Latin American Soccer ES

I

Mexico Sergio Varela

In ’the first place, this text criticises the “offidal” history of Mexican football, which establishesi aiinear sequence,, free of contradictions and-ambiguities. ■ As* we shall see,-eid and Mulets (196-2) book is a-kind of canonical narra­ tive tin national football that speaks of its pnglish origins., the transition to "'Spanish” controfand finally itS’JMexicanization and massification.

It refutes the idea that the historical process'of Mexican football'can be understood with -the simple chronological elucidation of its origins and later maturation./Rather,'itds argued that the history of Mexican football' 'is contradictory;^ that it-has developed nn'different levels and that it-is more ifnportantito. understand the'cultural, political, social and economic terrain in which it developed. Thus, emphasis is pladed on the social and cultural environment of the European and American colonies that formed a sport socialite in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Likewise, it is argued that the Mexican tenfessional dducation networks (f&uits and Marists) of the time had close relations with some European educational centres, esfiecially of England, and they were very iihportant in the prodess

of sportivisation of Mexican society. Subsequently, it is argued that the specific characteristics of the Spanish

colony in Mexico at the early twentieth century allowed the transition of

S. Varela (Kl) Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, National Autonomous University ofMexico; Mexico City,- Mexico

J.-M. DeWafile et al. (eds.), The Pdgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-7S777-0J.6

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socialite football to the domain of the general public, as well as they defined during the first decades of the twentieth century certain basic features of the

national football rivalries. However, as it is outlined later in the text, it is not until football became

professionalised in the forties and even more with the foray of television in the late fifties that the system of rivalries and organisation of Mexican foot­

ball took their modern forms. With a system of “melodramatised” rivalries (proposed by the television

owners), fans give meaning to their football affinities, but simultaneously they are able to recreate family’s and gender roles so valued by the Mexican modernising project. The creation of family porras throughout the sixties and until the nineties exemplifies these valorisations anchored to domes­ tic imaginaries of that time and perpetuated by the different apparatuses of

political and commercial propaganda. Finally, during late nineties, new forms of organisation and consolida^

tion of identities and rivalries between clubs (derived from the rise of the Internet and cable television) allowed fans to “invent” the barras. With South American influence, young people of the late twentieth century tried to reconfigure the prototypical aficionado (passive and well behaved) by an

extremely active and disruptive fan. At the end of the chapter, based on the discussion of the organised forms

of fandom, a series of reflections on machismo, misogyny and homopho­ bia embedded in Mexican football fans is proposed as a contemporary issue. The cry of “Eh ... puto” popularised by Mexican fans in national and

international competitions will guide the discussion.

1 Political Origins of Football

Socialite Football: Sports Contagion in Mexico at the End of the Nineteenth Century

I'"

Historians have a certain (false) obsession to trace the origins of every pr6- cess. As Bloch points out: “In its most characteristic form, this idol of the tribe of historians has a name: the obsession of origins” (Bloch 1982, 27). This is the case of Mexican football historians (professionals or amateurs). Concentrating on the origins doesn’t really help to understand the develop: ment of sports in general and of football in particular.

The text El libro de oro del futbol mexicano (Cid y Mulet 1962) is an exam­ ple of that obsession and it has left a deep mark in our country’s football

Mexico 507

history. As if football .could She understood with the search of its origins, Cid y Mulct begins•his.'Work as folldws; “Back in 1900 English-tfechnicians and iftihers pfPachucaVReal’del Monte Co. [...]'fo'rmed the’first football team in Mexico” and “'British residents of the industrial regions were exclusively who introduced football in our Country” (Cid y Mulct 1962, 9).

Metaphorically Bloch says: “Every contagion involves two things: micro- biaif, generations''anS af'thd niolmerit of contagion a terrain” (Bloch 1982, 3 W'Mexican'Kistbribgrapliy.bas devdted 'great'effort to desefibe with cer- tam detail' the'midtobial generatibns that ^rou^ht” football into the couri- try, but have little interest in analysing the “terrain” in'which the ill was caught" arid even lesV elucidating the changes of^thjs “contagious disease” over

time. TJiere is no dpjibt tfrat Europein, Americah, Canadian and Mexican

imfoigtahts (wljo '|iad fntimate contact with &e Ceptral nations of the late nineteenth century) inoculated the mierdbes df sportS contagion in'Mexico. As in all Latin Arperica^ different industrial and commercial 'branches attfacted a large pumber'df teihpdrary Ufid’defiriitive immigrants between

the 1860s and* the 1^201 As Brichenau puts it: “During the Porfiriato, the Mexican governmhht sporisored the ihflux of foreign capital and immigrants ^ the key to its prbjecj; pfe*^ate-and’nation-buildirtg” t^udhenau 2001, 31).

ihe 'process of gidbalisation df nineteenth-century capitalism crossed ^1 dinlerisidp's of social, political’arid cultural life m Mexico. During the I^rfiriato, jdprhalisip grew 'floticeahly; photography and cirfematography Became entrenched’in everyday life; cities were'rebuilt; raflway network 4nd‘the mining ipdu^try gre\^ sharply. Thfollgh ah immigration, policy that sought to “white'n’hhe countr^ banks, foreign railways and mining dompa- nies, aipprig others, “[...] brought their own engineers and overseers, indi­ viduals who were paid ’lhany times as much as Mexicans working next to them” (Buchenau 20()1, 34).

By 1900, there were in Mexico about three thousand Britons, four thou­ sand French, three thousand Cjerman, sixteen'thousand Spaniards, and fif- tbeh thousand Americans (Buchenau 2001, 33). "Ihe cultural influence of these groups not onl}^'transformed the pfodudtive relations of Mexico, but their social and cultural life. In partiodar,'the boom of .sports'“contagion” had a clear Anglo-SaxoA line (although French and Germans, and as will be seen later Iberians, exerted their influence).

In 1880, journalist Enrique Chavarri, known Juvenal, )vrote that he had been informed that the “German club” had created an equekfian soci- e’^ that promoted the values of modern sport and teproached the Mexican yduth of not doing the same:

508 S. Varela

It is always pleasant to form such societies, which unfortunately we do not have among ourselves. As in dreams we hear of the Jockey-Club, the Veloz- Club and other elegant European associations. The foreign colonies give us the example, but our youth does not enjoy sport, they rather prefer the dolce far niente. (Juvenal 1880, 1)

The development of mining and railways allowed the American and British colonies to establish, in accordance with Porfirist policies of modernization, key institutions in their daily lives, such as schools, halls, religious temples and social clubs (Beezley 1983, 267).

The Massey-Gilbert Blue Book (Massey-Gilbert 1903) reported that Mexico City’s Anglophone colony had a robust daily life that was felt in all sectors of Porfirian society. This yearbook reported activities of the different Protestant and Catholic churches, schools and social clubs in the Mexican capital, as well as announcing industries, banks, shops and railroads that this colony controlled.

The case of John Hubert Cornyn^ is a good illustration. Cornyn became the first publisher of a sports magazine in Mexico: The Mexican Sportsman that went on sale from October 1896 to June 1897. Cornyn tried to estab­ lish an (advertising) journalism for the practice of the sports in Mexico. In its first number, he wrote: “We want to see the MEXICAN SPORTSMAN in the hands of every one interested in sport or pastime of any kind [...] in fact the word ‘sport’ is beginning to have a deep meaning In Spanish as in English”. He added that Mexico “is fast becoming athletic and she is begin-, ning to love the outdoor recreation of the Anglo-Saxori and the Frenchmen”. Finally, he informed the Mexicans in a preacher’s code that “The Mexican Sportsman will help you to understand the new movement. It has a mis­ sion to preach. It has taken for its text ‘Sunshine and the open air.’ We want everyone to help us preach the new gospel. Will you help us?” (Cornyn 1896, 1).

The important thing is to point out that the Porfirian modernization pro­ cess, or as Beezley calls it, the “Porfirian Persuasion” (Beezley 1983), created a colonial environment in which foreign migrants and native peoples, or at least with Mexican roots, ambiguously interacted in the consolidation of sport and football in particular.

This historical development contrasts sharply with the widespread idea that sports (football in particular) were imported by foreigners and were incubated and grown in a (mostly male) passive native population. It should be emphasised that football, as a practice and spectacle, did not penetrate the popular mood without strong cultural, political and social resistance in Porfirian Mexico.^

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Mexico 509

Sports were not practices free from imperial contradictions. Thus, foot­ ball, as an English cultural product, did nofmature in the Porfiriato and then had to ‘give its own “battles” against American sports, such as baseball, basketball, American football or lake races. Sports had no “manifest destiny” that could ensure their full dfveIo{|ment or disappeararice in any nation. The cpnsolidation of football was'fortuitous in the posf-I*rfiriari imaginary, as it was the debacle of lacustrine regattas in the Mexican highlands for example.^

ft can be pointed out that the Porfirian social context allowed the devel- oprrieht of a sociulite football, in which its spectators were still undifferen­ tiated from ,their practitioners, who were also unable to differentiate Wily Bet\\feen footballers (in their differerit versions) cricketers, baseballers, etc. A note'from the newspaper El Mundo clearly illustrates the football indeterrhinacy of the Anglo-Saxon colony at the time:

* 'lt is said that the next season will be one of the most active in English football, as five clubs, “Reforma”, “San Pedro”, “Britanico” and probablf“Pachuca” arid “Puebla” will take part in’the League. The bad season ofthe latter may make it decide to accept another sport, perhapS cricket.

Last year, cricket was limited to “Reforma?’ and “Mexico”, which played two '* ^games, but the lack of variety in the matchfes, decided the'players to choose a

new sport for the new season. The first football games sparked the enthusiasm of those who now form the British club. {El Mundo 28 December 1904)

There is not such thing as the.“birth” of Mexican football, since its practice is indeterminately inscribed in, relation to other leisure practices (sporting and: artistic) of the Anglo-Saxon settlers, in mutual dependence with other

social sectors. It could be said that socialite football at the beginning of the twentieth

century began the organisation, administration and establishment of mini­ mum criteria for competition and statistical record:

Association football has been played in M^^i^o f®*^ a number of years, but the, game received a strong foothold in 1901-1902. [...] For the season of 1902- 1903 the Mexico Association Football League was formed with Reforma A. C., the British Club, Pachuca, Orizaba and Mexico C. C. as members. G. Varley [...] is the honorable secretary. (Massey-Gilbert.1903, 157)

The English-speaking colony created a small circuit of socialite football that initially spap ,around Mexico City. Social and sports clubs such as Reforma Athletic Club, British Club, Mexico City Cricket dub, ‘Pachuca Cricket

Club, Puebla Cricket Club were the bases.

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It should be emphasised that this football circuit had several social ele­ ments that cemented it; cricket, trains, mines, churches and schools. Its the turn to one more aspect of this cultural transformation of football: schools.

Pupils Football: The Role of Catholic School Institutions

Apart from the Englishmen, other groups of European immigrants and elite Mexicans (who studied abroad) played important roles in the consol- i idation of sports as part of the national “civilising” horizon. The cases of the Catholic orders of the Jesuits and Marists are basic to understand the Mexican football impulse during and after the revolutionary civil war.

It is also necessary to recognise that the Mexican elite maintained a close link with the imperial metropolis of the nineteenth century, especially England and France. There is no doubt that the English and French edu­ cational system generated an enormous influence on the thinking and life­ styles” of the Mexican aristocratic and bourgeois elites.

The case of Stonyhurst College is very illustrative in this sense.“^ In her anecdotal book on travel to Mexico, Tweedie pointed out that at the begin­ ning of the twentieth century “ [In] Cuernavaca, I had a real Mexican dinner at Senor Ramon Olivero’s, who, like so many Mexicans, had been educated at Stonyhurst College” (Tweedie 1902, 306).

Influential and powerful families of Porfirian Mexican elite sent their children to study at Catholic schools, especially Jesuits such as Stonyhurst and Beaumont in England. These were the cases of Escand6n-Amor, Rincbn. Gallardo or G6mez-Parada femilies who throughout almost all the nine­ teenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century maintained a close relation with Stonyhurst College.

As Madas-Gonzdlez points out, "Stonyhurst embodied the Mexican-aris­ tocracy's ideals of stability and exclusivity and the school environment-and organisation allowed them, among many other things, to participate in- an annual field tripj social -events, and sports matches with rival public schools. Such activities prepared youths for adulthood, installing important lessons about -competition, self-reliance, and civil responsibilities (Madas-Gonzdez

2012, 696). Among Mexican sportsmen who were educated under the aegis of what

Madas-Gonzdlez characterises as the “informal empire (Macias-Gonzalez 2012, 691) of English public schools, such as Stonyhurst and Bbauiriont, is the case of Jorge Gomez de Parada Buch. Son of a prohaineht Eorflristi landowner, Jorge Gomez de Parada studied in these schools and becahie

'Mexico 511

a. polo, fronton and football-player and later member of the International Olympic Committee, with ample recognition between the Mexican elites.^ It is* presumed that he was thte “first”*Mexican footballer to participate in an “official” match playing for the British Club in 1903 (Ballesteros 2010).

'It is important tp,point out that Catl}olic-e^uca^ipn|l,institutions (fojr. eign and national) played a sigmfic^t/91^ the^diffusiop of many sports and football in particular. Jesuit and Marist orders developed a strong sense for sports, using physical activity as a great allied element: “The Jesuits, with their ernphasis oh the total dimension of'the human being, body, heart, mind and souf — mens 'sana in corpore sano — have always propioted bodily, training througl) gymnastics Sfst, then ^rou^ sport by giving it a leading part in their pedagogy” (CombeaujMari 201T, 1648).

Brambila says that “the enthusiasm for sports and especially for football since the arrival of the [l(4arist]*TSrotljers to Mexico was one of the character­ istics of Marist education”. And he cites a document of the'order: 1 * '"‘At Mexico City Marist schools, the ‘great sport’ [football] began around 1912, ■'wheri'the high school was founded in liiT^erpema. During the first years teams ♦were Called ‘Oncenas Col6n’ [Colon hldvens]. When Eugenio Cenoz was in

charge of'the Sports Club, these ivere renamed America'and with this name has made history in the Mexican national sport. JBrambila'de la Mora 2012, IT)

At the beginning of the twentieth centurp, Jesuit educational system had a fairly Widespread presence iiS-the riationhl territory. Schools such as'the Sacred'Heart College of Puebla, the'Sah Francist6' de'Borja*Sdence Institute in‘'Mexico Citjc'(better khoWn as MaSfcarohes), theiSan Juan Nepomuceno Gbllef^ in Saltillo and the‘San Jose Institute of Guadalajara, among othdrs were key elements in the consolidation of an extensive sports and football netwotk. Th'e case Of Guadalajara, in the Western state pf Jalisco, illustrates tfie*'creation and'consolidation of football this network. Mendirichaga says:

‘‘Tn the School of St. Joseph, at the beginning of the twentieth century there Was gymnastics and sports. Several former alumni, 'along with' other tapaiios, later founlled the Atlas of Guadalajara PC” (Mendirichaga Dalzell 2007, ^1).

The same applies for Marists system. Since their arrival in Mexico, the Marist Order rapidly expanded its' school network to Jalisco, Yucatan, Oaxaca, Chiapas, Michoacan, Morelos, Nuevo Leon, Guanajuato and

•Mexico'City (Peiei Siller 1998,'226-231). In summary, with the combined impulse of Catholic schools in

'Mexico and the training received by the Mexican'elite in English schools,'

512 S. Varela with growing networks of foreign and national white and blue collar workers especially at the railway and mining companies, the terrain for football con­ tagion in Porfirian Mexico was becoming possible.

The National Imagery of Mexican Football at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century In this social and cultural context, football was another element that con­ formed the Mexican nationalistic imaginary. Students and workers of Mexican middle and popular classes were gaining ground m football prac­ tice with the simultaneous fact that English and aristocratic Mexicans of the Porfirian elite ceased to control all aspects of it.

Nevertheless, this transit to the massification and popularisation w^ mediated by another subject of the European immigration during the Porfiriato: Spaniards. Important differences rest between Sp^ish and English nature of their economic and daily activities in Mexico. Unlike the Englishmen, Spanish immigration had a more marked social and economic heterogeneity. Some consolidated themselves as great entrepreneurs, but many of them were wage earners who sought to improve the living condi­ tions they had in native Spain (Moreno lizaro 2007).

Club Espana marks precisely that transition. While English social and sports clubs were shaped as institutions of cultural “enclave”, the associa­ tions of the Spaniards had a mutual aid logic (Garda Acosta 1979, 116). Club Espana emerged without a playing field and practically without the minimum conditions for the development of football. However, ation characteristics and contributions gave it a radical difference-to,English clubs. Its first partners were salaried an4 its founding chart said that the eight founders would acquire “a ball, two goals and an PW > and.to “obtain permission to-play in another field as the actual [field] had not goo .

conditions” (Cid y Millet 1962, 94). j This different circumstance between Spanish and English allowed a more

intense interaction with ;heir Mexican counterparts. The ^lub ^pana allowed immediate incorporation of Mexican players and after English dubs stopped dominating the League, Spanish clubs main competitioq would be against the “Mexican” clubs that had already been formed by the. 1910s.

As noted above, some clubs emerged from the interaction of ^e Jesuit and Marist Catholic schools and the educational centres run by the Anglo- Saxon community in Mexico. From this interaction emerged the team today known as America. This was founded by alumni of confessional educational

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institutions,' strongly>4inked to hygienist and ethical pedagogies that saw sports as an outstanding educational element.

The foundation of the club is trapped in* a-relatively “dark” historical? nar­ rative that, gives it an air of mysticism, and mythology, necessary to base the iipffiptiort of its “tradition’’. An'selement that helps consolidate the‘myth isahe “national”' diaracter of its-first* members and founders. They were: Alonso Sordd,,oFernahd© Sierra, Rubilio Torres,*"©ados- Garces, Manuel Marroquinv Juan Andrade, Rafael GafZa, FrandscO'Oribe and Jose izquierdo (America-FC, ri.d.).*'IheseiyoungMekicans.founded,the club that some years later would dismantle the hegemony, of the “Spanish’’ teams’ (Amedfca "FC, n*.d.).< •* j-Some'clubs.like-Adante,*^ Necaxa^ disptfted “Spanish” teams'supremacy. If.was nevertheless America FG the •first-Mexican'-club to obtain-a.League eHaifipionship. During-1924^1928, it got’ four consecutive Mexico' City Aoriateur League champidnships.

Tbidther regions of thes country as Veracruz, but very markedly in* the city ofiGuadalajara Jalisco, football also becaihe? a'phenomenon “(mainly urban and pophlar) that over the decades* Would consolidate 'a nationalist imagi­ nary and ndrrative. Theicase of <thd’Guadalajara club,, popularly kn'own as Chivas, is in* dialectical combination-with? its*.MexicoiGity counterparts. It haslbeen a team that has-sediment, a veryi“strong-Mexican nationalist narra*- tive“(Ac6ves 2012, 91). It can even be^pointed out that, as Fabregas wrote: “Chivas are a secular symbol oBMexican identity” (Fabregas Puig 2001, 25).

Tt ns precisely this dialectical circumstance, contradictory in many ways (MexicerCity/province, homeland/foreigne'rs,-'urban/rural) that Chivas and their "chilango^ counterparts? hav©i developed national discourses that -are expressed in the ensembles-and overlaps of the professional football rivalry system. t ’ ! - -

It has been pointed out that the soeialite football promoted by the Anglo- Saxon colony in Porfirian” Mexico* was characterised .by its exclusionary forms. Only national elite was part of that closed circuit. During but mainly aftfer-the revolutionary civil war, the. Spanish colony and Catholic schools network confortned what has been conceptualised as pupils football. ‘It allowed, in turn, a broader social base which gradually configured a rivalry system between clubs and country regions.

By the 1930s albeit oscillations and-cdhstraints, Mexicarl fioofoall had matured in organisational and administrative terms. Mexican Football Federation-was founded in 1927 (FEMEXFLTT, n.d.). After several decades, it'gained control over regional structures, such as amateur leagues in Mexico City'Jalisco, Nuevo Leon and Veracruz, among others.-

514 S. Varela Another process was also being forged: amateurs (associated with the con­

cept of practitioners) became observers and consumer of the football specta­

cle: it was the raise of amateur-spectator. run In several Latin American countries, the transition from amateur footbal

to professional football was taking place. By 1934, in Argentina, Uru^ay, Brazil and Chile, football had been professionalised. In Mexico, the debates between those who opposed and inclined towards professionalisation of the game took great intensity. Thus, in 1943, professionalism overturned ama­ teur resistance and finally consolidated a League with national aspirations.

In Mexico City, the process of “modernization” was being formalised. Spaces for the practice of football were changing ^°*e rhythm of politi­ cal guidelines, technological and social innovations On May 4. J924 the first stadium made of concrete, the “National Stadium (MusacAio 2003, 131-132) was inaugurated in Mexico City (but not for footbdl use). In 1936, the “Parque Asturias” was inaugurated in Chabacano, largest of the wooden stadiums built in Mexico City throughout the 1930s, finely destroyed by fire (Paramo 2012). By 1946, the first concrete stadmm at “Ciudad de los Deportes” (initially designed for the practice of American football) was built for association football practice (Televisa, n.d.).

Football show business was acquiring its own cultural strength as media and the cultural industry moulded it. Professionalism was fundamental to mature football spectacle. This could only be understood as football infra­ structure was objectifying in new stadiums and clubs.

Football professionalisation led to a clear instrumental rationality org^i- sation. The consolidation of the Professional League in 1943 forced the dubs to take an eminently entrepreneurial stance, subordinating any tradition or premodern elements in their structures. However; since the inost impor­ tant element of affiliation and identity between spectators and their respec­ tive clubs was a (supposedly) “irrational” and emotional (love) element, clubs

had to cultivate and calculate their respective economic inter^ts on a sen­ timental base to increase the number of their followers In other words to modernise and sell their own (emotional) trademark, Mexican clubs tended to “melodramatise” their identities (on a paradoxical rational basis).

2 Historical Club Rivalries It is precisely in the 1940s that football clubs were forced to form their own “identity”, which represented them as unique in the sentimental market of football rivalries. Behind the football identity is a market dimension,

Mexico 515

no- doubt. But .other elements, such as 'the regional stamp were outstand­ ing factors in the formation of football' identities. Being from the cap- italj-of the republic meant'a ceutain mark of identity and antagonism. Clubs-»as America, .Atlante-and Ndc^a enjoyed'this geographical category. Subsequently, clubs*as Cruz-Azul and'Pumas de la UNAM became strong conlpetitors.

Atlante directors,* for example,»sought to strengthen the club in the Mexican-'football marker by emphasising its popular roots and exploiting thdniqttO “team of the‘people’-! and “prietitos”,^ appealing to their poor and humble origins. This made two things clear: on the one hand, that the club really came 'frqm the lower clas‘ses.>of Mexico Gity and,- on the other hand, that this, popular identification could be. quite conimercially profitable .in the kntimental market that professional football, was- imposing in Mexico (Adante, n.d.).

Necaxa, at the professional era, appealed to its worker roots .(they- were workers of the electrical sector who founded it in 1923'and refunded it in 1950) and their owners openly exploited that characteristic but given the professional nature of Mexican football since the 1940s, it was no more than i relatively fictitious identification. However, given the massification of sport and the fact- that most of the new adepts to football came from the working classes,'generating'these identifications with urban men was almost an inevi­ table consequence for the owners {Excelsior 2015).

America- EC counted on the identity references of Mexicanity, its middle- class ascendant and collegial, rootsiand, therefore, juvenile aspect coupling with its “capitalino” geographical reference.

In terms- of its organisation, .'Mexican, football was .radically transformed by these dates. The regional and state leagues served* as the most impor-*- tant instdnces of the national football organisation. 'These leagues had acted almost autonomously and practically without any contact. Two major insti­ tutions, however, dominated the landscape: the Liga Mayor (LM) and the Federacidn Mexicana del Centro or Federacion Central (FMC). Due to gov­ ernment pressures and an* increasingly^ entrepreneurial and capitalist logic, the different federations, including the LM and the FMC gave way to the Federacion* Mexicana de Futbol Association (FMFA) in 1937 (Saguilera 2P13).

•“Disagreements between clubs, leagues, state federations and FMFA continued in, the late 1930s and early 1940s.- In 19-42, a yeir before the professionalisation of football, LM and FMFA broke organisational ties. In 1943, the LM'was erected in a basically business entity and it consolidated professionalism in Mexico.

516 S. Vareta

The LM exacerbated and radicalised professionalism through the massive importation of South American players, especially Argentine. In 1945, at a ; request of America PC, seconded by Atlante PC, the LM negotiated to the | president of the republic, Manuel Avila*Camacho, the regulation and.reduc- | tion of foreigners playing for professional teams in Mexico City'(Salazar

2015; DOP 1945). , On December 13, 1948, the LM already professionalised and FMPA j

reconvened, to finally establish the Mexican Football Federation,'which still | is the'Organisational body of Mexican football, under eminendy capitalist |

and business premises. In the 1940s, the tapatio^^ and capitalino^^ teams hegemonised the (

football rivalries. To a large extent, because the professional •fbotbalLcom- j petition, along-with the still incipient progress-in other matters,.such as ,| transport and communications infrastructure, was not developedi.more ;

evenly throughout the country. In 1944-1945, the League was extended to-thirteen teams, still.cbncen- ,

trated in the Central zone of the country.' Of the thirteen clubs thatp^tici- j pated in the “national” competition, five were from Mexico City, three from , Jalisco (Guadalajara), three from Veracruz (Orizaba and the port), onejfrom Guanajuato (Leon) and one from Puebla. ;

It was in the-following season* 1945—1946, when finally northern-dubs ; appeared; Monterrey and Tampico. However, their presence was not lohg. ^ Monterrey club remained only for that season and disappeared from.the first ? division circuit for five.years, until its return in the 1951-1952 season. i

The centralization of national life was also evident in the* geographic and ^ administrative configuration of football in .those years. Only three -states of the federation were venues of 70% of the first division circuit. Under t|iese incipient conditions of geographical rivalry and instability of the clubs | themselves, the identities attached to the teams were not fully profiled. J

3 Football as a Sports Spectacle

Sociality zxA pupils football could be considered as early representative foot- | ball processes. The subsequent rise and fall of the Spanish teams, besides .> the professionalisation in 1943, are the organisational 'cornerstones of Mexican football. However, it will be the process of television'arrival, specif- v ically of Telesistema Mexicano (later known as Televisa) as the most impor­ tant process in* the consolidation of Mexican professional football. 1■|

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Mexico 517

In 1956,. Mexico City hosted the Second ,Pan American Football Championship. The' National. University Stadium was the venue for this et^ent. Nevertheless, beyond its sporting relevance, the tournament was cru­ cial insanother sen^e: it'nrarked thetentrance of the television into Mexican professionahfootball.

; ‘On,Sunday,-Februaryi26, .the Mscican team* faced Costa Rica’s. The fans. who attehded*the stadium-far exceeded the nuniber- of available locations. Ifjitiairy, the press reported the'opening of this competition as an “emotional aitdj^sinjple’’.ceremony in which the National University Stadium had been

; “full of euphoric fans” {Esto, 29 February 1956). .Two days later, on-28, Argentina faced Peru. Large contingents -of fans

[ with' and without tickets went to the stadium. They jumped ‘the* fences of it..Aboht;a hundred thousand tickets went.on'^ale. The*stadium had only seats for seventy.’thousand. The press and.-the fans severely questioned the organisers. Attendance at the opening matches of the tournament exceeded the'expectations* and capacity df the facilities. For the local government, the tournament vias becoming a^matter of great relevance and concern, so they

, askedfTelesistema‘Mexicano< to'broadcast the matches, which the .owners of the broadcasting chain accepted with certain reluctance.

The o\faiers* of Mexican television, • from that moment and in'a random way, would begin their interest in Mexican .professional football and thereby

’ redefine the* cultural, economic and social significance of football in our

country* -February 1956. is, to put it somehow/ the second and probably the most

imp’ortant foundationr.qf Mexican football. following Sartori,' television (the television landscape)>and its new anthro-

poss*the 'homo^mdens, created the' conteniporary fdotbalF spectacle and a sp*eGtator<completelyidifferent From" the one that preceded the incursion of television in the*fieid'of professional football (Sartori 2013).

'.‘Madcan television strengthened the criteria ’of professionalisation ahd • instrumental ratibnalisation for the football spectacle that would mark its

institutional, path definitively. The increasing influence .of television on the football field allowed, in the first* instance, the expansion of the base of fol­ lowers* on ah unprecedented scale. Television football created, almost out of

\ nowhere, a* new way of “watching” football,, which basically meant not leav- f ing the house to see the matches. In thefsame wayit involved the intermedi- ‘ ation of the-“television eye’’, which had effects in-several senses.

" One of these-effects wasuhe conformation'of football itself as a commer- f; dal product made and ready for television. Football was integrated into tele- [ vision and commerdal narrative under criteria based on the logic of creating.

518 S. Varela

provoking and stimulating specific feelings. That logic could well be inter­ preted as melodramatic. But melodrama not understood as a literary genre, but as a key interpretive of culture to the extent that the ways in which dif­ ferent sectors of society- (classes or genders, for example) are embedded or conformed by the guidelines of capitalism. In this way, Herlinghaus argues that melodrama, as an interpretative key of social and cultural* aspects, is interesting “not so much as a theme, set of themes or genre, but as a matrix of theatrical and narrative imagination that helps produce meaning in the middle of daily experiences of diverse individuals and social groups (Herlinghaus 2001, 23). k

It is. this ability to generate “meaning” what is culturally relevant about football. Football, seen as a melodrama, is a “producing product” ofdultural and social sense. Football, specifically the professional, is a mercantile- tele­ vision creation that in turn produces cultural and symbolic meanings and orientations among its followers. '

Professional footballers have simultaneously become subjects..thatf have given meaning to the ways in which bodies are perceived and represented, atleast in two dimensions; on the one hand, in the consolidation of a mdscu- linity that is inserted in the capitalist and urban modernity and, on fhex»thef hani in the symbolic representation of national (real or invented)-virtues through international sports participation.

Mexican footballers, mainly through commercial television, have enforced the idea of a healthy, hygienic and athletic masculinity. In a dialectic^ way, football is produced by cultural orientations of the. national elite,'which has been inexorably linked to the processes of capitalist globalisation.nhis phe­ nomenon of football globalisation.can only be understood by the/linkage that football has had with television, which homogenised narrativfe,, discur­ sive and symbolic formats. But even more, television projected “emotional” and “sentimental” content to the masses of consumer-viewers.

In the Mexican case, professional football was televised through a dichot­ omy that sought to intensify the identity difference-of the clubs, recognising America FC as the league s “villain” team in a polarised position to the “good guys” in the melodramatized football plot: first opposed’to Guadalajara FC, then to Cruz AzuF FC (integrated to the first division in 1963)'and later to Pumas (integrated to the League in 1962). These identity differences,! although they are expressed in “sentimental” formats, not only respond to simple sports connections, but to a larger extent as “ideal visions” about the nation, male behaviour, territorial belonging or class identification (Magazine 2007).

Mexico 519

..'SimikrLy, the national team produces certain-cultural me^anings-that allow us to locate-some of the characteristics attributed to>tmasculine Mexicanity, such as "picardy” ’infa positive sense or in a negative sense mediocrity^ or “cotruption” that discursively seem to be inherent in* the Mexican culture.

(Magazine, et al. 2014)- On. the other, hand; the cultural, orientations of the.popular sectors^close

thexlialectical. circuit posed by the elites through thte'intensive-use of televi- sioxi.'iIhe fans, permeated by the medial influence that television-has exerted on .them', unfold their practices-undef'theilight of melodramatized coordi­ nates. lA-this way,i football fs a.symbolicivehicld thatJ.imposes meaning on thdr daily dives, but which they constantly'reformulate-through their own •experience! Throughout time and-^pace, fans have-generated different ways of/‘watching” and experiencing the professional footbalhshow.

' These ivadriations have a, clear expression under the fqrm^iin which fans are organised at the stadiums. On the one hand, it is possible, to'observe the fans'that.are'grouped in the family ponas and on the other the fans who* are

. orgahiseddn.the so-called-Wdr.T identify'tfte former as a result) of’a .sen- tinientaT'edifcation em'andted in a context ihwhich the role'of the state is fundirhental and the-idea of the nucleaf family is basic to^establish relations knd hierarchies of gender and generations. This form offorganisation pro­ claims and implements'vertical structures of command. They are'clifntelistic and CO rporatiMd'groups (mainly-by the clubs execufl'^es) that'demonstrate their “4dve” to the-clubs through pracitices of moderate sentimentality that rarefy exceed'the limits of a morality basechion the-doyalty,-respect-and hont* out? Older males are Usually those, who run these groups'll! a patriarchal and almost patrimonial- style. These 'men are 'the linkv,and> those res'ponsible to

” club officers. Women, children and-the elderly belonging to the family/>c?r- ras are loyal followers of the leaders and usually act with respect towards the

- fans of other clubs. In contrast, barms are youth grbu>s that hiscufsivefy claim to‘reject ver^

- deal forms oficbntrol and pretendfto* expte'ssflove towards their respective club through a specific practice: agaante (kind of sentimental endurance). J^guantar for the young barristast\Sj%o‘the bpdy to risky practices and permanent physical tests.- .^rnong these risky-practices are the use and exces­ sive consumption of afcfohoL and-drdgs. Physical tests *are usually expressed ip .lights against-other barras and, lupnly, against the police.

-ITqweveft aguantar also implies keepUig,rhe, body in permanent moye- ment, -shouting, singing and dancipg before, during and after the matches. Aguantar also involves performing spectacular actions,on the stands, such as throwing coloured paper, lifting and shaking many flags, among others.

S. Varela520 For these young people, life is lived once, sacrificially and melodramatically. They watch with suspicion the.fans who, according to their point of view, are passive and have a “cold chest”, that is to say, without passion.

In summary and contrary to what many football critics point out, as-they consider it simply as part of the dominating apparatus of the capitalist-state,, football gives social orientations of fans daily life. The fact that television as reduced the spertrum of identity options can be criticised, since the me o- dramatic format is polarising, almost dichotomous. Ue plots and narrative of melodrama are simple, without sophistication and seem to arise frote the daily life of the popular classes. But as Monsivais points out, melodrama is “a forced, but perhaps not inaccurate, synthesis, the frenzied and ti- mately amused expression of a necessity; the viewer wants to find in his lite the theatrical, cinematic, radio-phonic or soap-operistic argument whose greatest virtue is the guarantee of a very loyal audience: the viewer himself

(Monsivais 2002). j < ■ ■ irU Professional televised football, in any case, has endowed its viewers with

meaning for their daily lives. Clubs are a kind of objectification of idealised national visions. But in the stadium, whether in the form of a family/iimw or i>arras, fans also find ways to idealise the country, the aty, the neighbour­

hood and the family they would like to have. ... Finally, television found in football a first-order commercial prod­

uct, which was configured under the coordinates of the Mexic^ post­ revolutionary cultural industry. Already as a proven product, the melodrama established the guidelines that football would follow, inserting, or at least intensifying, in clubs and professional players, villainous or heroic charac­ teristics and pretending to make epic tournaments of cyclic repetition main­ taining the commercially exploitable dramatic tension.

4 Homophobia and Discrimination in Football and Mexican Society Today

As a derivation of melodramatic polarisation and cultural sense of football fans, I want to emphasise the theme of macho, misogynist and homophobic expressions around Mexican professional football today.

For some years, the cry “Eh, puto ...” that Mexican fans have become popular in national and international matches has brought to the public a Long debate about the connotations of male violence in Mexican football (although not only In Mexico, since the debate has spread to other nations).

Mexico 521

Around 2004, in the city of Guadalajara, among fans of Adas f C, the shout become popular whenever the goalkeeper of a rival team made a clearance (Castillo and 'Noel 2014). The shout was quickly adopted by other clubs fans of the Mexican League and finally was intoned at international matches, where it gained worldwide relevance. I During the 20.14 FIFA World Cup, FIFA issued a warning against-the Mexican national team and acted with a harsh penalty for “homophobic song£’ issued by the Mexican fans. According to the FIFA Disciplinary Code (FDC), at each international meeting;

Cojppetitioh regulations shall •foresee a’specialization (sic) official to be in the stadium to identify potential' acts of racism or discrimination with the aim of easing’the pressure on referees and facilitating the availability of evidence for judicial*bodies to tahe decisions. (FIFA 2013)

Following'the FDCs 67 article, paragraph 3,^^ early on 2016 FIFA applied a twenty thousand Swiss francs fine to the Mexican federation related to the shout against 'the 'g)aalkeeper of the Salvadoran National team at the Aztec stadium on* 13 November 2015 (Redaccioh Animal Politico, '2016). A sec­ ond fine, under the same'criteria, but this time in relation to the match between the Mexican and Hondur'ah national teams played at the Aztec Stadium on 6'Septernber 2015, was applied (Notimex 2016).

At first, it is very important to point out that managers, players, coaches, jdiirnalists and many of the fans have sought to' defend in multiple ways the ^hout and have 'tried to minimise sanctions hnH controversy. The justi­ fications range from open homophobia, th'rough the supposed tradition of albur, Mexican double sexist meaning jargon.

According to the Secretary General of-the Mexican Football Federation, Guillermo Cantu, “there is a different connotation 6f the word and the shout; in Mexico’s context and history, the translation from Spanish to English of the word used in the shout, is very different and we want [FIFA] to see that”.

For his part, the Mexican national team player Andres Guardado stated at the beginning of the advertising campaign called “Ya parale!” (MiSeleccion, n.d.), which seeks to stop the shout at the stadiums: “We are in a campaign trying to change that hab^t, [However] I do not think;, they (the fans) do it offensively, but it’s no longer funny when there are sanctions involved and [FIFA] can veto the stadium” (Atayde 2016).

Former Mexico coach Miguel Herrera, after notipg that FIFA does uot have “moral quality” to punish anyone, states bluntly: “It’s not an

522 S. Varela

homophobic scream; those who say that are fooling people, because we (according to him, all Mexicans) do not use it that way. I can say hello to someone saying, ‘What’s up you faggot!’ and it doesn’t'mean that it is hom­ ophobic or to point out, ‘those faggots that are there’, so we say, it is.^ collo­

quial language” (Rodriguez 2016). The statements made by the goalkeeper of the Veracruz FC, Melitbn

Herndndez, made in an interview define with some clarity the position (almost official) df those who participate in professional football in Mexico:

“I honestly have fun, I think fans pay for a show, they go to the stadiums for relief, I don’t know what happens at their homes, he said. He added: Maybe it’s not the right way because there are children, but you’re not going to con­ trol 30,000 dolls. How do you do it? Thirty thousand policemen to put a knife in each one’s throat? They pay for having fun”. He doesn’t consider the shout as homophobic: “No, why? Why are we so delicate if football is like that, fiin, mischief, that’s all, I do not think it’s like that”. (Presencia Noticias 201^

For many decades, especially since the appearance of one of the foundational texts on Mexicanness, El XM.berinto de la Soledad, by ,the poet and pssayist Octavio Paz, the theme of what he called “forbidden words, secret, without clear content, and by their magical ambiguity we trust the expre§^ion.ofthe most brutal or subtle of our emotions and reactions shines brightly today

(Paz 1999,78). , / According to Paz, the word “chingar” has a great, plurality of meanings,'

depending on the context or intonation, but at the end all are reduced .to an aggressive, fully masculine and sexually violent content. For Paz: ,

[T] he magical power of the word is intensified by its forbidden phai;acter. Nobody says it in public. Only an excess of anger, an emotion,or delir)ou,s enthusiasm justifies its frank use. It |si,a voice that can only be heard ^png men, or at great parties. When we shriek it, we bre^ a veil of shame, silence or hypocrisy. We manifest ourselves as we really are. Bad words boil inside us, as our feelings boil. When they leave, they do it abruptly, brutally, in the form of a howl, a challenge, an offense. They are projectiles or knives. They'tey.

(Paz 1999, 81-82)

The case applies to the way the word “puto cohies out in public \^ith the cry of Mexican fans. I do not subscribe to the almost essentialist hyp^thpis of Paz over Mexicanness, but without a* doubt, his description of the Use of “bad words” in the current Mexican context maihtai’ns cohdrence.

'Mexico 523

T?he ’meahing of the term puto must also be . read under a key oi albur.

According to Szasz:''

fA/^i«K,consists of a rh)rthiriic play of wordrand gestures that combine humor* ' with ofFenscI which'.occdrs 'mainly in spaces o£;maI'e, interaction. Mainly at

puberty, a stage in which the affirmation of masculinity constithtes .a consid- ^ erable source of anxiety. They are verbal challenges that provoke hilarity and symbolic allusion to a sexual relationship in which one or mor? - the victors.- penetrate and another - the loser - is penetrated (or h^rapther.jwife^or sister / are penetrated). The offense that is established is an o&nse to the virility of the cither, an’outrage, a humiliation, and what is at sf:ake is the involvement of

^active and passive rol^'in a sexual act figured between two or more protago- 'nists." (Sza*sz !zdOC), 190)

IffUriy cas6, thB cry “Eh, putd” has 5penec| ayide publii* debate in society, the press and social networks. "Ihat: debate has' not )^et closed and will hatdly eh^ in the s|ibrt term. ' ' 'It should be noted that along \i'i*th‘'^this debate, the administration of ^r(?sident Enrique Pena Nieto' ptishfed‘for 1 legislative initiative' that would allbyv homdsekfiaf marriages thfou^houf the country and the eventual adop­ ted‘of childfeh by such fharriages (Mdnfalvo* 20'liS). ^■flowever, cdhserVative and’ rdligioift assdciatidbs rfeacted quickly to stdp

tl^e ihiti^tivef ‘ ^ ‘ ‘

‘ Ih diSefent cities of the'kepubhp; thousands of people from various feligiods 'orgahizatibhy tobk the s'tredts'to express their support for the traditional‘lamily '“model'and theff rejection 6f the initiative that proposes equal marriage, adop- ‘tion ofnfinors among-homokxual couples'and the teachirig of “Gender ideol-’ ogy” in public schools. (Corresponsales 2016)

9. ,

The slogans ‘<!A''man, a. woman, marriage should'be” or‘“No child was born of a gay relationship” (Najar 2016) that protesters grouped in the National* Front for «th^ Family* hoisted during the. demonstrations throughout the country resemble that cried openly at football stadiums: “Eh, puto!”. iAfterthe June'5, 2016 electidns,' Catholic and Protestant chtfrches and

right-wing parties, such as the Partido Accidn Nacional, capitalised on the homophobic bias of the Mexican population and‘severely punished the offi­ cial party, the Partido Revolucionario InStitucional,-for the initiative'of egal­ itarian marriage (Redaccidn Milenio Diario 2016). Finally, just a few days before the final draft of this text, the-Chamber of Deputies* threw down the presidency initiative mentioned above. (Arellano Garda 2016).

524 S. Varela

Mexican society-puts its conceptions of social, cultural and political order in a contradictory and polarised (melodramatized) way. While the electoral political terrain, the cultural battle for sexual diversity, has manifestations with a certain “political correctness”, in the football field at the stadium, these manifestations, under the veil of joke and the albur, take a raw and

open homophobia and misogyny.

5 Conclusions It has been pointed out that football was initially consolidated in Mexico under Anglo-Saxon influence, without a doubt. However, giving a very high explicatory value tracking the first game, the first team or the first city that hosted them (picturesque anecdotal data) is little relevant to understand thq, historical process of Mexican football as a whole.

This text gave priority to the social context in which football developed; the weight of a local elite with strong cultural and economic links with the European and North American metropolis. It should be noted that foot­ ball was a cultural product that was in constant contradiction with tradi­ tional practices (and values) inherite4 from the colony and other sports th« accompanied the Anglo-Saxon and Eufopean colonies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In other words, nothing augured in 189Q that with the first games and clubs that were organised in Mexico, football would flourish and consolidate itself as the hegemonic sport. Other sporting activ­ ities, such as baseball or cricket, may well have become the most relevant disciplines in the decades to come. And in some sense they were: if we look closely, boxing, cycling and baseball have had great influence on Mexican

social life in some periods. A second break moment of great relevance that deserves more studies and

deepening is the moment in which the football was professionalised in the forties. The business bias of the Mexican modernizer project also -caught football up. The gradual but constant commercialization of Mexican foot­ ball was sedimenting local and regional rivalries .that interacted with the gen­ eral idea of Mexican nationality. The clubs competed inside the court but at the same time, they established a struggle in the sentimental market of the Mexicans (mainly males). This led to a logic of creation of collective identi­ ties that clubs managed to commercially exploit.

By the end of the fifties, Mexican television not only penetrated into football, but took over. The proven formula of melodrama in other fields of cultural activity (film, theatre and radio) allowed the owners of the'tele-

Mexico 525

vKi5n to set a-melodramatic parameter to the’clubs identities in-the profes-

of “puto” in the games of the> League and dn-international competitions. Attempts to minimise the powerful homophSbid inessdge of> the scream are overtaken by Meidcair social reality as* a whole. Whilfe iriany federatives, pMrs, coaches- and fans have pointod dttt that the'cry‘ is'no m'ore than a joke that isn’t intended to offend anyone (?ince‘MeXican society'is very party like and joking, they argue), In contembofary Mexico a real cultur^ war is going on: On the one hand, the d%/ers of homosexual manage and the toll exercise,of sexual jireferences, and the other hand, a coiisiderable part of the conservative k^ican society that openly despises the gay sector. . In this’way> we can.observe that prqfes^opal footb^l allows tp. observe

with some efficiency some of the speciHc characteristics of Mexican soci­ ety, such as its marked gender, regional and intergenerational inequalities, among others. Many more studies will have to be done about it.

1- Cornyn was the Mexico City Grammar'and High School director. He was active member of Mexico City YYMCA, Mexico City Dramatic Club and the Odd .Fellows-(Massey-Gilbert 1903,. 72, 73, 133, 143, 147). Cornyn (1875-1941) was a Canadian writer, professor, translator, linguist, jour- rfalist and sportsman. The brief references on his biography indicate that he arrived in Mexico in 1900, bufthere ar^ recorckffiat already locate him in’Mexico * in ,the*mid-l«90s. In the-edition of 7 June 1896, The Mexican i*ra/^lists the name ofJ.H. Cornyn as a school teacher.

2. Porfirian .ideologues, cdled,“scientists”, identified a series of behaviours of the popular classes that made them especially reluctant to civilised innova­ tions such as sports. See Weis (2008, 196).

sional League. The polarisation'Betweeh ChivaS“and'ArfteTifca illustrates this

Notes

526 S. Varela

3.. A Mexican fever for lacustrine* regattas exploded between 1890 and >1892^ For a detailed,explanation, sep ^chell (1993,261-262).

4. According to Gruggen and Keating, football has been practiced in Stonyhurst sincx the middle of the eighteenth century, when the sclyjol was still in Liege. Subsequently, throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, football in its association and rugby versions were widely devel­ oped in this‘school (Gruggen 1901, 144 and 162).

5. “Like Carlos Rincon-Gallardo, his Mexican predecessor on the IOC, he was educated at Stonyhurst College in England having previously briefly attended Beaumont College. Fr6‘m a land-owniiig family, he enjoyed facil­ ities for polo and tennis dt home and the palatial prope'rty latfer btecame the residence of the Russian Ambassador. A lawyer by profession, he was an international football player and was President of the Jvlexican polo and football federations”'(Buchanan 2011, 63).

6. Also founded in 1916 (Parra 2006). 7. Founded in 1923 (El Universal 1999). 8. Chilango is a demonym (sometimps contemptuous) to define the born and

inhabitants of Mexico City. ^ 9. Prieto is a contemptuous word for brown skin people in Mexico. 10. Popular demonym for the people from Guadalajara, Jalisco. 11. Demonym for the people from Mexico City. 12. Improper Conduct includes violence towards persoris'or objects, letting oflF

incendiary devices, throwing missiles, displaying insulting or political slo­ gans in any form, uttering insulting words or sounds, or invading the pitch (FIFA2011).

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