INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS/POL SCIENCE Masters level UK SCHOOL

German Foreign Policy 2

German Foreign Policy

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German Foreign Policy

Introduction

Germany has long played an essential role in international affairs. However, the conclusion of the Second World War signaled the beginning of an era of lessened significance in world politics as a consequence of the division of East and West Germany. Because of its dependence on the Western alliance during this period, Europe's greatest economy could not take a more forceful and independent stance in international affairs. With the conclusion of the Cold War, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the reunification of East and West, Germany's foreign policy developed gradually to become a prominent actor in international affairs (Crawford 48). International relations have altered due to numerous and complicated elements such as political culture, party politics, and external pressures influencing the country's foreign policy. This study aims to look at Germany's foreign policy history and the variables that have shaped it during its long history of policy practice.

Europe's current most excellent economy had an expansionist foreign policy until 1945. Before WWII, however, international relations were affected by the wars of 1870-1871, 1914-1918, and 1939-1945, which drew the attention of surrounding nations and produced the notorious German Question, which referred to the necessity to tame Germany (Rittberger 1978, p. 78). Furthermore, the rise of Otto von Bismarck worsened international relations and sparked the First World War. Consequently, the United Kingdom, France, and the United States curtailed Bismarck's expansionism and punished him for causing the worldwide crisis. Following that, the boundaries were revised by the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. Germany created the Weimar Republic the same year, resurrecting democratic aspirations. This did not endure long since Germany was accused of launching World War II, drastically changing its foreign policy.

Without a doubt, World War II paved the way for Germany's foreign policy legacy. Burdened by war reparations and the anguish of losing a section of its territory, the nation launched a massive fight that led to the split of Europe's most excellent economy into the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. The western half of the nation joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while the eastern half joined the Warsaw Treaty Organization. Germany's reputation suffered due to this divide. Still, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990 and the reunification of East and West as a republic, Germany recovered its footing in international affairs.

Many internal and external elements have shaped Germany's foreign policy tradition throughout history. In the nineteenth century, the elites' ambition for power led to many opponents for the German Reich, with former friends becoming rivals, notably in the war for colonies abroad and areas inside Europe. Germany saw exceptional economic growth on its market due to the Industrial Revolution. This, on the other hand, created socio-economic imbalances that encouraged intense nationalist ism. According to this, citizens and ruling elites were dealing with the consequences of the Treaty of Versailles, which severely curtailed the nation's army and required the country to pay massive reparations as recompense (Rittberger 80). As a result, the Weimar Republic was a breath of new air locally and globally. Furthermore, the democratic government saw Western countries and the United States as critical allies in the battle to redeem Germany from the harsh restrictions of the Treaty of Versailles. Consequently, the country's foreign policy was oriented toward the West at this moment in history.

Economic reasons have also influenced Germany's foreign policy history. Germany was among the countries that suffered due to the global economic crisis that engulfed the world in 1929. The young Weimar Republic could not deal with the problem properly, and its increasing flirting with the West only helped inflame German antipathy against the West (Crawford 60). Adolf Hitler's National Socialist Party of Germany exploited the situation and rose to power by demonizing the United States, Britain, France, and the unjust Treaty of Versailles. Adolf Hitler, the perpetrator of the Holocaust, restored Germany to its previous expansionist agenda and ordered the slaughter of European Jews. In reaction to Hitler's aggression and the Holocaust, which resulted in the murder of millions of Jews, the West resolved to form a military alliance against Germany and its allies. Germany was defeated due to the armed attack, which set in motion a series of events that would shape the country's foreign policy for the rest of the century. First and foremost, Germany gave up its country and lost its place in the League of Civilized Nations.

Germany's Eastern and Western portions followed drastically different foreign policies due to the ideological schism between the West, led by the United States, and the East, led by the Soviet Union. Under the leadership of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, the West adopted a Westpolitik policy that connected his country with the West and the United States. The new foreign policy helped restore credibility after the Holocaust horrors (Harnisch 51). Germany's chancellor was essential in getting the country into NATO and developing armaments to fight against possible invasions. Because of the opposition, the decision to disarm prompted a frenzy of debate, with some people feeling that Germany needed to be unarmed to preserve military restraint. The dispute culminated in the "Wehrdebatte," the most significant national discussion on foreign policy in the European Union's history (Rittberger 95). Adenauer was successful, but only after making certain weaponry concessions. Furthermore, when the Soviet Union disintegrated, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl pursued a foreign policy that emphasized integration with the West while also engaging with Eastern Europe. Ultimately, despite widespread opposition, Germany was pushed to join the European Union due to security and economic concerns.

The current German foreign and security policy strives to preserve peaceful and prosperous connections with neighbors and the rest of the globe. The European powerhouse is surrounded by a foreign culture advocating military prudence to avert genocide. International relations contribute to the country's status as a legitimate state that acknowledges and respects the dignity of all people. This explains why Germany has participated in several humanitarian missions across the globe. At present, the nation has accepted more Syrian refugees than any other country on the planet. Previous encounters with presidents who misused their executive powers resulted in a strong parliament and federalism, which have the authority to reject presidential decisions and influence foreign policy (Denison 173). Germany's opposition to the 2003 Iraq war demonstrates the country's military prudence. Germany has never acted militarily on its own since unification, instead of depending on the cooperation of allies to accomplish its goals.

Despite widespread solid opposition, the German government sent a small number of military personnel to war-torn Somalia and Cambodia. The government, for its part, participated militarily during the Kosovo Crisis but justified its actions by claiming that they were necessary for humanitarian reasons. The German foreign policy tradition has changed throughout time. Before the Second World War, Germany had a minor role worldwide. Furthermore, the Nazi administration pursued an expansionist policy that eventually resulted in Allied armies occupying Europe's most populous country. The Nazi plan, on the other hand, came to a halt, and Germany's influence in world affairs dwindled as the country adopted a policy of military restraint. When Germany became united, the government's stance moved from humanitarian aid to pro-integration.

Main Objectives of German Foreign Policy Between 1890-1914.

Germany's foreign policy shifted dramatically between 1890 and 1914. Otto Von Bismarck's retirement in 1890 signaled the end of decades of stable policy aimed at maintaining Europe's balance of power and the beginning of Kaiser Wilhelm II's assertive, sometimes contradictory foreign policy, the primary goal of which was to establish Germany as a great power. In terms of foreign policy, Kaiser Wilhelm II's Germany was bold and aggressive, attempting to compete for global might and influence with great nations such as Britain (Harnisch 51). The Kaiser's declaration that "nothing in the world shall be determined without Germany and the German Emperor's participation" is probably the simplest way to characterize this goal of German foreign policy. These German foreign policy objectives under Kaiser Wilhelm II are reviewed and investigated about Germany's colonial ambitions, policy tilt toward Russia, contradictory attempts to create a stable alliance with Britain, and relationship with her ally, the Soviet Union. Austria-Hungary.

During Bismarck's last years, Germany embarked on a minor colonial expansion. Kaiser Wilhelm II, his successor, had even loftier goals of making Germany into an imperial state. For European powers, colonies functioned as raw resources and a market for completed goods. They were also seen as emblems of national pride and power, and as such, the acquisition of colonies was regarded as crucial to accomplishing Germany's globalization goals in foreign policy. As a result, Germany adopted an imperialist strategy known as Weltpolitiks to guarantee "its place in the Sun," as German Foreign Minister Bernhard von Bulow put it. Pro-imperialist organizations such as the Pan-German League and the German Colonial League supported this strong approach. The doctrine envisioned Germany projecting its power by the threat of military action to win colonies, and the two Moroccan crises may be considered actual manifestations of this aim. To safeguard its overseas holdings, Germany's colonial aspirations necessitated the deployment of an extensive and powerful fleet (Hansel and Oppermann). As a result, Germany undertook a vast naval expansion to challenge Britain's naval superiority, led by Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz. However, the Weltpolitiks plan ultimately failed to achieve the foreign policy goal of converting Germany into a robust imperial empire. German colonialism had been reduced to Togo, Cameroon, parts of New Guinea, a few Pacific islands, and eastern and southern Africa by 1914. This policy was also considered irreconcilable with Germany's desire to heal ties with Britain. Germany's colonial aspirations and naval build-up as a long-standing colonial power, Britain felt threatened.

Many treaties were formed between the two nations as part of German foreign policy before World War I in 1890 to gain Russia as an ally to isolate France. The Reinsurance Treaty of 1887 persuaded Russians that Germany would never attack them.

Kaiser Wilhelm II vetoed Russia's desire to extend the Reinsurance Treaty in 1890 due to national security concerns. According to the official explanation, Russia and Austria-Hungary had conflicting spheres of influence in the Balkans, making it hard for Germany to expand its alliance. Between 1890 and 1914, German foreign policy was primarily preoccupied with reviving Germany's ties with the East. Germany sacrificed her connection with the Soviet Union to cement her alliance with Austria-Hungary and present herself as an unconditional ally (Denison 173). Germany and Austria-Hungary built a powerful alliance because of their common historical and cultural links. Germany's stance on the Balkans has shifted. Initially, German strategy in the Balkans was to maintain the status quo. However, this began to alter in the 1890s, when Germany embraced and approved of a bigger Austro-Hungarian presence. If Austria-Hungary waged war on Serbia in 1914, after the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand by Serbian extremists, Germany would unambiguously support Austria-Hungary. German efforts to reinforce its alliance with Austria-Hungary had the most disastrous implications for the nation. When the United States declined to renew its Reinsurance Treaty with Russia, Russia began looking for new friends. The formation of a Franco-Russian alliance moved quickly, culminating in the signature of the Dual Alliance in 1894.

Between 1890 and 1914, another significant objective of German foreign policy was to forge a formal alliance with the United Kingdom. Shared ancestors linked them, and the Kaiser regarded the British with admiration, if not jealousy, during their tenure in the Kaiserreich. Consequently, in an attempt to enhance their relationship, Germany made several overtures to the United Kingdom. Germany wanted to further isolate France by seeking the United Kingdom's support (Denison 173). Consequently, Germany has actively tried to strengthen relations with the United Kingdom, encouraging the nation to join the Triple Alliance. According to some accounts, Germany's decision not to renew the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia was driven by a desire to appease the United Kingdom to persuade her to join the Triple Alliance. Germany also signed the Heligoland-Zanzibar Agreement with the United Kingdom. Germany received the strategically vital North Sea island of Heligoland in exchange for extensive concessions in German East Africa, considered crucial by the United Kingdom (Hansel and Oppermann). Germany failed to align with the United Kingdom during World War I despite her best efforts. Because Britain did not want to be tethered to responsibilities in continental Europe, it rejected German offers of an alliance in the area.

On the other hand, Germany's attempts to enhance ties with the US were often contradictory. Following the collapse of the Jameson Raid, a British-backed coup against the Boer Republic in Transvaal, the Kaiser sent the Kruger Telegram. He congratulated the Boers while strongly criticizing British activity. Germany's colonial aspirations and subsequent naval building strained ties with the United Kingdom, which was considered hazardous and provocative.

Nazism on German foreign policy in the period 1933 – 1939

The Nazis attempted to conquer nations like the Soviet Union to establish their racial superiority and national dominance over the rest of the world. Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party were primarily accepted by the German people when they rejected the Weimar democratic system in 1933. All German ancestors of German descent were to be brought together and prospered by the creation in the 1930s of the "Lebensraum for the master race," which Hitler saw as the best way to unite and empower them. Rebuilding Germany as a European nation and rescuing Germany from the Treaty of Versailles were among Hitler's foreign policy goals. A systematic build-up characterized Germany's foreign policy to a second world war between 1933 and 1939. After the Weimar Republic's demise, Germans saw their leaders as having "sold out" the country, which fueled the rise of the Nazi Party. Because of this affiliation with democracy, Germans were unfamiliar with this notion. They considered it "foreign," but it swiftly became a part of their culture due to the Treaty of Versailles' imposition (Hyde-Price 604).

Hitler and his Nazi allies announced that they would invalidate the Treaty of Versailles. Nazi Germany's rearmament in defiance of the 1919 military employment limits may have helped restore national morale and national pride during this era of rebuilding after a period of war and instability (Harnisch 51). A significant indication of Nazi Germany's intent to recover Europe's leadership was Hitler's withdrawal from the League of Nations and the Conference on Disarmament in 1933.

Racial purity and Aryan supremacy were both a goal and a consequence of Nazi foreign policy. After World War I, the Danzig Corridor was established to reconnect Germany's former colonies, divided by the Treaty of Versailles. Hitler said that all Germans favored coming home based on the 1935 Saar referendum. The Nazis would pursue an aggressive foreign policy to acquire Lebensraum. Germany was able to remilitarize the Rhineland in defiance of the Treaty of Versailles limits without eliciting a strong response from the Allies, convincing Hitler that his foreign strategy was on track. The Anschluss of 1938 between Germany and Austria provided the Nazis with increased access to people and resources in Central Europe. Adolf Hitler seized the Sudetenland area of Czechoslovakia in 1938, claiming that it was populated by German speakers (Harnisch 51). When Hitler falsely pledged that this would be the final of his territorial ambitions, the British and French supported this Nazi foreign policy despite internal Czechoslovakian opposition. Neville Chamberlin stated that a liberal approach was vital to establish "peace in our time" and appease Adolf Hitler. Due to the devastation caused by the German occupation of the Sudetenland, the remained of Czechoslovakia was left vulnerable to a German invasion. His conviction that the Allies were incompetent and would prevent Hitler from conquering the world grew.

Tensions in the region became worse after Germany's complete occupation of Czechoslovakia in late 1938. In 1939, Hitler signed the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact to prevent a two-front war. Other agreements enabled Mussolini's Fascist Italy and the Imperial Japanese government in Tokyo to spread their anti-communist hostility around the globe (Denison 173). Apart from Nazi ideology, German foreign policy exemplified anti-communist and anti-Soviet emotions. Hitler desired a free flow of commerce between East Prussia and Germany.

Consequently, the Polish government has been adamant about retaining access to the North Sea. During a speech in Danzig, Hitler declared that "Poland would never rise in the Versailles treaty shape" and that Poland was the "bastard child of Versailles." Due to the existence of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, the Soviet Union refrained from interfering in the Nazi invasion of Poland, which precipitated World War II.

Nazi Germany's expansionist fantasies fueled a racial desire to "purify" Eastern Europe of purportedly "subhuman" races, including Jews, Russians, Slavs, and Baltic peoples. As stated in Hitler's Mein Kampf, Nazi foreign policy aspired to subjugate Eastern Europeans to the master race Aryans in the Third Reich for a thousand years via the development of the Volk for Germany and the construction of Lebensraum. In terms of racial supremacy in Eastern Europe, Nazi foreign policy resurrected long-dormant German attitudes against other subhuman races. Hitler's Nazi German foreign policy seized Germany's long-standing stigmas and power ambitions. Hitler wished to revoke the Treaty of Versailles, which impeded not only Germany's physical progress but also stampeded and ruined the German people's morale and spirit (Hansel and Oppermann). Historically, nationalism and synthesis of Hitler's imperialist aims were significant components of Nazi foreign policy. In the near term, Nazi foreign policy boosted Germany's geopolitical position, exposing the country to the polarity of consequences that would finally culminate in World War II.

Foreign Policy a Continuation Of Earlier German Foreign Policy.

It has long been questioned whether Hitler's foreign policy was just a continuation of prior German foreign policy. The majority of people would disagree, while you may agree in part. While this is typically unfavorable, there are a few exceptions. Hitler desired a return to the pre-Kaiser period, yet most of his foreign policy opposed the Weimar Republic. The article will examine the need to overturn the Treaty of Versailles, the Nazis' desire to establish a significant global power, and the existence of Lebensraum (living space). The Nazis' goal of becoming a dominating global power, which they attempted to achieve militarily, is critical. The Weimar Republic, unlike the Kaiser, had no goal of becoming a global power.

The Third Reich's desire for living space was one aspect of Hitler's foreign policy that reflected previous German foreign policy. The Germans needed to expand not just to construct a great country but also to satisfy the demands of their people, notably economic ones, since Hitler thought Germany was short on raw resources and farmland. Hitler said that nations with a sizable Slavic and German-speaking population should provide dwellings for German-speaking citizens. This echoed the Kaiser's perspective on the need for progress and the best way to achieve it. Germany and its conquered country must be depopulated except for German immigrants' 'pure' descendants. Hitler's supporters often and openly reiterated his racist beliefs. In other words, although previous German administrations may have shared similar ideas, Hitler never made them official government policy (Hyde-Price 604). To some degree, this is correct since both Hitler and the Kaiser's government thought that growth was both essential and desired. Notably, the Kaiser administration agreed on the need and direction of growth. Unlike Hitler, the Kaiser desired to acquire many colonies, and the Weimar Republic had no plans or ideas to offer living space.

The necessity to overthrow the Treaty of Versailles was another aspect of Hitler's foreign strategy. For example, Germany would have to re-arm, recapture lost territory, re-occupy the Rhineland, and refuse to pay reparations to invalidate the Versailles Treaty (Denison 173). The Kaiser administration was not comparable since the Kaiser made no comments on the Versailles Treaty. The Weimar administration wanted to reverse the Treaty of Versailles and restore Germany to pre-WWII status, including the colonies lost to the Allies in 1914. Hitler wanted the Treaty of Versailles to be annulled, but not a return to the Germany of 1914, as the Weimar government envisaged. He desired that the Third Reich grows beyond its pre-war frontiers in Europe without being burdened with colonial problems until Germany correctly established itself on the continent (Hyde-Price 604). His desire for a Weimar-style republic, for example, and his attempts to overthrow it demonstrate that Hitler's foreign policy was not a continuation of previous German foreign policy. Many differences, such as Hitler's desire to return Germany to its 1914 state, demonstrate that Hitler's foreign policy was not a continuation. While both Weimar and Hitler had similar views about the TOV, it is also true that Hitler only intended to rectify what had happened to Germany, and in a completely different way than Weimar did.

Conclusion

In conclusion, one would strongly disagree with the notion. Although Hitler had specific ideas comparable to those of previous governments, most of his foreign policy actions were completely different, such as revoking the Treaty of Versailles. This was distinct from Weimar in that Hitler wanted to expand Germany's borders beyond those of pre-war Germany, while Weimar wanted to return Germany to its 1914 status. Another distinction was the quantity of available living space. This resembled the Kaiser administration in some ways, but it differed in that Hitler did not want to gain a large number of colonies, as the Kaiser had.

Last but not least, Hitler sought for Germany to become a worldwide solid power, which he planned to achieve by military methods (Denison 173). This was similar to how the Kaiser intended to cement his rule via war. Still, the Weimar Republic did nothing to prevent this and did not openly discuss moving beyond the country's boundaries after 1914. Because Hitler shared similar ideals to prior administrations and did things that were partially in the best interests of previous governments, he was not carrying on their foreign policies but rather doing what he felt would restore Germany to its former grandeur. He conducted things differently from past administrations and did not strictly adhere to their goals. Most people would disagree with this statement, although you may agree with it in part. Although the assertion is generally incorrect, there are certain exceptions. This was owing to Hitler's intention to return some things to the way they were under the Kaiser's reign; yet, much of Hitler's foreign policy did not coincide with the Weimar Republic.

References

Crawford, Beverly. Power and German Foreign Policy: Embedded Hegemony in Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. Print.

Denison, Andrew. “German Foreign Policy and Transatlantic Relations since Unification.” German Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, 2001, pp. 155–76. Crossref, doi:10.1080/09644000412331307454.

Hansel, Mischa, and Kai Oppermann. “Counterfactual Reasoning in Foreign Policy Analysis: The Case of German Nonparticipation in the Libya Intervention of 2011.” Foreign Policy Analysis, 2014, p. n/a. Crossref, doi:10.1111/fpa.12054.

Harnisch, Sebastian. “Change and Continuity in Post-Unification German Foreign Policy.” German Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, 2001, pp. 35–60. Crossref, doi:10.1080/09644000412331307384.

Hyde-Price, Adrian G. V. “The ‘Sleep-Walking Giant’ Awakes: Resetting German Foreign and Security Policy.” European Security, vol. 24, no. 4, 2015, pp. 600–16. Crossref, doi:10.1080/09662839.2015.1065484.

Rittberger, Volker. German Foreign Policy since Unification: Theories and Case Studies. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Print.