Interviews and Interrogations CRJ-573

SUBJECT TO PROTECTIVE ORDER

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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Date of entry 02/1011/2017

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or program manager.

On January 24, 2017, Deputy Assistant Director (DAD) Peter

P. Strzok II and , interviewed United States

(U.S.) National Security Advisor Michael T. FLYNN, date of birth

(DOB) , at his office at the White House. After

being advised of the identities of the interviewing agents and the

nature of the interview, FLYNN provided the following information:

- FLYNN’'s first invitation to Russia occurred when he was

the

Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). FLYNN was the

first DIA Director to be invited to GRU headquarters. During

that four day trip in 2013, he participated in a leadership

development program at GRU (Russian Military Intelligence)

headquarters. FLYNN received proper authorization within

the U.S. Government prior to conducting the trip. FLYNN could not

recall if he met Russia’s Ambassador to the United States, Sergey

Ivanovich KISLYAK, during this trip. HeFLYNN

described the Russians as very appreciative of his visit.

During this trip to Russia as DIA Director, FLYNN first met

the then -GRU Director Igor SERGUN. Following the trip, FLYNN and

SERGUN continued official their relationship on at least one

occasion through video teleconference (VTC) and were planning a

visit for SERGUN to travel to the United States on February 28,

2014. Russia invaded Crimea in the weeks prior to SERGUN's planned

trip, SERGUN's trip was cancelled, and FLYNN had no further

contact with the GRU Director. FLYNN described SERGUN as being

akin tohaving common ground with FLYNN in that they had similar

backgrounds, their sons were the same age, and they had a

connection in fighting terrorism. SERGUN had scars from Chechnya

and they shared stories about Afghanistan. FLYNN stated he called

Ambassador KISLYAK following SERGUN's death in

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Lebanon early last year to express his condolences. FLYNN described

SERGUN wasas someone the U.S. could work with. FLYNN said he was not really

part of the TRUMP campaign at the time of histhis call to KISLYAK.

- FLYNN stated his second trip to Russia, after he left U.S. government service, had received so much press attention

that “it [was] unbelievable." As background, FLYNN explained

that he was never paid directly by media entities, however, he

hashad been a contributor on a variety of media entities including

Al Jazeera, Russia Today (RT), SKYSky, and MSNBC. FLYNN received a

request byfrom his speakers bureau, Leading Authorities (LAI),

to speak about Middle East issues at the RT 10th Anniversary

reception in Moscow. FLYNN was paid for the speech by LAI (who

took what FLYNN estimated to be a 25 percent fee), who paid FLYNN's

fee. . FLYNN did not know from whom LAI received payment.

FLYNN met with KISLYAK at the Russian Ambassador's residence

next to the University Club prior to this trip to Russia.

ItThe visit was a courtesy call to the Ambassador prior to

his trip, and FLYNN took his son with him to this meeting. The

meeting occurred in the mid-afternoon. In addition, FLYNN received

a DIA threat briefing prior to the travel.

- Prior to the Presidential inauguration, FLYNN said he spoke to multiple representatives in each of approximately

thirty countries' representatives and multiplepeople in each

country. The ''governments. FLYNN

stated the only'' exception to that practice was Russia, in that

FLYNN has had substantive conversations only with KISLYAK, and

no other members of the Government of Russia. FLYNN's

interest in Russia was as a common partner in the war on terror.

FLYNN does not know if PUTIN and TRUMP will get along, but it is

FLYNN’s job to figure out paths to work with Russia to fight

terrorism. FLYNN named the primary threats to the U.S. as the “four

plus one:” China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and ISIS. FLYNN stated

if the U.S. could neutralize one of the four, or even better, to leverage their cooperation fighting a common enemy such as

terrorism, that would be a success for U.S. national security.

- Sometime prior to Christmas, 2016, the Russian Ambassador to Turkey was assassinated. FLYNN called KISYLAK the next day to

say he was sorry and to reinforce that terrorism was theirour

common problem. FLYNN noted that it was a short

call, and "that was it.” On Christmas Day, a Russian military plane

crashed and killed all on board to include what was the equivalent

to the "Russian USO;" it

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was the same Russian choir that sang at the RT event. FLYNN called

KISYLAK to pass his condolences, as his intent was to try to keep

the relationship with KISLYAK going. I don't remember this:

FLYNN expanded that he has no particular affinity tofor Russia

and, but that KISLYAK iswas his

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counterpart.], and maintaining trusted relationships within

foreign governments is important.

Shortly after Christmas, 2016, FLYNN took a vacation to the

Dominican Republic with his wife. On December 28th, KISYLAK

sent FLYNN a text stating, "Can you call me?" FLYNN noted

cellular reception was poor and he was not checking his phone

regularly, and consequently did not see the text until

approximately 24 hours later. Upon seeing the text, FLYNN

responded that he would call in 15-20 minutes, and he and KISLYAK

subsequently spoke. The Dominican Republic was one hour ahead

of the time in Washington, D.C. During the call, KISYLAK, asked

FLYNN to set-up a VTC between President-elect TRUMP and Russian

President PUTIN on January 21st. In addition, FLYNN and

KISLYAK discussed the U.S. sending an observer to a terrorism

conference in Astana, Kazakhstan, that would be attended by

Russia, Turkey, Iran and Syrian opposition groups.

FLYNN stated he did not respond back to KISYLAK about the conference

until probably this week. FLYNN did not make the decision on who

would represent the U.S. until the 20th or 21st of January, and

finally determined an observer from the U.S. Embassy in Astana would

attend. FLYNN expanded to interviewing agentsnoted that while Russia

wanted to take the lead for peace in the Middle East, but the U.S.

needed to be the leader, particularly to keep Turkey under the

U.S.’s wing. FLYNN notedadded there was a complete lack of

engagement from the prior administration.

FLYNN was- The interviewing agents asked FLYNN if he had

any other text, email,text, or personal meetings with

KISLYAK or other: Russians.

FLYNN volunteered that after the election, he had a closed door

meeting with KISLYAK,KISYLAK and Jared KUSHNER at Trump Tower in

New York City. KISLYAK was in New York to meet with his diplomats,

and the three had a relatively sensitive meeting. FLYNN was

a late addition to the meeting and did not participate in setting

it up. FLYNN believed the meeting took place before Thanksgiving

but was unsure of the date. FLYNN explained that other meetings

between the TRUMP campaignteam and various foreign countries took

place prior to the inauguration, and were sensitive inasmuch as

many countries did not want the then-current administration to know

about them. There were no personal relationships between the

leaders of many countries and the prior administration. FLYNN

stated that he and personnel from the incoming administration met

with many countries “to set expectations for them, and the

expectations were set very high."

- FLYNN was asked by theThe interviewing agents asked FLYNN if he recalled any discussions with KISLYAK about a

United Nations (UN) vote

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surrounding the issue of Israeli settlements. FLYNN

commentedquickly responded, "Yes, good reminder." On the 22nd of

December, FLYNN called a litany of countries to include, Israel,

the UK, Senegal, Egypt, maybe France and maybe KISLYAK. Part of the

reason for FLYNN's calls was to conduct an exercise to see how

fast hethe incoming administration could get someone on the line.

FLYNN equatedlikened it to a battle drill to see who the

administration could reach in a crisis. ThisThe exercise which was

conducted at the campaign's GSA transition building on 18th and I

Streetsstreets N.W., which FLYNN described as a somewhat chaotic

environment. FLYNN stated he conducted these calls to attempt: to

get a sense of where countries stood on the UN vote, specifically,

whether they intended to vote or abstain.

FLYNN was asked byThe interviewing agents asked FLYNN if he made any

request of KISLYAK to vote in a particular way or take any

action. FLYNN stated he did not. FLYNN stated he did not

believe his calls to the various countries would- change anything.

FLYNN recalled there needed to be a certain number of abstention

votes to alter the outcome, and that having looked at the math at

the time, he knew itcould not be achieved. FLYNN said 14

countries were voting, and had a recollection of the number of five

votes being important. In the end, only the U.S. abstained,. FLYNN

stated his calls were about asking where countries would stand on a

vote, not any requests of, "hey if you do this."

FLYNN was asked byThe interviewing agents asked FLYNN if he made any

comment to KISLYAK about voting in a certain manner, or slowing down

the vote.vote, or if KISLYAK described any Russian response to a

request by FLYNN. FLYNN answered, "No." ” FLYNN continued

thatstated the conversations were along the lines of where do you

stand, and what's your position.

FLYNN heard through other channels that Egypt didn't like the vote,

and believed the 8gyptiansEgyptians of their own accord delayed the

vote a clay of their own accordday. FLYNN again stated that he

appreciated the interviewing agents reminding him that he had

another conversation with KISLYAK.

FLYNN was asked byThe interviewing agents asked FLYNN if he recalled

any conversation with KISLYAK surrounding the expulsion of Russian

diplomats or closing of Russian representationsproperties in

response to Russian hacking activities surrounding the election.

FLYNN saidstated that he did not. FLYNN again seatedreiterated his

conversation was about the PUTIN/TRUMP VTC and the "Astana thing"

(the Kazakhstan conference described earlier). FLYNN noted he

was not aware of the then-upcoming actions as he did not have

access to television reporting news

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