blunders assured

the city's defeat. In 404 B.C. E. Lysander, the Spartan admiral, destroyed the Athenian navy, blockaded <.J

Athens, and starved it into submission. Sparta allowed Athens to survive, for it wanted to block the expansion of Athens ' ambitious neighbor, Thebes. But Sparta ordered the :, Athenians to tear down the Long Walls and limit their fleet to a mere dozen ships.' ·r" Athens ' days of military glory were over, but the city's fame as a cultural center endured; "\

Sparta profited little from its victory, for it was poorl y equipped by tradition, expe- r.~ rience , and manpower to lead the Aegean world . It also alienated the Greeks by ceding~ Ionia to Persia as repayment for its war debt. Persia, for its part, continued to fund the;·j Greeks' internecine quarrels. Rebellions erupted against Sparta, and in 371 B,C',E: '

The Hellenic Era 101

Thebes, led by a brilliant general named Epaminondas, defeated Sparta and ended its hegemony. Thebes declined following Epaminondas's death a few years later, and with­ out a dominant polis to maintain order, local wars proliferated. The Greeks continued to tear at the fabric of their civilization.

Only a little more than a century separated the victory at Marathon (490 B.C.E.) from the confusion that attended Sparta's fall (371 B.C.E.) . From the military perspec­ tive, that century was bloody, wasteful, and disastrous. Surprisingly, however, the car­ nage did not impede the work of artists and intellectuals. In the midst of the tumult, they created the artistic and literary monuments that made these years a classic era in Western civilization.

Intellectual and Artistic Life in the Polis Traditional wisdom held that the world was a product of divine forces and that the causes of things were mysteries hidden in the minds of gods. The explanation for earthly phenomena lay, therefore, in a realm that human beings could not explore . Dur­ ing the sixth century B.C. E. some Greek thinkers from Ionia began to question such be­ liefs. The y demystified the world and conceived of it as an orderly place governed by intelligible principles that could be discovered by observation and rational anal ysis. For centuries people had collected data about the world in order to improve their ability to manipulate things, but the Greeks went further. They invented science, the disinterested search simply for an understanding of how things worked.

The rationality of the Greek mind should not be overemphasized, for Greek culture had its dark side. The Greeks believed that there were mysteries and truths that could ~e grasped only through intuition, feeling, or divine revelation. They invented potent Inyths and symbols that still engage our imaginations. They were capable of bloody deeds. They cultivated trances and ecstatic experiences, and they thrilled at stories of mutilation, incest, and cannibalism. They believed in magic, rituals, spells, visions, dreams, omens, and oracles, and they bowed before inexplicable forces they called fate ,~ r chance. Classical civilization was not a simple or even self-consistent phenomenon.

.~~:; ; From Myth to Philosophy and Science The Iliadand the Odyssey, which were <r "composed in Ionia in the mid-eighth century B.C.E., belong to the most ancient ofliter­

;. ~ry genres-the hero epic, the story of people who are larger than life. During the sev­ : : enth and sixth centuries B.C.E., the Greeks began to produce a different kind of ~' -#?etry-lyr ics , short songs inspired by the personal feelings of real individuals. These :~- ;ihtimate and sometimes confessional poems mark a shift of interest among the Greeks

from fantasies about the past to the real situations people face in the present. The great­ est lyric poet of the archaic period (750-500 B.C.E.) was an aristocratic woman named Sappho (fl. c. 600 B.C .E.), a native of the island of Lesbos. Only fragments of her work

" ,~~rvive , but her passionate love songs were so exquisitely constructed that they joined ~Ji.ome r 's epics as standard texts in ancient Greece's schools.

,·Z'- ' The lyric poets' interest in the real world was shared by their contemporaries, the f>• . ·';:(. fir5t thinkers to seek rational alternatives to the mythic view of nature. Greeks called

t t-ilt

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the se people philosophers. "lovers of wisdom." They set aside stories about the gods and proposed natural explanations for natural phenomena.

Thales (fl. c. 550 H.C.E.), from the Ionian city ofMiletus, pioneered the field of meta ­ physics. the search for the fundamental principles of existence. He was fascinated by the fact that things around us are constantly changing. yet the world remains a stable, per­ manent place. How, he wondered. could change and permanence, which are opposites, coexist in the same system? That the world maintains a balance between them suggested to Thales that there was a more fundamental reality, a single "substance" ("som ething standing under"). that controlled them . Such a substance had to be able to exist as a solid, a liquid. and a gas, for all these states are found in nature. Thales knew only one thing that fit the bill: water. He concluded, therefore, that everything that exists is a form of water. Things hold together because their contrasts are more apparent than real. In actuality, only on e thing exists. a wate ry substance that naturally assumes different states of being.

Thales' followers. the Monist ("sing le principle") philosophers. taught that change was only a shift among the states that are natural to the one eternal substance that un­ derlies all things . The y di sagreed . however. about the identity of that sub stance. Anaxi­ mander (c. 611-546 H.C.E.) objected that nothing we could experience with our senses (such as water ) was complex enough to account for the variety of things found in na­ ture . He postulated. therefore. that the ultimate substance was "the indefinite," a mate ­ rial that is never directly perceived in its pure essence, but only as it manifests aspects of itself in particular things. His successor. Anaximenes (d. c. 500 H.C.E.), was not con­ vinced. He pointed out that an unknowable substance offered no better explanation for the world than an unknowable god . To explain anything. Anaximenes said. the ultim ate substance had to be something identifiable. He proposed air. Just as the "breath of life" sustains the human body. he theorized that air maintains and activates the universe.

The problem with these theories was that they were unverifiable . This led some thinkers to suspect that their premise was incorrect. The Monists had begun by asking how opposites like change and permanence coexist, but what if change and permanence do not exist? What if only one of them is real and the other is an illusion?

Heracleitus of Ephesus (fl. c. 500 H.C. E. ) argued that permanence was the illusion . Things that change more slowly than we do appear permanent to us, but in actuality . everything is constantly changing. Being is analogous to a flowing river, and no one , he .~~ pointed out, can step into the same river twice. If we need to imagi ne a prim al substance ,. for th e world , we should envision it as fire. pure energy. Parmenides ofElea (fl . fifth cen­ tury H.C.E . ) came to the opposite conclusion. for he regarded change as an illogical con­ cept. Change imp lies that something new has come into being. There are only two ways this could happen , and neither is possible. If a change comes from what already exists, there is nothing new and therefore no change . If a change comes from something that does not exist. then nothing has created something. which is absurd. Nothing is the ah; ' ~'

'", 'lIl sence of being, not a kind of being with the power to cause something else to be. There- .' fore, Parmenides insisted the universe must be an inert solid . Empty space in whicn- ~ movement might take place cannot exist. Emptiness is nothingness. and nothingness ;'

• ' t: means nonexistence . .'

The Classical Era

POLITICS ARTIS TS AND INTELLECTU ALS [600- 500 B.C.E.]

Solon (c. 638-e. 559) Sappho (fl. c. 600) Peisistratus (fl . c. 560) Thales (c. 640-546 ) Cyrus the Great (c. 600-530) Anaximander (61 1-547) Cleisthenes (fl. c. 507) Anaximenes (d. c. 528)

Pythagoras(d. c. 497) Aeschylus (525-456)

[500-400 B.C.E.]

Miletus's rebellion (499-494 ) Heracleitus (fl. c. 500) Parmenides (fl . c. 500) . Hecataeus (fl. c. 550-480) Sophocles (496-406)

Darius invades Greece (492) Empedocles (493-433 ) Protagoras (d. c. 421)

Xerxes' campaign (484-479) Euripides (485-406) Herodotus (480-425) Socrates (469-399) Democritus (460-347) Hippocrates (460-377) Thucydides (460-399) Aristophanes(450-385)

Peloponnesian War (431-404) Plato (429-347) Pericles (490-429)

[400- 300 B.C.E.]

Thebes defeats Sparta (371) Aristotle (384-322) Philip of Macedon (r, 359-336) Alexander the Great (r. 336-323)

The rigoro us logic of Heracleitus an d Parmenides led to dead-end conclusions and 'a description of the world that defied common sense. The Plu r alist ("multiple things") philosophers therefore hoped that by reconciling the arguments of these two thinkers, ilieymight find a logically coherent explanation for the natural world that was consis­

·: ti ht with ordinary experience. The Pluralists claimed that changing config urations of a ~iim.be ;' of different, b ut permanent, components create the world we experience. ~;;;p~do cles of Agrigentum (fl. c. 450 H.C.E.) suggested that everything that exists is a

~Rro'duc( o f the interaction of four fundamental elements ("irred ucibles" ): earth, air, 3<::: U'::J , • • ", ' - ~ ' ft~~ > and water. The elements themselves never change , but their combinations do. b tliocritus of Abdera (c. 460-370 H.C.E.) felt that a few elements were insuffic ient to ~' :.......:.;.. ~,~~~~ ,

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explain the great diversity of things found in the world . Like the Monists, he believed

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History

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that only one substance existed, but that it existed in the form of discrete atoms ("in di­ visibles"). These were innumerable, eternal bits of a material that had only primary characteristics (size, shape, and location) . All secondary attributes (such as color and odor) were mere impressions created by interactions among the atoms. Human beings and all they experience were the result of shifting agglomerations of atoms.

Democritus reduced the universe to a mechanism: a swirl of physical objects that randomly come together and split apart. This implied that existence has no meaning, but it encouraged the development of science by suggesting that mathematical mea­ surements of physical changes might suffice to explain everything. A century earlier, Pythagoras, a contemporary of the Ionian Monists, had proposed something similar.

Pythagoras concluded from the mathematical relationships that exist between sounds (pitches) and physical objects (lengths of plucked string) that mathematics provided the key to unlocking the mysteries of the universe.

Greek science developed these portentous theo­ ries largely by intuition and imagination, but specu­

lation alone could carry science no further. Unless hard data could be found to confirm the existence of Empedocles ' elements and Dernocritus's atoms, they were no more helpful in explaining the uni­ verse than were the gods. Two thousand years passed before the West invented instruments that could gather the information needed to test the ancient Greek hypotheses. Consequently, thinkers ended this line of inquiry and turned their atten­ tion to questions of a different kind .

Medicine Greek science tended to trust tional argument more than observation and to be ;

abstract and theoretical, but it also made advances in ,,;; applied fields-particularly medicine. Hippocrates of

Cos (c. 460-377 B.C.E.), Democritus's contemporary, ac­ quired such a reputation as a healer that modern physic,

Ideal Humanity The scientific and artistic interests of ",ii, the Greeks converged in the production of the koutos , a '\ free-standing statue of a nude youth . The sculptors of these works sought to depict the essence of real, if idealized. humanity: the male athlete at the peak of his '" development, devoid of all concealment, ornament, or ': art ifice . The rigid standardized posture of these statue $A ~ abstracted them from t ime and place. They represent ed \ ,1 male existence, not an individual man caught in a particular moment or action. The rigid posture was alsq"t doubtless influenced by the conventions of Egyptian painting and sculpture.

The Hellenic Era 105

cians take a vow to honor the principles he allegedly established for the conduct of their profession . Almost no dependable information survives about him , but about 300 B.C.E. Greek scholars collected a body of medical literature that they claimed stemmed from his school. It influenced the practice of medicine for over two millennia.

Much ancient healing relied on spells and charms, but the Hippocratic tradition was relatively free of superstition. It sought natural causes for physical problems, relied on observation to diagnose them , and sought to cure them with drugs, surgery, and changes in diet and regimen. The treatment it offered was primitive, but its method had merit. Medicine did not make much more progress until the early modern era, when the microscope and advances in chemistry began to provide new clues to the mecha­ nisms of disease and human physiology.

The invention of history was another sign of the Greek's preoccupation with science. The word historia ("inquiry") originally meant an investigation by a judge (a histor) into the facts of a dispute. A histor became a historian when he broadened his in­ quiry and searched for explanations for larger events .

It may seem odd to speak of the invention of something like history. Because hu ­ man beings have memories, it is obvious that they have always been aware of the past. Early civilizations even compiled annals and lists of the names of kings or other officials and dated events by assigning them to years in the reigns of certain rulers

.. or priests. The peoples of Egypt and the Middle East had accumulated much more of this material than the Greeks, whose civilization was comparatively young. But it was the Greeks who turned records of this kind into history by looking for patterns

made the past meaningful. Most of their neighbors dismissed history's panorama as transitory and meaningless or as a byproduct of mysterious struggles among the gods . Parts of the Hebrew Bible foreshadow history, but there, too, the past was of interest primarily as a revelation of God's will. Greece's historians , like its philosophers, were curious to see how far they could go in explaining the world In purely human terms.

History developed from geography. The Greeks of the archaic era were traders and i zers who needed accurate information about foreign lands . Anaximenes, the

Monist philosopher, was also a cartographer. He produced a map of the world, and one s contemporaries was ancient Greece's first great cultural geographer, Hecataeus of

> 1jletus (fl. c. 500 B.C.E.). Hecataeus believed that information of all kinds (topography, ;.,climate, plants, animals, religions , customs, and institutions) was needed to make for­ 'J ign lands intelligible. (Hippocratic physicians agreed-maintaining that hard envi­

.~..i.o.pments produced hardy people and that rich lands undermined both strength and ,ll'",~h~racter. ) Herodotus of Halicarnassus (480-425 B.C.E.), the "father of history," began

,fs:a geographer building on the work of Hecataeus. At a time when literate people were few and manuscripts rare, authors like

.•erodotus made their livings by giving lectures and public readings. They resembled omeric bards and were regarded as entertainers. But what Herodotus offered his au­

Jimces was something different from Homer's epics. Poetry was the traditional . 'diu m for sacred myth and serious literature. Even secular leaders like Athens'

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Solon wrote poems to explain their political agenda . But Herodotus composed prose. Anaximenes was the first major thinker from whom we have a few lines of prose. Prose signaled science's break with sacred myths and legends. Herodotus learned much about storytelling from Homer, but his use of prose declared his intention to depart from the epic tradition and view the past from the perspective of the new sec­ ular science .

Herodotus began by writing ethnographical studies in the style of Hecataeus­ sketches of life in exotic locales like Egypt and Babylon. But when he visited Athens, he found the theme that transformed descriptive geography into history. The Athens Herodotus experienced was fresh from its victories over the Persians and riding the crest of a wave of self-confidence . The city's heady environment persuaded Herodotus that, thanks to the Greeks and particularly the Athenians , the world was on the brink of a glorious new age. He decided to try to explain how this had come about and suspected that the answer was to be found in a study of the Persian War. The war had pitted the might of a despotic empire against the will of a free people, and freedom had proved in­ vincible. The Greek victory had changed the world by revealing for the first time what a free societ y could achieve.

The generation that had fought the Persian War was dying out by the time Herodotus arrived in Athens, and his history of it appeared during the early years of the Peloponnesian War. He may have wanted to remind his readers of what their ancestors had achieved by working together, but he probably did not expect this to divert them from their current path . Herodotus suspected that events were not entirely under hu­ man control. Individuals certainly affected what happened, but chance also played a role, as did a mysterious force that maintained a cosmic balance in the universe. Some outcomes seemed fated no matter what people did: Wealth and power undermined themselves; fortune and happiness did not last forever.

The era that invented history produced two of the West's greatest historians . Herodotus was about 20 years old when his future Athenian colleague, Thucydide s." (460-399 B.C.E. ) , was born. The two men not only worked in the same field; they treated ~~ complementary subjects. Herodotus told the story of the "good" war that launched Greece's Golden Age, and Thucydides narrated the sad tale of the willful conflict that frittered away Greece's opportunities. There were differences in their approaches to ,'-­ their common subject. Herodotus was not overly credulous. He went out of his way to :.;, check information and find reliable sources. Sometimes he warned his readers that they ,'! should not assume that he believed every story that he felt obliged to tell. He was, how- '~ ever, a religious man who trusted in omens and who felt that human agency alone could :j not explain history. For Thucydides, history was simply an account of human decisions ' ,~ and their consequences. ..

Thuc ydides was an aristocratic Athenian who was deeply immersed in his city's po­ litical and intellectual life. An intuitive sense of the importance of the time and place in ~~ which he found himself inspired him to do something that had never been done before:/ to record history as it unfolded. He had time and opportunity, for a few years after the~ Peloponnesian War began the Athenians blamed him for losing a battle and exiled hini:':" for 20 years. ...

The Hellenic Era 107

Thucydides claimed that the proper subjects for a historian were politics and war, and he rigorousl y excluded everything else from his narrative. He believed that events could be explained as the outcomes of decisions that individuals made and that these decisions were rooted in the intelligence and character of their authors. No gods or mysterious powers intervened. An element of chance affected how situations played out, but chance was not a mystical force (a providence, fate, ordestiny), Chance entered in because the human ability to anticipate developments and plan for every possible contingency is limited . Thucydides viewed human beings as fundamentally rational agents who are motivated by self-interest. Pursuit of power is part of their nature, and the strong always dominate the weak. The study of history has much to teach, he in­ sisted, because human nature does not change. We learn about ourselves by analyzing the motives of our predecessors and the consequences of their actions. What ult imately counts is developing the skill we need to bring about the outcomes we want.

Philosophy, Psychology, and Politics Natural scientists and physicians work by observing phenomena and collecting and rationally analyzing data, but Greek thinkers of Thucydides' generation wrestled with the troubling discovery that what is observed depends, in part, on the observer. They knew that the unaided human senses (their primary scientific instruments) could deceive them. They concluded, therefore, that to learn more about the world , they had to learn more about themselves. In the in­ terim between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars (the 470s and 460s B.C.E.), Greek philosophers shifted their attention from the external world of the senses to the inter­

... Pal world of the human psyche. They began to analyze thought itself-to work out the : ' ~, ' mechanics of logic, explore the emotions, and ask themselves what "truth" meant. Some

,. wondered if such a thing existed. _... ... The earlier Greek philosophers, who focused their attention on the natural world, ~:_ are called the "p re-Socr atics," This suggests that the Athenian thinker Socrates

'''1.:(469;- 399 B.C.E.) was responsible for the major shift that took place in philosophy's fo­ ~ :~cNs/but philosophy's reorientation actually began with his teachers, professional edu­ ~:cato rs called Sophists. Sophists taught public speaking and the arts of persuasion , 't~aJuabl e skills in a democracy. Their study of the uses of language led them to explore

:h ~~ the mind forms concepts and opinions and caused them to wonder what words like justice, virtue, and truth really signify. ..', Relativism was in the air that Socrates breathed. Colonization and trade had

,bro'ught the Greeks into contact with all kinds of people, and the knowledge that alter­ ~native cultures existed was causing some Greeks to question their traditional values and

~Xjnstitut ions . Furthermore, the Sophist sellers of oratorical training claimed that truth, -\ W-it .was even knowable, was irrelevant. A skillful speaker could make weak causes ap­

p~ar strong and black look white . There were no absolute standards or values, for as Protagoras (493-421 B.C.E.), one of the leading Sophists, succinctly put it, "Man is the me~su re of all things." One person sees things one way, and another sees them differ­ h'tly. Both are "right," for no one can rise above his or her individual perspective and ~asp pure, objective truth. We might prefer one opinion to another, but only because 5 s useful or consistent with our preconceptions, not because it is true. .,

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This rad ical skepticism had alarming implications. It undercut the possibility of shared values and objective standards and justified selfish individualism. If everything is simply a matter of personal opinion , how can people justify the laws and values that make it possible for them to form communities? How can they maintain a polis? The Greeks valued the individual, but believed that individuals were formed by community life. Citizenship in a polis made them what they were, and citizenship implied a duty to subordinate self-interest to the common good.

Socrates devoted himself to the search for an alternative to the relativism and skep­ ticism of the Sophists. Because he never wrote anything, we know him today only through the reports of others-and those reports differ significantly. The most elabo­ rate descriptions of his conversations (he would not have said "teachings") are dialogues penned by his devoted pupil Plato (c. 429-347 B.G.E.). These are imaginative recreations, not verbatim reports, and it is likely that they tell us more about Plato than Socrates.

In Plato's dialogues, Socrates is an ingenious debater who spends his life forcing people to justify the ir beliefs. He delights in revealing the absurd and contradictory im­ plications of the commonsense opinions held by his fellowAthenians. He is adept at de­ molishing belief systems and unwilling to propose anything to take their place. Some people , like Plato himself, were devoted to Socrates for liberating them from sterile complacency and teaching them how to think; others considered him a nuisance or a threat to the beliefs on which the polis was based.

In the wake of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians struggled with humiliation and self-doubt, and they had little tolerance for intellectual gadflies. Citizens of a democracy are responsible for what their government does. When it flourishes, they congratulate themselves; but when it blunders, they look for scapegoats on whom to place the blame . Socrates' habit of questioning the legitimacy of traditional values made him a convenient target. He may indeed have had little respect for democracy, a form of government guided by the kinds of commonly held opinions he delighted in demolishing . Socrates was indicted, tried, and convicted on a charge of corrupting the youth of Athens by undercutting their faith in the gods and the wisdom of their elders. This was a capital offense, but Athens, having made its point, was not eager to put a de­ fenseless old man to death . Socrates was given an opportunity to flee, but he insisted on being executed. He told his friends that having been protected by Athens' laws all his life, he could not reject the authority of those laws just because they were now in­ convenient. His death was perhaps his ultimate attempt to refute relativists and skep­ tics. It implied that rational people have an innate obligation to something more than personal self-interest.

Plato, Socrates' ardent disc iple, was determined to justify belief in the existence of truth , and he thought he found the evidence he needed in the way our minds orga­ nize the things we perceive. When we encounter a thing, we assign it to a class of ob­ jects. A collie does not look much like a dachshund, but somehow when we see either of these animals (even the first time), we know that it is a dog . Plato believed that this was only possible if all the members of a class had something in common that our minds recognize-a defining realit y that he called a form or an idea. Their form or idea make s them what they are even if it manifests itself somewhat differently in each

The Hellenic Era 109

individual. Plato claimed that the forms are eternal and exist apart from the particu­ lar things that we experience. We recognize dogs because our minds are born with some previous experience of "dog ness," of the pure ideal that makes a dog a dog. Plato noted that our knowledge of a class of things becomes more accurate as we study more individuals belonging to that class. By combining multiple examples, we discover the higher category of being that each individual only partially represents. What is true of individual objects is also true of individual ideas. They, too, fit into categories, and those categories compose a hierarchy of increasingly abstract ideas. The class of dogs , for instance, is subsumed in the class of animals, and the class of animals, in higher and higher classes until we arrive at the ultimate idea-all-encompassing Truth. Plato's theory-that the world of sense experience is less real than a realm of pure intelligibil ­ ity (which is accessible only to the mind)-has a mystical aspect that has long appealed to religious thinkers. Some of them have equated his ultimate Idea, which intuits all

things, with what they mean by divinity. Plato was born after the Peloponnesian War began, and the Athens he knew was a

polis that labored, and finally broke, under the strains of that campaign. The great ex­ periment with democracy that Athens had conducted was not an unqualified success. In the opinion of scholarly aristocrats, such as Plato and Thucydides, democracy tended to degenerate into mob rule . The ideal state that Plato conceived in his youth, therefore, was not a democracy like the one that had executed his beloved teacher

.Socrates. Plato hypothesized instead that power ought to be entrusted only to persons who had the knowledge and self-control to use it wisely.The best form of government was one that vested all authority in individuals whom nature had especially equipped to rule. When citizens of democratic societies (like Plato) lose confidence in them­ selves, they tend to look for a savior, a person with extraordinary gifts that will suppos­ edly enable him or her to do for the people what the people have failed to do for themselves. The young Plato pinned his hope for the future on such saviors, and he even tried (and failed) to educate one. As he aged, he came to doubt that any individ­ ual could be trusted to use power disinterestedly. In his last work, he turned his atten­ tion from his earlier efforts to model an ideal state to drafting what he hoped would be a practical set of laws for a real community-one populated by people who struggle to reconcile their private desires with their obligations to society.

Among Plato's students was a youth named Aristotle (384-322 B.G.E.), who was des­ tined to join him in the ranks of the West's greatest intellects. Unlike Plato, Aristotle was not an Athenian and not from an aristocratic family. His father was a physician who served the king of Macedonia. At about the age of 17 Aristotle came to Athens to work in Plato's school, the Academy. He remained there for 20 years, leaving only on Plato's death, when leadership of the school passed to Plato's nephew. About 335 B.G.E. he re­ turn ed to Athens to found a school of his own, the Lyceum. He remained there until a

. year before his death, when a deteriorating political situation caused him to move to the

,.:~~ . , nearby island of Euboea. . . t..: There were differences between Aristotle and Plato, but given their long association, - thesethings should probably not be overemphasized. Aristotle followed Plato in believing

;:. that our knowledge of the world is the result of our ability to recognize the universal ideas

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or forms that are partially realized in individual things . He departed from his master, how­ ever, in rejecting the thesis that the ideas have a separate existence in a realm of their own . This disagreement reflected the differing intellectual preferences of the two men. Plato was drawn to the study of mathematics. He relied primarily on reason to develop expla­ nations for the things that interested him. Consequently, he saw the world in terms of static abstractions . Aristotle , too, was intrigued by the processes of rational thought. He was the first to articulate the rules of logic that govern valid arguments. But Aristotle pre­ ferred to reason from information obtained by observation. His standard method was to collect and describe specific specimens and then propose general theories to explain their attributes. Like a modern scient ist, he amassed data and looked for hypotheses that could make sense out of the information that he had collected. Consequently, he had a more dy­ namic view of the world than Plato. He saw it as an evolving place in which things strove to realize their innate potential-that is, to become rather than simply to be.

Aristotle believed the universe to be a coherent system of things moving toward ends or goals. Because motion cannot be perceived or defined without a fixed point of reference , he argued that the universe had its origin in what he called a "prim e mover"-an unmovable reality that inaugurated the motion (or change) that charac­ terizes existence. Christian theologians were later to find his argument for an "unmoved mover" a persuasive proof for the existence of the Bible's creator God. Aristotle was fas­ cinated by every aspect of nature and human behavior. He brought order to the infor­ mation he gathered by dividing it into separate fields or disciplines, and he produced treatises on everything from biology, zoology, and psychology to ethics , politics, poet­ ics, logic, and metaphysics. The result was a vast amount of data organized and fit into a logical framework of explanation. Later generations of scholars were so impressed that many of them came to regard Aristotle's opinions as definitive .

Aristotle was, however, very much a man of his time, and reason did not prevent him from absorbing the common beliefs and prejudices of his day. He, for instance, thought that there was abundant evidence in nature for the inferiority of females. The male, he argued , was the human prototype. Females were produced when something went wrong with the processes of conception and gestation . The result of their failure to reach completion, Aristotle claimed, was the birth of a kind of diminished and cas­ trated male , the physically weaker and intellectually inferior creature known as a woman. Its limit ations necessitated its subordination to men and justified its exclusion from public life. What was true of women was also true of some categories of men. Aris­ totle agreed with Plato that human beings could reach their full potential only by par­ ticipating in the life of a polis. But participation was possible and appropriate only for men rich enough to afford the leisure time needed for education and public service. Aristotle, like Plato and others of the post-Peloponnesian War generation, was no fan of the kind of radical democracy with which Athens had experimented.

The Arts and Politics The Greeks practiced all the arts known to us and some that we no longer regard as fine arts. The influence of the remnants of their architecture and sculpture has been and remains incalculable, but their achievements in other media are harder to assess. We know that they produced skilled painters. Athens had a state art col-

The Hellenic Era 111

lection, which it displayed in a public gallery on the Acropolis . Fragmentary mosaic " copies of a few paintings exist. But because none of the original work has survived, no

one knows what it was like. Greek music and dance are also lost. The Greeks experi­ mented with musical notation systems, but did not succeed in developing and stan­ dardizing an adequate one. Sculptors and vase painters depicted dancers, but it is difficult to infer choreography from frozen images. The texts of some ancient tragedies and comedies have survived, but words were only part of the 'experien ce of Greek the­ ater. It was a multifaceted art that combined dance, music, costuming, and conventions

of acting that are hard for us now to imagine. Much Hellenic art was public art. That is, it was meant to educate and inspire citi­

zens, to impress a polis's allies, and to intimidate its enemies. There was, however, an art that served private collectors: pottery painting. The Greeks turned the decoration of pottery into high art. Their jars, bowls, and cups were in demand throughout the ancient world, and they provide us with invaluable pictorial documentation of Hellenic society.

The Minoans and Mycenaeans produced sophisticated pottery decorated in multi­ ple colors with naturalistic figures, but it was replaced during the Aegean Dark Age by a novel "geometric" style. Geometric pottery, as its name implies, featured bands of repet­ itive, abstract figures. It was an art that celebrated order and control, the preoccupations of a world struggling to rebuild. About 700 B.C.E ., black-figure pottery appeared. Its im­ ages were painted in black glaze against a red background of fired , unglazed clay. Red­ figure ware, the pinnacle of the Greek potter's art, emerged in the second half of the sixth century B.C.E. Its practitioners achieved greater realism by painting backgrounds in black

Red.Figure Pottery Pottery painting is not usually regarded as a high art today, but it was much respected in the ancient world, This hydra (a container for water! was signed by one of the pioneer Athenian red-figure artists, Phintias (c. 525 B.C.E.) . It depicts a teacher of a musical instrument called a ,lyre instructing a student. It is, therefore, a valuable historical document as well as a work of art .

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glaze and letting the color of unglazed pottery represent the ruddy skin tones of their hu­ man figures . The drafting skills of the great pottery painters were extraordinary. Al­ though they worked on curved surfaces, they were able to give figures volume, substance, and convincing proportions. They provide us with more intimate knowledge of the lives of the Greeks than we have for most other ancient people.

Greek sculptors worked in wood, stone, and bronze, and also assembled monu­ mental figures from sheets of ivor y and gold . Much of what they made survives today only in Roman copies. The principles of classicism (balance, restraint, simplicity, and harmony of proportions) are clearly apparent in their work (particularly in their treat­ ment of their favorite subject, the human form). They did not record the idiosyncrasies of their models but created ideal human types. Males were more commonly represented than females . Greek science, as noted previously, maintained that the perfect human form was male . Female figures were usually clothed, but males were nude. Perfection was a matter of essence, not decoration or other enhancement.

The consummate examples of Greek architecture are temples. Greek temples were not analogous to modern churches, synagogues, or mosques, for they were not built to house worshiping congregations. They sheltered images of gods and goddesses and pro­ vided storage space for sacred treasures. Public religious ceremonies were held at out­ door altars, for which a temple's facade provided a backdrop.

Greeks practiced multiple religions simultaneously. Families maintained household shrines and venerated sacred objects inherited from their ancestors. Many individuals sought initiation into mystery cults whose secret rituals and teachings promised them spiritual support. Magicians cast spells to promote fertility or to curse enemies. Trust in omens and oracles was widespread. Greece 's official pantheon consisted of relatives and courtiers of Zeus , an Indo-European sky-deity associated with Olympus, a mountain on Greece 's northeastern frontier. The "Olym pians" were the household gods of the state, the guardians of the polis, and their temples celebrated the principles on which it was founded.

Unlike the soaring complexity of a Gothic cathedral, a Greek temple was not meant to inspire a sense of transcendent mystery. Its purpose was to confirm the Greeks' belief that the world was fundamentally intelligible. The principles of a temple's construction­ its stout pillars supporting horizontal lintels and a low-pitched roof-were meant to be immediately obvious and reassuring. Its symmetry, balance, and proportion reflected the stability and rationality that was fundamental to the order of nature.

Hellenic architects created three styles. The earliest, the Doric, featured sturdy, fluted pillars with plain , flat capitals and no bases. The pediments on the facades of its temples were filled with statuary. The second style, the Ionic, was in spired by the ele­ gant arts of the Middle East. It was light, refined, and highly decorated. Its pillars were slender columns with bases and capitals sculpted to resemble curved ram's horns. The third style , the Corinthian, spread in the wake of the Peloponnesian War and reflected values associated with the decline of poleis and the rise of empires. Corinthian build- ',' ings were imposing and florid. Their pillars had capitals resembling sheaves of acanthus leaves (a plant common to the Mediterranean region) .

Some Greek temples had no roofs or pillared facades. They were amphitheaters.. Drama (comedy as well as tragedy) was a sacred ceremony, and actors had the status oC

The Hellenic Era 113

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The Greek Architectural Orders This drawing represents the three styles of ancient Greek architecture. The Doric was the earliest and simplest and the Corinthian the latest and most 'grandiose. Although Greek temples were often constructed from a pure, white marble, they, like the statues of the era, were frequently painted . They might, therefore, have appeared somewhat garish

. to the modern eye.

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~~,, _ priests. !~e Gr~ek ?Iays were staged to honor Diony~us, ~he inebriated god ?f t~e v~ne- . ~. yard. HIS mtoxtcation represented the power of the irrational-s-of ecstacy, inspiration,

~.. ind ti li(~·_ .. an ee mg. !~~ ' ". -'. Theater's conventions evolved from rural holidays that featured dancing and

i.~,. ~.· ~jl1gi ng . The tyrant Peisistratus may have introduced these celebrations to Athens. He ~~.~ i~ ' alleged to have established the Great Dionysia, a spring festival for which the plays

''' ,•. that survive were written. The theater was not a mere entertainment. It was a civic duty. ~<,' Everyone was expected to attend . Wealthy citizens were honored publicly for funding .~ productions. Hundreds of men and boys took part as singers and dancers, and presti­

,gious prizes were awarded to the playwrights who won the audience's favor. Theater­

",.j g ing was serious, arduous business. During the four days of the Great Dionysia , Athe­ _\ nians sat through 16 or more plays. Each playwright who won a slot at the festival had

~~~~ create enou~h plays to fill the bill for an entire day. . . ~p. ' Because DIOnysus was attended by satyrs (men With the loins and legs of goats),

",?"; nnnns to him were called tragedies ("goat songs"). Originally, these took the form of

".

, ~ :~

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dithyrambs, anthems sung and danced by cho ruses. Drama, as we know it, was allegedly born in the sixth century B.C. E. when a poet named Thespis made dialogue possible by separating a soloist from the cho rus. (Th e modern term for actor, thespian, honors his memory. ) Early Greek plays devoted a great deal of space to choruses and were written so that one or two acto rs could perform all the parts. Later plays reduced the role of the chorus, but author s of tragedies never employed more than three actors. The rules gov­ erning comedy were less strict. All performers were male , and because they wore masks and elaborate costumes, men could play women and take multiple roles as different characters. Mask s were functional as well as traditional. Plays were staged in huge am­ phitheaters that seated thousands. Superb acoustical design meant that a trained actor's voice could be heard without difficulty, but many in the audience were seated so far from the stage that they could not have seen facial expressions and subtle gestures . Actors had ' to be magnified to make them visible . They performed on elevated stages above the level , where the cho rus danced and sang . Padded costumes, elevator shoes, and large masks enhanced their stature, but the se ponderous outfits forced them to move carefully and to use choreographed, stylized gestures. The y could not stage convincing fights or en­ gage in violent acti on. Incidents of this kind took place offstage and were described to , the audience by speeches from the actors or chorus . Scenery and props were limited, and ' Greek audiences (like Shakespeare's) were expected to use their imaginations to supply ~ sets for the action . ,' .

The oldest complete plays we have from the ancient Greek theater are those of ' Aeschylus (525- 456 B.C.E.), a veteran of the battle at Marathon . (It was thi s service to his polis and not his literary achievem ent that he ordered recorded on his tombstone.) Aeschylus was 26 when his first tragedy was produced. He continued to write through­ out his long life, creating a total of 80 or 90 plays. Among the seven that survive is our , only nearl y complete bill for a day in the Athenian theater, the Oresteia, a trilogy (cycle , of three plays) staged at the Great Dionysia in the year 458 B.C.E. Aeschylus's earliest eX7 tant play is unusual in that it treats a historical event (the Persian War) . Playwrights cus­ tomarily chose themes from sacred mythology. Aeschylus's dramas have long choruses," and his characters and plots deal with clashes of ideas more than with the behavior of realistic people. His gods harshly punish men who overstep human bounds, and the so- i ciety he describes is preoccupied with codes of honor and duty to blood kin.

Sophocles (496- 406 B.C.E.), Aeschylus's younger contemporary, was a member of , the Athenian democracy's second generation , and his was a different mental universe. :', He was a politically active aristocrat, a friend of Pericles, who served as treasurer of the : Delian League . Despite a bu sy public life, he found time to write 123 plays. Seven sur- ,

J vive, some of which (particularly Oedipus Rex and Antigone) are perennial favorites .] with modern audiences. Sophocles redu ced the role of the chorus, wrote compelling die,' alogue , and created characters that undergo psychological transformations. He was in <~ trigued by competing moral obligation s and by th e fact that people never have enoug h information to kn ow how the decisions they make will turn out. He pondered the rela-j tion ship of society 's laws to the higher obligations intuited by ethically sensitive indi o' viduals . He claimed that the moral order of the universe holds us accountable for thef consequences of our actions-whether they are intended or not.

The Hellenic Era 115

Euripides (485-406 B.C.E.), the yo ungest of Athens' three great tragedians, was so­ ciallyand intellectually an outsider. His family was not prominent, and he did not hold major public offices. The Athenians had a love- hate relationship with his work. He wrote 92 plays, but won only five first prizes. The Greeks admired his poetry but found his plays troubling. Euripides' characters are psychologically complex, and his plots explore, but do not always resolve, morally ambiguous situations. In the year. in which the Athenians ;yoted to slaughter the people of Melos , for instance, Euripides produced a play about the Trojan War that described the brutalization of Troy's women by Greece's "heroes."

Euripides' work highlights the fun ction of theater in the life of the Athenian polis. No modern state periodically suspends its activities and gathers all its citizens together

, , for a week of theater. Why did Athens? Perhaps the answer lies in the importance of ed­ ;.' ucation to a democracy. Popular government requires an informed electorate-voters

who are trained to think about serious issues and make sound judgments. Modern democracies use free public schools, newspapers, and electronic media to equip their citizens to govern themselves. None of these was available to the ancient Athenians, but the theater was. The theater regularl y brought the Athenians together for a crash course in the problems posed by ethical dilemmas and the complexity of decision making. It

", .5 reated safe opportunities for the masses to vent-and learn to deal with-passionate '''' . J eelings. Because each play was intended to be staged only once, its author wrote with

fthe concern s of the moment in mind. Although most dramas were set in Greece 's ,~,mYfu i c past, playwrights chose stories with themes that had contemporary relevance 'an d .often made their connections with living issues pointedly obvious. Actors might

" '~e ar masks with the faces of prominent politicians, name people in the audience, and IV ' . ;' refer to current events. .. ; '. The topical relevance of Greek theater is most obvious in comedies, for the rules

:';i, govern ing comedy were much more liberal than those for writing tragedy. Comedy was, ~" however, as serious in its intent and function as tragedy. The only plays that survive to

" ' : ~: give us a sense of what comedy was like during the golden age of Greek theater are by . : ~istoph anes (488-380 B.C. E.). He wrote about 40 comedies, 11 of which are extant.

'~. : . ; Comedy derives from a word meaning "phallic song," a clear indication of its roots ~( ~ i n fertility rituals. Not surprisingly, therefore, Aristophanes' plays feature broad humor, ~t~ parody, and crude sexual referen ces. His actors wore costu mes that were padded to ac­ t.: centuate sexual characteristics, and what they did on stage might shock even the most so­

' ~ ,:' phisticated of modern audiences. While provoking hilarity, Aristophanes also prodded"r his audiences to think about serious issues, the most compelling of which for his gener ­ ,,~ :~ , ation was the Peloponnesian War. The hero of TheAcharniansis a country bumpkin who, ~~; disgusted by the war, makes a separate peace with Sparta. In Peace the gods are asked why

;~;jhey inflict war on mankind, and they claim that they have nothing to do with it-that ~~: ]Uen make war and can stop whenever they want to. Lysistrata, a romping farce, proposed (~~t!tat;the women of Athen s and Sparta force their men to stop fighting by staging a sexual ~;~~,rike . Complications arise as the women discover that the y find it as hard to do without ..~·.,s?: as their men . Aristophanes concluded the play with a serious proposal for an ex­ ~.ange of territories to end the conflict. He also warned the Athenians of the continuing , reat posed by Persia and reminded them of their cultural solidarity with other Greeks .

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KEY QUESTION I Revisited The speech that the historian Thucydides puts in the mouth of Pericles (which is refer­

.'" enced at the start of th is chapter) reflects the confidence of a dynamic society at a pinna­ cle of its development. Pericles evidently had superb political skills. Athens was governed by a direct democracy, a system in which the masses made all decisions . The risk of such a system was that its electorate would be whipped about by emotional appeals and per ­ suaded to make radical shifts of policy on momentary whims. But for decades Pericles (for good or ill) kept Athens committed to consistent goals. So great was his influence that historians have dubbed the period in which Athens reached the height of its power the "Age of Pericles." His fellow citizens were basking in the glow of their victories over Per­ sia and their successful imperialistic ventures, but they had also suffered losses. His speech was a funeral oration for fallen soldiers , an address to a community of mourners who wanted to be assured that those who had died did so for a good cause. That cause, Peri­ cles argued, was the defense of a unique and unprecedented way of life-a set of values and institutions that made Athenian society a model of justice and probity for the world.

There was much to admire about Pericles' Athens. The thinkers and artists of the Hellenic era, mo st of whom had ties to Athens, set in motion ideas that transformed the Mediterranean world and profoundly influenced subsequent civilizations. Indeed, the history of civilization in the West has been studded with renaissances, eras of cul­ tural development stimulated by renewed interest in the art and literature of the classi­ cal era . The virtues of Athens, which Pericles listed , are worthy of emulation, but the splendor of the city's achievements should not obscure acknowledgment of its failings. Valuable things are learned from what goes wrong as well as what goes right.

There was a dark side to Greek civilization . Athens ' prosperity rested on the twin pil­ lars of slavery and imperialistic exploitation. The devotion of its famous intellectuals to reason and clear thinking did not prevent some of them from concluding that women were congenitally inferior creatures and that some men were naturally superior to others and therefore entitled to more privileges. Superstition was rampant, as was belief in witch­ craft and participation in religions that cultivated emotional excess and violent behavior.

Readily apparent also is the fact that as Pericles' Athens grew stronger, it also be~ came a more arrogant and closed society. Adm ission to the privileged rank of citizen was limited, and the democratic electorate endorsed aggressive actions that pushed Greece into the great disaster that was the Peloponnesian War. A popular theme of the tragic playwrights was hybris, the arrogant overconfidence that success creates and that leads ultimately to destruction . The Greek s knew the risks and dangers of the paths they chose, but one lesson their history teaches is that knowing that a behavior is self­ destructive is often not enough to motivate people to abandon it.

The Greeks' interest in rationally examining the environments created by nature and human cultures produced considerable self-awareness. Greek writers analyzed both the strengths and weaknesses of their civilization. They were intensely proud of being Greeks , but that did not prevent them from admiring-indeed standing in awe­ of some "barbarians." Egypt particularly intrigued them, and many Greek intellectuals would have freely acknowledged that they built on legacies from the older cultures of .;{

The Hellenic Era 117

the Middle East and were stimulated by continuing contact with them . The Greeks were not solely responsible for what the West has become. The enduring influence of Greek philosophy, for instance, owes much to the uses to which the West's religions, which originated in the Middle East, have put it. The dynamism and creativity of Western civ­

ilizations spring from a multiplicity of sources.

Review Questions

1. Was civilization invented by the Greeks or passed to them? 2. How did Mycenaean Greek civilization differ from Hellenic civilization? 3. What contributed to the development of the polis? 4. Was Athens' experiment with democracy a success or a failure? 5. What does Greek history suggest about the influence of wars on' civilization? 6. Was there a common theme or interest in the science, art, and literature of the

Hellenic era?

Please consultthe Suggested Readings at the back ofthe book to continue yourstudyof the material covered inthis chapter. For a listof documents on the Primary Source DVD­ ROM that relateto topics inthis chapter, please referto the back ofthe book.